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THE
NATURAL
HISTORY OF MAN;
;
BLING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE
UNCIVILIZED RACES OF MEN.
BY THE REV.
J. G. WOOD, M.A. F.L.S.
ETC. ETC.
WITH NEW DESIGNS
BY ZWECKER, ANGAS, DANBY, HANDLEY, ETC. ETC.
ENGRAVED BY THE BROTHERS DALZIEL.
AUSTRALIA, NEW ZEALAND, POLYNESIA, AMERICA, ASIA,
AND ANCIENT EUROPE.
LONDON:
GEORGE ROUTLEDGE AND SONS, THE BROADWAY, LUDGATE.
NEW YORK: 416, BROOME STREET.
1870.
LONDON :
R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR, PUISTERS,
BREAD STREET BILL,
Replace
hat, Bih
7-6-25
مهد با ۱۵
PREFACE.
In this volume will be found a selection of the most interesting uncivilized
tribes that inhabit, or once inhabited, America and the vast number of
islands which lie between that country and the eastern coast of Asia,
including among them the great groups of Australia and New Zealand.
A short notice is given of the long-perished Lake-dwellers of Switzerland,
and the partial civilization of India, China, Japan, and Siam is also
represented.
My best thanks are due to the Geographical and Anthropological
Societies for the constant access permitted to their libraries, and to the
Curator of the “Christy Collection” for the assistance which he rendered
in the illustration of the work.
CONTENT S.
AUSTRALIA.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
CH A P.
PAGE
СНАР.
PAGE
I. The Ajitas or Ahitas
243
I. The Native Australians
II. Manners and Customs
III. Weapons
IV. Weapons (continued)
V. War and Dances.
VI. Domestic Life .
VII. From Childhood to Manhood.
VIII. Medicine, Surgery, Disposal of the Dead
IX. Architecture and Boat-building .
1
11
28
37
58
70
75
82
98
FIJI.
1. Appearance and Dress .
II. Manufactures . .
III. Government and Social Life .
IV. War and Ornaments
V. Religions and Funeral Rites .
246
254
262
274
290
SOLOMON ISLANDS AND NEW HEBRIDES.
NEW ZEALAND.
I. Character of the Natives.
299
I. General Remarks
106
II. Dress
114
III. Dress (continued)
121
IV. Domestic Life.
131
V. Food and Cookery
143
VI. War.
155
VII. Canoes
171
VIII. Religion.
176
IX. The Tapu
183
X. Funeral Ceremonies and Architecture. 190
TONGA.
I. Government and Scales of Rank
II. War and Ceremonies
III. Sickness, Burial, Games
308
316
328
SAMOA, OR THE NAVIGATORS' ISLANDS.
I. Appearance, Character, Dress
343
II. War.
352
III, Amusements, Hunting, Cookery. 362
NEW CALEDONIA,
I. Appearance, Dress, Warfare, and
Weapons
HERVEY AND KINGSMILL ISLANDS.
I. Hervey Islanders,
370
II. Kingsmill Islanders
377
202
MARQUESAS
383
ANDAMAN AND NICOBAR ISLANDS.
I. General Reinarks
NIUE, OR SAVAGE ISLAND.
393
210
NEW GUINEA.
SOCIETY ISLANDS.
I. Appearance, Dress, and Social Customs 398
II. Religion.
408
III. History, War, Funerals, and Legends. 416
221
I. Papuan Race
II. Social Customs
228
.
viii
CONTENTS.
SANDWICH ISLANDS.
CHAP .
PAGE
сHAP. .
PAGE
I. General Character
II. War, Sport, and Religion.
427
435
CAROLINE ARCHIPELAGO.
9,
92
AMERICA-continued.
XVI. North - American Indians General
Notice
640
XVII.
War.
649
XVIII.
Hunting 661
XIX.
Religion 671
XX.
Social Life. 685
XXI. Esquimaux-Appearance and Dress 696
XXII.
Domestic Life
703
XXIII. Vancouver's Island-Appearance and
Dress.
723
XXIV.
Domestic Customs 732
I. Marshall Islands .
II. Pelew Islands .
97
444
447
BORNEO.
I. The Dyaks — their Appearance and
Dress.
II. War.
III. War (continued)
IV. Social Life .
V. Architecture and Manufactures
VI. Religion, Omens, Funerals
453
464
475
486
498
508
ASIA.
+
INDIA.
AMERICA.
I. Sowrahs and Khonds
II. Weapons
III. Sacrificial Religion
IV. Indians with relation to Animals
746
759
772
785
.
513
524
536
543
550
TARTARY AND CHINA.
I. Mantchu Tartars.
II. Appearance and Dress .
III. War.
794
800
820
I. Tierra del Fuego .
· II, Patagonians and their Weapons.
III. Domestic Life of the Patagonians
IV. Araucanians-General Description .
V.
Domestic Life.
VI.
Games and Social Cus-
toms
VII. Gran Chaco
VIII. Mundurucús
IX. Guiana--General Description
X.
Effect of Poison ,
XI.
War.
XII.
Domestic Customs
XIII.
Dress and Games
XIV.
Religion
XV. Mexico
JAPAN.
560
568
573
580
589
600
606
618
621
637
I. General Description.
II. Miscellaneous Customs
832
840
SIAM
855
ANCIENT EUROPE
860
CHAPTER I.
AUSTRALIA.
THE NATIVE AUSTRALIANS—THE GENERAL CONFORMATION OF THE HEAD AND FEATURES THEIR
AVERAGE STATURE AND FORM THE WOMEN AND THEIR APPEARANCE-CHARACTER OF THE
NATIVES-THEIR THIEVISH PROPENSITIES—THEIR CUNNING, AND POWER OF DISSIMULATION-
A PAIR OF CLEVER THIEVES-THE GOOD NATIVE A CLEVER OLD WOMAN-INCENTIVES TO
ROBBERY-HIDEOUS ASPECT OF THE OLD WOMEN-A REPULSIVE SUBJECT FOR AN ARTIST
YOUNGER WOMEN OF SAME TRIBE — THEIR STRANGE DRESS—THE CIRCULAR MAT CLOAK AND
ITS USES THE NATIVE BASKET TREACHEROUS CHARACTER OF THE NATIVES MR. BAINES'S
NARRATIVE-THE OUTRIGGER CANOE OF NORTH AUSTRALIA, AND ITS PROBABLE ORIGIN— PIPE,
AND MODE OF SMOKING-THE MAMMALS OF AUSTRALIA, AND THEIR MARSUPIAL CHARACTER-
CONFUSION OF NOMENCLATURE-EFFECT OF THE ANIMALS ON THE HUMAN INHABITANTS OF
THE COUNTRY-PRIMARY USE OF WEAPONS.
FOLLOWING up the principle of taking the least civilized races in succession, we naturally
pass to the great continent of Australia and its adjacent islands.
This wonderful country holds a sort of isolated position on the earth, owing to the
curious contrast which reigns between it and all the lands with which we are familiar.
It is situated, as my readers will see by reference to a map, just below the equator, and
extends some forty degrees southwards, thus having at its northern extremity a heat
which is tropical, and at its southern point a climate as cold as our own. But there is
perhaps no country where the temperature is so variable as Australia, and there is one
instance recorded where the thermometer registered a change of fifty degrees in twenty-
five minutes. This sudden change is owing to the winds, which if they blow from the
sea are cool, but if they blow towards the coast, after passing over the heated sand-wastes
of the interior, raise the temperature in the extraordinary manner which has been
mentioned. Still, the climate, changeable though it be, is a pleasant one; and the colonists
who visit England nearly always grumble at the damp climate of the mother country,
and long to be back again in Australia. Both the animal and vegetable products of this
country are strangely unlike those of other lands, but, as we shall have occasion to
describe them in the course of the following pages, they will not be mentioned at present ;
and we will proceed at once to the human inhabitants of Australia.
It is exceedingly difficult, not to say impossible, to treat of the aborigines of Australia
with much accuracy of system. Differing as do the tribes with which we are acquainted
in many minor particulars, they all agree in general characteristics; and, whether a native
be taken from the north or south of the vast Australian continent, there is a similitude
of habits and a cast of features which point him out at once as an Australian.
The plan that will be adopted will therefore be to give a general sketch of the natives,
togetier with an account of those habits in which they agree, and then to glance over
as much of Australia as travellers have laid open to us, and to mention briefly the most
interesting of the manners and customs which exist in the several tribes.
VOL. II.
B

2
AUSTRALIA.
In colour the Australians are quite black, as dark indeed as the negro, but with nothing
of the negro character in the face. The forehead does not recede like that of the negro;
and though the nose is wide, the mouth large, and the lips thick, there is none of that
projection of jaw which renders the pure negro face so repulsive. The eye is small, dark,
and, being deeply sunken, it gives to the brows a heavy, overhanging sort of look. The
hair is by no means close and woolly like that of the negro, but is plentiful, rather long,
and disposed to curl, mostly undulating, and sometimes even taking the form of ringlets.
In texture it is very coarse and harsh, but cannot be described as wool.
The beard and moustache are very thick and full, and the men take a pride in these
ornaments, sometimes twisting the beard into curious shapes. Indeed, as a rule they
are a hairy race. There is now before me a large collection of photographs of native
Australians, in many of which the men are remarkable for the thickness of the beard,
and some of them have their faces so heavily bearded that scarcely the nose is perceptible
sicas
ANGAS
AUSTRALIAN MAN AND WOMAN.
among the mass of hair that covers the cheeks nearly up to the eyes. Several of the elder
men are very remarkable for the development of the hair, which covers the whole of the
breast and arms with a thick coating of pile, and looks as if they were clothed with a
tightly-fitting fur garment. The above illustration will give a good idea of the features
of the Australian. It is exactly copied from photographic portraits; and although the
subjects have disfigured themselves by putting on European dress, and the woman has
actually combed her hair, the general cast of the features is well preserved.
In stature the Australian is about equal to that of the average Englishman-say
five feet eight inches, although individuals much below and above this height may be
seen. The bodily form of the Australian savages is good, and their limbs well made.
There are several well-known drawings of Australians, which have been widely circulated
on account of their grotesqueness, and which have been accepted as the ordinary form of
this curious people, and they have given the idea that the native Australian is dis-
tinguished by a very large head, a very small body, and very long and attenuated limbs ;
in fact, that he is to the European what the spider-monkey is to the baboon.
Such drawings are, however, only taken from exceptional cases, and give no idea of
the real contour of the native Australian. Indeed, Mr. Pickering, who traversed the
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS.
3
greater part of the world in search of anthropological knowledge, writes in very strong
terms of the beautiful forms which can be seen among these natives. “The general form,
though sometimes defective, seemed on the average better than that of the negro, and I
did not find the undue slenderness of limb which has been commonly attributed to the
Australians. Strange as it may appear, I would refer to an Australian as the finest
model of human proportions I have ever met with, in muscular development combining
perfect symmetry, activity, and strength; while his head might have compared with an
antique bust of a philosopher."
Those of my readers who happen to have seen the native Australians who came over
to England as cricketers and athletes in general must have noticed the graceful forms for
which some of the men were remarkable, while all were possessed of great elegance
of limb.
The disadvantageous effect of European clothing on the dark races was well shown
in these men, who seemed to undergo a positive transformation when they laid aside
their ordinary clothes for a costume which represented, as far as possible, the light and
airy apparel of the native Australian. Dressed in grey, or clad in the cricketer's costume,
there was nothing remarkable about them, and in fact they seemed to be very ordinary
persons indeed. But with their clothes they threw off their common-place look, and,
attired only in tight “fleshings,” dyed as nearly as possible the colour of their black
skins, with a piece of fur wrapped round their loins and a sort of fur cap on their heads,
they walked with a proud, elastic step that contrasted strangely with their former gait.
It may perhaps be said that this change of demeanour was only the natural result of
removing the heavy clothing and giving freedom to the limbs. This was not the case, for
several professional English athletes contended with the Australians, and, when they
came to run or leap, wore the usual light attire of the professional acrobat. In them,
however, no such improvement took place, and, if anything, they looked better in their
ordinary dress.
The women are, as a rule, much inferior to the men in appearance. Even when
young, although they possess symmetrical forms, their general appearance is not nearly
so pleasing as that of the young African girl, and, when the woman becomes old, she is,
if possible, even more hideous and hag-like than the African. This deterioration may
partly be due to the exceedingly hard life led by the women, or “gins ”-in which word,
by the way, the g is pronounced hard, as in “giddy.” That they have to do all the hard
work, and to carry all the heavy weights, including the children, while their husbands
sit or sleep, or, if on the march, burden themselves with nothing more weighty than their
weapons, is to be expected, as it is the universal practice among natives. But it is not
so much the hard work as the privation which tells upon the woman, who is treated with
the same contemptuous neglect with which a savage treats his dog, and, while her husband,
father, or brother, is feasting on the game which she has cooked, thinks herself fortunate
if they now and then toss a nearly cleaned bone or a piece of scorched meat to her.
Like most savages, the Australian natives are adroit and daring thieves, displaying an
amount of acuteness in carrying out their designs which would do honour to the most
expert professional thief of London or Paris. In his interesting work entitled
Savage Life and Scenes,” Mr. G. F. Angas has related several anecdotes respecting
this propensity.
Leaving Rivoli Bay, we fell in with two very droll natives, the only ones who had
made bold to approach our camp; both were in a state of nudity. One of these fellows
was a perfect supplejack; he danced and capered about as though he were filled with
quicksilver. We mounted them on horses, from which they were continually tumbling
off, and they travelled with us all day.
“ When we encamped at an old resting-place, near Lake Howden, they, by signs,
requested permission to remain by our fires, which we allowed them to do, and
gave
them
for supper the head and refuse of a sheep that was just killed and hung up to a tree
near the tents. They showed great surprise on seeing our various utensils and articles
of cookery. So modest and well-behaved did these artful gentlemen appear, that they
would not touch the slightest article of food without first asking permission by signs;
B2
4
AUSTRALIA.
and they so far gained our confidence that one of them was adorned with a tin plate,
suspended round his neck by a string, on which was inscribed Good Native.'
In the dead of the night we were all aroused by the unusual barking of the dogs.
At first it was supposed that the wild dogs were 'rushing' the sheep; but as the tumult
increased, the Sergeant-Major unwrapped his opossum rug, and looked around for his hat,
to go and ascertain the cause of the disturbance. To his surprise, he found that his hat
had vanished. The hat of his companion, who lay next him near the fire, was also
nowhere to be found ; and, casting his eyes to the spot where the sheep hung suspended
from the tree, he saw in a moment that our fond hopes for to-morrow's repast were
blighted, for the sheep too had disappeared. The whole camp was roused, when it was
ascertained that forks, spoons, and the contents of the Governor's canteen, pannikins
and other articles, were likewise missing, and that our two remarkably docile natives
had left us under cover of the night.
“A council of war was held. Black Jimmy protested that it was useless to follow
their tracks until the morning, and that from the nature of the country they had
doubtless taken to the swamps, walking in the water, so that pursuit was in vain. We
had been completely duped by these artful and clever fellows, who probably had a large
party of their colleagues lying in ambush amid the surrounding swamps, ready to assist
in carrying away the stolen property.
“Retaliation was useless; and we contented ourselves by giving utterance to our
imprecations and commenting on the audacity and cunning of the rogues until
day break.”
Another instance of theft-in this case single-handed-occurred not long before the
robbery which has just been recorded. While the exploring party was on the march,
they fell in with a number of natives who were cooking their food.
“At our approach, they flew down the descent, and hid among the bulrushes; but
one old woman, unable to escape as speedily as the rest, finding flight useless, began to
chatter very loud and fast, pointing to her blind eye and her lean and withered arms, as
objects of commiseration. Damper was given to her, and she continued in terror to
chew it very fast without swallowing any, until she was almost choked; when suddenly
she got hold of Gisborne's handkerchief, and made off with it. With a vigorous leap
she plunged into the mud and reeds beneath, effecting her escape by crawling into the
swamp and joining her wild companions, to whom she doubtless recounted her adventures
that night over a dish of fried tadpoles.”
The dish of fried tadpoles, to which allusion has been made, is quite a luxury among
this wretched tribe, and, when the exploring party pushed on to the spot where the
people had been cooking, it was found that they had been engaged in roasting a dish of
water-beetles over a fire.
It is impossible to withhold admiration for the skill displayed by these sable
thieves in stealing the property which they coveted, and, in excuse for them, it must be
remembered that the articles which were stolen were to the blacks of inestimable value.
Food and ornaments are coveted by the black man as much as wealth and titles by the
white man, and both these articles were ready to hand. The temptation to which these
poor people was exposed seems very trifling to us, but we must measure it, not from our
own point of view, but from theirs.
The strange visitors who so suddenly appeared among them possessed abundance of
the very things which were dearest to them. There was a whole sheep, which would
enable them to enjoy the greatest luxury of which they could form any notion, i.e. eating
meat to repletion; and there was store of glittering objects which could be worn as
ornaments, and would dignify them for ever in the eyes of their fellows. The happy
possessor of a spoon, a fork, or a tin plate, which would be hung round the neck and
kept highly polished, would be exalted above his companions like a newly ennobled man
among ourselves, and it could not be expected that such an opportunity, which could
never again be looked for, would be allowed to pass. The temptation to them was much
as would be a title and a fortune among ourselves, and there are many civilized men who
have done worse than the savage Australian when tempted by such a bait.

ASPECT OF THE OLD WOMEN.
5
Reference has been made to the haggard appearance of the old woman who so
ingeniously stole the handkerchief, the love of finery overcoming the dread of the white
man in spite of her age and hideous aspect, which would only be made more repulsive
by any attempt at ornament. It is scarcely possible to imagine the depths of ugliness
into which an Australian woman descends after she has passed the prime of her life. As
we have seen, the old woman of Africa is singularly hideous, but she is quite passable
when compared with her aged sister of Australia.
The oid Australian woman certainly does not possess the projecting jaws, the
enormous mouth, and the sausage-like lips of the African, but she exhibits a type of
hideousness peculiarly her own. Her face looks like a piece of black parchment
strained tightly over a skull, and the mop-like, unkempt hair adds a grotesque element
to the features which only makes them still more repulsive. The breasts reach to the
waist, flat, pendent, and swinging about at every movement; her body is so shrunken that
each rib stands out boldly, the skin being drawn deeply in between them, and the limbs
shrivel up until they look like sticks, the elbows and knees projecting like knots on a
gnarled branch.
Each succeeding year adds to the hideous look of these poor creatures, because the
feebleness of increasing years renders them less and less useful; and accordingly they are
neglected, ill-treated, and contemptuously pushed aside by those who are younger and
stronger than themselves, suffering in their turn the evils which in their youth they
carelessly inflicted on those who were older and feebler.
Mr. Angas has among his sketches one which represents a very old woman of the
Port Fairy tribe. They had built their rude huts or miam-miams under some gum-trees,
and very much disgusted the exploring party by their hideous appearance and neglected
state. There was one old woman
in particular, who exemplified
strongly all the characteristics
which have just been described ;
and surpassingly hideous,
filthy, and repulsive was she, that
she looked more like one of the
demoniacal forms that Callot was
so fond of painting than a veritable
human creature. Indeed, so very
disgusting was her appearance, that
one of the party was made as ill as
if he had taken an emetic.
Not wishing to shock my
readers by the portrait of this
wretched creature, I have intro-
duced on page 6 two younger
females of the same tribe.
The remarkable point about
this and one or two other tribes
of the same locality and the neigh-
bourhood, is the circular mat which
is tied on their backs, and which
is worn by both sexes. The mat
is made of reeds twisted into ropes, coiled round, and fastened together very much as
the archer's targets of the present day are made. The fibres by which the reed ropes
are bound together are obtained from the chewed roots of the bulrush. The native
name for this mat is paingkoont. One of the women appears in her ordinary home
dress, i.e. wearing the paingkoont and her baby, over whose little body she has thrown
a piece of kangaroo skin. The mat makes a very good cradle for the child, which,
when awake and disposed to be lively, puts its head over the mat and surveys the
prospect, but when alarmed pops down and hides itself like a rabbit disappearing into
so
FS
Ez
NATIVE BASKETS.

6
AUSTRALIA
its burrow. The old woman, whose portrait is withheld, was clothed in the paingkoont,
and wore no other raiment, so that the full hideousness of her form was exposed to view.
The woman standing opposite is just starting upon a journey. She is better clad
than her companion, having beside the paingkoont a rude sort of petticoat. On her
back she has slung the net in which she places the roots which she is supposed to dig out
of the ground, and, thrust through the end which ties it, she carries the digging-stick, or
katta, which serves her for a spade. She has in her hand the invariable accompaniment
of a journey,—namely, the fire-stick, smouldering amid dry grass between two pieces of
bark, and always ready to be forced into a flame by whirling it round her head.
mit
WOMEN AND OLD MAN OF THE LOWER MURRAY AND THE LAKES.
Behind them is seated an old man, also wearing the mat-cloak, and having by his
side one of the beautifully constructed native baskets. These baskets are made, like the
mat, of green rushes or reeds, and are plaited by the women. Two of these baskets are
given in the illustration on page 5, in order to show the manner of making them.
The reader will doubtless observe, that the mode of plaiting them is almost identical with
that which is employed by the natives of Southern Africa, the rushes being twisted,
coiled upon each other, and bound firmly together at short intervals by strong fibrous
threads. They are rather variable in shape; some, which are intended to stand alone,
being flat-bottomed, and others, which are always suspended by a string, ending in
a point.
In common with other savage races, the Australians are apt to behave treacherously
to the white man when they find themselves able to do so with impunity. This behaviour
is not always the result of ferocity or cruelty, though an Australian can on occasion be

TREACHEROUS CHARACTER.
7
as fierce and cruel as any savage. Oftentimes it is the result of fear, the black people
standing in awe of the white stranger and his deadly weapons, and availing themselves of
their native cunning to deprive him of his unfair advantages as soon as possible.
Ignorant of the object of travel, and having from infancy been accustomed to consider
certain districts as the property of certain tribes, and any man who intruded into the
district of another as an enemy, it is but natural that when they see, especially for the
first time, a man of different colour from themselves travelling through the country, such
strangers must necessarily be enemies, come for the purpose of using against the
aborigines the weapons which they possess. Again, a feeling of acquisitiveness has much
to do with the treachery.
R21
ANCA
CANOE-MEN OF NORTH AUSTRALIA.
Add to their ideas of the inimical character of the strangers the cupidity that must be
excited by the sight of the valuable property brought into their country by those whom they
consider as enemies delivered into their hand, and there is no reason for wonder that they
should take both the lives and the property of the strangers, and thus secure the valued
trophies of war at the same time that they rid their country of strange and powerful
enemies, and attain at one stroke an amount of wealth which they could not hope to
gain through the labours of a life.
This phase of their character is well shown by Mr. T. Baines, in a letter which he has
kindly allowed me to transfer to these pages. He was one of an exploring expedition,
which had also undertaken to convey a number of sheep and horses. “While making
the inner passage along the coast, we fell in with several canoes, some of very rude con-
struction, being in fact mere logs capable of carrying a couple of men, who, perhaps in
terror of the telescopes pointed at them, did not approach us.
8
AUSTRALIA
“Others were of greater size and power, being large hollowed logs, very straight and
narrow, and steadied on either side by other logs, pointed at the ends, and acting as out-
riggers, neatly enough attached by pegs driven into them through a framing of bamboo.
Others again were strictly double canoes, two of the narrow vessels being connected by
a bamboo platform so as to lie parallel to each other at some little distance apart.
“They were manned by crews of from six to twelve, or even more in number, all
tolerably fine fellows, perfectly naked, with shock heads of woolly hair and scanty beards.
They were ornamented with scars and raised cicatrices tastefully cut on their shoulder
and elsewhere. They were armed with long spears, some of them tipped with wood,
others with bone, and having from one to four points
. They also had bows and arrows,
as well as their curious paddles, the looms of which were barbed and pointed, so as
to be useful as spears. When these weapons were thrown at a fish, the owner always
plunged into the water after his weapon, so as to secure the fish the moment that it
was struck.
“Their arrival caused various emotions among our party. One gentleman ruined his
revolver by hurriedly trying to load it, while a little girl, so far from being afraid of them,
traded with them for almost everything they had in their canoes. Just as they dropped
astern after reaching us, the captain's little daughters were being bathed in a tub on the
main-hatch, and, naturally enough, jumped out of their bath, and ran aft wet and glistening
in the sunlight, to hide themselves from the strange black fellows who were stretching
themselves to look over our low bulwarks at the little naked white girls.
“We bought spears, bows, arrows, tortoise-shell, &c., for hats, handkerchiefs, and other
things; and they were greatly interested in the white baby, which, at their express
request, was held up for them to look at.”
This scene is admirably depicted in the illustration on the preceding page, taken from a
sketch drawn by Mr. Baines expressly for this work.
The reader is requested to look carefully at the outrigger canoe, the form of which
clearly betrays its Polynesian origin, as indeed do the bows and arrows, which will be
fully described on a future page. Seated in the stern of the canoe is a man bearing one
of the curious tobacco pipes in use in that part of Australia. It consists of a hollow tube
as thick as a man's arm, stopped at the ends, and having one hole near the bottom into
which is introduced the stem of a pipe, and another hole near the top through which the
smoke is imbibed.
The use of the pipe is rather curious. When a party desires to smoke, the chief man
lights the pipe, places his mouth to the orifice, and continually inhales until the interior
of the hollow stem is filled with smoke. The bowl is then removed, and the aperture
stopped with a plug which is kept in readiness. The first smoker closes with his thumb
the hole through which he has been imbibing the smoke, and passes the pipe to his
neighbour, who applies his lips to the hole, fills his lungs with smoke, and then passes the
pipe to the next man. In this way, the tobacco is made to last as long as possible, and
the greatest possible amount of enjoyment is got out of the least possible amount of
material. The exterior of the stem is generally carved into the simple patterns which
are found on nearly all Australian weapons and implements.
Up to this point we find the natives mild and conciliatory, but we proceed with the
letter, and find an unexpected change in their demeanour.
“We had here an instance of the capriciousness of the natives. We met about a
dozen on shore, and endeavoured by all friendly signs to induce them to come to terms
with us.
We showed them that we had no guns, but our attempts were useless. They
fell into regular battle array, with their long spears ready shipped on the throwing-sticks,
six standing in front, and the rest acting as supports behind. As it was unsafe to parley
longer, we mounted our horses, and again tried to make them understand that we wished
to be on friendly terms. It was all useless, and the only thing that we could do was to
ride straight at them. They ran like antelopes, and gained the thick bush where we could
not follow them. B- wanted to shoot one of them, but I would not allow it.
The prospect of killing and eating our horses seemed to be their great temptation.
They made constant war upon our stud for a fortnight or three weeks, in my camp at
THE MARSUPIALS.
9
Depôt Creek, and I had to patrol the country with B-daily, to keep them from ringing
the horses round with fire.
“ The character of the Australian canoe-men is variously spoken of, some reporting
them as good-natured and peaceable, while others say that they are treacherous and
savage. Both speak the truth from their own experience. A fellow artist, who generally
landed from a man-of-war's boat, with the ship in the offing, found them peaceable
enough, but poor Mr. Strange, the naturalist, was murdered on one of the islands.
While we were on board our vessels, they were quite friendly; and even during my
boat's voyage of 750 miles, while we had a dashing breeze and the boat well under
command, we found the groups we met with civil enough. But when we were helplessly
becalmed at the entrance of the Gulf of Carpentaria, and supposed by the natives to be
the unarmed survivors of some vessel wrecked in Torres Straits, we were deliberately and
treacherously attacked.
“We watched the preparations for nearly an hour through the telescope, and refrained
from giving them the slightest ground even to suspect that we looked on them otherwise
than as friends. As soon as they thought they had us in their power, they began to
throw spears at us, so I put a rifle-bullet through the shoulder of the man who threw at
us, to teach him the danger of interfering with supposed helpless boats, but did not fire
again. The wounded man was led on shore by one of his mates, and we were not
molested again.
“These people are very capricious. They have the cunning and the strong passions
of men, but in reason they are only children. Life is not held sacred by them, and when
their thirst for blood is raised, they revel in cruelty.”
BEFORE roceeding further with the character and habits of the natives, we will cast
a glance at the country which they inhabit, and the peculiarities which have contributed
towards forming that character.
It is a very strange country, as strange to us as England would be to a savage
Australian. Its vegetable and animal productions are most remarkable, and are so
strange that when the earlier voyagers brought back accounts of their travels they were
not believed; and when they exhibited specimens of the flora and fauna, they were
accused of manufacturing them for the purpose of deception.
In the first place, with a single exception, the mammalia are all marsupials, or eden-
tates. The solitary example is the dingo, or native dog, an animal which somewhat re-
sembles the jackal, but is altogether a handsomer animal. Whether it be indigenous, or a
mere variety of the dog modified by long residence in the country, is rather doubtful,
though the best zoologists incline to the latter opinion, and say that the marsupial type
alone is indigenous to this strange country. Of course the reader is supposed to know
that the young of a marsupial animal is born at a very early age, and attains its full
development in a supplementary pouch attached to the mother, into which pouch the
teats open.
The animal which is most characteristic of Australia is the kangaroo. Of this
singular type some forty species are known, varying in size from that of a tall man to
that of a mouse. Some of them are known as kangaroos, and others as kangaroo-rats,
but the type is the same in all. As their form implies, they are made for leaping over
the ground, their enormously long legs and massive development of the hind quarters
giving them the requisite power, while their long tails serve to balance them as they pass
through the air.
Nearly all the so-called “rats” of Australia belong to the kangaroo tribe, though
some are members of other marsupial families. Here I may mention that the nomenclature
of the colonists has caused great perplexity and labour to incipient zoologists. They are
told in some books that the dingo is the only Australian animal which is not a marsupial
or an edentate, and yet they read in books of travel of the bear, the monkey, the badger,
the wolf, the cat, the squirrel, the mole, and so forth.
The fact is, that, with the usual looseness of diction common to colonists all over the
world, the immigrants have transferred to their new country the nomenclature of the old.
10
AUSTRALIA
To the great trouble of index-searchers, there is scarcely a part of the world inhabited by
our colonists where London, Oxford, Boston, and fifty other places are not multiplied.
The first large river they meet they are sure to call the Thames, and it is therefore to be
expected that natural history should suffer in the same way as geography.
Thus, should, in the course of this account of Australia, the reader come across a pas-
sage quoted from some traveller in which the monkey or bear is mentioned, he must
remember that the so-called “ monkey” and “ bear” are identical, and that the animal
in question is neither the one nor the other, but a marsupial, known to the natives by
the name of koala, and, as if to add to the confusion of names, some travellers call it
the sloth.
The so-called " badger” is the wombat, probably called a badger because it lives in
holes which it burrows in the ground. The Australian “wolf” is another marsupial
belonging to the Dasyures, and the “cat” belongs to the same group. The “squirrels
are all marsupials, and by rights are called Phalangists, and it is to this group that the
koala really belongs. As to the “hedgehog," it is the spiny ant-eater or echidna, and the
“mole" is the celebrated duck-bill or ornithorrhynchus.
With few exceptions these animals are not easily captured, many of them being
nocturnal, and hiding in burrows or hollow trees until the shades of night conceal their
movements; while others are so shy, active, and watchful, that all the craft of the hunter
must be tried before they can be captured. Much the same may be said of the birds, the
chief of which, the emu, is nearly as large as an ostrich, and is much valued by the
natives as food. It is evident, therefore, that the existence of these peculiar animals
must exercise a strong influence on the character of the natives, and must make them
more active, wary, and quicksighted than the creatures on which they live.
Possessing, as he does, the most minute acquaintance with every vegetable which can
afford him food, and even knowing where to obtain a plentiful supply of food and water
in a land where a European could not find a particle of anything eatable, nor discover a
drop of moisture in the dry and parched expanse, the Australian native places his chief
reliance on animal food, and supports himself almost entirely on the creatures which he
kills. His appetite is very indiscriminate; and although he prefers the flesh of the
kangaroo and the pigeon, he will devour any beast, bird, reptile, or fish, and will also eat
a considerable number of insects. Consequently the life of the Australian savage is
essentially one of warfare, not against his fellow-man, but against the lower animals,
and, as the reader will see in the course of the following pages, the primary object of his
weapons is the hunt, and war only a secondary use to which they are directed.
CHAPTER II.
AUSTRALIA-Continued.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES-DRESS AND ORNAMENTS OF NORTHERN AUSTRALIA
MODE OF DRESSING THE HAIR-THE DIBBI-DIBBI"-TATTOOING AND CICATRIZING -PATTERN
OF THE SCARS-SIGNIFICATION OF THE VARIOUS PATTERNS
OF THE VARIOUS PATTERNS-POMP AND VANITY - THE NOSE-
BONE-NECKLACES THE
THE GIRDLE AND TASSEL-TATTOOS AND SCARS AMONG THE WOMEN
THE TURTLE SCAR-HIGH SHOULDERS OF THE AUSTRALIANS INDIFFERENCE TO DRESS—THEIR
FUR MANTLES, AND THEIR USES THE SEA-GRASS MANTLE-FOOD OF THE AUSTRALIANS
VEGETABLE FOOD-MODE OF PROCURING ROOTS-THE BIYU-THE NARDOO PLANT AND ITS
>
USES—THE BURKE AND WILLS EXPEDITION THE BULRUSH-ROOT, ITS USE FOR FOOD AND
ROPE-MAKING-SUBTERRANEAN WATER STORES-MOLLUSCS, AND MODE OF COLLECTING THEM-
HARD WORK FOR THE WOMEN-DIVING FROM THE RAFT-RELAXATION WHEN THEY RETURN
HOME-COOKING THE MOLLUSCS AND CRUSTACEA --FISH-CATCHING WITH LINE, NET, AND SPEAR
- INSECT FOOD THE BEE-CATCHERS-TREE AND EARTH GRUBS, AND MODE OF CATCHING
THEM—THE PILEYAH---THE DUGONG- ITS LOCALITIES, AND MODES OF TAKING AND COOKING IT
-CAPTURING AND COOKING THE GREIN TURTLE_CURIOUS USE OF THE SUCKING FISH-TAMING
-
THE TURTLE—THE HAWKSBILL TURTLE, AND MODE OF CATCHING IT-TURTLE OIL AND DRIED
FLESH- SALE OF TORTOISE-SHELL-TWO FORMS OF AUSTRALIAN OVENS-COOKING AND EATING
SNAKES-CATCHING THE SNAKE ALIVE-
THE SNAKE ALIVE—THE CLOAK AND THE SHIELD-THE DUGONG, AND ITS
CAPTURE-SMALL TENACITY OF LIFE-A SAVOURY FEAST.
We will now proceed to the various manners and customs of the Australians, not
separating them into the arbitrary and fluctuating distinctions of tribes, but describing as
briefly as is consistent with justice, the most interesting of their habits, and mentioning
those cases where any particular custom seems to be confined to any one tribe or district.
We have in the illustration on page 12 a good example of a native of North-
Western Australia. The sketch was kindly made by Mr. T. Baines. A profile of the
man is given, in order to show the peculiar contour of the face, which, as the reader may
see, has nothing of the negro character about it; the boldly prominent nose, the full
beard, and the long hair fastened up in a top-knot being the distinguishing features. The
man carries in his belt his provisions for the day, namely, a snake and one of the little
kangaroo-rats, and having these he knows no care, though of course he would prefer
larger game
Round his neck may be seen a string. This supports an ornament which hangs upon
his breast. Several forms of this ornament, which is called in the duplicative Australian
language a "dibbi-dibbi,” are employed, and there are in my collection two beautiful
specimens made from the shell of the pearl-oyster. The ordinary dibbi-dibbi is fan-
shaped, and does not depart very much from the original outline of the shell. There is,
however, one kind of dibbi-dibbi which is valued exceedingly, and which is shaped like
a crescent. The specimen in my possession is almost as large as a cheese-plate, and must
have been cut from an enormous shell, economy, whether of material or time, not being

12
AUSTRALIA
understood by these savages. Owing to the shape of the shell, it is slightly convex, and
was worn with the concave side next the body.
Not being satisfied with the natural smooth polish of the nacre, the native has orna-
mented the dibbi-dibbi with a simple but tolerably effective pattern. Along the margin
of the scooped edge he has bored two parallel rows of small and shallow holes about
half an inch apart, and on either side of each row he has cut a narrow line. From the
outer line he has drawn a series of scalloped patterns made in a similar fashion; and,
-ANGAS. BANE
THE HUNTER AND HIS DAY'S PROVISIONS.
simple as this pattern is, its effect is really remarkable. The man has evidently begun a
more elaborate pattern on the broad surface of the shell, but his mind seems to have
misgiven him, and he has abandoned it. The cord by which it is suspended round the
neck is nearly an inch wide, and is made of string and a sort of rattan plaited together.
On the shoulder of the man may be seen a number of raised marks. These are the
scars of wounds with which the Australians are in the habit of adorning their bodies, and
which they sometimes wear in great profusion. The marks are made by cutting deeply
into the skin, and filling the wounds with clay and other substances, so that when the
wound heals an elevated scar is made. These scars are made in patterns which partly
1
THE TATTOO.
13
differ according to the taste of the individual, and partly signifying the district to which
the tattooed person belongs. For example, the scars as shown in the illustration are the
mark of a Northern Australian ; and, although he may have plenty other scars on his
body and limbs, these will always appear on his shoulder as the distinguishing mark of
his tribe.
In my photographs, which represent natives from various parts of the continent, these
scars are very prominent, and there is not an individual who does not possess them.
Some have them running longitudinally down the upper arm, while others have them
alternately longitudinal and transverse. They occasionally appear on the breast, and an
old man, remarkable for the quantity of hair which covers his breast and arms, has disposed
them in a fan shape, spreading from the centre of the body to the arms. He has evidently
spent a vast amount of time on this adornment, and suffered considerable pain, as the
scars, although not so large as in many other instances, are exceedingly numerous ; and
the man has adorned his arms and shoulders with little scars of the same character
arranged in regular lines.
In some parts of Australia the scars assume a much more formidable appearance,
being long and heavy ridges. One chief, who was very proud of his adornments—as
well he might be, seeing that their possession must nearly have cost him his life-was
entirely covered from his neck to his knees with scars at least an inch broad, set closely
together, and covering the whole of the body. The front of the chest and stomach were
adorned with two rows of these scars, each scar being curved, and reaching from the side
to the centre of the body, where they met. The man was so inordinately proud of this
ornament that nothing could induce him to wear clothing of any kind, and he stalked
about in his grandeur, wearing nothing but his weapons. The photograph of this man
has a very singular aspect, the light falling on the polished ridges of the scars having an
effect as if he were clad in a suit of some strange armour.
By way of adding to the beauty of their countenances, they are in the habit of
perforating the septum of the nose, and of thrusting through it a piece of bone or stick,
the former being preferred on account of its whiteness. It is almost impossible to
describe the exceedingly grotesque appearance presented by an Australian dandy, who has
his body covered with scars, and his face crossed by a wide piece of bone some six inches
in length, making his naturally broad nose wider, and seeming as it were to cut his face
in half. The hole through which this ornament is thrust is made when a child is a
fortnight old.
As to other ornaments, they consist of the usual necklaces, bracelets, and anklets which
are common to savage tribes in all parts of the world. Some of these necklaces which are
in my collection are really pretty, and some skill is shown in their manufacture. One is
made of pieces of yellow reed as thick as quills and almost an inch in length, strung
alternately with scarlet reeds; another is made entirely of the same reeds, while a third
is, in my opinion, the handsomest, though not the most striking of them. At first sight
it appears to be made entirely of the reeds already mentioned, but on a closer examination
it is seen to be composed entirely of the antennæ of lobsters, cut into short lengths and
strung together. To the necklaces is attached a small mother-of-pearl dibbi-dibbi four
inches long and one inch wide, and the pieces of lobster antennæ are so disposed that the
thinner parts of the antennæ, taken from the extremities, come next to the dibbi-dibbi
and hang on the breast, while the larger and thicker parts, taken from the base of the
antennæ, come on the neck. The native basket in which these necklaces were kept is
more than half filled with bright coloured seeds of various hues, that are evidently
intended for the manufacture of necklaces.
Girdles of finely twisted human hair are often worn by the men, and the native who
is represented on page 12 is wearing one of these girdles. Sometimes, as in the present
instance, a small tassel made of the hair of a phalangist or “flying-squirrel," as it is
wrongly termed, is hung to the front of the girdle, by no means as a covering, but as an
ornament.
The scars are so highly valued that the women wear them nearly as profusely as the
In my photographs, there are portraits of many women of all ages, not one of
men.

14
AUSTRALIA
whom is without scars. They do not wear them so large as the men, but seem to be
more careful in the regularity of the pattern.
Taking a series of three women, the first has three cuts on the shoulder, showing her
northern extraction, and a row of small horizontal and parallel scars along the front of
the body from the breast-bone downwards. The second, in addition to the shoulder cuts,
has several rows of scars extending from the breast to the collar-bones, together with a
central line as already described, and some similar rows of cuts on the ribs and sides.
The third woman, a mere girl of fourteen
or so, has been very careful in the ar-
rangement of the scars, which descend in
regular and parallel rows from the breast
downwards, and then radiate fan-wise
in six rows from the breast upwards to
the collar bones.
Mr. MʻGillivray, who accompanied
H.M.S. Rattlesnake in her voyage, writes
as follows concerning the scar ornaments
and their uses :-“ The Torres Straits
islanders are distinguished by a large com-
plicated oval scar, only slightly raised, and
of neat construction. This, which I have
been told has some connexion with a
turtle, occupies the right shoulder, and
is occasionally repeated on the left. At
Cape York, however, the cicatrices were so
varied that I could not connect any par-
ticular style with an individual tribe. At
the same time, something like uniformity
was noticed among the Katchialaigas,
nearly all of whom had, in addition to the
horned breast mark, two or three long
(Showing the peculiar shoulder-mark.)
transverse scars on the chest, which the
other tribes did not possess.
"In the remaining people the variety of marking was such that it appeared fair to
consider it as being regulated more by individual caprice than by any fixed custom.
Many had a simple two-horned mark on each breast, and we sometimes saw upon them
a clumsy imitation of the elaborate shoulder-mark of the islanders.”
Well-shaped as are these women, they have one defect in form, namely, the high and
square shoulder, which detracts so much from feminine beauty, and which is equally
conspicuous in the child of six, the girl of thirteen or fourteen, and the old woman. The
men also exhibit the same defective form.
The reader will have noticed the elaborate manner in which the hair of the Australian
savage is sometimes dressed. The style of hair-dressing varies with the locality, and
often with the time, fashion having as absolute a reign among the native Australians, and
being quite as capricious, as among ourselves. Sometimes the hair is twisted up into long
and narrow ringlets, and, if the savage should not happen to have enough hair for this
fashion, he straightway makes a wig in imitation of it. Now and then the head is
shaved, except a transverse crest of hair, and sometimes the natives will take a fashion
of rubbing red ochre and turtle-fat into their heads until they are saturated with the
compound, and will then twist up the hair into little strands.
The men of this part of Australia never wear any dress, and the women are often
equally indifferent to costume. At Cape York, however, they mostly wear an apology for
a petticoat, consisting of a tuft of long grass or split pandanus leaves suspended to the
front of the girdle. On great occasions, and especially in their dances, they wear over
this a second petticoat mostly made of some leaf, and having the ends woven into a sort
of waistband. The material of the petticoat is generally pandanus leaf, but, whatever
CFA
MAN OF TORRES STRAIT.

CLOTHING
15
may be the material, the mode of plaiting it and the general form are the same among
all the tribes of Torres Straits. From this useful leaf, the women also make the rude
sails for their canoes, which serve the double purpose of sails and coverings under which
the natives can sleep in wet weather.
The women have rather a curious mode of wearing one of their ornaments. This is
a very long belt, composed of many strands of plaited or twisted fibre, and passed round
the body in such a manner that it crosses on the breast like the now abolished cross-belts
of the soldier. It is drawn rather
tight, and may perhaps be of
some service in supporting the
bosom.
In neither case does clothing
seem to be worn as a mode of
concealing any part of the body,
but merely as a defence against
the weather or as an ornament.
Even when dress is worn it is of
a very slight character, with one
or two exceptions. These excep-
tions are the fur cloaks, with
which the women sometimes
clothe themselves, and a remark-
able garment which will be pre-
sently described.
The fur cloaks are made almost
universally from the skin of the
opossum, and, as the animal is a
small one, a considerable number
are sewn together to make a single
robe. The mode of manufacture
is exactly similar to that which
was described when treating of
the kaross of the Kaffir tribes,
the skins being cut to the proper
shape, laid side by side, and sewn
laboriously together with threads
formed of the sinews of the kan-
garoo's tail, or often with those
which are drawn out of the tails
of the very creatures which furnish
the skin.
Sometimes a piece of kangaroo
skin is used for the same purpose,
but in neither case does it fulfil
the office of a dress according to
our ideas. The cloak is a very
THE SEA-GRASS CLOAK.
small one in proportion to the
size of the women, and it is worn
by being thrown over the back
and tied across the chest by a couple of thongs, so as to leave the whole front of the
body uncovered. If the garment in question be the skin of the kangaroo, it is slung
over one shoulder, and allowed to fall much as it likes, the only object seeming to be that
it shall cover the greater part of the back and one shoulder.
Occasionally a man wears a fur cloak, but he seems to be very indifferent as to the
manner in which it hangs upon his body, sometimes draping it about his shoulders, some-
times letting it fall to his waist and gathering it about his loins, and sometimes, especially
ANCAS
16
AUSTRALIA.
7
if walking, holding two corners together with his left hand in front of his breast, while
his right hand grasps his bundle of weapons.
Mr. Angas mentions one instance of a singularly perfect dress in use among the
Australians—the only dress in fact that is really deserving of the name.
It is a
large cloak made from the zostera or sea-grass, a plant that is remarkable for being
the only true flowering plant that grows in the sea. It has very long grass-like
blades, and is found in vast beds, that look in a clear sea like luxuriant hay-fields just
before mowing
The fibre of the zostera is long, and wonderfully tough, and indeed the fibre is so
good, and the plant so abundant, that the uses to which it is now put, such as packing
and stuffing, are far below its capabilities, and it ought to be brought into use for purposes
for which a long and strong fibre are needed. Some time ago, when the supply of rags for
paper seemed to be failing, there was an attempt made to substitute the zostera for rags ;
and, although it was not a perfectly successful experiment, it had at all events the
elernents of success in it.
With this long grass the Australian native occasionally makes a large cloak, which
will cover the whole body. It is made by laying the fibres side by side, and lashing them
together at regular intervals, much as the well-known New Zealand mantle is made from
the phormium. Anxious to avoid trouble, the native only fastens together a sufficient
quantity to make a covering for his body as low as the knees, the loose ends of the
zostera being left as a kind of long fringe that edges the mantle all round, and really has
a very graceful effect.
The illustration on the previous page shows one of these curious mantles, which was
sketched while on the body of the wearer. As the manufacture of such a mantle
involves much trouble, and as the Australian native has the full savage hatred of labour,
very few of these cloaks are to be seen. Indeed, nothing, but a rather long inclement
season will induce a native to take the trouble of making a garment which he will only
use for a comparatively short period, and which is rather troublesome to carry about
when not wanted.
We now come to the food of the natives. As has already been stated, they eat almost
anything, but there are certain kinds of food which they prefer, and which will be
specially mentioned.
As to vegetable food, there are several kinds of yams which the more civilized
tribes cultivate--the nearest approach to labour of which they can be accused. It is
almost exclusively on the islands that cultivation is found, and Mr. M'Gillivray states
that on the mainland he never saw an attempt at clearing the ground for a garden.
In the islands, however, the natives manage after a fashion to raise crops of yams.
When they want to clear a piece of ground, they strew the surface with branches,
which are allowed to wither and dry; as soon as they are thoroughly dried, fire is set to
them, and thus the space is easily cleared from vegetation. The ground is then pecked
up with a stick sharpened at the point and hardened by fire; the yams are cut up and
planted, and by the side of each hole a stick is thrust into the ground, so as to form a
support for the plant when it grows up. The natives plant just before the rainy season.
They never trouble themselves to build a fence round the simple garden, neither do they
look after the growth of the crops, knowing that the rains which are sure to fall will
bring their crops to perfection.
There are also multitudes of vegetable products on which the natives feed. One of
them, which is largely used, is called by them “biyu." It is made from the young and
tender shoots of the mangrove-tree. The sprouts, when three or four inches in length, are
laid upon heated stones, and covered with bark, wet leaves, and sand. After being
thoroughly stewed, they are beaten between two stones, and the pulp is scraped away
from the fibres. It then forms a slimy grey paste, and, although it is largely eaten, the
natives do not seem to like it, and only resort to it on a necessity. They contrive, how-
ever, to improve its flavour by adding large quantities of wild yams and other vegetable
products.
FOOD-STUFFS.
17
Perhaps the most celebrated wild food of the Australians is the “nardoo," which has
become so familiar to the British reader since the important expedition of Burke and
Wills. The nardoo is the produce of a cryptogamous plant which grows in large quantities,
but is rather local. The fruit is about as large as a pea, and is cleaned for use by being
rubbed in small wooden troughs. It is then pounded into a paste, and made into cakes,
like oatmeal.
The nardoo plant is one of the ferns, and those of my readers who are skilled in
botany will find it in the genus Marsilea. Like many of the ferns, the plant presents a
strangely unfernlike aspect, consisting of upright and slender stems, about twelve inches
high, each having on its tips a small quadruple frond, closely resembling a flower. The
fruit, or "sporocarp,” of the nardoo is the part that is eaten; and it is remarkable for its
powers of absorbing water, and so increasing its size. Indeed, when the fruit is soaked in
water, it will in the course of a single hour swell until it is two hundred times its
former size.
The nardoo is useful in its way, and, when mixed with more nutritious food, is a
valuable article of diet. Taken alone, however, it has scarcely the slightest nutritive
powers, and though it distends the stomach, and so keeps off the gnawing sense of hunger,
it gives no strength to the system.
Even when eaten with fish, it is of little use, and requires either fat or sugar to give it
the due power of nourishment. With the wonderful brightness of spirit which Mr. Wills
managed to keep up, even when suffering the severest hardships, and feeling himself gra-
dually dying, he gives in his diary a curiously accurate picture of the effects of living for a
length of time on an innutritious substance. He liked the nardoo, and consumed con-
siderable quantities of it, but gradually wasted away, leaving a record in his diary that
“ starvation on nardoo is by no means unpleasant but for the weakness one feels, and the
utter inability to rouse oneself; for, as far as appetite is concerned, it gives the greatest
satisfaction.”
The death of this fine young man affords another proof of the disadvantage at which a
stranger to the country is placed while traversing a new land. Many native tribes lived
on the route along which the travellers passed, and, from their knowledge of the resources
of the country, were able to support themselves; whereas the white travellers seem to
have died of starvation in the midst of plenty.
The chief vegetable food, however, is furnished by the bulrush root, which is to the
Australians who live near rivers the staff of life. As the task of procuring it is a very
disagreeable one, it is handed over to the women, who have to wade among the reeds and
half bury themselves in mud while procuring the root.
The bulrush root is cooked after the usual Australian manner. A heap of limestones
is raised, and heated by fire. The roots are then laid on the hot stones, and are covered
with a layer of the same material. In order to produce a quantity of steam, a heap of wet
grass is thrown on the upper layer of stones, and a mound of sand heaped over all.
As the root, however well cooked, is very fibrous, the natives do not swallow it, but,
after chewing it and extracting all the soft parts, they reject the fibres, just as a sailor
throws aside his exhausted quid; and great quantities of these little balls of fibre are to be
found near every encanıpment. The same fibre is convertible into string, and is used in
the manufacture of fishing lines and nets.
The singular knowledge of vegetable life possessed by the natives is never displayed
with greater force than in the power which they have of procuring water. In an apparently
desert place, where no signs of water are to be found, and where not even a pigeon can be
seen to wing its way through the air, as the guide to the distant.water towards which it is
flying, the native will manage to supply himself with both water and food.
He looks out for certain eucalypti or gum-trees, which are visible from a very great
distance, and makes his way towards them. Choosing a spot at three or four yards from
the trunk, with his katta he digs away at the earth, so as to expose the roots, tears them
out of the ground, and proceeds to prepare them. Cutting them into pieces of a foot or so
in length, he stands them upright in the bark vessel which an Australian mostly carries
with him, and waits patiently. Presently a few drops of water ooze from the lower ends of
VOL. II.
IS
AUSTRALIA.
the roots, and in a short time water pours out freely, so that an abundant supply of liquid
is obtained.
Should the native be very much parched, he takes one of the pieces of root, splits it
lengthwise, and chews it, finding that it gives as much juice as a water-melon.
The youngest and freshest-looking trees are always chosen for the purpose of obtaining
water, and the softest-looking roots selected. After the water has all been drained from
them, they are peeled, pounded between two stones, and then roasted ; so that the
eucalyptus supplies both food and drink.
As, however, as has been stated, the chief reliance of the natives is upon animal food
and fish, molluscs, crustacea, reptiles, and insects form a very considerable proportion of their
food. Collecting the shell-fish is the duty of the women, chiefly because it is really hard
work, and requires a great amount of diving. Throughout the whole of this vast continent
this duty is given to the women; and whether in the Gulf of Carpentaria, on the extreme
north, or in the island of Van Diemen's Land, in the extreme south, the same custom pre-
vails. During Labillardière's voyage in search of La Perouse, the travellers came upon
a party of the natives of Van Diemen's Land while the women were collecting shell-fish,
and the author gives a good description of the labours to which these poor creatures were
subjected :-
“ About noon we saw them prepare their repast. Hitherto we had but a faint idea of
the pains the women take to procure the food requisite for the subsistence of their
families. They took each a basket, and were followed by their daughters, who did the
same. Getting on the rocks that projected into the sea, they plunged from them to the
bottom in search of shell-fish. When they had been down some time, we became very
uneasy on their account; for where they had dived were seaweeds of great length, among
which we observed the fucus pyriferus, and we feared that they might have been entangled
in these, so as to be unable to regain the surface.
At length, however, they appeared, and convinced us that they were capable of
remaining under water twice as long as our ablest divers. An instant was sufficient for
them to take breath, and then they dived again. This they did repeatedly till their
baskets were nearly full.. Most of them were provided with a little bit of wood, cut into
the shape of a spatula, and with these they separated from beneath the rocks, at great
depths, very large sea-ears. Perhaps they chose the biggest, for all they brought were
of a great size.
“On seeing the large lobsters which they had in their baskets, we were afraid that
they must have wounded these poor women terribly with their large claws; but we soon
found that they had taken the precaution to kill them as soon as they caught them. They
quitted the water only to bring their husbands the fruits of their labour, and frequently
returned almost immediately to their diving till they had procured a sufficient meal for
their families. At other times they stayed a little while to warm themselves, with their
faces toward the fire on which their fish was roasting, and other little fires burning behind
them, that they might be warmed on all sides at once.
“It seemed as if they were unwilling to lose a moment's time; for while they were
warming themselves, they were employed in roasting fish, some of which they laid on the
coals with the utmost caution, though they took little care of the lobsters, which they
threw anywhere into the fire; and when they were ready they divided the claws among
the men and the children, reserving the body for themselves, which they sometimes ate
before returning into the water.
" It gave us great pain to see these poor women condemned to such severe toil ; while,
at the same time, they ran the hazard of being devoured by sharks, or entangled among
the weeds that rise froin the bottom of the sea. We often entreated their husbands to take
a share in their labour at least, but always in vain. They remained constantly near the
fire, feastiny on the best bits, and eating broiled fucus, or fern-roots. Occasionally they
took the trouble to break boughs of trees into short pieces to feed the fire, taking care to
choose the driest.
“ From their manner of breaking them we found that their skulls must be very hard;
for, taking hold of the sticks at each end with the hand, they broke them over their heads,
FISHING
19
as we do at the knee, till they broke. Their heads being constantly bare, and often
exposed to all weathers in this high latitude, acquire a capacity for resisting such efforts :
besides, their hair forms a cushion which diminishes the pressure, and renders it much
less painful on the summit of the head than on any other part of the body. Few of the
women, however, could have done as much, for some had their hair cut pretty short, and
wore a string several times round the head; others had only a simple crown of hair. We
made the same observation with respect to several of the children, but none of the meņ.
These had the back, breast, shoulders, and arms covered with downy hair.”
Sometimes a party of women will go out on a raft made of layers of reeds, pushing
themselves along by means of very long poles. When they arrive at a bed of mussels,
they will stay there nearly all day, diving from the raft, with their nets tied round their
necks, and, after remaining under water for a considerable time, come up with a heavy
load of mussels in their nets.
They even manage to cook upon this fragile raft. They make a heap of wet sand
upon the reeds, put a few stones on it, and build their fire on the stones, just as if they
had been on shore. After remaining until they have procured a large stock of mussels,
they pole themselves ashore, and in all probability have to spend several hours in
cooking the mussels for the men. The mussels are usually eaten with the bulrush root.
There is a sort of crayfish which is found in the inud-flats of rivers and lakes.
These are also caught by the women, who feel for them in the mud with their feet, and
hold them down firmly until they can be seized by the hand. As soon as the creatures
are taken, the claws are crushed to prevent them from biting, and they are afterwards
roasted, while still alive, on the embers of the fire. Tadpoles are favourite articles of
diet with the Australians, who fry them on grass.
The ordinary limpet, mussel
, and other molluscs, are largely eaten by the natives, who
scoop them out by means of smaller shells, just as is done by boys along our own coasts
---a plan which is very efficacious, as I can testify from personal experience. Sometimes
they cook the molluscs by the simple process of throwing them on the embers, but as a
general rule they eat them in a raw state, as we eat oysters.
Fish they catch in various ways. The usual method is by a hook and line; the former
of which is ingeniously cut out of the shell of the hawksbill turtle. Two of these hooks
are now before me, and raise a feeling of wonder as to the fish which could be induced
to take such articles into its inouth. It is flat, very clumsily made, and there is no barb,
the point being curved very much inwards, so as to prevent the fish from slipping off the
hook. In fact the whole shape of the hook is almost exactly identical with that of the
hook which is found throughout Polynesia and extends to New Zealand.
The hook is fastened to a long and stout line, made by chewing reeds, stripping them
into fibres, and rolling them on the thighs. Two of these strings are then twisted
together, and the line is complete. My own specimen of a line is about as thick as the
fishing lines used on our coasts, and it is very long, having a hook at either end. The
hook is lashed to the line by a very firm but rather clumsy wrapping. Sometimes the
line is made of scraped rattan fibres.
Another mode of fishing is by the net. This requires at least two men to manage it.
The net is many feet in length, and about four feet in width. It is kept extended by a
number of sticks placed a yard or so apart, and can then be rolled up in a cylindrical
package and be taken to the water. One man then takes an end of the net, unrols it,
and with the assistance of his comrade drops it into the water. As soon as the lower
edge of the net touches the bottom, the men wade towards the shore, drawing with them
the two ends of the net and all the fish that happen to be within its range. As soon as
they near the shore, they bring the two ends of the net to the land, fix them there, and
are then able to pick up and throw ashore all the fish that are in the net. Some of the
more active fish escape by leaping over the upper edge of the net, and some of the mud-
loving and crafty wriggle their way under the lower edge; but there is always a
sufficiency of fish to reward the natives for their labour.
Like the fishing line, the net is made of chewed reeds, and the labour of chewing and
twisting the string belongs exclusively to the women.
C 2

20
AUSTRALIA.
A third mode of fishing is by employing certain traps or baskets, ingeniously woven
of rattan, and made so that the fish can easily pass into them, but cannot by any
possibility get out again. Sometimes fish are speared in the shallow water, the native
wading in, and with unerring aim transfixing the fish with his spear. Even the children
take part in this sport, and, though armed with nothing better than a short stick,
sharpened at one end, contrive to secure their fish. With the same stick they dig
molluscs out of the mud, and turn crustacea out of their holes; and when they can do
this, they are supposed to be able to shift for themselves, and their parents take no more
trouble about feeding them,
اور اس کا
mi
IN CAZ?
an
BEE-HUNTING.
They are not more fastidious in the cooking of fish than of crustacea or molluscs, but
just throw them on the fire, turn them once or twice with a stick, and when they are
warmed through and the outside scorched, they pick them out of the fire, scrape off
the burnt scales, and eat them without further ceremony.
Insect food is much used among the Australians. As might be expected, honey is
greatly valued by them, and they display great ingenuity in procuring it.
When a native sees a bee about the flowers, and wishes to find the honey, he repairs
to the nearest pool, selects a spot where the bank shelves very gradually, lies on his face,
fills his mouth with water, and patiently awaits the arrival of a bee. These insects
require a considerable amount of moisture, as every one knows who has kept them, and
the bee-hunter reckons on this fact to procure him the honey which he desires.
After a while a bee is sure to come and drink, and the hunter, hearing the insect
approaching him, retains his position and scarcely breathes, so fearful is he of alarming
BEE-HUNTING.
21
a
it. At last it alights, and instantly the native blows the water from his mouth over it,
stunning it for the moment. Before it can recover itself he seizes it, and by means of
little
gum
attaches to it a tuft of white down obtained from one of the trees.
As soon as it is released, the insect flies away towards its nest, the white tuft serving
the double purpose of making it more conspicuous and retarding its flight. Away goes
the hunter after it at full speed, running and leaping along in a wonderful manner, his
eyes fixed on the guiding insect, and making very light of obstacles. Sometimes a fallen
tree will be in his way, and if he can he jumps over it; but at all risks he must get over
without delay, and so he dashes at the obstacle with reckless activity. Should he surmount
it, well and good; but if, as often happens, he should fall, he keeps his eyes fixed, as well
as he can, on the bee, and as soon as he springs to his feet he resumes the chase. Even
if he should lose sight of it for a moment, he dashes on in the same direction, knowing
that a bee always flies in a straight line for its home; and when he nears it, the angry hum
of the hampered insect soon tells him that he has recovered the lost ground.
The reader will see that this mode of tracking the bee to its home is far inferior to
that of the American bee-hunters, and is rather a business of the legs than of the head.
The Australian bee-hunter waits until a bee happens to come to the spot where he lies ;
the American bee-hunter baits an attractive trap, and induces the insect to come to the
spot which he selects. Then the Australian bee-hunter only runs after the single bee;
whereas the American bee-hunter economizes his strength by employing two bees, and
saving his legs.
He puts honey on a flat wooden slab, having drawn a circle of white paint round it.
The bee alights on the honey, and, after filling its crop, crawls through the white paint
and sets off homeward. The hunter follows the "bee-line” taken by the insect, and
marks it by oring or "blazing” a few trees. He then removes his honeyed trap to a
spot at an angle with his former station and repeats the process. There is no need for
him to race after the flying bee, and to run considerable risk of damaging himself more
or less seriously: he simply follows out the lines which the two bees have taken, and,
by fixing on the point at which they meet, walks leisurely up to the nest.
Having found his bee-nest, the Australian loses no time in ascending to the spot,
whether it be a cleft in a rock, or, as is usually the case, a hole in a tree. This latter
spot is much favoured by the bees, as well as by many of the arboreal mammals, of which
there are so many in Australia. The sudden and violent tempests which rage in that
part of the world tear off the branches of trees and hurl them to the ground. During
succeeding rainy seasons, the wet lodges in the broken branch, and by degrees rots away
the wood, which is instantly filled with the larvæ of beetles, moths, flies, and other insects
that feed upon decaying wood. Thus, in a few years, the hollow extends itself until it
burrows into the tree itself, and sometimes descends nearly from the top to the bottom,
thus forming an admirable locality for the bees.
Taking with him a hatchet, a basket, and a quantity of dry grass or leaves, the native
ascends, lights the grass, and under cover of the smoke chops away the wood until he
can get at the combs, which he places in the basket, with which he descends. Should
he be too poor to possess even a basket, he extemporizes one by cutting away the bark
of the tree; and should the nest be a very large one, he is supplied by his friends from
below with a number of vessels, and passes them down as fast as they are filled.
Perhaps some of my readers may remark that honey cannot be rightly considered as
insect food, and that it ought to have been ranked among the vegetable productions. The
Australian, however, does not content himself with extracting the honey from the comb,
but eats it precisely in the state in which it is brought from the nest. As the bees are
not forced, as amongst English bee-masters, to keep their honey-cells distinct from those
which contain the hoard and the "bee-bread," each comb contains indiscriminately
bee-bread, young bee-grubs, and honey, and the Australian eats all three with equal
satisfaction.
Another kind of insect food is a grub which inhabits the trunks of trees, and of which
the natives are inordinately fond.
They have a wonderful faculty of discovering the presence of this grub, and twist it
22
AUSTRALIA.
out of its hole with an odd little instrument composed of a hook fastened to the end of
a slender twig. This implement is carried in the hair so as to project over the ear, like
a clerk’s pen, and for a long time puzzled travellers, who thought it to be merely an
ornament, and could not understand its very peculiar shape.
The larva is the caterpillar of a moth which is closely allied to the goat-moth of our
own country, and has the same habit of burrowing into the wood of living trees. The
hooked instrument which is used for drawing them out of their holes is called the
“pileyah," and is employed also for hooking beetles, grubs, and other insects out of their
holes in the ground.
When the pileyah is used for extracting grubs from the earth, the ground is first
loosened by means of a wooden scoop that looks something like a hollowed waddy. The
pileyah is then tied to the end of a polygonum twig of sufficient length, and by such
means can be introduced into the holes.
Perhaps the most celebrated of the various insect banquets in which the Australians
delight is that which is furnished by the bugong moth, as the insect is popularly, but
wrongly, called. Instead of belonging to the moth tribe, it is one of the butterflies, and
belongs to the graceful family of the Heliconidæ. Its scientific name is Euplæa hamata.
The bugong is remarkable for the fact that its body, instead of being slender like that of
most butterflies, is very stout, and contains an astonishing amount of oily matter. The
colour of the insect is dark brown, with two black spots on the upper wings. It is a
small insect, measuring only an inch and a half across the wings.
It is found in the New South Wales district, and inhabits a range of hills that are
called from the insect the Bugong Mountains. The Australians eat the bugong butterflies
just as locusts are eaten in inany parts of the world, and, for the short time during which
the insect makes its appearance, feast inordinately upon it, and get quite fat. The
following account is given by Mr. G. Bennett :-
“ After riding over the lower ranges, we arrived a short distance above the base of the
Bugong Mountain, tethered the horses, and ascended on foot, by a steep and rugged path,
which led us to the first summit of the mountain : at this place, called Ginandery by the
natives, enormous masses of granite rock, piled one upon another, and situated on the
verge of a wooded precipice, excited our attention. An extensive and romantic view was
here obtained of a distant, wooded, mountainous country.
“ This was the first place where, upon the smooth sides or crevices of the granite blocks,
the bugong moths congregated in such incredible multitudes; but, from the blacks having
recently been here, we found but few of the insects remaining. At one part of this
group of granite rocks were two pools, apparently hollowed naturally from the solid stone,
and filled with cool and clear water; so, lighting a fire, we enjoyed a cup of tea previous
to recommencing our further ascent. On proceeding we found the rise more gradual,
but
unpleasant from the number of loose stones and branches of trees strewed about ; several
of the deserted bark huts of the natives (which they had temporarily erected when
engaged in collecting and preparing the bugong) were scattered around. Shrubs and
plants were numerous as we proceeded, but, with few exceptions, did not differ from those
seen in other parts of the colony.
Near a small limpid stream a species of Lycopodium grew so dense as to form a
carpet over which we were able to walk. The timber trees towered to so great an elevation
that the prospect of the country we had anticipated was impeded. At last we arrived at
another peculiar group of granite rocks in enormous masses and of various forms: this
place, similar to the last, formed the locality where the bugong moths congregate, and is
called Warrogong' by the natives. The remains of recent fires apprized us that the
aborigines had only recently left the place for another of similar character a few miles
further distant.
“Our native guides wished us to proceed and join the tribe, but the day had so far
advanced that it was thought more advisable to return, because it was doubtful, as the
blacks removed from a place as soon as they had cleared it of the insects, whether we
should find them at the next group, or removed to others still further distant.
From the result of my observations it appears that the insects are only found in
THE BUGONG.
23
:
such multitudes on these insulated and peculiar masses of granite, for about the other
solitary granite rocks, so profusely scattered over the range, I did not observe a single
moth, or even the remains of one. Why they should be confined only to these particular
places, or for what purpose they thus collect together, is not a less curious than interesting
subject of inquiry. Whether it be for the purpose of emigrating, or any other cause, our
present knowledge cannot satisfactorily answer.
“ The bugong nioths, as I have before observed, collect on the surfaces, and also in the
crevices, of the masses of granite in incredible quantities. To procure them with greater
facility, the natives make smothered fires underneath those rocks about which they are
collected, and suffocate them with smoke, at the same time sweeping them off frequently
in bushelfuls at a time. After they have collected a large quantity, they proceed to
prepare them, which is done in the following manner.
“ A circular space is cleared upon the ground, of a size proportioned to the number
of insects to be prepared; on it a fire is lighted and kept burning until the ground is
considered to be sufficiently heated, when, the fire being removed, and the ashes cleared
away, the moths are placed upon the heated ground, and stirred about until the down and
wings are removed from them; they are then placed on pieces of bark, and winnowed to
separate the dust and wings mixed with the bodies; they are then eaten, or placed into a
wooden vessel called 'walbum,' or 'calibum,' and pounded by a
calibum, and pounded by a piece of wood into
masses or cakes resembling lumps of fat, and may be compared in colour and consistence
to dough made froin smutty wheat mixed with fat.
“ The bodies of the moths are large and filled with a yellowish oil, resembling in taste
a sweet nut. These masses (with which the 'netbuls,' or 'talabats,' of the native tribes
are loaded during the season of feasting upon the bugong') will not keep more than a
week, and seldom even for that time; but by smoking they are able to preserve them for
a much longer period. The first time this diet is used by the native tribes, violent
vomiting and other debilitating effects are produced, but after a few days they become
accustomed to its use, and then thrive and fatten exceedingly upon it.
“ These insects are held in such estimation among the aborigines, that they assemble
from all parts of the country to collect them from these mountains. It is not only the
native blacks that resort to the bugong, but crows also congregate for the same purpose.
The blacks (that is, the crows and the aborigines) do not agree about their respective
shares: so the stronger decides the point; for, when the crows (called 'arabul' by the
natives) enter the hollows of the rocks to feed upon the insects, the natives stand at the
entrance and kill them as they fly out; and they afford them an excellent meal, being fat
from feeding upon the rich bugong. So eager are the feathered blacks or arabuls after this
food that they attack it even when it is preparing by the natives; but as the aborigines
riever consider any increase of food a misfortune, they lay in wait for the arabuls with
waddies or clubs, kill them in great numbers, and use them as food.”
REPTILES form a very considerable part of an Australian's diet, and he displays equal
aptitude in capturing and cooking them. Turtle is an especial favourite with him, not
only on account of its size, and of the quantity of meat which it furnishes, but on account
of the oil which is obtained from it.
On the coast of Australia several kinds of turtle are found, the most useful of which
are the ordinary green turtle and the hawksbill. They are caught either in the water,
or by watching for them when they come on shore for the purpose of laying their eggs,
and then turning them on their backs before they can reach the sea. As, however, com-
paratively few venture on the shore, the greater number are taken in the water. Along
the shore the natives have regular watchtowers or cairns made of stones and the bones
of turtles, dugongs, and other creatures. When the sentinel sees a turtle drifting along
with the tide, he gives the alarm, and a boat puts out after it.
The canoe approaches
from behind, and paddles very cautiously so that the reptile may not hear it. As soon as
they come close to it, the chief hunter, who holds in his hand one end of a slight but
tough rope, leaps on the turtle's back, and clings to it with both hands on its shoulders.
The startled reptile dashes off, but before it has got very far the hunter contrives to upset
24
AUSTRALIA,
it, and while it is struggling he slips the noose of the rope over one of its flippers. The
creature is then comparatively helpless, and is towed ashore by the canoe.
In some districts the turtle is taken by means of a harpoon, which is identical in
principle with that which is used by the hippopotamus hunters of Africa. There is a
long shaft, into the end of which is loosely slipped a moveable head. A rope is attached
to the head, and a buoy to the other end of the rope. As soon as the reptile is struck, the
shaft is disengaged, and is picked up by the thrower; while the float serves as an indication
of the turtle's whereabouts, and enables the hunters to tow it towards the shore.
One of the natives, named Gi’om, told Mr. M Gillivray that they sometimes caught the
turtle by means of the remora, or sucking-fish. One of these fish, round whose tail a line
has been previously made fast, is kept in a vessel of water on board the boat, and, when a
small turtle is seen, the remora is dropped into the sea. Instinctively it makes its way
to the turtle, and fastens itself so firmly to the reptile's back that they are both hauled
to the boat's side and lifted in by the fishermen. Only small turtles can be thus taken,
and there is one species wbich never attains any great size which is generally captured
in this curious manner.
The hawksbill turtle is too dangerous an antagonist to be chased in the water The
sharp-edged scales which project from its sides would cut deeply into the hands of any
man who tried to turn it; and even the green turtle, with its comparatively blunt-edged
shell, has been known to inflict a severe wound upon the leg of the man who was clinging
to its back. The native, therefore, is content to watch it ashore, and by means of long,
stout poles, which he introduces leverwise under its body, turns it over without danger
to himself.
When the Australians have succeeded in turning a turtle, there are great rejoicings,
as the very acme of human felicity consists, according to native ideas, in gorging until
the feasters can neither stand nor sit. They may be seen absolutely rolling on the ground
in agony from the inordinate distension of their stomachs, and yet, as soon as the pain has
abated, they renew their feastings. Mostly they assemble round the turtle, cook it rudely,
and devour it on the spot; but in Torres Straits they are more provident, and dry the
flesh in order to supply themselves with food during their voyages. They cut up the meat
into thin slices, boil the slices, and then dry them in the sun.
During the process of cooking a considerable amount of oil rises to the surface, and
is skimmed off and kept in vessels made of bamboo and turtles' bladders. The cook,
however, has to exercise some vigilance while performing his task, as the natives are so
fond of the oil that, unless they are closely watched, they will skim it off and drink it
while in an almost boiling state. The boiling and subsequent drying render the flesh
very hard, so that it will keep for several weeks; but it cannot be eaten without a
second boiling
The shell of the hawksbill turtle is doubly valuable to the natives, who reserve a little
for the manufacture of hooks, and sell the rest to shippers or traders, who bring it to
Europe, where it is converted into the “ tortoise-shell ” with which we are so familiar.
There is in my collection a beautiful specimen of one of these scales of tortoise-shell as it
was purchased from the natives. It is about eleven inches in length and seven in width,
and has a hole at one end by which they string the scales together. There are the scars of
eight large limpet-shells upon it, showing the singular appearance which the animal must
have presented when alive.
The cooking of turtle is a far more important process than that of broiling fish, and a
sort of oven is required in order to dress it properly.
In principle the oven resembles that which is in use in so many parts of the world,
and which has been already described when showing how the hunters of South Africa
cook the elephant's foot. Instead, however, of digging a hole and burning wood in it, the
Australian takes a number of stones, each about the size of a man's fist, and puts them
into the fire. When they are heated, they are laid closely together, and the meat placed
upon them. A second layer of heated stones is arranged upon the meat, and a rim or
bank of tea-tree bush, backed up with sand or earth, is built round this primitive oven.
Grass and leaves are then strewn plentifully over the stones, and are held in their places

COOKING A SNAKE.
25
by the circular bank. The steam is thus retained, and so the meat is cooked in a very
effectual manner.
In some parts of the country, however, a more elaborate oven is used. It consists of
a hole some three feet in diameter and two feet in depth, and is heated in the following
manner :-It is filled to within six inches of the top with round and hard stones, similar
to those which have already been described, and upon them a fire is built and maintained
for some time. When the stones are thought to be sufficiently heated, the embers are
swept away, and the food is simply laid upon the stones and allowed to remain there until
thoroughly cooked.
This kind of oven is found over a large range of country, and Mr. M‘Gillivray has
seen it throughout the shores of Torres Straits, and extending as far southwards as Sandy
Cape on the eastern side.
INGA
COOKING A SNAKE.
Although the idea of snake-eating is so repugnant to our ideas that many persons
cannot eat eels because they look like snakes, the Australian knows better, and considers
a snake as one of the greatest delicacies which the earth produces. And there is certainly
no reason why we should repudiate the snake as disgusting while we accept the turtle
and so many of the tortoise kind as delicacies, no matter whether their food be animal
or vegetable. The Australian knows that a snake in good condition ought to have plenty
of fat, and to be well flavoured, and is always easy in his mind so long as he can
catch one.
The process of cooking is exactly like that which is employed with fish, except that
more pains are taken about it, as is consistent with the superior character of the food. The
fire being lighted, the native squats in front of it and waits until the flame and smoke
have partly died away, and then carefully coils the snake on the embers, turning it and
recoiling it until all the scales are so scorched that they can be rubbed off. He then
allows it to remain until it is cooked according to his ideas, and eats it deliberately, as
becomes such a dainty, picking out the best parts for himself, and, if he be in a good
humour, tossing the rest to his wives.
20.
AUSTRALIA
1
Snake-hunting is carried on in rather a curious manner. Killing a snake at once,
unless it should be wanted for immediate consumption, would be extremely foolish, as it
would be unfit for food before the night had passed away. Taking it alive, therefore, is
the plan which is adopted by the skilful hunter, and this he manages in a very
ingenious way.
Should he come upon one of the venomous serpents, lie cuts off its retreat, and with
his spear or with a forked stick he irritates it with one hand, while in his other he
holds the narrow wooden shield. By repeated blows he induces the reptile to attack
him, and dexterously receives the stroke on the shield, fringing the snake back by the
sudden repulse. Time after time the snake renews the attack, and is as often foiled; and
at last it yields the battle, and lies on the ground completely beaten. The hunter then
presses his forked stick on the reptile's neck, seizes it firmly, and holds it while a net is
thrown over it and it is bound securely to his spear. It is then carried off, and reserved
for the next day's banquet.
Sometimes the opossum-skin cloak takes the place of the shield, and the snake is
allowed to bite it.
The carpet snake, which sometimes attains the length of ten or twelve feet, is
favourite game with the Australian native, as its large size furnishes him with an
abundant supply of meat, as well as the fat in which his soul delighits. This snake
mostly lives in holes at the foot of the curious grass-tree, of which we shall see several
figures in the course of the following pages, and in many places it is so plentiful that
there is scarcely a grass-tree without its snake.
As it would be a waste of time to probe each hole in succession, the natives easily
ascertain those holes which are inhabited by smearing the earth around them with a
kind of white clay mixed with water, which is as soft as putty. On the following day
they can easily see, by the appearance of the clay, when a snake has entered or left its
hole, and at once proceed to induce the reptile to leave its stronghold. This is done by
putting on the trunk of the tree immediately over the hole a bait, which the natives state
to be honey, and waiting patiently, often for many hours, until the serpent is attracted
by the bait and climbs the tree. As soon as it is clear of the hole, its retreat is cut off,
and tile result of the ensuing combat is a certainty. The forked spear which the native
employs is called a bo-bo.
All the tribes which live along the eastern coast, especially those which inhabit the
northern part of the country, are in the habit of capturing the dugong. This animal is
very
fond of a green, branchless, marine alga, and ventures to the shore in order to feed
upon it. The natives are on the watch for it, and, as soon as a dugong is seen, a canoe
puts off after it.
Each canoe is furnished with paddles and a harpooner, who is armed with a weapon
very similar to that which is used by the turtle-catchers, except that no buoy is required.
It is composed of a shaft some twelve or fifteen feet in length, light at one end, and heavy
at the other. A hole is made at the heavy end, and into the hole is loosely fitted a kind
of spear-head made of bone, about four inches in length, and covered with barbs. One
end of a stout and long rope is made fast to this head, and the other is attached to
the canoe.
As soon as he is within striking distance, the harpooner jumps out of the boat into
the water, striking at the same time with his weapon, so as to add to the stroke the force
of his own weight. Disengaging the shaft, he returns to the canoe, leaving the dugong
attached to it by the rope. The wounded animal dives and tries to make its way sea-
wards. Strange to say, although the dugong is a large animal, often eight feet in length,
and very bulky in proportion to its length, it seldom requires to be struck a second
time, but rises to the surface and dies in a few niinutes from a wound occasioned by so
apparently insignificant a weapon as a piece of bone struck some three inches into
its body.
When it is dead, it is towed ashore, and rolled up the bank to some level spot, where
preparations are at once made for cooking and eating it.
Those who are acquainted with zoology are aware that the dugong is formed much
GLUTTONY AND STARVATION.
27
after the manner of the whale, and that it is covered first with a tough skin and then
with a layer of blubber over the muscles. This structure, by the way, renders its
succumbing to the wound of the harpoon the more surprising.
The natives always cut it up in the same manner.
The tail is sliced much as we
carve a round of beef, while the body is cut into thin slices as far as the ribs, each slice
having its own proportion of meat, blubber, and skin. The blubber is esteemed higher
than any other portion of the animal, though even the tough skin can be rendered
tolerably palatable by careful cooking.
Of all Australian animals, the kangaroo is most in favour, both on account of the
excellent quality of the flesh, and the quantity which a single kangaroo will furnish. It
is hardly necessary to remind the reader that with the Australian, as with other savages,
quantity is considered rather than quality. A full grown “boomah” kangaroo will
,
when standing upright, in its usual attitude of defence, measure nearly six feet in height,
and is of very considerable weight. And, when an Australian kills a kangaroo, he
performs feats of gluttony to which the rest of the world can scarcely find a parallel, and
certainly not a superior. Give an Australian a kangaroo and he will eat until he is
nearly dead from repletion; and he will go on eating, with short intervals of rest, until he
has finished the entire kangaroo. Like other savage creatures, whether human or other-
wise, he is capable of bearing deprivation of food to a wonderful extent; and his patient
endurance of starvation, when food is not to be obtained, is only to be excelled by his
gluttony when it is plentiful. This curious capacity for alternate gluttony and starvation
is fostered by the innately lazy disposition of the Australian savage, and his utter disregard
for the future. The animal that ought to serve him and his family for a week is con-
sumed in a few hours; and, as long as he does not feel the pain of absolute hunger,
nothing can compel the man to leave his rude couch and go off on a hunting expedition.
But when he does make up his mind to hunt, he has a bulldog sort of tenacity which
forbids him to relinquish the chase until he has been successful in bringing down his
game.
Prir
KATTA, OR DIGGING-STICK. (See page 31.)
CHAPTER III.
AUSTRALIA-Continued.
WEAPONS OF THE AUSTRALIANS, THEIR FORMS AND USES—THE CLUB OR WADDY, AND ITS VARIOUS
FORMS-USES OF THE WADDY-A DOMESTIC PANACEA-AN AUSTRALIAN DUEL---THICK SKULLS
OF THE NATIVES-LOVE OF THE NATIVE FOR HIS WADDY-THE BLACK POLICE FORCE-THE
MISSILE WADDY-THE KATTA, OR DIGGING-STICK, AND ITS VARIED USES_HOW AN AUSTRALIAN
DIGS A HOLE—THE STONE TOMAHAWK AND ITS USE THE ASCENT OF TREESHOW AN
AUSTRALIAN
KNOWS
WHETHER
AN
ANIMAL IS IN A TREE-SMOKING
-OUT
THE
PREY-THE
BLACK-BOY GUM - THE GRASS-TREE OF AUSTRALIA- THE AUSTRALIAN SAW.
As in the course of the following pages all the weapons of the Australian will have to
be mentioned, we will take the opportunity of describing them at once, without troubling
ourselves as to the peculiar locality in which each modification is found.
We will begin with the club, the simplest of all weapons.
Several examples of the club are to be seen in the illustration on the following page.
All the figures are drawn from actual specimens, some belonging to my own collection,
some being sketched from examples in the British Museum, and others being taken from
the fine collection of Colonel Lane Fox.
The simplest form of Australian club is that which is known by the name of “waddy,"
and which is the favourite weapon of an Australian savage, who never seems to be happy
without a waddy in his hands, no matter what other weapons he may happen to carry.
One of these waddies is seen at fig. 4 of the illustration, and another is shown upright on
the right hand.
The latter is a specimen in my own collection, and affords a very good example of the
true Australian waddy. It is made of the tough and heavy wood of the gum-tree, and is
really a most effective weapon, well balanced, and bears marks of long usage. The length
is two feet eight inches, and, as the reader may see from the illustration, it is sharpened at
the point, so that in close combat it can be employed for stabbing as well as for striking.
It weighs exactly twenty-one ounces.
Four deep grooves run along the waddy, from the point to the spot where it is grasped,
and seem to be intended as edges whereby a blow may cut through the skin as well as
inflict a bruise. Besides these grooves, there are sundry carvings which the native evi-
dently has thought to be ornamental. On two of the sides the pattern is merely the
double-headed T seen in the illustration, but on the other two sides the pattern is varied.
In every case the top figure is the double T; but on one side there is first a T, then
a cross with curved arms, then a T, and then a pattern that looks something like a key,
having a bow at each end. The fourth side is evidently unfinished, there being only two
patterns on it; the second, evidently an attempt to imitate the letter B, showing that the
maker had some acquaintance with civilization.
With this waddy the native is better armed than most men would be with the keenest
sword that ever was forged, and with it he strikes and stabs with marvellous rapidity,
.
>.
THE WADDY.
29
seeming to be actuated, when in combat, by an uncontrollable fury. He can use it as a
missile with deadly effect; and if, as is generally the case, he has several of these waddies
in his hand, he will hurl one or two of them in rapid succession, and, while the antagonist
is still attempting to avoid the flying weapon, precipitate himself upon the foe, and attack
him with the waddy which he has reserved for hand-to-hand combat.
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GERTISE
AUSTRALIAN CLUBS.
The waddy is the Australian panacea for domestic troubles, and if one of his wives
should presume to have an opinion of her own, or otherwise to offend her dusky lord,
a blow on the head from the ever-ready waddy settles the dispute at once by leaving her
senseless on the ground. Sometimes the man strikes the offender on a limb, and breaks
it; but he does not do this unless he should be too angry to calculate that, by breaking
his slave's arm or leg, he deprives himself of her services for a period.
With the Australian man of honour the waddy takes the place which the pistol once
held in England, and is the weapon by which disputes are settled. In case two Austra-
lians of reputation should fall out, one of them challenges the other to single combat,
sending him a derisive inessage to the effect that he had better bring his stoutest waddy
with him, so that he may break it on the challenger's head.
Thickness of skull—a reproach in some parts of the world—is among the Australians
a matter of great boast, and one Australian can hardly insult another in more contemptuous
words than by comparing his skull to an emu's egg-shell. I have examined several skulls
of Australian natives, and have been much surprised by two points: the first is the
astonishing thickness and hardness of the bone, which seems capable of resisting almost
any blow that could be dealt by an ordinary weapon; and the second is the amount of
injury which an Australian skull can endure. Owing to the thickness of the skull, the
30
AUSTRALIA.
Australian puts his head to strange uses, one of the oddest of which is his custom of
breaking sticks on his head instead of snapping them across the knee.
In due time the combatants appear on the ground, each bearing his toughest and
heaviest waddy, and attended by his friends. After going through the usual gesticulations
and abuse which always precede a duel between savages, the men set definitely to work.
The challenged individual takes his waddy, and marches out into the middle of the
space left by the spectators. His adversary confronts him, but unarmed, and stooping
low, with his hands on his knees, he offers his head to the opponent. The adversary
executes a short dance of delight at the blow which he is going to deal, and then, after
taking careful aim, he raises his waddy high in the air, and brings it down with all his
force on the head of his foe.
The blow would fell an ordinary ox; but the skull of an Australian is made of sterner
stuff than that of a mere ox, and the man accordingly raises himself, rubs his head, and
holds out his hand to his nearest friend, who gives him the waddy which he is about to
use in his turn. The challenged man now takes his turn at stooping, while the challenger
does his best to smash the skull of the antagonist. Each man, however, knows from long
experience the hardest part of his own skull, and takes care to present it to the enemy's
blow. In this way they continue to exchange blows until one of them falls to the
ground, when the victory is decided to remain with the antagonist.
In consequence of the repeated injuries to which the head of a native Australian is
subjected, the skull of a warrior presents after death a most extraordinary appearance, being
covered with dents, fractures, and all kinds of injuries, any one of which would have
killed an European immediately, but which scem to have only caused temporary incon-
venience to the Australian.
So fond is the Australian of his waddy, that even in civilized life he cannot be induced
to part with it. Some of my readers may be aware that a great number of natives are
now enrolled among the police, and render invalnable service to the community, especially
against the depredations of their fellow-blacks, whom they persecute with a relentless
vigour that seems rather surprising to those who do not know the singular antipathy
which invariably exists between wild and tamed animals, whether human or otherwise.
In fact, the Australian native policeman is to the colonists what the “ Totty" of Southern
Africa is to the Dutch and English colonists, what the Ghoorka or Sikh of India is to the
English army, and what the taned elephant of Ceylon or India is to the hunter.
These energetic “ black fellows” are armed with the ordinary weapons of Europeans,
and are fully acquainted with their use. But there is not one of them who thinks him-
self properly armed unless he has his waddy; and, when he enters the bush in search of
native thieves, he will lay aside the whole of his clothing, except the cap which marks
his office, will carry his gun with him, buckle his cartouch-pouch round his naked waist,
and will take his waddy as a weapon, without which even the gun would seem to him
an insufficient weapon.
This form of waddy, although it is often used as a missile, is not the one which the
native prefers for that purpose. His throwing waddy, or “wadna," is much shorter and
heavier, and very much resembles the short missile club used so effectively by the
Polynesians. Two other forms of waddy are shown at figs. 3 and 4, the former of which
is generally kuown by the name of “piccaninny waddy,” because it is generally smaller
and lighter than the others, and can be used by a child
Nos. 1 and 2 are also clubs, but are made in a different form, and used in a different
manner. If the reader will refer to the account of the Abyssinian curved sword, or shotel,
he will see that in general form it much resembles this club, the long pointed head of each
being equally useful in striking downwards over a shield. This weapon is not only used
in combat, but is employed in the native dances to beat time by repeated strokes on the
shield.
The reader will notice that many of these clubs have the ends of the handles pointed.
This formation is partly for the purpose of increasing their efficiency as offensive weapons,
and partly for another object. As was the case with the warriors of the Iliad, both com-
batants will occasionally rest, and give each other time to breathe before renewing the
THE DIGGING-STICK.
31
fight. During these intervals the Australian combatants squat down, dig up the earth
with the handle of the club, and rub their hands with the dusty soil, in order to prevent
the weapons from slipping out of their grasp.
This club is made in a very ingenious way, the artificer taking advantage of some
gnarled branch, and cutting it so that the grain of the wood follows the curve, or rather
the angle of the head, which adds greatly to its strength. A club of almost the same
shape, and cut similarly from the angle of a branch, is used in New Caledonia, and,
but for the great superiority of the workmanship, might easily be mistaken for the
angular club of the Australian.
This particular form of club has a tolerably wide range, and among the tribes which
inhabit the shores of Encounter Bay is called Marpangye.
At the bottom of the cut are seen two more waddies, both drawn from specimens in
the British Museum. The lower one resenibles that which has been already described,
except in the shape of the handle; and the upper one is one of the rough and rude fornis
of the weapon which are seen when a man has been obliged to extemporize a waddy
from the nearest tree. It is simply a piece of a bough chopped off, and hastily dressed
with the axe, so as to have a handle at one end and a knob at the other.
In many parts of Australia the natives have a curious weapon which much resembles
a sword. It is from three to four feet in length, is flat, about three inches in width, and
has the outer edge somewhat sharpened. Being made of the close-grained wood of the
gum-tree, it is very heavy in proportion to its size, and in practised hands is a most
formidable weapon.
The Australian women carry an instrument which is sometimes thought to be a spear,
and sometimes a club, but which in the hands of a woman is neither, though a man will
sometimes employ it for either purpose. It is simply a stick of variable length, sharpened
at one end, and the point hardened by fire. It is called by the natives the “ katta," and
is popularly known by the appropriate name of the digging-stick. (See page 27.)
With this stick the natives contrive to dig up the ground in the most astonishing
manner, and an English“ navvy,” with his pick, spade, and barrow, would feel considerably
surprised at the work which is done by the naked black, who has no tools except a
pointed stick. Let, for example, a navvy be set to work at the task of digging out an
echidna from its hole, and he would find his powers of digging baffled by the burrowing
capabilities of the animal, which would make its way through the earth faster than could
the navvy. In order to sink some six feet deep into the ground, the white man would be
obliged to make a funnel-shaped hole of very large size, so as to allow him to work in it,
and to give the pick and spade free play as he threw out the soil.
The black man, on the contrary, would have no such difficulty, but knows how to
sink a hole without troubling himself to dig a foot of needless soil. This he does by
handling the katta precisely as the Bosjesman handles his digging-stick, i.e. by holding it
perpendicularly, jobbing the hardened point into the ground, and throwing out with his
hands the loosened earth.
In digging out one of the burrowing animals, the black hunter pushies a long and
flexible stick down the hole, draws it out, measures along the ground to the spot exactly
above the end of the burrow, replaces the stick, and digs down upon it. By the time
that he has reached it, the animal has gone on digging, and has sunk its burrow still
further. The stick is then pushed into the lengthened burrow, and again dug down
upon; and the process is repeated until the tired animal can dig no more, and is captured.
The katta also takes the part of a weapon, and can be wielded very effectively by a
practised hand, being used either for striking or thrusting.
We now come to a curious instrument which is often thought to be a weapon, but
which, although it would answer such a purpose very well, is seldom used for it. This is
the tomahawk, or hammer, as it is generally called. Three varieties of the tomahawk are
given in the illustration on the following page. In all of them the cutting part is made
of stone and the handle of wood, and the head and the handle are joined in several
different ways, according to the fashion of the locality in which the instrument is made.
The simplest plan is that which is shown in fig. 1. In this instrument, a conveniently
32
AUSTRALIA.
shaped piece of stone has been selected for a head, and the handle is made of a flexible stick
bent over it, and the two ends firmly lashed together, just as the English blacksmith makes
handles for his punches and cold chisels. This weapon was made in New South Wales.
At fig. 3 is shown a tomahawk of a more elaborate construction. Here the stone
head has been lashed to the shaft by a thong, which is wrapped over it in a way that
exactly resembles the lashing employed by the New Zealander or the Dyak for the same
purpose. The tomahawk at the bottom of the illustration is, however, the best example
of the instrument, and is taken from a specimen in the British Museum. The handle
and head are shaped much like those of fig. 2, but the fastening is much more elaborate.
In the first place, the
head is held to the handle
by lashings of sinews,
which are drawn from the
tail of the kangaroo, and
always kept in readiness
by the Australian savage.
The sinews are steeped in
hot water, and pounded
between two stones, in
order to separate them into
fibres; and, while still wet
and tolerably elastic, they
are wrapped round the
stone and the handle. Of
course, as they dry, they
contract with great force,
and bind the head and
handle together far more
securely than can be done
with any other material.
Even raw hide does not
hold so firmly as sinew.
When the sinew lash-
ing is perfectly dry, the na-
tive takes a quantity of the
peculiar substance called
« black - boy
kneads it over the head
and the end of the handle,
so as to bind everything
firmly together.
Another instrument is
shown at fig. 2, in which the
combination of stone and
vegetable is managed in another way. The blade is formed from a piece of quartz about
as long as a man's hand, which has been chipped into the form of a spear-head. The
handle, instead of being a piece of wood, is simply a number of fibres made into a bundle.
The base of the stone head has been pushed among the loose ends of the fibres, and then
the whole has been bound firmly together by a lashing of string made of reeds. This is
a sort of dagger; and another form of the same instrument is made by simply sharpening
a stick about eighteen inches in length, and hardening the sharpened end in the fire. It is,
in fact, a miniature katta, but is applied to a different purpose.
These axes and daggers have been mentioned together, because they are used for the
same purpose, namely, the ascent of trees.
Active as a monkey, the Australian native can climb any tree that grows. Should
they be of moderate size, le ascends them, not by clasping the trunk with his legs and
TIT
رایاناما
wax, and
TOMAHAWKS.
TREE-CLIMBING.
33
arms (the mode which is generally used in England), and which is popularly called
"swarming.” Instead of passing his legs and arms round the tree-trunk as far as they
can go, he applies the soles of his feet to it in front, and presses a hand against it on either
side, and thus ascends the tree with the rapidity of a squirrel. This mode of ascent is
now taught at every good gymnasium in England, and is far superior to the old fashion,
which has the disadvantage of slowness, added to the certainty of damaging the clothes.
Those who have seen our own acrobats performing the feat called La Perche, in which
one man balances another on the top of a pole, or the extraordinary variations on it
performed by the Japanese jugglers, who balance poles and ladders on the soles of their
feet, will be familiar with the manner in which one of the performers runs up the pole
which is balanced by his companion. It is by this method that the Australian ascends a
tree of moderate dimensions, and, when he is well among the boughs, he traverses them
with perfect certainty and quickness.
Trees which will permit the man to ascend after this fashion are, however, rather
scarce in the Australian forests, and, moreover, there is comparatively little inducement
to climb them, the hollows in which the bees make their nests and the beasts take up
their diurnal abode being always in the branch or trunk of some old and decaying tree.
Some of these trees are so large that their trunks are veritable towers of wood, and afford
no hold to the hands; yet they are ascended by the natives as rapidly as if they were
small trees.
By dint of constant practice, the Australian never passes a tree without casting a
glance at the bark, and by that one glance he will know whether he will need to mount
it. The various arboreal animals, especially the so-called opossums, cannot ascend the tree
without leaving marks of their claws in the bark. There is not an old tree that has not
its bark covered with scratches, but the keen and practised eye of the native can in a
moment distinguish between the ascending and descending marks of the animal, and can
also determine the date at which they were made.
The difference between the marks of an ascending and descending animal is easy
enough to see when it has once been pointed out. When an animal climbs a tree, the
marks of its claws are little more than small holes, with a slight scratch above each,
looking something like the conventional “tears” of heraldry. But, when it descends, it
does so by a series of slippings and catchings, so that the claws leave long scratches
behind them. Nearly all arboreal animals, with the exception of the monkey tribe, leave
marks of a similar character, and the bear-hunter of North America and the 'possum-
hunter of Australia are guided by similar marks.
Should the native hunter see an ascending mark of more recent date than the other
scratches, he knows that somewhere in the tree lies his intended prey. Accordingly, he
lays on the ground everything that may impede him, and, going to the tree-trunk, he
begins to deliver a series of chopping blows with his axe. These
blows are delivered in
pairs, and to an Englishman present rather a ludicrous reminiscence of the postman's
double rap. By each of these double blows he chops a small hole in the tree, and
manages so as to cut them alternately right and left, and at intervals of two feet or so.
Having cut these notches as high as he can reach, he places the great toe of his left
foot in the lowermost hole, clasps the tree with his left arm, and strikes the head of the
tomahawk into the tree as high as he can reach. Using the tomahawk as a handle by
which he can pull himself up, he lodges the toe of his right foot in the second hole, and
is then enabled to shift the toe of the left foot into the third hole. Here he waits for a
moment, holding tightly by both his feet and the left hand and arm, while he cuts more
notches; and, by continuing the process, he soon reaches the top of the tree.
When he reaches the first branch, he looks carefully to find the spot toward which
the tell-tale scratches are directed, and, guided by them alone, he soon discovers the hole
in which the animal lies hidden. He tests the dimensions of the hollow by tapping on
the trunk with the axe, and, if it should be of moderate depth, sets at work to chop away
the wood, and secure the inmate.
Should, however, the hollow be a deep one, he is obliged to have recourse to another
plan. Descending the tree by the same notches as those by which he had climbed it, he
VOL. II.
D

34
AUSTRALIA
takes from his bundle of belongings a fire-stick, i.e. a sort of tinderlike wood, which
keeps up a smouldering fire, like that of the willow “touchwood ” so dear to schoolboys.
Wrapping up the fire-stick in a bundle of dry grass and leaves, he re-ascends the tree,
and, when he has reached the entrance of the burrow, he whirls the bundle round his
head until the fire spreads through the mass, and the grass bursts into flame.
As soon as it is well inflamed, he pushes some of the burning material into the
burrow, so as to fall upon the enclosed animal, and to rouse it from the heavy sleep in
which it passes the hours of day-
light. He also holds the rest of
the torch at the entrance of the
burrow, and manages to direct
the smoke into it. Did he not
rouse the animal by the burning
leaves, he would run a chance of
suffocating it in its sleep. This
may seem to be a very remote
contingency, but in fact it is very
likely to happen. I have known
a cat to be baked alive in an
oven, and yet not to have awaked
from sleep, as was evident by the
attitude in which the body of the
animal was found curled
up,
with
its chin on its paws, and its tail
wrapped round its body. Yet
the slumber of a domesticated
cat, which can sleep as often as
it likes in the day or night, is not
nearly so deep as that which
wraps in oblivion the senses of
a wild animal that is abroad all
night, and whose whole structure
is intended for a nocturnal life.
The chopping holes, and get-
ting the toes into them, seems
in theory to be rather a tedious
business, but in practice it is
quite the contrary, the native
ascending almost as quickly as if
he were climbing a ladder. As
the large trees are so capable of
containing the animals on which
the Australians feed, there is
scarcely one which does not ex-
hibit several series of the notches
CLIMBING A TREE.
that denote the track of a native.
Strange to say, the Australian
hunters will not avail themselves
of the notches that have been made by other persons, but each man chops a new series
of holes for himself every time that he wants to ascend a tree.
Sometimes a man sees the track of an animal or the indication of a bee's nest on a
tree when he happens not to have an axe in hand. In such a case he is still able to
ascend the tree, for he can make use of the dagger which has been already described,
punching holes in the bark, and pulling himself up exactly as if he had a tomahawk, the
only difference being that the holes are smaller and the work is harder.
When the hunter has once found the entrance of the burrow, the capture of the inmate
“ BLACK-BOY” GUM.
35
is simply a matter of time, as the heat and smoke are sure to force it into the air, where
it has the double disadvantage of being half-choked with smoke and being blind with
the flame and the daylight, to which its eyes are unaccustomed. A blow on the head
from the tomahawk, or a stab from the dagger, renders it senseless, when it is flung on the
ground, and the successful hunter proceeds to traverse the tree in case some other animal
may be hidden in it.
The preceding illustration exhibits this mode of climbing, and is drawn by Mr. Angas
from nature. The tree is the well-known cabbage-palm, which grows to a very great
height, and, like other palms, never grows quite straight, but has always a bend in
the trunk. After the manner of the palm-tribe, it grows by a succession of buds from
the top, and this bud, popularly called the "cabbage,” is a favourite article of food. It
has been called the prince of vegetables, and one enthusiastic traveller declares that it
must have been the ambrosia of the Olympic gods. The removal of the bud causes the
death of the tree, and for that reason the vegetable is forbidden in civilized regions under
penalty of a heavy fine. The savage, however, who has no idea of care for the morrow,
much less of looking forward to future years, takes the bud wherever he meets it, caring
nothing for the death of the useful tree.
In this illustration, the upper figure is seen ascending by means of the little wooden
dagger, or warpoo, while the lower is making use of the tomahawk. Some of the curious
parasitic vegetation of the country is shown in the same drawing. The quartz dagger
which was shown in a previous illustration would not be used for tree-climbing, unless the
owner could not procure a tomahawk or warpoo. Its chief use is as a weapon, and it can
also be employed as a knife, by means of which the savage can mutilate à fallen enemy,
after the manner which will be described when we come to treat of warfare in Australia.
The "black-boy” gum, which plays so large a part in the manufacture of Australian
weapons and implements, is obtained from the grass-tree, popularly called “the black boy,"
because at a distance it may easily be mistaken for a native with his spear and cloak. It
is very tenacious in its own country, but when brought to England it becomes brittle,
and is apt to break away from the weapon in fragments, just as does a similar preparation,
called "kurumanni” gum, which is made by the natives of Guiana. It is quite black,
and when dry is extremely hard,
The grass-tree is one of the characteristic plants of Australia, and partakes of the
strange individuality of that curious country. The trunk is cylindrical, and looks like
that of a palm, while an enormous tuft of long leaves starts from the top, and droops in
all directions like a gigantic plume of feathers. The flower shoots up straight from the
centre; and the long stalk becomes, when dried, so hard, tough, and light that it is made
into spear-shafts.
There is in my collection an Australian saw, in the manufacture of which the black-
boy gum plays a considerable part. No one would take it for a saw who did not know
the implement, and, indeed, it looks much more like a rude dagger than a saw. It is
made from a piece of wood, usually cut from a branch of the gum-tree, and about as thick
as a man's finger at the thickest part, whence it tapers gradually to a point. The average
length of the saw is fourteen inches, though I have seen them nearly two feet long.
Along the thicker end is cut a groove, which is intended to receive the teeth of the
These teeth are made from chips of quartz or obsidian, the latter being preferred;
and some makers who have been brought in contact with civilization have taken to using
fragments of glass bottles. A number of flat and sharp-edged chips are selected, as
nearly as possible of the same size, and being, on an average, as large as a shilling:
these the natives insert into the groove, with their sharp edges uppermost. A quan-
tity of black-boy wax is then warmed and applied to them, the entire wood of the saw
being enveloped in it, as well as the teeth for half their depth, so as to hold them firmly
in their places. As the chips of stone are placed so as to leave little spaces between
them, the gaps are filled in with this useful cement.
For Australian work this simple tool seems to answer its purpose well enough. Of
course it is very slow in its operation, and no great force can be applied to it, lest the
teeth should be broken, or twisted out of the cement. The use of this saw entails great
saw.
D 2
36
AUSTRALIA.
waste of material, time, and labour; but as the first two of these articles are not of the
least value to the natives, and the third is of the lightest possible kind, the tool works
well enough for its purpose.
A perfect specimen of this saw is not often seen in this country, as the black-boy
wax flakes off, and allows the teeth to drop out of their place. Even in my own
specimen, which has been carefully tended, the wax has been chipped off here and
there, while in instruments that have been knocked about carelessly scarcely a tooth is
left in its place.
Owing to the pointed end of the handle, the saw can be used after the fashion of a
dagger, and can be employed, like the warpoo, for the ascent of trees.
AUSTRALIAN SAW.
From my own Collection.)
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BASKET, SOUTH AUSTRALIA. (See page 6.)
CHAPTER IV.
AUSTRALIA-Continued.
THE AUSTRALIAN SPEAR AND ITS MANY FORMS—THE THROWING-SPEAR OR JAVELINA GROUP OF
AUSTRALIAN SPEARS-THE LIGHTNESS OF THE SHAFT THE MANY-POINTED FISH-SPEAR-
INGENIOUS MODE OF TIPPING THE POINTS WITH BONE, AND FASTENING THEM TO THE SHAFT
ELASTICITY OF THE POINTS DOUBLE USE AS PADDLE AND SPEARAN ELABORATELY-MADE
WEAPON FLINT-HEADED SPEARS-EXCELLENCE OF THE AUSTRALIAN AS A THROWER OF
MISSILES—THE CLUB, THE STONE, AND
THE KANGAROO-RAT THE THROW-STICK, MIDLAH,
OR WUMMERAH PRINCIPLE ON WHICH IT IS CONSTRUCTED-MODES OF QUIVERING THE SPEAR
- DISTANCE TO WHICH IT CAN BE THROWN--THE UNDERHAND THROW-ACCURACY OF AIM-
SPEARING THE KANGAROO-THE BOW AND ARROW-STRENGTH OF THE BOW-THE RATTAN
STRING AND INGENIOUS KNOT-CAREFUL MANUFACTURE OF THE ARROW-PRESUMED ORIGIN
OF THE WEAPONS-THE BOOMERANG AND ITS VARIOUS FORMS-MODE OF THROWING THE WEAPON
ITS PROBABLE ORIGIN—STRUCTURE OF THE BOOMERANG-THE AUSTRALIAN SHIELD, ITS FORMS
AND USES—THE WOODEN AND THE BARK SHIELDS:
We now come to the various forms of the spears which are used by the native Australians.
The usual weapon is slight, and scarcely exceeds in diameter the assagai of Southern
Africa.
It is, however, considerably longer, the ordinary length being from nine to
eleven feet. As a general rule, the spear is constructed after a very rude fashion, and the
maker seems to care but little whether the shaft be perfectly straight, so that the weapon
be tolerably well balanced. There are several specimens of Australian spears in my
collection, one of which (a weapon that has evidently been a favourite one, as it shows
marks of long usage) is twice bent, the second bend counteracting the former, and so
bringing the weapon tolerably straight.
The butt of the Australian spear, like that of the South African assagai, is very slight,
the shaft tapering gradually from the head, which is about as large as a man's finger, to
the butt, where it is hardly thicker than an artist's pencil
. This, being one of the
common spears, is simply sharpened at the end, and a few slight barbs cut in the wood.
I have, however, specimens in which there is almost every variety of material, dimensions,
and structure that can be found in Australia.
Some of these are made on the same principle as that which has just been described,
but differ from it in having a separate head, made of hard and heavy wood. This is
deeply cut with barbs; so that the weapon is a more formidable one, than that which is
made simply from one piece of wood. The head of one of these spears is shown at fig. 7
in the illustration on page 8.
Several of the spears are perfectly plain, being simply long sticks, pointed at the
larger end. These, however, have been scraped very carefully, and seem to have had
more pains bestowed upon them than those with more elaborate heads. These spears are
about eight feet in length.
Then there are other spears with a variable number of heads, and of variable dimen-
sions. The commonest form of multiheaded spears has either three or four points; but
38
AUSTRALIA.
WINDOMAS
in every other respect, except number, the spear-heads are constructed in the same
manner.
One of these spears, now before me, has a shaft about nine feet in length, and rather
more than an inch in diameter at the thickest part, which, as is usual with Australian
spears, is just below the head. The wood of which it is made is exceedingly light and
porous; but this very quality has unfortunately made it so acceptable to the ptilinus
beetles that they have damaged it sadly, and rendered it so brittle that a very slight shock
would snap it. Indeed, the shaft of one of them was broken into three pieces by a little
child stumbling against it while coming down stairs.
The four points which constitute the head are cut from the gum-tree, the wood of
which is hard and durable, and can be trimmed to a very sharp point without danger of
breakage. Each of them is twenty
inches in length, and they are
largest in the middle, tapering
slightly at one end so as to permit
of their being fastened to the shaft
,
and being scraped to a fine point
at the other end.
On examination I find that the
large end of the shaft has been cut
into four grooves, in each of which
is placed the butt end of one of the
points, which is fixed temporarily by
black-boy gum. Wedgelike pegs
have then been pushed between the
points, so as to make them diverge
properly from each other, and,
when they have assumed the proper
position, they have been tightly
bound together with cord. A layer
of black-boy gum has then been
kneaded over the string, so as to
keep all firmly together.
So much for the mode of putting
on the points, the end of one of
which may be seen at fig. 3 in the
illustration. My own specimen,
however, is better made than that
from which the sketch has been
taken. The reader will perceive that
there is a barb attached to the
point, and lashed in its place by
string. In my specimen the barb
is made of a piece of bone about
as long as a skewer, and sharply
pointed at both ends. In the ex-
ample shown in the illustration
the barb merely projects from the
side of the point, whereas in my
specimen the bone answers the pur-
pose both of point and barb. In
order to enable it to take the proper direction, the top of the wooden point is bevelled off,
and the piece of bone lashed to it by the middle, so that one end becomes the point of the
weapon, and the other end does duty for the barb. Wishing to see how this was done,
I have cut away part of the lashings of one of the four points, and have been much struck
with the ingenuity displayed by the maker in fastening the bone to the point, so as to
KH
8
HEADS OF AUSTRALIAN SPEARS.

FISH-SPEARING.
39
make it discharge its double duty. The barbs are all directed inwards, so that, when the
native makes a stroke at a fish, the slippery prey is caught between the barbs, and held
there just as is an eel between the prongs of the spear. The elasticity of the four long
points causes them to diverge when they come upon the back of a fish, and to contract
tightly upon it, so that the points of the barbs are pressed firmly into its sides.
This spear also stands the native in stead of a paddle, and with it he contrives to guide
his fragile bark with moderate speed. How he manages to stand erect in so frail a vessel,
to paddle about, to strike the fish, and, lastly, to haul the struggling prey aboard, is really
a marvel.
The last-mentioned feat is the most wonderful, as the fish are often of
FISHING CANOES ON THE MURRAY. (Showing the double use of the spear.)
considerable size, and the mere leverage of their weight at the end of a ten-foot spear,
added to the violent struggles which the wounded fish makes, seems sufficient to upset
a far more stable vessel.
Yet the natives manage to pass hour after hour without meeting with an accident,
and in one of their tiny boats, which seem scarcely large enough to hold a single
European, even though he should be accustomed to the narrow outrigger skiff, or the com-
paratively modern canoe, two men will be perfectly comfortable, spearing and hauling in
their fish, and even cooking them with a fire made on an extemporized hearth of wet sand
and stones in the middle of the canoe.
Night is a favourite time for fish-spearing, and then the sight of a number of natives
engaged in the watery chase is a most picturesque one. They carry torches, by means of
which they see to the bottom of the water, and which have also the advantage of dazzling
the fish; and the effect of the constantly moving torches, the shifting glare on the rippled
40
AUSTRALIA.
water, and the dark figures moving about, some searching for fish, others striking, and
others struggling with the captured prey, is equally picturesque and exciting. The torches
which they use are made of inflammable bark; and the whole scene is almost precisely
like that which is witnessed in "burning the water” in North America, or, to come nearer
home, “leistering" in Scotland.
In the daytime they cannot use the torch, and, as the slightest breeze will cause a
ripple on the surface of the water that effectually prevents them from seeing the fish, they
have an ingenious plan of lying flat across the canoe, with the upper part of the head and
the eyes immersed in the water, and the hand grasping the spear ready for the stroke.
The eyes being under the ripple, they can see distinctly enough.
I have often employed this plan when desirous of watching the proceedings of sub-
aquatic animals. It is very effectual, though after a time the attitude becomes rather
fatiguing, and those who are not gymnasts enough to be independent as to the relative
position of their heads and heels are apt to find themselves giddy from the determination
of blood to the head.
The preceding illustration shows the use which is made of the fishing-spears, and
gives a good idea of the exceedingly fragile canoes and of the wonderful skill of the boat-
Two of the men are paddling themselves along by means of the spears, and in the
canoe in the foreground are two men, one of whom is cooking some fish on the little fire,
and squatted down so as to lessen the risk of a capsize, while the other is examining the
head of his spear before using it again. This drawing is taken from a sketch made on
men.
the spot.
Another spear, also used for fishing, and with an elaborate head, is seen at fig. 8. In
this spear one point is iron, and the other two are bone. The weapon is remarkable for
the manner in which the shaft is allowed to project among the points, and for the peculiar
mode in which the various parts are lashed together. This specimen comes from the
Lower Murray River.
There is in my collection a weapon which was brought from Cape York. It is a
fishing-spear, and at first sight greatly resembles that which has just been described. It
is, however, of a more elaborate character, and deserves a separate description. It is seven
feet in length, and very slender, the thickest part of the shaft not being more than half an
inch in diameter. It has four points, two of which are iron and without barbs, the iron
being about the thickness of a crow-quill, and rather under three inches in length. The
two bone points are made from the flat tail-bone of one of the rays, and, being arranged
with the point of the bone in front, each of these points has a double row of barbs directed
backwards, one running along each edge.
At fig. 6 of the same illustration is seen a very formidable variety of the throwing-spear.
Along each side of the head the native warrior has cut a groove, and has stuck in it a
number of chips of flint or quartz, fastened in their places by the black-boy gum, just as
has been related of the saw. The workmanship of this specimen is, however, far ruder
than that of the saw, the pieces of flint not being the same size, nor so carefully adjusted.
Indeed, it seems as if the saw-maker laid aside the fragments of flint which he rejected
for the tool, and afterwards used them in arming the head of his spear. One of these
weapons in my collection is armed on one side of the head only, along which are arranged
four pieces of obsidian having very jagged edges, and being kept in their places by a thick
coating of black-boy gum extending to the very point of the spear.
At figs. 4 and 5 of the same illustration are seen two spear-heads which remind the
observer of the flint weapons which have of late years been so abundantly found in
various parts of the world, and which belonged to races of men now long extinct. The
spear-heads are nearly as large as a man's hand, and are made of flint chipped carefully
into the required shape. They are flat, and the maker has had sufficient knowledge of
the cleavage to enable him to give to each side a sharp and tolerably uniform edge.
The reader will observe that fig. 5 is much darker than fig. 4. This distinction is
not accidental, but very well expresses the variety in the hue of the material employed;
some of the spear-heads being pale brown, and some almost black. The weapons are, in
fact, nothing but elongations of the dagger shown in fig. 3 of the illustration on page 32.
THE “KANGAROO-RAT.”
41
If the reader will look at figs. 1 and 2 of the illustration, he will see that there are
two heads of somewhat similar construction, except that one is single and the other
double. These spears were brought from Port Essington.
Specimens of each kind are in my collection. They are of great size, one being more
than thirteen feet in length, and the other falling but little short of that measurement. In
diameter they are as thick as a man's wrist; and, however light may be the wood of which
they are made, they are exceedingly weighty, and must be very inferior in efficiency to the
light throwing-spears which have already been described. Of course such a weapon as
this is meant to be used as a pike, and not as a missile. Besides these, I have another
with three heads, and of nearly the same dimensions as the two others.
In every case the head and the shaft are of different material, the one being light and
porous, and the other hard, compact, and heavy. Instead of being lashed together with
the neatness which is exhibited in the lighter weapons, the head and shaft are united
with a binding of thick string, wrapped carefully, but yet roughly, round the weapon,
and not being covered with the coating of black-boy gum, which gives so neat a look to
the smaller weapons. In the three-pointed spear, the maker has exercised his ingenuity.
in decorating the weapon with paint, the tips of the points being painted with red and
the rest of the head white, while the lashing is also painted red.
In his wild state the Australian native never likes to be without a spear in his hand,
and, as may be expected from a man whose subsistence is almost entirely due to his skill
in the use of weapons, he is a most accomplished spear-thrower. Indeed, as a thrower of
missiles in general the Australian stands without a rival. Putting aside the boomerang,
of which we shall presently treat, the Australian can hurl a spear either with his hand
or with the “throw-stick,” can fling his short club with unerring aim, and, even should
he be deprived of these missiles, he has a singular faculty of throwing stones. Many a
time, before the character of the natives was known, has an armed soldier been killed by
a totally unarmed Australian. The man has fired at the native, who, by dodging about,
has prevented the enemy from taking a correct aim, and then has been simply cut to
pieces by a shower of stones, picked up and hurled with a force and precision that must
be seen to be believed. When the first Australian discoverer came home, no one would
believe that any weapon could be flung and then return to the thrower, and even at the
present day it is difficult to make some persons believe in the stone-throwing powers
of the Australian. To fling one stone with perfect precision is not so easy a matter as it
seems, but the Australian will hurl one after the other with such rapidity that they seem
to be poured from some machine; and as he throws them he leaps from side to side,
so as to make the missiles converge from different directions upon the unfortunate object
of his aim.
In order to attain the wonderful skill which they possess in avoiding as well as in
throwing spears, it is necessary that they should be in constant practice from child-
hood. Accordingly, they are fond of getting up sham fights, armed with shield, throw-
stick, and spear, the latter weapon being headless, and the end blunted by being split and
scraped into filaments, and the bushy filaments then turned back, until they form a soft
fibrous pad. Even with this protection, the weapon is not to be despised; and if it strikes
one of the combatants fairly, it is sure to knock him down; and if it should strike him in
the ribs, it leaves him gasping for breath.
This mimic spear goes by the name of “matamoodlu,” and is made of various sizes
according to the age and capabilities of the person who uses it.
There is one missile which is, I believe, as peculiar to Australia as the boomerang,
though it is not so widely spread, nor of such use in war or hunting. It is popularly
called the “ kangaroo-rat, on account of its peculiar leaping progression, and it may be
familiar to those of my readers who saw the Australian cricketers who came over to this
country in the spring of 1868.
The “ kangaroo-rat” is a piece of hard wood shaped like a double cone, and having
a long flexible handle projecting from one of the points
. The handle is about a yard in
length, and as thick as an artist's drawing-pencil, and at a little distance the weapon looks
like a huge tadpole with a much elongated tail." In Australia the natives make the tail
42
AUSTRALIA
of a flexible twig, but those who have access to the resources of civilization have found
out that whalebone is the best substance for the tail that can be found.
When the native throws the kangaroo-rat, he takes it by the end of the tail and
swings it backwards and forwards, so that it bends quite double, and at last he gives a
sort of underhanded jerk and lets it fly. It darts through the air with a sharp and
menacing hiss like the sound of a rifle ball, its greatest height being some seven or eight
feet from the ground. As soon as it touches the earth, it springs up and makes a
succession of leaps, each less than the preceding, until it finally stops. In fact, it skims
over the ground exactly as a flat stone skims over the water when boys are playing at
“ ducks and drakes.' The distance to which this instrument can be thrown is really
astonishing. I have seen an Australian stand at one side of Kennington Oval, and throw
the “ kangaroo-rat” completely across it. Much depends upon the angle at which it first
takes the ground. If thrown too high, it makes one or two lofty leaps, but traverses no
great distance; and, if it be thrown too low, it shoots along the ground, and is soon
brought up by the excessive friction. When properly thrown, it looks just like a living
animal leaping along, and those who have been accustomed to traverse the country say
that its movements have a wonderful resemblance to the long leaps of a kangaroo-rat
fleeing in alarm, with its long tail trailing as a balance behind it.
A somewhat similarly shaped missile is used in Fiji, but the Fijian instrument has a
stiff shaft, and it is propelled by placing the end of the forefinger against the butt, and
throwing it underhanded. It is only used in a game in which the coinpetitors try to
send it skimming along the ground as far as possible.
a
To return to our spears. It is seldom that an Australian condescends to throw a spear
by hand, the native always preferring to use the curious implement called by the aborigines
“wummerah,” or “midlah," and by the colonists the “throw-stick.” The theory of the
throw-stick is simple enough, but the practice is very difficult, and requires a long
apprenticeship before it can be learned with any certainty.
The principle of this implement is that of the sling; and the throw-stick is, in fact, a
sling made of wood instead of cord, the spear taking the place of the stone.
So com-
pletely is the throw-stick associated with the spear, that the native would as soon think
of going without his spear as without the instrument whereby he throws it. The imple-
ment takes different forms in different localities, although the principle of its construction
is the same throughout. In the illustration on page 43 the reader may see every
variety of form which the throw-stick takes. He will see, on inspecting the figures, that
it consists of a stick of variable length and breadth, but always having a barblike
projection at one end. Before describing the manner in which the instrument is used, I
will proceed to a short notice of the mode of its construction, and the various forms
which it takes.
In the first place, it is always more or less flattened; sometimes, as in fig. 3, being
almost leaf-shaped, and sometimes, as in fig. 6, being quite narrow, and throughout the
greater part of its length little more than a flattened stick. It is always made of some
hard and elastic wood, and in many cases it is large and heavy enough to be serviceable
as a club at close quarters. Indeed, one very good specimen in my collection, which
came from the Swan River, was labelled, when it reached me, as an Indian club. This
form of the throw-stick is shown at fig. 3.
This particular specimen is a trifle
under two feet in length, and in the broadest part
it measures four inches and a half in width. In the centre it is one-sixth of an inch in
thickness, and diminishes gradually to the edges, which are about as sharp as those of the
wooden sword already mentioned. Towards the end, however, it becomes thicker, and at
the place where the peg is placed it is as thick as in the middle. Such a weapon would
be very formidable if used as a club-scarcely less so, indeed, than the well-known
“merai” of New Zealand.
That it has been used for this purpose is evident from a fracture, which has clearly
been caused by the effect of a severe blow. The wood is split from one side of the
handle half along the weapon, and so it has been rendered for a time unserviceable.
THE THROW-STICK.
43
The careful owner has, however, contrived to mend the fracture, and has done so in a
singularly ingenious manner. He has fitted the broken surfaces accurately together, and
has then bound them with the kangaroo-tail sinews which have already been mentioned.
The sinews are flat, and have been protected by a thick coating of black-boy gum.
Perhaps the reader may be aware that, when catgut is knotted, the ends are secured by
scorching them, which makes them swell into round knobs. The sinew has the same
property, and the native has secured the ends precisely as an English artisan
would do.
2
1
3
4
Ditu-
ES
5
6
THROW-STICKS.
The wood is that of the tough, hard, wavy-grained gum-tree. Whether in consequence
of much handling by greasy natives, or whether from other causes, I do not know, but I
cannot make a label adhere to it. To each of the specimens in my collection is attached
a catalogue number, and though I have tried to affix the label with paste, gum, and glue,
neither will hold it, and in a few days the label falls off of its own accord. This specimen
has been cut from a tree which has been attacked by some boring insect, and the conse-
sequence is, that a small hole is bored through it edgewise, and has a very curious
appearance. The hole looks exactly like that of our well-known insect the great Sirex.
The peculiarly-shaped handle is made entirely of black-boy gum, and, with the
exception of a tendency to warp away from the wood, it is as firm as on the day when it
was first made. The peg which fits into the butt of the spear is in this case made of
wood, but in many throw-sticks it is made of bone. Figs. 1 and 2 are examples of this
flattened form of midlah, and were drawn from specimens in Southern Australia. At
figs. 4 and 5 may be seen examples of the throw-stick of Port Essington, one of which,
fig. 4, is remarkable for the peculiarly-shaped handle. That of fig. 5 seems to be
remarkably inconvenient, and almost to have been made for the express purpose of
44
AUSTRALIA.
preventing the native from taking a firm hold of the weapon. Fig. 6 is an example of
the throw-stick of Queensland, and, as may easily be seen, can be used as a club,
provided that it be reversed, and the peg-end used as a handle.
There is another form of throw-stick used in Northern Australia, examples of which
may be seen at the bottom of the engraving. One of these, brought from Cape York, is
in my collection. It is a full foot longer than that which came from the Murray, and is
one of the “flattened sticks” which have been casually mentioned. It is fully twice as
thick as the Murray throw-stick, and, although it is one third larger, is only an inch and
a half wide at the broadest part. It is thickest in the middle, and, like the generality of
these weapons, diminishes towards the edges.
It has a wooden spike for the spear-butt, and a most remarkable handle. Two
pieces of melon-shell have been cut at rather long ovals, and have been fixed diagonally
across the end of the weapon, one on each side. Black-boy gum has been profusely used
in fixing these pieces, and the whole of the interior space between the shells has been
filled up with it. A diagonal lashing of sinew, covered with the same gum, passes over
the shells, and the handle is strongly wrapped with the same material for a space of
five inches.
We will now proceed to see how the native throws the spear.
Holding the throw-stick by the handle, so that the other end projects over his
shoulder, he takes a spear in his left hand, fits a slight hollow in its butt to the peg of
the midlab, and then holds it in its place by passing the forefinger of the right hand
over the shaft. It will be seen that the leverage is enormously increased by this plan,
and that the force of the arm is more than doubled.
Sometimes, especially when hunting, the native throws the spear without further
trouble, but when he is engaged in a fight he goes through a series of performances
which are rather ludicrous to a European, though they are intended to strike terror
into the native enemy. The spear is jerked about violently, so that it quivers just like
an African assagai, and while vibrating strongly it is thrown. There are two ways of
quivering the spear; the one by merely moving the right hand, and the other by seizing
the shaft in the left hand, and shaking it violently while the butt rests against the peg
of the throw-stick. In any case the very fact of quivering the spear acts on the
Australian warrior as it does upon the African. The whirring sound of the vibrating
weapon excites him to a pitch of frenzied excitement, and while menacing his foe with
the trembling spear, the warrior dances and leaps and yells as if he were mad—and
indeed for the moment he becomes a raving madnan.
The distance to which the spear can be thrown is something wonderful, and its aspect
as it passes through the air is singularly beautiful. It seems rather to have been shot
from some huge bow, or to be furnished with some innate powers of flight, than to have
been flung from a human arm, as it performs its lofty course, undulating like a thin black
snake, and writhing its graceful way through the air. As it leaves the throw-stick, a slight
clashing sound is heard, which to the experienced ear tells its story as clearly as the
menacing clang of an archer's bowstring.
To me the distance of its flight is not nearly so wonderful as the precision with
which it can be aimed. A tolerably long throw-stick gives so powerful a leverage that
the length of range is not so very astonishing. But that accuracy of aim should be
attained as well as length of flight is really wonderful. I have seen the natives, when
engaged in mock battle, stand at a distance of eighty or ninety yards, and throw their
spears with such certainty that, in four throws out of six, the antagonist was obliged to
move in order to escape the spears.
Beside the powerful and lofty throw, they have a way of suddenly flinging it under-
hand, so that it skims just above the ground, and, when it touches the earth, proceeds
with a series of ricochets that must be peculiarly embarrassing to a novice in that kind
of warfare.
The power of the spear is never better shown than in the chase of the kangaroo.
When a native sees one of these animals engaged in feeding, he goes off to a little
distance where it cannot see him, gathers a few leafy boughs, and ties them together so as

HUNTING THE KANGAROO.
45
to form a screen. He then takes his spears, throw-stick, and waddy, and goes off in
chase of the kangaroo. Taking advantage of every cover, he slips noiselessly forward,
always taking care to approach the animal against the wind, so that it shall not be able to
detect his presence by the nostrils, and gliding along with studied avoidance of withered
leaves, dry twigs, and the other natural objects which, by their rustling and snapping,
warn the animal that danger is at hand.
As long as possible, the hunter keeps under the shelter of natural cover, but when
this is impossible, he takes to his leafy screen, and trusts to it for approaching within
range. Before quitting the trees or bush behind which he has been hiding himself, he
Corte
ANGAS
SPEARING THE KANGAROO.
takes his spear, fits it to the throw-stick, raises his arm with the spear ready poised, and
never moves that arm until it delivers the spear. Holding the leafy screen in front of him
with his left hand, and disposing the second spear and other weapons which cannot be
hidden so as to look like dead branches growing from the bush, he glides carefully
towards the kangaroo, always advancing while it stoops to feed, and crouching quietly
behind the screen whenever it raises itself, after the fashion of kangaroos, and surveys the
surrounding country.
At last he comes within fair range, and with unerring aim he transfixes the unsuspect-
ing kangaroo. Sometimes he comes upon several animals, and in that case his second
spear is rapidly fixed in the midlah and hurled at the flying animals, and, should he have
come to tolerably close quarters, the short missile club is flung with certain aim. Having
thrown all the missiles which he finds available, he proceeds to despatch the wounded
animals with his waddy.
46
AUSTRALIA.
In the illustration on the previous page the action of the throw-stick is well shown, and
two scenes in the hunt are depicted. In the foreground is a hunter who has succeeded
in getting tolerably close to the kangaroos by creeping towards them behind the shadow
of trees, and is just poising his spear for the fatal throw. The reader will note the
curious bone ornament which passes through the septum of the nose, and gives such a
curious character to the face. In the background is another hunter, who has been
obliged to have recourse to the bough-screen, behind which he is hiding himself like the
soldiers in “Macbeth,” while the unsuspecting kangaroos are quietly feeding within easy
range.
One of them has taken alarm, and is sitting upright to look about it, just as the
squirrel will do while it is feeding on the ground.
The reader will now see the absolute necessity of an accurate aim in the thrower—an
accomplishment which to me is a practical mystery. I can hurl the spear to a consider-
able distance by means of the throw-stick, but the aim is quite another business, the
spear seeming to take an independent course of its own without the least reference to the
wishes of the thrower. Yet the Australian is so good a marksman that he can make
good practice at a man at the distance of eighty or ninety yards, making due allowance
for the wind, and calculating the curve described by the spear with wonderful accuracy ;
while at a short distance his eye and hand are equally true, and he will transfix a
kangaroo at twenty or thirty yards as certainly as it could be shot by an experienced
rifleman.
In some parts of Australia the natives use the bow and arrow; but the employment of
such weapons seems to belong chiefly to the inhabitants of the extreme north. There are
in my collection specimens of bows and arrows brought from Cape York, which in their
way are really admirable weapons, and would do credit to the archers of Polynesia. The
bow is more than six feet long, and is made from the male, i.e. the solid, bamboo. It is
very stiff
, and a powerful as well as a practised arm is needed to bend it properly.
Like the spear-shaft, this bow is greatly subject to being worm-eaten. My own
specimen is so honeycombed by these tiny borers that when it arrived a little heap of
yellow powder fell to the ground wherever the bow was set, and, if it were sharply
struck, a cloud of the same powder came from it. Fortunately, the same looseness of
texture which enabled the beetle to make such havoc served also to conduct the poisoned
spirit which I injected into the holes; and now the ravages have ceased, and not the most
voracious insect in existence can touch the weapon.
The string is very simply made, being nothing but a piece of rattan split to the
required thickness. Perhaps the most ingenious part of this bow is the manner in which
the loop is made. Although unacquainted with the simple yet effective bowstring knot,
which is so well known to our archers, and which would not suit the stiff and harsh
rattan, the native has invented a knot which is quite as efficacious, and is managed on the
same principle of taking several turns, with the cord round itself just below the loop. In
order to give the rattan the needful flexibility it has been beaten so as to separate it
into fibres and break up the hard, flinty coating which surrounds it, and these fibres have
then been twisted round and round into a sort of rude cord, guarded at the end with a
wrapping of the same material in order to preserve it from unravelling.
The arrows are suitable to the bow. They are variable in length, but all are much
longer than those which the English bowmen were accustomed to use, and, instead of
being a “cloth yard” in length, the shortest measures three feet seven inches in length,
while the longest is four feet eight inches from butt to point. They are without a vestige
of feathering, and have no nock, so that the native archer is obliged to hold the arrow
against the string with his thumb and finger, and cannot draw the bow with the fore and
middle finger, as all good English archers have done ever since the bow was known.
The shafts of the arrows are made of reed, and they are all headed with long spikes of
some dark and heavy wood, which enable them to fly properly. Some of the heads are
plain, rounded spikes
, but others are elaborately barbed. One, for example, has a single
row of six barbs, each an inch in length, and another has one double barb, like that of
the “ broad arrow” of England. Another has, instead of a barb, a smooth bulb, ending
gradually in a spike, and serving no possible purpose, except perhaps that of ornament.

THE BOW AND ARROWS.
47
Another has two of these bulbs; and another, the longest of them all, has a slight bulb,
and then an attempt at carving. The pattern is of the very simplest character, but it is
the only piece of carving on all the weapons. The same arrow is remarkable for having
the point covered for some two inches with a sort of varnish, looking exactly like
red sealing-wax, while a band of the same material encircles the head about six inches
nearer the shaft. The sailor who
brought the weapons over told me
that this red varnish was poison,
but I doubt exceedingly whether
it is anything but ornament.
The end of the reed into which
the head is inserted is guarded by
a wrapping of rattan fibre, covered
with a sort of dark varnish, which,
however, is not the black-boy gum
that is so plentifully used in the
manufacture of other weapons. In
one instance the place of the
wrapping is taken by an inch or
so of plaiting, wrought so beauti-
fully with the outside of the
rattan cut into flat strips scarcely
wider than ordinary twine, that
it betrays the Polynesian origin
of the weapons, and confirms me
in the belief that the bow and
arrow are not indigenous to Aus-
tralia, but have only been im-
ported from New Guinea, and have
not made their way inland. The
natives of Northern Australia have
also evidently borrowed much from
Polynesia, as we shall see in the
course of this narrative.
The size of the bow may be
seen by reference to the ac-
companying illustration, which
represents a native of the Gulf of
Carpentaria, as he appeared while
standing in, or rather on, his
canoe, and offering a shell for
sale. The bow, however, is not so
large as my specimen, which is
six feet eight inches in length-
NATIVE ARCHER. (Guls of Carpentoria.)
or the man must be a giant. The
reader will note the turtle scar
on his arm, indicative of his northern origin, together with the broad scars across
the breast; as also the peculiar mode of dressing the hair and beard in little twisted
plaits.
The ferocity displayed in the countenance of the man is very characteristic of the
race, and, as we shall see when we come to the canoes and their occupants, the people are
very crafty: mild and complaisant when they think themselves overmatched, insolent and
menacing when they fancy themselves superior, and tolerably sure to commit murder if
they think they can do so with impunity. The only mode of dealing with these people
is the safe one to adopt with all savages : i.e. never trust them, and never cheat them.
Owing to the dimensions of the bow and arrows, a full equipment of them is very
ANCAS
48
AUSTRALIA.
weighty, and, together with the other weapons which an Australian thinks it his duty to
carry, must be no slight burden to the warrior.
We now come to that most wonderful of all weapons, the boomerang.
This is essentially the national weapon of Australia, and is found throughout the
West country. As far as is known, it is peculiar to Australia, and, though curious
missiles are found in other parts of the world, there is none which can be compared with
the boomerang
On one of the old Egyptian monuments there is a figure of a bird-catcher in a canoe.
He is assisted by a cat whom he has taught to catch prey for him, and, as the birds fly out
of the reeds among which he is pushing his canoe, he is hurling at them a curved missile,
which some persons have thought to be the boomerang. I cannot, however, see that the
is the slightest reason for such a supposition.
No weapon in the least like the boomerang is at present found in any part of Africa,
and, as far as I know, there is no example of a really efficient weapon having entirely dis-
appeared from a whole continent. The harpoon with which the Egyptians of old killed
the hippopotamus is used at the present day without the least alteration; the net is used
for catching fish in the same manner; the spear and shield of the Egyptian infantry were
identical in shape with those of the Kanemboo soldier, a portrait of whom may be seen
in Vol. I. p. 694; the bow and arrow still survive; and even the whip with which the
Egyptian taskmasters beat their Jewish servants is the “khoorbash” with which the
Nubian of the present day beats his slave.
In all probability, the curved weapon which the bird-catcher holds in his hand, and
which he is about to throw, is nothing more thau a short club, analogous to the knob-
kerry of the Kaffir, and having no returning power.
Varying slightly in some of its details, the boomerang is identical in principle wherever
it is made. It is a flattish curved piece of wood, various examples of which may be see
in the illustration on the following page; and neither by its shape nor material does it
give the least idea of its wonderful powers.
The material of which the boomerang (or bommereng, as the word is sometimes ren-
dered) is made is almost invariably that of the gum-tree, which is heavy, hard, and tough,
and is able to sustain a tolerably severe shock without breaking. It is slightly convex on
the upper surface, and flat below, and is always thickest in the middle, being scraped
away towards the edges, which are moderately sharp, especially the outer edge. It is used
as a missile, and it is one of the strangest weapons that ever was invented.
In the old fairy tales, with which we are more or less acquainted, one of the strange
gifts which is presented by the fairy to the hero is often a weapon of some wonderful
power. Thus we have the sword of sharpness, which cut through everything at which it
was aimed; and the coat of mail, which no weapon would pierce. It is a pity, by the way,
that the sword and the coat never seem to have been tried against each other. Then
there are arrows (in more modern tales modified into bullets) that always struck their
mark, and so on. And in one of the highest flights of fairy lore we read of arrows that
always returned of their own accord to the archer.
In Australia, however, we have, as an actual fact, a missile that can be thrown to a
considerable distance, and which always returns to the thrower. By a peculiar mode of
hurling it the weapon circles through the air, and then describes a circular course, falling
by the side of or behind the man who threw it. The mode of throwing is very simple
in theory, and very difficult in practice. The weapon is grasped by the handle, which is
usually marked by a number of cross cuts, so as to give a firm hold, and the flat side is
kept downwards. Then, with a quick and sharp fling, the boomerang is hurled, the hand
at the same time being drawn back, so as to make the weapon revolve with extreme
rapidity. A billiard-player will understand the sort of movement when told that it is on
the same principle as the “screw-back” stroke at billiards. The weapon must be flung
with great force, or it will not perform its evolutions properly.
If the reader would like to practise throwing the boomerang, let me recommend him,
in the first place, to procure a genuine weapon, and not an English imitation thereof, such
as is generally sold at the toy-shops. He should then go alone into a large field, where
THE BOOMERANG.
49
the ground is tolerably soft and there are no large stones about, and then stand facing the
wind. Having grasped it as described, he should mark with his eye a spot on the ground
at the distance of forty yards or so, and hurl the boomerang at it
. Should be throw it
rightly, the weapon will at first look as if it were going to strike the ground; but, instead
of doing so, it will shoot off at a greater or less angle, according to circumstances, and will
rise high into the air, circling round with gradually diminishing force, until it falls to the
ground. Should sufficient force have been imparted to it, the boomerang will fall some
eight or ten yards behind the thrower.
It is necessary that the learner should be alone, or at least have only an instructor
with him, when he practises this art, as the boomerang will, in inexperienced hands, take
all kinds of strange courses, and will, in all probability, swerve from its line, and strike
one of the spectators; and the force with which a boomerang can strike is almost incre-
dible. I have seen a dog killed on the spot, its body being nearly cut in two by the
boomerang as it fell; and I once saw a brass spur struck clean off the heel of an incautious
spectator, who ran across the path of the weapon.
It is necessary that he choose a soft as well as spacious field, as the boomerang has a
special knack of selecting the hardest spots on which to fall, and if it can find a large
stone is sure to strike it, and so break itself to pieces. And if there are trees in the
way, it will get among the boughs, perhaps smash itself, certainly damage itself, and
probably stick among the branches.
It is necessary that the learner should throw against the wind, as, if the boomerang is
thrown with the wind, it does not think of coming back again, but sails on as if it never
meant to stop, and is sure to reach a wonderful distance before it falls.
Nearly thirty years ago, I lost a boomerang by this very error. In company with some
of my schoolfellows, I was throwing the weapon for their amusement, when one of them
snatched it up, turned round, and threw it with all his force in the direction of the wind.
The distance to which the weapon travelled I am afraid to mention, lest it should not be
believed. The ground in that neighbourhood is composed of successive undulations of
hill and vale, and we saw the boomerang cross two of the valleys, and at last disappear
into a grove of lime-trees that edged the churchyard.
In vain we sought for the weapon, and it was not found until four years afterwards,
when a plumber, who had been sent to repair the roof of the church, found it sticking in
the leads. So it had first traversed that extraordinary distance, had then cut clean
through the foliage of a lime-tree, and lastly had sufficient force to stick into the leaden
roofing of a church. The boomerang was brought down half decayed, and wrenched out
of its proper form by the shock.
Should the reader wish to learn the use of the weapon, he should watch a native throw
it. The attitude of the man as he hurls the boomerang is singularly graceful.
Holding three or four of the weapons in his left hand, he draws out one at random
with his right, while his eyes are fixed on the object which he desires to hit, or the spot
to which the weapon has to travel. Balancing the boomerang for a moment in his hand,
he suddenly steps a pace or two forward, and with a quick, sharp, almost angry stroke,
launches his weapon into the air.
Should he desire to bring the boomerang back again, he has two modes of throwing.
In the one mode, he flings it high in the air, into which it mounts to a wonderful height,
circling the while with a bold, vigorous sweep, that reminds the observer of the grand
flight of the eagle or the buzzard. It flies on until it has reached a spot behind the thrower,
when all life seems suddenly to die out of it; it collapses, so to speak, like a bird shot on
the wing, topples over and over, and falls to the ground.
There is another mode of throwing the returning boomerang which is even more
remarkable. The thrower, instead of aiming high in the air, marks out a spot on the
ground some thirty or forty yards in advance, and hurls the boomerang at it. The weapon
strikes the ground, and instead of being smashed to pieces, as might be thought from the
violence of the stroke, it springs from the ground Antäus-like, seeming to attain new vigour
by its contact with the earth. It flies up as if it had been shot from the ground by a
catapult; and, taking a comparatively low elevation, performs the most curious evolutions,
VOL. II,
E
50
AUSTRALIA.
whirling so rapidly that it looks like a semi-transparent disc with an opaque centre, and
directing its course in an erratic manner that is very alarming to those who are un-
accustomed to it. I have seen it execute all its manæuvres within seven or eight feet
from the ground, hissing as it passed through the air with a strangely menacing sound,
and, when it finally came to the ground,
leaping along as if it were a living creature.
We will now examine the various shapes
of boomerangs, as seen in the accompanying
illustration. Some of the specimens are
taken from the British Museum, some from
the collection of Colonel Lane Fox, some from
my own, and the rest are drawn by Mr. Angas
from specimens obtained in the country.
I have had them brought together, so that the
reader may see how the boomerang has been
4
gradually modified out of the club.
In the lower division, fig. 4 is the short
pointed stick which may either answer the
purpose of a miniature club, a dagger, or an
instrument to be used in the ascent of trees.
Just below it is a club or waddy, with a
rounded head, and at fig. 6 the head has been
developed into a point, and rather flattened.
At fig. 7 is one of the angular clubs which
have already been described, only much flatter
than those which have been figured. Now
1
3
1
3
by
5
6
BOOMERANGS AND CLUBS.
if the reader will refer to the upper division, and look at figs. 1 and 2, he will see two
clubs which are remarkable for having not only the knob, but the whole of the handle
flattened, and the curve of the head extended to the handle.
The transition from this club to the boomerang is simple enough, and, indeed, we have
CATCHING THE CORMORANT.
51
an example (fig. 1 in the lower division) of a weapon which looks like an ordinary
boomerang, but is in fact a club, and is used for hand-to-hand combat.
These figures show pretty clearly the progressive structure of the boomerang. The
flattened clubs were probably made from necessity, the native not being able to find
a suitable piece of wood, and taking the best that he could get. If, then, one of these
clubs were, on the spur of the moment, hurled at an object, the superior value which this
flatness conferred upon it as a missile would be evident, as well as the curved course
which it would take through the air. The native, ever quick to note anything which
could increase the power of his weapons, would be sure to notice this latter peculiarity,
and to perceive the valuable uses to which it could be turned. He would therefore try
various forms of flattened missiles, until he at last reached the true boomerang.
The strangest point about the boomerang is, that the curve is not uniform, and, in
fact, scarcely any two specimens have precisely the same curve. Some have the curve
so sharp that it almost deserves the name of angle, for an example of which see fig. 3 in
the upper division. Others, as in fig. 4, have the curve very slight; while others, as in
fig. 2 of the lower division, have a tendency to a double curve, and there is a specimen
in the British Museum in which the double curve is very boldly marked. The best and
typical form of boomerang is, however, that which is shown at fig. 3 of the lower
division. The specimen which is there represented was made on the banks of the river
Darling
The natives can do almost anything with the boomerang, and the circuitous course
which it adopts is rendered its most useful characteristic. Many a hunter has wished
that he only possessed that invaluable weapon, a gun which would shoot round a corner,
and just such a weapon does the Australian find in his boomerang. If, for example, he
should see a kangaroo in such a position that he cannot come within the range of a spear
without showing himself and alarming the animal, or say, for example, that it is sheltered
from a direct attack by the trunk of a tree, he will steal as near as he can without dis-
turbing the animal, and then will throw his boomerang in such a manner that it circles
round the tree, and strikes the animal at which it is aimed.
That such precision should be obtained with so curious a weapon seems rather re-
markable, but those of my readers who are accustomed to play at bowls will call to mind
the enormous power which is given to them by the “ bias," or weighted side of the bowl, ,
and the bold curves which they can force the missile to execute, when they wish to send
the bowl round a number of obstacles which are in its way. The boomerang is used as
a sort of aërial bowl, with the advantage that the expert thrower is able to alter the bias
at will, and to make the weapon describe almost any curve that he chooses.
It is even said that, in case there should be obstacles which prevent the boomerang
from passing round the tree, the native has the power of throwing it so that it strikes
the ground in front of the tree, and then, by the force of the throw, leaps over the top of
the branches, and descends upon the object at which it is thrown.
On page 52 is shown à scene on the river Murray, in which the natives are
drawn as they appear when catching the shag, a species of cormorant, which is found
there in great numbers. They capture these birds in various ways, sometimes by climbing
at night the trees on which they roost, and seizing them, getting severely bitten, by
the way, on their naked limbs and bodies. They have also a very ingenious mode of
planting sticks in the bed of the river, so that they project above the surface, and form
convenient resting-places for the birds. Fatigued with diving, the cormorants are sure
to perch upon them; and as they are dozing while digesting their meal of fish, the native
swims gently up, and suddenly catches them by the wings, and drags them under water.
He always breaks the neck of the bird at once.
They are so wonderfully skilful in the water, that when pelicans are swimming
unsuspectingly on the surface, the natives approach silently, dive under them, seize the
birds by the legs, jerk them under water
, and break both the wings and legs so rapidly
that the unfortunate birds have no chance of escape.
Sometimes, as shown in the illustration, the natives use their boomerangs and clubs,
knock the birds off the branches on which they are roosting, and secure them before they
E 2

52
AUSTRALIA
have recovered from the stunning blow of the weapon. When approaching cormorants and
other aquatic birds, the native has a very ingenious plan of disguising himself. He gathers
a bunch of weeds, ties it on his head, and slips quietly into the water, keeping his whole
body immersed, and only allowing the artificial covering to be seen. The bird, being
quite accustomed to see patches of weeds floating along the water, takes no notice of so
familiar an object, and so allows the disguised man to come within easy
reach.
To return to the boomerang. The reader may readily have imagined that the manu-
facture of so remarkable an implement is not a very easy one. The various points which
La
CATCHING THE CORMORANT.
constitute the excellence of a boomerang are so slight that there is scarcely a European
who can see them, especially as the shape, size, and weight of the weapon differ so much
according to the locality in which it is made. The native, when employed in making a
boomerang, often spends many days over it, not only on account of the very imperfect
tools which he possesses, but by reason of the minute care which is required in the
manufacture of a good weapon.
Day after day he may be seen with the boomerang in his hand, chipping at it slowly
and circumspectly, and becoming more and more careful as it approaches completion.
When he has settled the curve, and nearly flattened it to its proper thickness, he scarcely
makes three or four strokes without balancing the weapon in his hand, looking carefully
along the edges, and making movements as if he were about to throw it. The last few
chips seem to exercise a wonderful effect on the powers of the weapon, and about them
the native is exceedingly fastidious.
Yet, with all this care, the weapon is a very rough one, and the marks of the flint axe
are left without even an attempt to smooth them. In a well-used boomerang the pro-
THE SHIELD.
53
jecting edges of the grooves made by various cuts and chips become quite polished by
friction, while the sunken portion is left rough. In one fine specimen in my possession
the manufacturer has taken a curious advantage of these grooves. Besides marking the
bandle end by covering it with cross-scorings as has already been described, he has filled
the grooves with the red ochre of which the Australian is so fond, and for some eight
inches the remains of the red paint are visible in almost every groove.
So delicate is the operation of boomerang-making, that some men, natives though they
be, cannot turn out a really good weapon, while others are celebrated for their skill, and
can dispose of their weapons as fast as they make them. One of the native “kings
was a well-known boomerang-maker, and his weapons were widely distributed among the
natives, who knew his handiwork as an artist knows the touch of a celebrated painter.
To this skill, and the comparative wealth which its exercise brought him, the king in
question owed the principal part of his authority.
A fair idea of the size and weight of the boomerang may be gained by the measure-
ments of the weapon which has just been mentioned. It is two feet nine inches long
when measured with the curve, and two feet six inches from tip to tip. It is exactly two
inches in width, only narrowing at the tips, and its weight is exactly eleven ounces. This,
by the way, is a war boomerang, and is shaped like that which is shown at page 50, fig. 3,
in the lower division. Another specimen, which is of about the same weight, is shaped
like that of fig. 3 of the upper division. It measures two feet five inches along the curve,
two feet one inch from tip to tip, and is three inches in width in the middle, diminishing
gradually towards the tips.
In order to enable them to ward off these various missiles, the natives are armed with
a shield, which varies exceedingly in shape and dimensions, and, indeed, in some places is
so unlike a shield, and apparently so inadequate to the office of protecting the body, that
when strangers come to visit my collection I often have much difficulty in persuading
them that such strange-looking objects can by any possibility be shields. As there is so
great a variety in the shields, I have collected together a number of examples, which, I
believe, comprise every form of shield used throughout Australia. Two of them are from
specimens in my own collection, several from that of Colonel Lane Fox, others are drawn
from examples in the British Museum, and the rest were sketched by Mr. Angas in the
course of his travels through Australia.
As a general fact, the shield is very solid and heavy, and in some cases looks much
more like a club with which a man can be knocked down, than a shield whereby he can
be saved from a blow, several of them having sharp edges as if for the purpose of inflicting
injury.
If the reader will look at the upper row of shields on page 55, he will see that figs. 2 and 3
exhibit two views of the same shield. This is one of the commonest forms of the weapon,
and is found throughout a considerable portion of Western Australia. It is cut out of a
solid piece of the ever-useful gum-tree, and is in consequence very hard and very heavy.
As may be seen by reference to the illustration, the form of the shield is somewhat trian-
gular, the face which forms the front of the weapon being slightly rounded, and the
handle being formed by cutting through the edge on which the other two faces converge.
The handle is very small
, and could scarcely be used by an ordinary European, though it
is amply wide enough for the small and delicate-looking hand of the Australian native.
My own is a small hand, but is yet too large to hold the Australian shield comfortably.
The reader will see that by this mode of forming the handle the wrist has great play,
and can turn the shield from side to side with the slightest movement of the hand. This
faculty is very useful, especially when the instrument is used for warding off the spear or
the club, weapons which need only to be just turned aside in order to guide them away
from the body.
One of these shields in my own collection is a very fine example of the instrument,
and its dimensions will serve to guide the reader as to the usual form, size, and weight of
an Australian shield. It measures exactly two feet seven inches in length, and is five
inches wide at the middle, which is the broadest part. The width of the hole which
54
AUSTRALIA.
receives the hand is three inches and three-eighths, and the weight of the shield is rather
more than three pounds.
The extraordinary weight of the shield is needed in order to enable it to resist the
shock of the boomerang, the force of which may be estimated by its weight, eleven
ounces, multiplied by the force with which it is hurled. This terrible weapon cannot be
merely turned aside, like the spear or the waddy, and often seems to receive an additional
impulse from striking any object, as the reader may see by reference to page 49, in which
the mode of throwing the boomerang is described. A boomerang must be stopped, and
not merely parried, and moreover, if it be not stopped properly, it twists round the shield,
and with one of its revolving ends inflicts a wound on the careless warrior.
Even if it be met with the shield and stopped, it is apt to break, and the two halves to
converge upon the body. The very fragments of the boomerang seem able to inflict almost
as much injury as the entire weapon; and, in one of the skirmishes to which the natives
are so addicted, a man was seen to fall to the ground with his body cut completely open
by a broken boomerang.
It is in warding off the boomerang, therefore, that the chief skill of the Australian is
shown. When he sees the weapon is pursuing a course which will bring it to him, he
steps forward so as to meet it; and as the boomerang clashes against his shield, he gives
the latter a rapid turn with the wrist. If this maneuvre be properly executed, the
boomerang breaks to pieces, and the fragments are struck apart by the movement of the
shield.
Perhaps some of my readers may remember that “Dick-a-dick,” the very popular
member of the Australian cricketers who came to England in 1868, among other exhibi-
tions of his quickness of eye and hand, allowed himself to be pelted with cricket-balls, at
a distance of fifteen yards, having nothing wherewith to protect himself but the shield and
the leowal, or angular club, the former being used to shield the body, and the latter to guard
the legs. The force and accuracy with which a practised cricketer can throw the ball are
familiar to all Englishmen, and it was really wonderful to see a man, with no clothes
but a skin-tight elastic dress, with a piece of wood five inches wide in his left hand, and a
club in his right, quietly stand against a positive rain of cricket-balls as long as any one
liked to throw at him, and come out of the ordeal unscathed.
Not the least surprising part of the performance was the coolness with which he
treated the whole affair, and the almost instinctive knowledge that he seemed to possess
respecting the precise destination of each ball. If a ball went straight at his body or head,
it was met and blocked by the shield; if it were hurled at his legs, the club knocked it
aside. As to those which were sure not to hit him, he treated them with contemptuous
indifference, just moving his head a little on one side to allow the ball to pass, which
absolutely ruffled his hair as it shot by, or lifting one arm to allow a ball to pass between
the limb and his body, or, if it were aimed but an inch wide of him, taking no notice of
it whatever.
The shield which he used with such skill was the same kind as that which has just
been described, and was probably selected because its weight enabled it to block the balls
without the hand that held it feeling the shock.
To all appearances, the natives expend much more labour upon the shield than upon
the boomerang, the real reason, however, being that much ornament would injure the
boomerang, but can have no injurious effect upon the shield. By reference to the illus-
tration, the reader will see that the face of the shield is covered with ornament, which,
simple in principle, is elaborate in detail.
There is a specimen in my collection which is ornamented to a very great extent on
its face, the sides and the handle being perfectly plain. Like the specimen which is
shown in the illustration, my own shield has a number of lines drawn transversely in
bands, which, however, are seven instead of five in number. Each band is composed of
three zigzag grooves, and each groove has been filled with red ochre. The space between
is filled in with a double zigzag pattern, and the effect of all these lines, simple as they
are, is perfectly artistic and consistent.
The pattern, by the way, is one that seems coinmon to all savage races of men, wherever
THE SHIELD.
55
they may be found, and is to be seen on weapons made by the ancient races now long
passed away, among the Kaffir tribes of South Africa, the cannibal tribes of Central Western
she
2
3
5
7
6
2.
1.
Africa, the inhabitants of the various
Polynesian islands, the savages of the
extreme north and extreme south of
America, and the natives of the great
continent of Australia.
In the specimen shown on page
57, the grooves which form the cross-
bars have been filled with the red
paint to which allusion has several
times been made.
At fig. 7 is seen a shield also made
of solid wood, in which the triangular
form has been developed in a very
curious manner into a quadrangular
shape. The handle is made in the
same manner as that of the former
shield, i.e. by cutting through two
of the faces of the triangle, while the
front of the shield, instead of being a
tolerably round face, is flattened out
into a sharp edge. It is scarcely pos-
sible to imagine any instrument that
looks less like a shield than does this
curious weapon, which seems to have
been made for the express purpose of
presenting as small a surface as pos-
sible to the enemy.
The fact is, however, that the
Southern Australian who uses these
shields has not to defend himself
against arrows, from which a man can
SHIELDS.
56
AUSTRALIA.
only be defended by concealing his body behind shelter which is proof against them : he
has only to guard against the spear and boomerang, and occasionally the missile club, all
which weapons he can turn aside with the narrow shield that has been described.
One of these shields in my collection is two feet seven inches in length, rather more
than six inches in width, and barely three inches thick in the middle. Its weight is just
two pounds. Such a weapon seems much more like a club than a shield, and indeed, if
held by one end, its sharp edge might be used with great effect upon the head of an
enemy. Like most Australian shields, it is covered with a pattern of the same character
as that which has already been mentioned, and it has been so thoroughly painted with
ochre that it is of a reddish mahogany colour, and the real hue of the wood can only
be seen by scraping off some of the stained surface.
The name for this kind of shield is Tamarang, and it is much used in dances, in which
it is struck at regular intervals with the waddy.
At the foot of page 55 may be seen the front and back view of a shield which is much
more solid than either of those which have been described. It is drawn from a specimen
in the British Museum. The manufacturer has evidently found the labour of chipping the
wood too much for him, and has accordingly made much use of fire, forming his shield by
alternate charring and scraping. The handle is rather curiously made by cutting two
deep holes side by side in the back of the shield, the piece of wood between them being
.C
3
1
section at c
2
2.
section
SHIELDS.
rounded into a handle. As is the case with most of the shields, the handle is a very
small
one.
The face of the shield is much wider than either of those which have been noticed,
and is very slightly rounded. It is ornamented with carved grooves, but rough usage has
obliterated most of them, and the whole implement is as rough and unsightly an article
as can well be imagined, in spite of the labour which has been bestowed upon it.
Another of these shields, from Colonel Lane Fox's collection, may be seen on the
left hand of the above illustration. In order to show the manner in which the handle
formed, and the thickness of the wood, a section of the shield, taken across its centre
is also given.
THE SHIELD.
57
We now come to another class of shield, made of bark, and going by the title of
Mulabakka. Shields in general are called by the name of Hieleman. Some of these bark
shields are of considerable size, and are so wide in the middle that, when the owner
crouches behind them, they protect the greater part of his body. As the comparatively
thin material of which they are composed prevents the handle from being made by cutting
into the shield itself, the native is obliged to make the handle separately, and fasten it
to the shield by various methods.
The commonest mode of fixing the handle to a Mulabakka shield is seen at figs. 4
and 5 on page 55, which exhibit the front and profile views of the same shield. Another
Mulabakka is shown at fig. 6, and two others at figs. 2 and 3 on page 56. The
right-hand shield is remarkable for its boldly-curved form, this shape being probably
due to the natural curve of the bark which furnished the implement. The centre shield
exhibits a form of handle which is unlike either of the others, and which, indeed, looks as
if it might have been made by a civilized carpenter.
The faces of all the Mulabakka shields are covered with ornamented patterns, mostly
on the usual zigzag principle, but some having a pattern in which curves form the chief
element.
ORNAMENTED SHIELD. (See p. 55.
CHAPTER V.
AUSTRALIA.—Continued.
WAR AND DANCES.
REAL WAR UNKNOWN TO THE AUSTRALIANS-FEUDS AND THE CAUSES OF THEMA SAVAGE TOURNA-
MENT--VENGEANCE FOR DEATH-THE TROPHY OF VICTORY-AUSTRALIAN VENDETTA-FIRE-
SIGNALS-DEATH OF TARMEENIA-ORDEAL OF BATTLE-CANNIBALISM AS AN ADJUNCT OF WAR-
DANCES OF THE ABORIGINES—THE KURI DANCE AND ITS STRANGE ACCOMPANIMENTS - THE
PALTI DANCE-THE CONCLUDING FIGURE DANCE OF THE PARNKALLA TRIBE-ORDINARY
CORROBBOREES—THE KANGAROO DANCE-TASMANIAN DANCES.
The mention of these various weapons naturally leads us to warfare; and that they are
intended for that purpose the existence of the shields is a proof. Offensive weapons, such
as the spear and the club, may be used merely for killing game; but the shield can only
be employed to defend the body from the weapons of an enemy.
War, however, as we understand the word, is unknown among the Australians. They
have not the intellect nor the organization for it, and so we have the curious fact of
skilled warriors who never saw a battle. No single tribe is large enough to take one
side in a real battle; and, even supposing it to possess sufficient numbers, there is no
spirit of discipline by means of which a force could be gathered, kept together, or directed,
even if it were assembled.
Yet, though real war is unknown, the Australian natives are continually fighting, and
almost every tribe is at feud with its neighbour. The cause of quarrel with them is
almost invariably the possession of some territory. By a sort of tacit arrangement, the
various tribes have settled themselves in certain districts; and, although they are great
wanderers, yet they consider themselves the rightful owners of their own district.
It mostly happens, however, that members of one tribe trespass on the district of
another, especially if it be one in which game of any kind is plentiful. And sometimes,
when a tribe has gone off on a travelling expedition, another tribe will settle themselves
in the vacated district; so that, when the rightful owners of the soil return, there is sure
to be a quarrel. The matter is usually settled by a skirmish, which bears some resem-
blance to the mêlée of ancient chivalry, and is conducted according to well-understood
regulations.
The aggrieved tribe sends a challenge to the offenders, the challenger in question
bearing a bunch of emu’s feathers tied on the top of a spear. At daybreak next morning
the warriors array themselves for battle, painting their bodies in various colours, so as to
make themselves look as much like demons, and as much unlike men, as possible, laying
aside all clothing, and arranging their various weapons for the fight.
Having placed themselves in battle array, at some little distance from each other,
the opposite sides begin to revile each other in quite a Homeric manner, taunting
their antagonists with cowardice and want of skill in their weapons, and boasting of the
FEUDS AND THEIR CAUSES.
.
59
great deeds which they are about to do. When, by means of interposing these taunts with
shouts and yells, dancing from one foot to the other, quivering and poising their spears, and
other mechanical modes of exciting themselves, they have worked themselves up to the
requisite pitch of fury, they begin to throw the spears, and the combat becomes general
Confused as it appears, it is, however, arranged with a sort of order. Each warrior
selects his antagonist; so that the fight is, in fact, a series of duels rather than a battle,
and the whole business bears a curious resemblance to the mode of fighting in the ancient
days of Troy.
Generally the combatants stand in rather scattered lines, or, as we should say, in wide
skirmishing order. The gestures with which they try to irritate their opponents are very
curious, and often grotesque; the chief object being apparently to induce the antagonist to
throw the first spear. Sometimes they stand with their feet very widely apart, and their
knees straight, after the manner which will be seen in the illustration of the native
dances. While so standing, they communicate a peculiar quivering movement to the
legs, and pretend to offer themselves as fair marks. Sometimes they turn their backs on
their adversary, and challenge him to throw at them; or they drop on a hand and knee
for the same purpose.
Mr. MʻGillivray remarked that two spearmen never throw at the same combatant;
but, even with this advantage, the skill of the warrior is amply tested, and it is sur-
prising to see how, by the mere inflexion of the body, or the lifting a leg or arm, they
avoid a spear which otherwise must have wounded them. While the fight is going on,
the women and children remain in the bush, watching the combat, and uttering a sort of
wailing chant, rising and falling in regular cadence.
Sometimes the fight is a very bloody one, though the general rule is, that when one
man is killed the battle ceases, the tribe to which the dead man belonged being considered
as having been worsted. It might be thought that a battle conducted on such principles
would be of very short duration; but the Australian warriors are so skilful in warding off
the weapons of their antagonists that they often fight for a considerable time before a man
is killed. It must be remembered, too, that the Australian natives can endure, without
seeming to be much the worse for them, wounds which would kill a European at once.
In such a skirmish, however, much blood is spilt, even though only one man be
actually killed ; for the barbed spears and sharp-edged boomerangs inflict terrible wounds,
and often cripple the wounded man for life.
Other causes beside the quarrel for territory may originate a feud between two tribes.
One of these cases is a very curious one.
A woman had been bitten by a snake; but, as no blood flowed from the wound, it was
thought that the snake was not a venomous one, and that there was no danger. However,
the woman died in a few hours, and her death was the signal for a desperate war between
two tribes. There seems to be but little connexion between the two events, but according
to Australian ideas the feud was a justifiable one.
The natives of the part of Australia where this event occurred have a curious idea
concerning death. Should any one die without apparent cause, they think that the
death is caused by a great bird called marralya, which comes secretly to the sick person,
seizes him round the waist in his claws, and squeezes him to death." Now the marralya
is not a real bird, but a magical one, being always a man belonging to a hostile tribe, who
assumes the shape of the bird, and so finis an opportunity of doing an injury to the tribe
with which he is at feud. Having made up his mind that the snake which bit the woman
was not a venomous one, her husband could not of course be expected to change his
opinion, and so it was agreed upon that one of a neighbouring tribe with whom they were
at feud must have become a marralya, and killed the woman. The usual challenge was
the consequence
, and from it came a series of bloody fights
.
Like most savage nations, the Australians mutilate their fallen enemies. Instead,
however, of cutting off the scalp, or other trophy, they open the body, tear out the fat
about the kidneys, and rub it over their own bodies. So general is this custom, that to
“ take fat” is a common paraphrase for killing an enemy; and when two antagonists are
opposed to each other, each is sure to boast that his antagonist shall furnish fat for him.
60
AUSTRALIA.
As far as can be learned, they have an idea that this practice endues the victor with the
courage of the slain man in addition to his own; and, as a reputation for being a warrior
of prowess is the only distinction that a native Australian can achieve, it may be
imagined that he is exceedingly anxious to secure such an aid to ambition.
Not from deliberate cruelty, but from the utter thoughtlessness and disregard of
inflicting pain which characterises all savages, the victorious warrior does not trouble
himself to wait for the death of his enemy before taking his strange war-trophy. Should
the man be entirely disabled it is enough for the Australian, who turns him on his back,
opens his body with the quartz knife which has already been described, tears out the
coveted prize, and rubs himself with it until his whole body and limbs shine as if they
were burnished. Oftentimes it has happened that a wounded man has been thus treated,
and has been doomed to see his conqueror adorn himself before his eyes. Putting aside
any previous injury, such a wound as this is necessarily mortal; but a man has been
known to live for more than three days after receiving the injury, so wonderfully strong
is the Australian constitution.
Sometimes these feuds spread very widely, and last for a very long time. Before the
declaration of war, the opposing tribes refrain from attacking each other, but, after that
declaration is once made, the greatest secrecy is often observed, and the warrior is valued
the highest who contrives to kill his enemy without exposing himself to danger. Some-
times there is a sort of wild chivalry about the Australians, mingled with much that is
savage and revolting. A remarkable instance of these traits is recorded by Mr.
M'Gillivray.
An old man had gone on a short expedition in his canoe, while the men of his tribe
were engaged in catching turtle. He was watched by a party belonging to a hostile tribe,
who followed and speared him. Leaving their spears in the body to indicate their
identity, they returned to shore, and made a great fire by way of a challenge. Seeing
the signal, and knowing that a column of thick smoke is almost always meant as a
challenge, the men left their turtling, and, on finding that the old man was missing,
instituted a search after him. As soon as they discovered the body they lighted another
fire to signify their acceptance of the challenge, and a party of them started off the
same evening in order to inflict reprisals on the enemy.
They soon came upon some natives who belonged to the inimical tribe, but who had
not been concerned in the murder, and managed to kill the whole party, consisting of
four men, a woman, and a girl. They cut off the heads of their victims, and returned
with great exultation, shouting and blowing conch-shells to announce their victory.
The heads were then cooked in an oven, and the eyes scooped out and eaten, together
with portions of the cheeks. Only those who had been of the war-party were allowed to
partake of this horrible feast. When it was over the victors began a dance, in which
they worked themselves into a perfect frenzy, kicking the skulls over the ground, and
indulging in all kinds of hideous antics. Afterwards the skulls were hung up on two
cross sticks near the camp, and allowed to remain there undisturbed.
Fire, by the way, is very largely used in making signals, which are understood all
over the continent. A large fire, sending up a great column of smoke, is, as has already
been mentioned, almost invariably a sign of defiance, and it is sometimes kindled daily
until it is answered by another. If a man wishes to denote that he is in want of
assistance, he lights a small fire, and, as soon as it sends up its little column of smoke, he
extinguishes it suddenly by throwing earth on it. This is repeated until the required
assistance arrives.
Some years ago, when the character and habits of the natives were not known so
well as they are now, many of the settlers were murdered by the natives, simply through
their system of fire-signalling. One or two natives, generally old men or women, as
causing least suspicion, and being entirely unarmed, would approach the farm or camp,
and hang about it for some days, asking for food, and cooking it at their own little fires.
The white men had no idea that every fire that was lighted was a signal that was
perfectly well understood by a force of armed men that was hovering about them under
cover of the woods, nor that the little puffs of smoke which occasionally arose in the
THE AUSTRALIAN VENDETTA.
61
distance were answers to the signals made by their treacherous guests. When the spies
thought that their hosts were lulled into security, they made the battle-signal, and
brought down the whole force upon the unsuspecting whites.
The Australians are wonderfully clever actors. How well they can act honesty and
practise theft has already been mentioned. They have also a way of appearing to be
unarmed, and yet having weapons ready to hand. They will come out of the bush, with
green boughs in their hands as signs of peace, advance for some distance, and ostenta-
tiously throw down their spears and other weapons. They then advance again, appa-
rently unarmed, but each man trailing a spear along the ground by means of his toes.
As soon as they are within spear range, they pick up their weapons with their toes,
which are nearly as flexible and useful as fingers, hurl them, and then retreat to the spot
where they had grounded their weapons.
The Australians have a tenacious memory for injuries, and never lose a chance of
reprisal. In 1849, some men belonging to the Badulega tribe had been spending two
months on a friendly visit to the natives of Múralug. One of their hosts had married
an Itálega woman, and two of the brothers were staying with her. The Badulegas
happened to remember that several years before one of their own tribe had been insulted
by an Itálega. So they killed the woman, and tried to kill her brothers also, but only
succeeded in murdering one of them. They started at once for their home, taking the
heads as proofs of their victory, and thought that they had done a great and praise-
worthy action.
A similar affair took place among some of the tribes of Port Essington. A Monobar
native had been captured when thieving, and was imprisoned. He attempted to escape,
and in so doing was shot by the sentinel on duty. By rights his family ought to have
executed reprisals on a white man; but they did not venture on such a step, and accord-
ingly picked out a native who was on good terms with the white man, and killed him.
The friends of the murdered man immediately answered by killing a Monobar, and so the
feud went on.
In each case the victim was murdered while sleeping, a number of
natives quietly surrounding him, and, after spearing him, beating him with their waddies
into a shapeless mass.
Should the cause of the feud be the unexplained death of a man or woman, the duty
of vengeance belongs to the most formidable male warrior of the family. On such occa-
sions he will solemnly accept the office, adorn himself with the red war-paint, select his
best weapons, and promise publicly not to return until he has killed a male of the
inimical tribe. How pertinaciously the Australian will adhere to his bloody purpose may
be seen from an anecdote related by Mr. Lloyd.
He was startled one night by the furious barking of his dogs. On taking a lantern
he found lying on the ground an old black named Tarmeenia, covered with wounds in-
flicted by spears, and boomerangs, and waddies. He told his story in the strange broken
English used by the natives. The gist of the story was, that he and his son were living
in a hut, and the son had gone out to snare a bird for his father, who was ill. Presently
a“ bungilcarney coolie,” i.e. an enemy from another tribe, entered the hut and demanded,
Why did your son kill my wife ? "I shall kill his father.” Whereupon he drove his
spear into the old man's side, and was beating him to death, when he was disturbed
by the return of his son. The young man, a singularly powerful native, knowing that
his father would be certainly murdered outright if he remained in the hut, actually
carried him more than four miles to Mr. Lloyd's house, put him down in the yard, and
left him,
A hut was at once erected close to the house, and Tarmeenia was installed and
attended to. He was very grateful, but was uneasy in his mind, begging that the constable
might visit his hut in his nightly rounds, “'cos same bungilcarney coolie cum agin, and
dis time too much kill 'im Tarmeenia.” The alarm of the old man seemed rather absurd,
considering the position of the hut, but it was fully justified. About three weeks after
Tarmeenia had been placed in the hut, Mr. Lloyd was aroused at daybreak by a servant,
who said that the old black fellow had been burned to death, Dead he certainly was,
and on examining the body two fresh wounds were seen, one by a spear just over the
62
AUSTRALIA.
heart, and the other a deep cut in the loins, through which the “bungilcarney” had
torn the trophy of war.
Occasionally a man who has offended against some native law has to engage in a kind
of mimic warfare, but without the advantage of having weapons. Mr. Lloyd mentions a
curious example of such an ordeal.
“The only instance I ever witnessed of corporal punishment being inflicted-
evidently, too, by some legal process--was upon the person of a fine sleek young black,
who, having finished his morning's repast, rose in a dignified manner, and, casting his rug
from his shoulders, strode with Mohican stoicism to the appointed spot, divested of his
shield, waddy, or other means of defence. Nor, when once placed, did he utter one word,
or move a muscle of his graceful and well-moulded person, but with folded arms and
defiant attitude awaited the fatal ordeal.
“A few minutes only elapsed when two equally agile savages, each armed with two
spears and a boomerang, marched with stately gait to within sixty yards of the culprit.
One weapon after another was hurled at the victim savage, with apparently fatal pre-
cision, but his quick eye and wonderful activity set them all at defiance, with the excep-
tion of the very last cast of a boomerang, which, taking an unusual course, severed a
piece of flesh from the shoulder-blade, equal in size to a crown-piece, as if sliced with a
razor, and thus finished the affair.”
The lex talionis forms part of the Australian traditional law, and is sometimes exer-
cised after a rather ludicrous fashion. A young man had committed some slight offence,
and was severely beaten by two natives, who broke his arm with a club, and laid his
head open with a fishing-spear. Considerable confusion took place, and at last the elders
decided that the punishment was much in excess of the offence, and that, when the
wounded man recovered, the two assailants were to offer their heads to him, so that he
might strike them a certain number of blows with his waddy.
In the description of the intertribal feuds, it has been mentioned that the men who
assisted in killing the victims of reprisal partook of the eyes and cheeks of the murdered
person. This leads us to examine the question of cannibalism, inasmuch as some
travellers have asserted that the Australians are cannibals and others denying such a
propensity as strongly.
That the flesh of human beings is eaten by the Australians is an undeniable fact; but
it must be remarked that such an act is often intended as a ceremonial, and not merely
as a means of allaying hunger or gratifying the palate. It has been ascertained that some
tribes who live along the Murray River have been known to kill and eat children, mixing
their flesh with that of the dog. This, however, only occurs in seasons of great scarcity;
and that the event was exceptional, and not customary, is evident from the fact that
a man was pointed out as having killed his children for food. Now it is plain that, if
cannibalism was the custom, such a man would not be sufficiently conspicuous to be
specially mentioned. These tribes have a horrible custom of killing little boys for the
sake of their fat, with which they bait fish-hooks.
Another example of cannibalism is described by Mr. Angas as occurring in New South
Wales. A lad had died, and his body was taken by several young men, who proceeded
to the following remarkable ceremonies. They began by removing the skin, together with
the head, rolling it round a stake, and drying it over the fire. While this was being done,
the parents, who had been uttering loud lamentations, took the flesh from the legs,
cooked, and ate it. The remainder of the body was distributed among the friends of the
deceased, who carried away their portions on the points of their spears; and the skin and
bones were kept by the parents, and always carried about in their wallets.
It may seem strange that the mention of the weapons and mode of fighting should
lead us naturally to the dances of the Australians. Such, however, is the case ; for in
most of their dances weapons of some sort are introduced. The first which will be men-
tioned is the Kuri dance, which was described to Mr. Angas by a friend who had frequently
seen it. This dance is performed by the natives of the Adelaide district. It seems to
have one point in common with the cotillon of Europe, namely, that it can be varied,
DANCES.
63
shortened, or lengthened, according to the caprice of the players; so that if a spectator
see the Kuri dance performed six or seven times, he will never see the movements
repeated in the same order. The following extract describes a single Kuri dance, and
from it the reader may form his impressions of its general character :
“ But first the dramatis personce must be introduced, and particularly described. The
performers were divided into five distinct classes, the greater body comprising about
twenty-five young men, including five or six boys, painted and decorated as follows: in
nudity, except the yoodna, which is made expressly for the occasion, with bunches of
gum-leaves tied round the legs just above the knee, which, as they stamped about, made
a loud switching noise. In their hands they held a katta or wirri, and some a few gum-
leaves. The fornier were held at arm's length, and struck alternately with their legs as
they stamped. They were painted, from each shoulder down to the hips, with five or six
white stripes, rising from the breast; their faces also, with white perpendicular lines,
making the most hideous appearance. These were the dancers.
" Next came two groups of women, about five or six in number, standing on the right
and left of the dancers, merely taking the part of supernumeraries; they were not painted,
but had leaves in their hands, which they shook, and kept beating time with their feet
during the whole performance, but never moved from the spot where they stood.
“ Next followed two remarkable characters, painted and decorated like the dancers,
but with the addition of the palyertatta—a singular ornament made of two pieces of stick
put crosswise, and bound together by the mangna, in a spreading manner, having at the
extremities feathers opened, so as to set it off to the best advantage. One had the
palyertatta stick sideways upon his head, while the other, in the most wizard-like
manner, kept waving it to and fro before him, corresponding with the action of his head
and legs.
“ Then followed a performer distinguished by a long spear, from the top of which
a bunch of feathers hung suspended, and all down the spear the mangna was wound; he
held the koonteroo (spear and feathers) with both hands behind his back, but occasionally
altered the position, and waved it to the right and left over the dancers. And last came
the singers-two elderly men in their usual habiliments; their musical instruments were
the katta and wirri, on which they managed to beat a double note; their song was one
unvaried, gabbling tone.
“ The night was mild; the new moon shone with a faint light, casting a depth of
shade over the earth, which gave a sombre appearance to the surrounding scene that
highly conduced to enhance the effect of the approaching play. In the distance, a black
mass could be discerned under the gum-trees, whence occasionally a shout and a burst
of flame arose. These were the performers dressing for the dance, and no one approached
them while thus occupied.
“Two men, closely wrapped in their opossum-skins, noiselessly approached one of the
wurlies, where the Kuri was to be performed, and commenced clearing a space for the
singers; this done, they went back to the singers, but soon after returned, sat down, and
began a peculiar harsh and monotonous tune, keeping time with a katta and a wirri by
rattling them together. All the natives of the different wurlies flocked round the singers,
and sat down in the form of a horseshoe, two or three rows deep.
By this time the dancers had moved in a compact body to within a short distance of
the spectators; after standing for a few minutes in perfect silence, they answered the
singers by a singular deep shout simultaneously : twice this was done, and then the man
with the koonteroo stepped out, his body leaning forward, and commenced with a regular
stamp; the two men with the palyertattas followed, stamping with great regularity, the
rest joining in: the regular and alternate stamp, the waving of the palyertatta to and fro,
with the loud switching noise of the gum-leaves, formed a scene highly characteristic of
the Australian natives. In this style they approached the singers, the spectators every
now and then shouting forth their applause. For some time they kept stamping in a
body before the singers, which had an admirable effect, and did great credit to their
dancing attainments; then one by one they turned round, and danced their way back to
the place they first started from, and sat down. The palyertatta and koonteroo men were

64
AUSTRALIA.
the last who left, and as these three singular beings stamped their way to the other
dancers they made a very odd appearance.
“ The singing continued for a short time, and then pipes were lighted; shouts of
applause ensued, and boisterous conversation followed. After resting about ten minutes,
the singers commenced again ; and soon after the dancers huddled together, and responded
to the call by the peculiar shout already mentioned, and then performed the same feat
over again—with this variation, that the palyertatta men brought up the rear, instead of
leading the way. Four separate times these parts of the play were performed with the
AGE
THE KURI DANCE.
usual effect ; then followed the concluding one, as follows: after tramping up to the
singers, the man with the koonteroo commenced a part which called forth unbounded
applause; with his head and body inclined on one side, his spear and feathers behind his
back, standing on the left leg, he beat time with the right foot, twitching his body and
eye, and stamping with the greatest precision; he remained a few minutes in this position,
and then suddenly turned round, stood on his right leg, and did the same once with his
left foot.
"In the meanwhile the two men with the mystic palyertatta kept waving their in-
struments to and fro, corresponding with the motions of their heads and legs, and the
silent trampers performed their part equally well. The koonteroo man now suddenly
stopped, and, planting his spear in the ground, stood in a stooping position behind it; two
dancers stepped up, went through the same manquvre as the preceding party with won-
derful regularity, and then gave a final stamp, turned round, and grasped the spear in a
DIFFERENT DANCES.
65
stooping position, and so on with all the rest, until every dancer was brought to the spear,
so forming a circular body.
“ The palyertatta men now performed the same movement on each side of this body,
accompanied with the perpetual motion of the bread, leg, and arm, and then went round
and round, and finally gave the arrival stamp, thrust in their arm, and grasped the
spear; at the same time all sunk on their knees and began to move away in a mass from
the singers, with a sort of grunting noise, while their bodies leaned and tossed to and
fro; when they had got about ten or twelve yards they ceased, and, giving one long semi-
grunt or groan (after the manner of the red kangaroo, as they say), dispersed.
“During the whole performance, the singing went on in one continued strain, and,
after the last act of the performers, the rattling accompaniment of the singing ceased, the.
strain died gradually away, and shouts and acclamations rent the air."
There are many other dances among the Australians. There is, for example, the Frog-
dance. The performers paint themselves after the usual grotesque manner, take their
wirris in their hands, beat them together, and then squat down and jump after each other
in circles, imitating the movements of the frog. Then there is the emu-dance, in which
all the gestures consist of imitation of emu-hunting, the man who enacts the part of the
bird imitating its voice.
In some parts of Australia they have the canoe-dance, one of the most. graceful of
these performances.
Both men and women take part in this dance, painting their bodies with white and
red ochre, and each furnished with a stick which represents the paddle. They begin to
dance by stationing themselves in two lines, but with the stick across their backs and held
by the arms, while they move their feet alternately to the tune of the song with which
the dance is accompanied. At a given signal they all bring the sticks to the front, and
hold them as they do paddles, swaying themselves in regular time as if they were
paddling in one of their light canoes.
Another dance, the object of which is not very certain, is a great favourite with the
Moorundi natives. The men, having previously decorated their bodies with stripes of red
ochre, stand in a line, while the women are collected in a group and beat time together.
The dance consists in stamping simultaneously with the left foot, and sbaking the fingers
of the extended arms. This dance is called Pedeku.
There is a rather curious dance, or movement, with which they often conclude the
performance of the evening. They sit cross-legged round their fire, beating time with
their spears, and wirris. Suddenly they all stretch out their arms as if pointing to some
distant object, rolling their eyes fearfully as they do so, and finish by leaping on their feet
with a simultaneous yell that echoes for miles through the forest..
In his splendid work on South Australia, Mr. Angas describes a rather curious dance
performed by the Parnkalla tribe, in which both sexes take part. Each man carries a
belt made either of human hair or opossum fur, holding one end in each hand, and keep-
ing the belt tightly strained. There is a slight variation in the mode of performing this
dance, but the usual plan is for all the men to sit down, while a woman takes her place
in the middle. One of the men then dances up to her, jumping from side to side,
and
swaying his arms in harmony with his movements
. The woman begins jumping as her
partner approaches, and then they dance back again, when their place is taken by a
Some persons have supposed that this dance is a religious ceremony, because it is
usually held on clear moonlight evenings. Sometimes, however, it is performed during
the day-time.
The commonest native dance, or "corrobboree," is that which is known as the Palti,
and which is represented in the illustration on the following page. It is always danced by
night, the fitful blaze of the fire being thought necessary to bring out all its beauties.
Before beginning this dance, the performers prepare themselves by decorating their
bodies in some grotesque style with white and scarlet paints, which contrast boldly with
the shining black of their skins. The favourite pattern is the skeleton, each ribbeing
marked by a broad stripe of white paint, and a similar stripe running down the breast and
fresh couple.
VOL. II.
F

66
AUSTRALIA.
along the legs and arms. The face is painted in a similar fashion. The effect produced
by this strange pattern is a most startling one. Illuminated only by the light of the fire,
the black bodies and limbs are scarcely visible against the dark background, so that, as
the performers pass backwards and forwards in the movements of the dance, they look
exactly like a number of skeletons endued with life by magic powers.
This effect is increased by the curious quivering of the legs, which are planted firmly
on the ground, but to which the dancers are able to impart a rapid vibratory movement
from the knees upwards. The wirris, or clubs, are held in the hands as seen in the
و له لارات
.
PALTI DANCE, OR CORROBBOREE.
illustration, and at certain intervals they are brought over the head, and clashed violently
together. The Palti as well as the Kuri dance is conducted by a leader, who gives the
word of command for the different movements. Some of the dancers increase their odd
appearance by making a fillet from the front teeth of the kangaroo, and tying it round
their foreheads.
Once in the year, the natives of some districts have a very grand dance, called the
cobbongo corrobboree," or great mystery dance. This dance is performed by the
natives of the far interior. An admirable account of this dance was published in the
Illustrated London News of October 3, 1863, and is here given. "The time selected for
this great event is every twelfth moon, and during her declination. For several days
previous a number of tribes whose territories adjoin one another congregate at a particular
spot, characterised by an immense mound of earth covered with ashes (known amongst
the white inhabitants as 'a black's oven') and surrounded by plenty of couraway' or
water holes. To this place they bring numbers of kangaroos, 'possums, emus, and wild
THE GREAT CORROBBOREE.
67
ducks, and a large quantity of wild honey, together with a grass from the seed of which
they make a sort of bread.
“Upon the evening on which the corrobboree' is celebrated, a number of old men
(one from each tribe), called by the natives 'wammaroogo, signifying medicine-men or
charm-men, repair to the top of the mound, where, after lighting a fire, they walked round
it, muttering sentences and throwing into it portions of old charms which they have worn
round their necks for the past twelve months. This is continued for about half an hour,
when they descend, each carrying a fire-stick, which he places at the outskirts of the
camp, and which is supposed to prevent evil spirits approaching. As soon as this is
over, during which a most profound silence is observed by all, the men of the tribe pre-
pare their toilet for the 'corrobboree,' daubing themselves over with chalk, red ochre,
and fat.
“While the men are thus engaged, the gentler sex are busy arranging themselves in
a long line, and in a sitting posture, with rugs made of 'possum skins doubled round their
legs, and a small stick called 'nullà-nullà’ in each hand. A fire is lit in front of them,
and tended by one of the old charmers. As the men are ready, they seat themselves
cross-legged like tailors, and in regular 'serried file,' at the opposite side of the fire to the
women, while one of the medicine-men takes up his position on the top of the mound
to watch the rising of the moon, which is the signal for 'corrobboree. All is now still :
nothing disturbs the silence save the occasional jabber of a woman or child, and even
that, after a few minutes, is hushed. The blaze of the fire throws a fitful light along the
battalion-like front of the black phalanx, and the hideous faces, daubed with paint and
smeared with grease, show out at such a moment to anything but advantage.
“As soon as the old gentleman who has been 'taking the lunar' announces the advent
of that planet, which seems to exercise as great an influence over the actions of these
people as over many of those amongst ourselves, the corrobboree' commences. The
women beat the little sticks together, keeping time to a peculiar monotonous air, and
repeating the words, the burden of which when translated may be-
" The kangaroo is swift, but swifter is Ngoyulloman;
The snake is cunning, but more cunning is Ngoyulloman,' &c.
each woman using the name of her husband or favourite in the tribe. The men spring
to their feet with a yell that rings through the forest, and, brandishing their spears,
boomerangs, &c., commence their dance, finging themselves into all sorts of attitudes,
howling, laughing, grinning, and singing; and this they continue till sheer exhaustion
compels them to desist, after which they roast and eat the product of the chase, gathered
for the occasion, and then drop off to sleep one by one."
The reader will see that this great mystery corrobboree combines several of the
peculiar movements which are to be found in the various dances that have already been
described.
A dance of a somewhat similar character used to be celebrated by the Tasmanians at
the occasion of each full moon, as is described by Mr. G. T. Lloyd. The various tribes
assembled at some trysting-place; and while the women prepared the fire, and fenced off
a space for the dance, the men retired to adorn themselves with paint, and to fasten
bunches of bushy twigs to their ankles, wrists, and waists.
The women being seated at the end of this space, one of the oldest among them strode
forward, calling by name one of the performers, reviling him as a coward, and challenging
him to appear and answer her charge. The warrior was not long in his response, and,
bounding into the circle through the fire, he proclaimed his deeds of daring in war and in
the hunt. At every pause he made, his female admirers took up his praises, vaunting his
actions in a sort of chant, which they accompanied by extemporized drums formed of
rolled kangaroo skins.
Suddenly, upon some inspiring allegretto movement of the thumping band, thirty or
forty grim savages would bound successively through the furious flames into the sacred
arena, looking like veritable demons on a special visit to terra firma, and, after thoroughly
exhausting themselves by leaping in imitation of the kangaroo around and through the
F 2

68
AUSTRALIA.
fire, they vanished in an instant. These were as rapidly succeeded by their lovely gins,
who, at a given signal from the beldame speaker, rose en masse, and ranging themselves
round the fresh-plied flames in a state unadorned and genuine as imported into the world,
contorted their arms, legs, and bodies into attitudes that would shame first-class acrobats.
The grand point, however, with each of
the well-greased beauties was to scream
down her sable sister.
This dance, as well as other native
customs, has departed, together with the
aborigines, from the island, and the native
Tasmanians are now practically extinct.
There is before me a photograph of the
three remaining survivors of these tribes,
which some sixty years ago numbered
between six and seven thousand. That
they should have so rapidly perished under
the influence of the white man is ex-
plained from the fact that their island is
but limited in extent, and that they are
altogether inferior to the aborigines of the
continent. They are small in stature, the
men averaging only five feet three inches
in height, and they are very ill-favoured
in countenance, the line from the nose to
the corners of the mouth being very deep
and much curved, so as to enclose the
mouth in a pair of parentheses. This
TASMANIAN WOMAN.
feature is shown in the accompanying
portrait of a young woman, but in my
photograph, which represents older individuals, it is marked much more strongly.
The reader will notice that the hair is cut very closely. This is done by means of two
sharp-edged fragments of fiint, broken glass being preferred since Europeans settled in the
country. Cutting the hair is necessarily a tedious ceremony, only ten or twelve hairs
being severed at a time, and upwards of three hours being consumed in trimming a head
fit for a dance. Shaving is conducted after the same manner.
The general habits of the Tasmanian natives agree with those of the continent. The
mode of climbing trees, however, is a curious mixture of the Australian and Polynesian
custom. When the native discovers the marks of an opossum on the bark, he plucks a
quantity of wire-grass, and rapidly lays it up in a three-stranded plait, with which he
encircles the tree and his own waist. By means of a single chop of the tomahawk he
makes a slight notch in the bark, into which he puts his great toe, raises himself by it,
and simultaneously jerks the grass-band up the trunk of the tree. Notch after notch is
thus made, and the native ascends with incredible rapidity, the notches never being
less than three feet six inches apart.
Often, the opossum, alarmed at the sound of the tomahawk, leaves its nest, and runs
along some bare bough, projecting horizontally from eighty to a hundred feet above the
ground. The native walks along the bough upright and firm as if the tree were his
native place, and shakes the animal into the midst of his companions who are assembled
under the tree.
The natives never, in their wild state, wear clothes of any kind. They manufacture
cloaks of opossum and kangaroo skins, but only in defence against cold.
They are wonderful hunters, and have been successfully employed by the colonists in
tracing sheep that had strayed, or the footsteps of the thief who had stolen them.
The
slightest scratch tells its tale to these quick-eyed people, who know at once the
time at which the impression was made, and, having once seen it, start off at a quick
pace, and are certain to overtake the fugitive.
very
THE LAW OF PROGRESSION.
69
The untimely end of the aboriginal Tasmanians is greatly to be attributed to the conduct
of a well-known chief, called Mosquito. He was a native of Sydney, and, having been
convicted of several murders, was, by a mistaken act of lenity, transported to Tasmania,
when he made acquaintance with the Oyster Bay tribe. Being much taller and stronger
than the natives, he was unanimously elected chief
, and took the command. His reign
was most disastrous for the Tasmanians. He ruled them with a rod of iron, punishing
the slightest disobedience with a blow of his tomakawk, not caring in the least whether
the culprit were killed or not. He organized a series of depredations on the property of
the colonists, and was peculiarly celebrated for his skill in stealing potatoes, teaching his
followers to abstract them from the ridges, and to re-arrange the ground so as to look as if
it had never been 'disturbed, and to obliterate all traces of their footmarks with boughs.
Under the influence of such a leader, the natives became murderers as well as thieves,
so that the lives of the colonists were always in peril. It was therefore necessary to take
some decided measures with them; and after sundry unsuccessful expeditions, the natives
at last submitted themselves, and the whole of them, numbering then (1837) scarcely
more than three hundred, were removed to Flinder's Island, where a number of comfort-
able stone cottages were built for them, infinitely superior to the rude bough huts or
miam-miams of their own construction. They were liberally supplied with food, clothing,
and other necessaries, as well as luxuries, and the Government even appointed a resident
surgeon to attend them when ill. All this care was, however, useless. Contact with civiliza-
tion produced its usual fruits, and in 1861 the native Tasmanians were only thirteen in
number. Ten have since died, and it is not likely that the three who survived in 1867
will perpetuate their race.
That the singularly rapid decadence of the Tasmanians was partly caused by the
conduct of the shepherds, and other rough and uneducated men in the service of the
colonists, cannot be denied. But the white offenders were comparatively few, and quite
unable themselves to effect such a change in so short a time. For the real cause we
must look to the strange but unvariable laws of progression. Whenever a higher race
occupies the same grounds as a lower, the latter perishes, and, whether in animate or
inanimate nature, the new world is always built on the ruins of the old
CHAPTER VI.
AUSTRALIA.—Continued.
DOMESTIC LIFE.
MARRIAGE-PURCHASE AND EXCHANGE OF WIVES-A ROUGH WOOING-TREATMENT OF THE WIVES
A BRUTAL HUSBAND-NARROW ESCAPE-A FAITHFUL COMPANION-AUSTRALIAN MOTHERS.
TREATMENT OF THE NEW-BORN INFANT-PRACTICE OF INFANTICIDE-THE MOTHER AND HER
DEAD CHILD.
We will now proceed to the domestic life of the native Australian, if, indeed, their mode
of existence deserves such a name, and will begin with marriage customs.
Betrothal takes place at a very early age, the girl being often promised in marriage
when she is a mere child, her future husband being perhaps an old man with two or
three wives and a number of children. Of course the girl is purchased from her father,
the price varying according to the means of the husband. Articles of European make
are now exceedingly valued ; and as a rule, a knife, a glass bottle, or some such article, is
considered as a fair price for a wife.
Exchange is often practised, so that a young man who happens to have a sister to
spare will look out for some man who has a daughter unbetrothed, and will effect an
amicable exchange with him, so that a man who possesses sisters by his father's death is
as sure of a corresponding number of wives as if he had the means wherewith to buy
them.
Until her intended husband takes her to wife, the betrothed girl lives with her
parents, and during this interval she is not watched with the strictness which is generally
exercised towards betrothed girls of savages. On the contrary, she is tacitly allowed to
have as many lovers as she chooses, provided that a conventional amount of secrecy be
observed, and her husband, when he marries her, makes no complaint. After marriage,
however, the case is altered, and, if a former lover were to attempt a continuance of the
acquaintance, the husband would avenge himself by visiting both parties with the
severest punishment.
There is no ceremony about marriage, the girl being simply taken to the hut of her
husband, and thenceforth considered as his wife.
In some parts of Australia, when a young man takes a fancy to a girl he obtains her
after a rather curious fashion, which seems a very odd mode of showing affection.
Watching his opportunity when the girl has strayed apart from her friends, he stuns her
with a blow on the head from his waddy, carries her off, and so makes her his wife. The
father of the girl is naturally offended at the loss of his daughter, and complains to the
elders. The result is almost invariably that the gallant offender is sentenced to stand
the ordeal of spear and boomerang. Furnished with only his narrow shield, he stands
still, while the aggrieved father and other relatives hurl a certain number of spears and
boomerangs at him. It is very seldom that he allows himself to be touched, but, when
the stipulated number of throws has been made, he is considered as having expiated his
offence, whether he be hit or not.
A MISUNDERSTANDING.
71
Polygamy is of course practised, but to no very great extent. Still, although a man
may never have more than two or three wives at a time, he has often married a con-
siderable number, either discarding them when they were too old to please his taste, or
perhaps killing them in a fit of anger. This last is no uncommon mode of getting rid of
à wife, and no one seeins to think that her husband has acted cruelly. Indeed, the
genuine native would not be able to comprehend the possibility of being cruel to his wife,
inasmuch as he recognises in her no right to kind treatment. She is as much his chattel
as his spear or hut, and he would no more think himself cruel in beating his wife to
death than in breaking the one or burning the other.
Since white men came to settle in the country the natives have learned to consider
them as beings of another sphere, very powerful, but unfortunately possessed with some
unaccountable prejudices. Finding, therefore, that breaking a wife's limb with a club,
piercing her with a spear, or any other mode of expressing dissatisfaction, shocked the
prejudices of the white men, they ceased to mention such practices, though they did
not discontinue them.
Quite recently, a native servant was late in keeping his appointment with his master,
and, on inquiry, it was elicited that he had just quarrelled with one of his wives, and had
speared her through the body. On being rebuked by his master he turned off the matter
with a laugh, merely remarking that white men had only one wife, whereas he had two,
and did not mind losing one until he could buy another.
Considering and treating the women as mere articles of property, the men naturally
repose no confidence in them, and never condescend to make them acquainted with their
plans. If they intend to make an attack upon another tribe, or to organize an expedition
for robbery, they carefully conceal it from the weaker sex, thinking that such inferior
animals cannot keep secrets, and might betray them to the objects of the intended attack.
The utter contempt which is felt by the native Australians for their women is well
illustrated by an adventure which occurred after a dance which had been got up for the
benefit of the white men, on the understanding that a certain amount of biscuit should be
given to the dancers. When the performance was over, the biscuit was injudiciously
handed to a woman for distribution. A misunderstanding at once took place. The men,
although they would not hesitate to take away the biscuit by force, would not condescend
to ask a woman for it, and therefore considered that the promised payment had not been
made to them. Some of them, after muttering their discontent, slipped away for their
spears and throwing sticks, and the whole place was in a turmoil.
Fortunately, in order to amuse the natives, the white visitors, who had never thought
of the offence that they had given, sent up a few rockets, which frightened the people for
a time, and then burned a blue light. As the brilliant rays pierced the dark recesses of
the forest, they disclosed numbers of armed men among the trees, some alone and others
in groups, but all evidently watching the movements of the visitors whose conduct had
So deeply insulted them. A friendly native saw their danger at once, and hurried them
off to their boats, saying that spears would soon be thrown.
There was much excuse to be found for them. They had been subjected to one of the
grossest insults that warriors could receive. To them, women were little better than dogs,
and, if there were any food, the warriors first satisfied their own hunger, and then threw
to the women any fragments that might be left. Therefore, that a wornan--a mere
household chattel -should be deputed to distribute food to warriors, was a gross,
intolerable, and, as they naturally thought, intentional insult. It was equivalent to
degrading them from their rank as men and warriors, and making them even of less
account than women. No wonder, then, that their anger was roused, and the only matter
of surprise is that an attack was not immediately made. Australian warriors have their
own ideas of chivalry, and, like the knights of old, feel themselves bound to resent the
smallest aspersion cast upon their honour.
Mr. M Gillivray, who narrates this anecdote, makes a few remarks which are most
valuable
, as showing the errors which are too often committed when dealing with savages,
not only those of Australia, but of other countries.
“I have alluded to this occurrence, trivial as it may appear, not without an object.
72
AUSTRALIA
It serves as an illustration of the policy of respecting the known customs of the
Australian race, even in apparently trifling matters, at least during the early period of
intercourse with a tribe, and shows how a little want of judgment in the director of our
party caused the most friendly intentions to be misunderstood, and might have led to
fatal results.
I must confess that I should have considered any injury sustained on our side to
have been most richly merited. Moreover, I am convinced that some at least of the
collisions which have taken place in Australia between the first European visitors and
the natives of any given district have originated in causes of offence brought on by the
indiscretion of one or more of the party, and revenged on others who were innocent."
Mr. M'Gillivray then proceeds to mention the well-known case of the night attack
on Mr. Leichhardt's expedition. For no apparent reason, a violent assault was made on
the camp, and Mr. Gilbert was killed. The reason of this attack did not transpire until
long afterwards, when a native attached to the expedition divulged, in a state of intoxica-
tion, the fact that he and a fellow-countryman had grossly insulted a native woman.
Yet, in spite of this brutal treatment, the women often show a depth of affectionate
feeling which raises them far above the brutal savages that enslave them. One remarkable
instance of this feeling is mentioned by Mr. Bennett. She had formed an attachment to
an escaped convict, who became a bushranger, and enabled him, by her industry and
courage, to prolong the always precarious life of a bushranger beyond the ordinary limits.
The chief dangers that beset these ruffians are the necessity for procuring food, and
the watch which is always kept by the police. Her native skill enabled her to supply
him with food, and, while he was lying concealed, she used to fish, hunt, dig roots, and
then to cook them for him. Her native quickness of eye and ear enabled her to detect
the approach of the police, and, by the instinctive cunning with which these blacks are
gifted, she repeatedly threw the pursuers off the scent. He was utterly unworthy of the
affection which she bestowed on him, and used to beat her unmercifully, but, undeterred
by his cruelty, she never flagged in her exertions for his welfare ; and on one occasion,
while he was actually engaged in ill-treating her, the police came upon his place of
refuge, and must have captured him, had she not again misled them, and sent them to a
spot far from the place where he was hidden. At last, he ventured out too boldly, during
her accidental absence, was captured, tried and hanged. But up to the last this faithful
creature never deserted him, and, even when he was imprisoned, she tried to follow him,
but was reclaimed by her tribe.
When a native woman is about to become a mother she retires into the bush,
sometimes alone, but generally accompanied by a female friend, and, owing to the strong
constitution of these women, seldom-remains in her retirement more than a day or so.
Among the natives of Victoria, the ceremony attending the birth of a child is rather
curious, and is amusingly described by Mr. Lloyd: “While upon the subject of the
Australian aborigines, I must not omit to describe the very original modus operandi of
the indigenous sage femme.
“The unhappy loobra (native woman) retired with her wise woman into some lone
secluded dell, abounding with light sea-sand.
A fire was kindled, and the wretched
miam-miam speedily constructed. Then came the slender repast, comprising a spare
morsel of kangaroo or other meat, supplied with a sparing hand by her stoical coolie
male native), grilled, and graced with the tendrils of green opiate cow-thistles, or the
succulent roots of the bulbous leaf, 'mernong.'
“The sable attendant soon entered upon her interesting duties. One of the first was,
to light a second fire over a quantity of prepared sand, that had been carefully divested of
all fibrous roots, pebbles, or coarser matter. The burning coals and fagots were removed
from thence, upon some nice calculation as to the period of the unfortunate little nigger's
arrival. When the miniature representative of his sable father beheld the light of day,
a hole was scratched in the heated sánd, and the wee russet-brown thing safely deposited
therein, in a state of perfect nudity, and buried to the very chin, so effectually covered up
as to render any objectionable movement on his or her part utterly impossible.
“So far as any infantine ebullitions of feeling were concerned, the learned sages

INFANTICIDE.
73
femmes appeared to have a thorough knowledge as to the world-wide method of treating
the mewling and puking importunities of unreasoning nurslings. They knew well that
a two-hours' sojourn in the desert sand, warm as it might be, would do much to cool the
new comer, and temper it into compliance. At the expiration of that time, having
acquired so much knowledge of earthly troubles, the well-baked juvenile was considered
to be thoroughly done, and thereupon introduced to his delighted loobra mamma."
Following the custom of many savage nations, the Australians too often destroy their
children in their first infancy. Among the Muralug tribes the practice is very common.
UD
SAS
AUSTRALIAN MOTHERS.
It has already been mentioned that the girls live very unrestrainedly before marriage, and
the result is, that a young woman will sometimes have several children before her
marriage. As a general rule, these children are at once killed, unless the father be
desirous of preserving them. This, however, is seldom the case, and he usually gives
the order, “ Márana teio,” i.e. Throw it into the hole, when the poor little thing is at once
buried alive. Even those children which are born after marriage are not always pre-
served. In the first place, a woman will scarcely ever take charge of more than three
children, and
many a female child is destroyed where a male would be allowed to live.
All children who have any bodily defect are sure to be killed, and, as a general rule,
half-caste children are seldom allowed to live. The mothers are usually ashamed to
acknowledge these murders, but in one case the unnatural parent openly avowed the
deed, saying that the infant was like a waragul, i.e. the native dog, or dingo. The fact was
that its father was a sailor who had fiery red hair, and his offspring partook of the same
rufous complexion. Of course there are exceptions to the rule, one of which may be
74
AUSTRALIA.
found in the case of the poor woman who was so faithful to her convict mate. She had
a male child, which was brought up by the tribe to which she belonged, and they were
sn fond of him that they refused to give him up when some benevolent persons tried to
obtain possession of him in order to educate him in civilization.
If, however, the child is allowed to live, the Australian mother is a very affectionate
one, tending her offspring with the greatest care, and in her own wild way being as
loving a parent as can be found in any part of the world.
In nothing is this affection better shown than in the case of a child's death.
Although she might have consigned it when an infant to a living grave without a pang
of remorse, yet, when it dies after having been nurtured by her, she exhibits a steady
sorrow that exhibits the depth of affection with which she regarded the child. When it
dies, she swathes the body in many wrappers, places it in her net-bul, or native wallet,
and carries it about with her as if it were alive. She never parts with it for a moment.
When she eats she offers food to the dead corpse, as if it were still alive, and, when sbe
lie down to sleep, she lays her head upon the wallet which serves her as a pillow. The
progre of decay has no effect upon her, and though the body becomes so offensive that
no one can come near her, she seems unconscious of it, and never dreams of abandoning
the dreadful burden. In process of time nothing is left but the mere bones, but even
these are tended in the same loving manner, and even after the lapse of years the mother
has been known to bear, in addition to her other burdens, the remains of her dead child.
Even when the child has been from six to seven years old she will treat it in the same
manner, and, with this burden on her back, will continue to discharge her heavy
domestic duties.
CHAPTER VII.
AUSTRALIA.—Continued.
FROM CHILDHOOD TO MANHOOD.
AUSTRALIAN CHILDREN_CEREMONIES ATTENDANT ON BECOMING MEN-ADMISSION TO THE RANK OF
HUNTER--CEREMONY OF THE KANGAROO-THE KORADJEES AND THEIR DUTIES-KNOCKING OUT
THE TOOTH-TRIAL BY
ENDURANCE-TEST OF DETERMINATION--THE MAGIC CRYSTALTHE
FINAL FEAST-INITIATION AMONG THE MOORUNDI AND PARNKALLA TRIBE--THE WITARNA, AND
ITS DREADED SOUND-THE WHISPERERS-TAKING THE SECOND DEGREE--THE APRON AND HEAD-
NET-THE
-THE THIRD AND
LAST CEREMONY-ENDURANCE OF PAIN--A NAUO MAN STORY OF
GI'ÔM-MAKING KOTAIGA OR BROTHERHOOD.
African savage.
AUSTRALIAN children, while they remain children, and as such are under the dominion of
their mothers, are rather engaging little creatures. They cannot be called pretty, partly
owing to the total neglect, or rather ignorance, of personal cleanliness, and partly on
account of the diet with which they are fed. Their eyes are soft, and possess the half-
wistful, half-wild expression that so peculiarly distinguishes the young savage.
But
they are never washed except by accident, their profuse black hair wanders in unkempt
masses over their heads, and their stomachs protrude exactly like those of the young
In process of time they lose all these characteristics. The wistful expression dies
out of their eyes, while the restless, suspicious glance of the savage takes its place.
They become quarrelsome, headstrong, and insubordinate, and, after exhibiting these
qualifications for a higher rank in life, they become candidates for admission into the
rights and privileges of manhood. Among civilized nations, attaining legal majority is a
simple process enough, merely consisting of waiting until the candidate is old enough ;
but with many savage nations, and specially with the Australians, the process of
becoming men is a long, intricate, and singularly painful series of ceremonies.
These rites vary according to the locality in which they are celebrated, but they all
agree in one point, namely, -in causing very severe pain to the initiates, and testing to
the utmost their endurance of pain. As many of these rites are almost identical in
different tribes, I shall not repeat any of them, but only mention those points in which
the ceremonies differ from each other.
One of these customs, which seems to belong to almost every variety of savage life,
namely, the loss of certain teeth, flourishes among the Australians. The mode of extract-
ing the teeth is simple enough. The men who conduct the ceremony pretend to be very
ill, swoon, and writhe on the ground, and are treated after the usual method of healing
the sick, i.e. their friends make a great howling and shouting, dance round them, and hit
them on the back, until each sick man produces a piece of sharp bone.
This ceremony being intended to give the initiates power over the various animals,
series of appropriate ceremonies are performed. On the morning after the sharp bones
have been mysteriously produced, the Koradjees, or operators, dress themselves up with
a
76
AUSTRALIA
bits of fur and other decorations, which are conventionally accepted as representing the
dingo, or native dog. The wooden sword, which is thrust into a belt, sticks up over the
back, and takes the place of the tail. The boys are then made to sit on the ground,
while the koradjees run round and round them on all fours, thus representing dogs, and
giving the lads to understand that the succeeding ceremony will give them power over
dogs. In token of this power, each time that they pass the boys they throw sand and
dust over them.
Here it must be remarked that the Australian natives are great dog-fanciers, the dog
being to them what the pig is to the Sandwich Islanders. There is scarcely a lad who
does not possess at least one dog, and many have several, of which they take charge from
earliest puppyhood, and which accompany their masters wherever they go.
Besides their value as companions, these dogs are useful for another reason. They
are a safeguard against famine; for when a man is in danger of starving, he is sure to
rescue himself by killing and cooking his faithful dog. The animal has never cost him
any trouble. It forages for itself as it best can, and always adheres to its owner, and is
always at hand when wanted. The object, therefore, of the first part of the ceremony is
to intimate to the lads that they are not only to have dominion over the dogs, but that
they ought to possess its excellent qualities.
The next part of the ceremony is intended to give them power over the kangaroos.
Accordingly, a stout native now appears on the scene, bearing on his shoulders the
rude effigy of a kangaroo, made of grass; and after him walks another man with a load of
brushwood. The men move with measured steps, in time to the strokes of clubs upon
shields, wherewith the spectators accompany the songs which they sing. At the end of
the dance, the men lay their burdens at the feet of the youths, the grass effigy signifying
the kangaroo, and the brushwood being accepted as a sign of its haunts.
The koradjees now take upon themselves the character of the kangaroo, as they
formerly personated the dog. They make long ropes of grass in imitation of the
kangaroo's tail, and fasten them at the back of their girdles. They then imitate the
various movements of the kangaroo, such as leaping, feeding, rising on their feet and
looking about them, or lying down on their sides and scratching themselves, as kangaroos
do when basking in the sun. As they go through these performances, several men
enact the part of hunters, and follow them with their spears, pretending to steal upon
them unobserved, and so to kill them.
After a few more ceremonies, the men lie on the ground, and the boys are led over
their prostrate bodies, the men groaning and writhing, and pretending to suffer horrible
agony from the contact with uninitiates. At last the boys are drawn up in a row, and
opposite to them stands the principal koradjee, holding his shield and waddy, with which
he keeps up a series of regular strokes, the whole party poising their spears at him, and
at every third stroke touching his shield.
The operators now proceed to the actual removal of the tooth. The initiates are
placed on the shoulders of men seated on the ground, and the operator then lances the
gums freely with the sharp bone. One end of a wummerah, or throw-stick, is next placed
on the tooth, and a sharp blow is struck with the stone, knocking out the tooth, and
often a piece of gum also if the lancing has not been properly done.
Among another tribe, the initiate is seated opposite a tree. A stiek is then placed
against the trunk of the tree, with its other end resting on the tooth. The operator
suddenly pushes the lad's head forward, when, as a matter of course, the tooth comes out.
The blood is allowed to flow over the spot, and, as it is a sign of manhood, is never
washed off.
The tooth being finally extracted, the boy is led to a distance, and his friends press the
wounded gum together, and dress him in the emblems of his rank as a man. The opossum
fur belt, or kumeel, is fastened round his waist, and in it is thrust the wooden sword,
which he, as a warrior, is now expected to use. A bandage is tied round his forehead, in
which are stuek a number of grass-tree leaves; his left hand is placed over his mouth,
and for the rest of the day he is not allowed to eat.
In some parts of the country there is á curious addition to the mére loss of the tooth.

COMING OF AGE.
77
The warriors stand over the lad, exhorting him to patience, and threatening him with
instant death if he should flinch, cry out, or show any signs of pain. The operators then
deliberately cut long gashes all down his back, and others upon his shoulders. Should
he groan, or display any symptoms of suffering, the operators give three long and piercing
yells, as a sign that the youth is unworthy to be a warrior. The women are summoned,
and the recreant is handed over to them, ever after to be ranked with the women, and
share in their menial and despised tasks.
Even after passing the bodily ordeal, he has to undergo a mental trial. There is a
certain mysterious piece of crystal to which various magic powers are attributed, and
SAW
SIM
ANGE
AN AUSTRALIAN FEAST.
which is only allowed to be seen by men, who wear it in their hair, tied up in a little
packet. This crystal, and the use to which it is put, will be described when we come to
treat of medicine among the Australians.
The youth having been formally admitted as a huntsman, another ring is formed
round him, in order to see whether his firmness of mind corresponds with his endurance
of body. Into the hands of the maimed and bleeding candidate the mysterious crystal is
placed. As soon as he has taken it, the old men endeavour by all their arts to persuade
him to give it up again. Should he be weak-minded enough to yield, he is rejected as a
warrior; and not until he has successfully resisted all their threats and cajoleries is he
finally admitted into the rank of men.
The ceremony being over, a piercing yell is set up as a signal for the women to return
to the
camp, and the newly-admitted man follows them, accompanied by their friends, all
chanting a song of joy, called the korinda braia. They then separate to their respective
fires, where they hold great feastings and rejoicings; and the ceremonies are concluded
with the dances in which the Australians so much delight.
As may be gathered from the account of these ceremonies, the lad who is admitted
into the society of hunters thinks very much of himself, and addresses himself to the
largest game of Australia ; namely, the emu and the dingo. When he has succeeded in
killing either of these creatures, he makes a trophy, which he carries about for some time,
as a proof that he is doing credit to his profession. This trophy consists of a stick, a yard
78
AUSTRALIA.
or so in length, to one end of which is tied the tail of the first dingo he kills, or a huge
tuft of feathers from the first emu. These trophies he displays everywhere, and is as proud
of them as an English lad of his first brush, or of his first pheasant's tail.
Among the Moorundi natives, who live on the great Murray River, another ceremony
is practised. When the lads are about sixteen years old, and begin to grow the beard and
moustache which become so luxuriant in their after-life, preparations are quietly made by
sending for some men from a friendly tribe, who are called, from their office, the weearoos, or
pluckers. When they have arrived, the lads who have been selected are suddenly pounced
upon by some one of their own tribe, and conducted to the place of initiation, which is
marked by two spears set in the ground, inclining to each other, and being decorated with
bunches of emu feathers. They are then smeared over with red ochre and grease, and the
women flock round them, crying bitterly, and cutting their own legs with mussel-shells,
until they inflict horrible gashes, and cause the blood to flow abundantly. In fact, a
stranger would think that the women, and not the lads, were the initiates.
The boys lie down, with their heads to the spears, surrounded by their anxious friends,
who watch them attentively to see if they display any indications of flinching from pain.
The weearoos now advance, and pluck off every hair from their bodies, thus causing a
long and irritating torture. When they have endured this process, green branches are
produced, and fastened to the bodies of the lads, one being worn as an apron, and the
others under the arms. Two kangaroo-teeth are then fastened in the hair, and the young
men, as they are now termed, are entitled to wear a bunch of emu feathers in their hair.
With another tribe there is a curious variation. The initiate is brought to the selected
spot by an old man, and laid on his back in the midst of five fires, each fire consisting of
three pieces of wood laid across each other so as to form a triangle. An opossum-skin
bay is laid on his face, and the various operations are then performed.
Among the Parnkallas, and other western tribes, there are no less than three distinct
ceremonies before the boys are acknowledged as men.
The first ceremony is a very simple one.
When the boys are twelve or fifteen years
old, they are carried away from the women, and are blindfolded. The operators then
begin to shout the words "Herri, herri” with the full force of their lungs, swinging at the
same time the mysterious instrument called the witarna.
This mysterious implement is a small shuttle-shaped piece of wood, covered with
carved ornaments, and being suspended, by a hole cut at one end, from a string made of
plaited human hair. When swung rapidly in the air, it makes a loud humming or
booming sound. The witarna is kept by the old men of the tribe, and is invested with
sundry and somewhat contradictory attributes. Its sound is supposed to drive away evil
spirits, and at the same time to be very injurious to women and children, no uninitiated
being allowed to hear it. Consequently the women are horribly afraid of it, and take care
to remove themselves and their children so far from the place of initiation that there is no
chance of being reached by the dreaded sound.
When the witarna has been duly swung, and the blindfolded boys have for the first
time heard its booming sound, the operators advance, and blacken the faces of the boys,
ordering them at the same time to cease from using their natural voices, and not to speak
above a whisper until they are released from their bondage. They remain whisperers for
several months, and, when they resume their voices, assume the title of Warrara.
They remain in the condition of warrara for at least two, and sometimes three
years, when they undergo a ceremony resembling the circumcision of the Jews. Their
hair is tied in a bunch on the top of the head, is not allowed to be cut, and is secured
by a net.
The net used for this purpose is made out of the tendons drawn from the tails of
kangaroos. When they kill one of these animals, the natives always reserve the tendons,
dry them carefully in the sun, and keep them in reserve for the many uses to which they
are put. The sinews taken from the leg of the emu are dried and prepared in the same
manner. In order to convert the sinew into thread, two of the fibres are taken and rolled
upon the thigh, just as is done with the fibre of the bulrush root. A thread of many
yards long is thus spun, and is formed into a net with meshes made exactly after the
COMING OF AGE.
79
apron, made of
European fashion. Sometimes it is left plain, but usually it is coloured with red ochre,
or white with pipe-clay, according to the taste of the wearer.
These tendons, by the way, are valued by the white colonists, who use them chiefly
for whip-lashes, and say that the tendon is more durable than any other material.
The initiates of the second degree are also distinguished by wearing a bell-shaped
made of opossum fur spun together, and called “ mabbirringe.” This is worn until
the third and last ceremony. The young men are now distinguished by the name of
Partnapas, and are permitted to marry, though they are not as yet considered as belonging
to the caste, if we may so call it, of warriors.
Even
now,
the young men have not suffered sufficient pain to take their full rank, and
in course of time a ceremony takes place in which they become, so to speak, different
beings, and change, not only their appearance, but their names. Up to this time, they
have borne the names given to them by their mothers in childhood, names which are
always of a trivial character, and which are mostly numerical. For example, if the first
child be a boy, it is called Peri (i.e. Primus); if a girl, Kartanya (i.e. Prima). The second
boy is Wari (or Secundus), the second girl Waruyau, and so on. Sometimes the name
is taken from the place where the child was born, or from some accidental circumstance,
such as the appearance of a bird or insect, or the falling of a shower of rain. But, when
the youth becomes a man, he puts away his childish name, and chooses another for
himself, which marks him out as a man and a warrior. The process of converting a lad
into a man is admirably told by Mr. G. F. Angas :-
In the third and last ceremony the young men are styled Wilyalkanye, when the
most important rites take place. Each individual has a sponsor chosen for him, who is
laid on his back upon another man's lap, and surrounded by the operators, who enjoin
him to discharge his duties aright. The young men are then led away from the camp,
and blindfolded; the women lamenting and crying, and pretending to object to their
removal.
They are taken to a retired spot, laid upon their stomachs, and entirely covered over
with kangaroo-skins; the men uttering the most dismal wail imaginable, at intervals of
from three to five minutes. After lying thus for some time, the lads are raised, and,
whilst still blindfolded, two men throw green boughs at then, while the others stand in
a semicircle around, making a noise with their wirris and voices combined, which is so
horrible that the wild dogs swell the hideous chorus with their howlings. Suddenly one
of the party drops a bough, others follow; and a platform of boughs is made, on which
the lads are laid out. The sponsors then turn to and sharpen their pieces of quartz,
choosing a new name for each lad, which is retained by him during life. These names
all end either in alta, ilti, or ulta. Previous to this day they have borne the names of
their birth-places, &c.; which is always the case amongst the women, who never change
them afterwards. The sponsors now open the veins of their own arms, and raising the
lads, open their mouths, and make themi swallow the first quantity of blood.
“The lads are then placed on their hands and knees, and the blood caused to run over
their backs, so as to form one coagulated mass; and when this is sufficiently cohesive,
one man marks the places for the tattooing by removing the blood with his thumb nail.
The sponsor now commences with his quartz, forming a deep incision in the nape of the
neck, and then cutting broad gashes from the shoulder to the hip down each side, about an
inch apart. These gashes are pulled open by the fingers as far as possible; the men all
the while repeating very rapidly, in a low voice, the following incantation :=
'Kanya, marra, marra,
Kauo, marra, maria,
Pilbirri, marra, marra.'
When the cutting is over, two men take the witarnas, and swing them rapidly round their
heads, advancing all the time towards the young men. The whole body of operators now
draw round then, singing and beating their wirris
, and, as they reach the lads, each man
puts the string of the witarna over the neck of every lad in succession. A bunch of
green leaves is tied round the waist, above which is a girdle of human hair; a tight string
is fastened round each arm just above the elbow, with another about the neck, which

80
AUSTRALIA
descends down the back, and is fixed to the girdle of hair; and their faces and the upper
part of their bodies, as far as the waist, are blackened with charcoal.
“The ceremony concludes by the men all clustering round the initiated ones, enjoining
them again to whisper for some months, and bestowing upon them their advice as regards
hunting, fighting, and contempt of pain. All these ceremonies are carefully kept from
the sight of the women and children ; who, when they hear the sound of the witarna,
hide their heads, and exhibit every outward sign of terror.”
The accompanying illustration is given in order to show the curious appearance which
is sometimes presented by the men when they have successfully passed through their
various ordeals. The name of the
man was Mintalta, and he be-
longed to the Nauo tribe, which
lives near Coffin's Bay. In his
hand he holds the waddy, and,
by way of apron, he wears a
bunch of emu feathers. Across
his breast are seen the bold ridges
which mark his rank as a man,
and others are seen upon his arms.
His beard is gathered into a long
pointed tuft, and decorated with
a little bunch of white cockatoo
feathers at the tip. In his hair
he wears two curious ornaments.
These are not feather-plumes, as
they seem to be in the illustration,
but are simply slender sticks of
white wood, scraped so as to let
the shavings adhere by one end.
Indeed, they are made exactly
like those little wooden brooms
that are sometimes hawked by
German girls about the streets,
or, to use a more familiar simile,
like the curly-branched trees in
children's toy-boxes.
Many of the particulars which
have been and will be related of
the domestic life of the Austra-
lians were obtained in a very
curious manner.
In the autumn
of 1849 some persons belonging
to H.M.S. Rattlesnake were out
shooting, when they came across
a native woman, or gin, dressed
rather better than the generality
MINTALTA. A NAUO MAN.
of native women, as she wore a
narrow apron of leaves. To their
astonishment, the supposed gin addressed them in English, saying that she was a white
woman, and desired their help. They immediately furnished her with some clothing, and
brought her on board the Rattlesnake, where she contrived to make known her sad story.
Her name was Thomson, and she was the widow of the owner of a small vessel. Cruising
one day in search of a wreck, the pilot missed his way, a gale of wind came on, and the
vessel was dashed on a reef on the eastern Prince of Wales's Island. The men tried to swim
on shore through the surf, but were drowned, while the woman was saved by a party of
natives, who came on board the wreck after the gale had subsided, and took her ashore.
!
MAKING KOTAIGA.
81
The tribe into whose hands she had fallen was the Kowrárega, which inhabits
Muralug, on the western Prince of Wales Island. When she got ashore, one of the
principal men, who fully held the popular idea that the white men are the ghosts of dead
natives, recognised in Mrs. Thomson a daughter named Gi’ôm, who had long ago died.
He accordingly took her home as his daughter, she was acknowledged by the tribe as one
of themselves, and was forced to become the wife of one of the natives, called Boroto.
For nearly five years she was kept prisoner by the blacks, and, although she could see
many English ships pass within a few miles, she was so closely watched that escape was
hopeless.
At last, when the smoke signals told the tribe that another vessel was approaching,
Gi’ôm cleverly worked on the cupidity of the aborigines, and persuaded them to take her
to the mainland, promising them to procure plenty of axes, knives, tobacco, and other
things which an Australian savage values above all things, and saying that she had lived
so long with the natives that she could not think of leaving them. When she was safely
lodged on board, many of her friends came to see her, bringing presents of fish and turtle,
but always expecting an equivalent. Boroto was one of the visitors, and in vain tried to
persuade her to return. When she definitely refused, he became very angry, and left the
ship in a passion, declaring that, if he or any of his friends could catch her ashore, they
would take off her head and carry it to Muralug. Not feeling the least doubt that the
threat would be fulfilled, she never ventured on shore near those parts of the coast which
the Kowráregas seemed likely to visit.
Being a woman of no education, she had in the course of her sojourn among the
natives almost forgotten how to express herself in her native tongue, and for some time
mixed Kowrárega words and phrases with English in a very curious manner. A vast
amount of valuable information was obtained from her, but, when she was restored to
civilization, she forgot the language and customs of savage life with singular rapidity, her
untrained mind being unable to comprehend the mutual relationship of ideas, and utterly
incapable of generalization.
From her was learned the curious but dreadful fact that many of the really unpro-
voked assaults on ships' crews while unsuspectingly visiting the shore were instigated by
white men, who had degraded themselves into companionship with native tribes, and,
by reason of their superior knowledge, had gained a supremacy over them. One of these
men had lived with the Badu tribe many years, and, having heard of a white woman
among the Kowráregas, visited Muralug, and tried to induce Gi’ôm to leave Boroto and
share his fortunes. Who he was is not known. He goes by the name of Wini, and is
supposed to be an escaped convict, who repels the visits of English ships, lest he should
be captured and sent back to prison. By means of his instigations, the Badu people
became so violently opposed to all white men that any European who visited that part of
the country would do so at the imminent hazard of his life.
Among many of these tribes, there is a custom which is common also to many
savages in all parts of the world. This is the custom of making “ kotaiga,” or brother-
hood, with strangers. When Europeans visit their districts, and behave as they ought to
do, the natives generally unite themselves in bonds of fellowship with the strangers, each
selecting one of them as his kotaiga. The new relations are then considered as having
mutual responsibilities, each being
bound to forward the welfare of the other.
The memory of the natives is wonderful, and, even if a ship does not repeat a visit
until after a lapse of several years, no sooner does she arrive than the natives swarm on
board, and at once pick out their kotaigas. They bring presents to their guests while on
board; they accompany them joyfully to the shore; they carry their bags and havresacks
for them; they take them on hunting, shooting, and fishing excursions, point out the
game, retrieve it, no matter where it may have fallen, and carry it home on their shoulders
rejoicing. Of course
they expect biscuit and tobacco in return for their kind offices, but
the wages are very cheap, and their services are simply invaluable. The rescue of Mr.
M'Gillivray and his party from the threatened attack of the natives was owing to the
fact that one of them, the friendly native who gave him warning, and saw him and his
party safely off in their boats, was his kotaiga, and bound in honour to save him.
VOL. II.
G
CHAPTER VIII.
AUSTRALIA-Continued.
MEDICINE, SURGERY, AND THE DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD.
BILBOS, OR NATIVE DOCTORS—WOUNDS AND BRUISES-A STRANGE CURE-TREATMENT OF THE HEADACHE
A DREAM AND ITS RESULTS-THE MAGIC CRYSTAL, OR DOCTOR-STONE-ITS EFFECTS ON WOMEN
AND CHILDREN—THE DOCTOR-HOUSE-
DOCTOR-HOUSE-SUCTION AS A MEANS
SUCTION AS A MEANS OF CURE-BELIEF IN CHARMS-
THE PARENT'S SKULL-CEREMONIES
-CEREMONIES OF MOURNING-CUTTING THE HEAD AND BODY AS A SIGN
OF WOEDRIVING AWAY THE EVIL SPIRITS-FEAR OF GHOSTS BURIAL AMONG THE PARN-
KALLAS AND NAUOSTHE TOMB OF SKULLS—A SUMMARY MODE OF BURIAL-FUNERAL OF BOYS
THE TREE-TOMBS-SMOKING THE WARRIORS- INCONSISTENT BEHAVIOUR--BURIAL OF OLD
WOMEN-THE WIDOWS' CAPS-RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF THE ABORIGINES—THE VARIOUS EVIL SPIRITS
THE BUNYIP-ROCK AND CAVE PAINTINGS-THEORY OF TRANSMIGRATION.
We will now see how the Australian natives treat sickness of various kinds. Among
them are certain personages called bilbos, or doctors, to whom the sick usually appeal in
cases of illness or pain. It is not known, however, whether the mere fact of age gives a
man the rank of bilbo, or whether it is attained by sundry ceremonials, as is the case with
the Africans and other savages.
The most usual mode of treating any local disease or pain is by pressing the hands
upon the affected part, and kneading it, a remedy which is found in every part of the
world, and which is really efficacious in many complaints, especially in rheumatic
affections, or in sprained or over-exerted muscles. If a limb be wounded, bruised, or
sore, the native practitioners tie a fillet tightly above it, for the purpose, as they say, of
preventing the malady from reaching the body. Headaches are treated by tying a band-
age firmly round the temples, and, if the pain be obstinate, the doctors bleed the patient
under the arm, using a sharp piece of quartz as a lancet. The flowing blood is never
allowed to be wasted, but is received on the body of the operator, and diligently rubbed
into the skin, under the notion that by this process both parties are strengthened. This
depends, however, on the sex of the patient, women' being never bled, nor allowed to
have the blood of any other person sprinkled upon them.
About 1832, a curious disease broke out among the natives of Wellington Valley,
resembling the small-pox in many things, and yet displaying symptoms which scarcely
belong to that dread disease, the one fatal scourge of savage tribes. It was preceded by
headache, fever, sore-throat, &c., and accompanied by pustules very much resembling those
of the small-pox. It was, however, scarcely virulent enough for the real disease, though
it was probably a milder form of it, and was subject to the power of vaccine matter. It
was not limited to the natives, but attacked many Europeans just like the genuine small-
pox, and in one case was fatal.
It is here mentioned on account of the mode of cure adopted by the native doctors.
They punctured the pustules with sharp fish-bones, and squeezed them well with the
blunt end of their rude lancets, and it is a noteworthy fact that the rate of mortality was
very much reduced. Of course the doctors used other modes, whereby they gave their
THE BILBO.
83
66
patients confidence in their powers. The chief of these was performed by means of
a nurnber of slender rods, six to nine feet in length, which were stuck in the ground in
the form of a crescent, and addressed with long speeches and many mysterious gestures.
Among the Australians, this disease, whatever it may be, does not strike the abject terror
with which it is usually accompanied. Although they know that it is infectious, they do
not abandon the sick person, unless perhaps the doctor pronounces the patient incurable ; in
which case they save him prolonged pain, and themselves useless trouble, by burying him
alive. The native term for this disease is "thunna-thunna," and it is known to have
existed when the country was first discovered, so that it is not imported from civilized
countries.
Another remarkable kind of cure for the headache is mentioned by Mr. Angas. The
patient being seated on the ground, a string is tied round his head, the knot being care-
fully adjusted to the middle of the forehead. The operator, who is always a woman, seats
herself opposite the patient, places the line between her lips, and frets them with it until
they bleed freely. The idea is that the disease, attracted by the blood, passes along the
line from the patient's head, and is cast out together with the blood.
A very remarkable instance of this mode of cure is related in Tyerman and Bennett's
Voyage round the World.” A man had dreamed that he had been speared in the side,
and bad died in consequence of the wound. Although, when he woke, he knew it was
but a dream, he was so frightened that he became very ill, retired to his hut, chose the
place of his burial, and lay down to die.
Nearly a week elapsed, during which he could take no food, grew worse and worse,
and it was plain that nature would not hold out much longer. The priests or rather
sorcerers, for it cannot be ascertained that the New Hollanders have any other kind of
priest, having, in fact, no religious worship-came to do what they could for him with
their enchantments. By their order he was carried down to the side of a running water,
and tumbled into the stream, where it was pretty deep, head foremost. When taken out,
he was rolled in the sand till his body was quite encased with it. This again was washed
off by pouring water over him.
"Meanwhile a young woman of the company was perceived plaiting a cord of kanga-
roo's hair, which, when completed, was bound round his chest, and a knot, very cunningly
implicated by one of the operators, was placed over that part of his side into which the
spear of his dream had entered. From this knot a line was passed to the young woman
who had prepared the bandage. This she drew through her mouth backwards and forwards
(as children sometimes do with a piece of packthread) until she began to spit blood, which
was said to be sucked by that process from the wound in the sick man's side. There it
was now perceptible that, from whatever cause, a considerable swelling had arisen under
the knot. Towards this one of the sorcerers began to stroke the man's flesh from all the
adjacent regions of the back, belly, and chest, as though to force the blood thither. He
then applied his mouth to the swelling, and, with hideous noises, sometimes sucked it
with his lips, sometimes pressed it violently with his hands, till forth came the point of a
spear, four inches in length, which he presented to the astonished spectators and the
expecting sufferer, as verily extracted from the man's side.
“ Then he applied his mouth again to the swollen part, from which, although there
was no visible wound, he appeared to draw blood and corrupt matter, stains of both being
soon seen on the swarthy skin. At length, with distended cheeks, as though he had filled
his mouth with the abominable matter, he ran about, anxiously looking for a fit place to
discharge it upon; but, affecting to find none, he crossed the water, and deposited the
nauseous extract behind a bush. The poor man's hopes revived, and he now believed
that he should get well again. Mr. Dunlop thereupon sent him some tea, which,
however, he would not drink, but requested that it might be given to the sorcerer, and, if
he drank it, then it would do himself (the patient) good. He was deceived, disappointed,
and died.”
The Australians are tolerably good surgeons in a rough-and-ready sort of way, and are
clever at setting broken limbs. After bringing the broken ends of the bone together, they
support the limb by several pieces of wood which act as splints, and then make the
G 2

84
AUSTRALIA
whole secure by bandages, which they often strengthen with gum, exactly as is done in
modern surgery.
One of the most powerful remedies employed by the native practitioners is the
"doctor-stone." This is nothing but a common quartz crystal; but the doctors aver
that they manufacture it themselves, and that the ingredients are kept secret. Like the
witarna, mentioned on page 78, women are never allowed even to look upon the doctor-
stone, and are impressed with the belief that, if they dared to set their eyes upon the
forbidden object, they would be immediately killed by its radiant powers. The larger the
crystal, the more valuable is it; and a tolerably large one can scarcely be procured from
the natives at any price.
The doctors say that this stone is not only fatal to women, but also destroys men if
flung at them with certain incantations. A European settler once challenged a native
doctor to say as many charms as he liked, and throw the magic stone as much as he
pleased. This offer, however, he declined, giving the usual excuse of savages, that the
white man belonged to a totally different order of beings, and, although the poor
black
fellow would die from the effects
of the doctor-stone, the white
man was much too powerful to
be hurt by it.
The mode in which the crystal
is used is very curious, and has
been described by an eye-wit-
ness.
A native of the Tumat country,
named Golong, was suffering from
a spear-wound received in a
skirmish with a hostile tribe,
and was brought to a bilbo,
named Baramumbup, to be
healed. The patient being laid
on the ground outside the en-
campment so that women could
not run the risk of death through
the accidental sight of the crystal,
the doctor began a close exami-
SMALL STONE HUT FOR CURE OF DISEASE.
nation of the wound, and sucked
it. He then retired to a distance
from the patient, muttered some
magic words for a minute or so, and placed the crystal in his mouth. Having retained it
there for a short time, he removed it, spat on the ground, and with his feet trampled on the
saliva, pressing it deeply into the ground. This was repeated several times, and the doctor
took his leave.
For several successive evenings the whole of the process was gone through, and the
recovery of the patient, which was really rapid, was attributed by all parties to the
wonderful efficacy of the doctor-stone. “On making inquiry," writes Dr. Bennett, “ why
the physician is so careful in trampling the saliva discharged from his mouth into the
ground, no satisfactory reason could be obtained, a vague answer only being returned to
the query. But it is not improbable that they consider, by this practice, that they finally
destroy the power of the evil spirit, extracted by the operation through the virtues of the
stone. Some such reason for this proceeding may be inferred from an observation made
to any European who may be present at this part of the ceremony, 'that he (i.e. the
disease) may not come up again.'
It is remarkable that a ceremony almost exactly identical in principle is employed by
the Guaycura tribe of Brazil. Among them the doctors, or payés, cure local ailments,
whether wounds or otherwise, by sucking the part affected, spitting into a hole dug
in the ground, and then filling in the earth, as if to bury the complaint.

TREATMENT OF INCURABLES.
85
WER
The Australian doctors make great use of the principle of suction, and employ it
in all kinds of cases. If, for example, a patient has a bad pain in his stomach from
over-eating, or suffers more than he thinks right from the blow of a waddy, the doctor
sucks at the afflicted part vigorously, and at last produces from his mouth a piece of bone,
or some other hard substance,
which he asserts to be the con-
centrated essence of the pain, or
other ailment. The reader may
remark that the bones with which
the gums of youths are lanced in
the ceremonies of initiation are
supposed to be produced from the
bodies of the operators by means
of suction.
A very remarkable curative
agent is shown in the preced-
ing illustration, which is taken
from a sketch by Mr. Baines. It
consists of a stone building,
which at first sight looks so like
an ordinary Druidical remain
that it might be taken for one,
except for its dimensions. In-
stead, however, of being com-
posed of huge stones, each weigh-
ing several tons, it is quite a tiny
edifice, scarcely larger than the
grotto which children erect with
oyster-shells. The patient lies
in, or rather under it, the aperture
being just wide enough to admit
his body, and the small roof only
covering a very small portion of
the inmate. Sundry superstitious
rites are employed at the same
time, and the remedy is effi-
cacious, like the crystal already
mentioned, in consequence
of
enlisting the imagination of the
sufferer.
These little buildings are found
along the Victoria River, and for
a considerable time the object for
YOUNG MAN AND BOY. (South Australia.
which they were built greatly
puzzled the discoverers.
A medicine scarcely less efficacious than the doctor's stone is human fat, which is
carefully preserved, and administered by being rubbed in and around the affected part.
As, however, it is highly valued by the warriors it is not easily procured, and, had it to be
taken solely from the bodies of slain enemies, would in all probability never be used at
all
. The efficacy of this repulsive remedy does not depend on the individual from whom
it is taken, that of a child or woman being quite as useful as that of a warrior.
According to Mr. G. T. Lloyd, the practice of deserting the helpless is found in
Australia as well as in other countries, and is practised exactly as is the case in Africa.
When a person is ill the relations, as a rule, do not trouble themselves to visit the sick
person, and, when there is no apparent hope of recovery, a supply of food and firing
enough to last them for several days is left near them, and they are then abandoned to
ANGAZ
86
AUSTRALIA.
their fate. Even in the case of poor old Tarmeenia, mentioned on page 61, the son,
although he carried his wounded father more than four miles in order to place him in
safety, never once came to see him.
Seeing that the natives place such implicit faith in the healing power of the doctor's
stone, it is natural that they should also believe in sundry charms as preservatives against
disease and misfortune.
One of these charms is a sort of a girdle, several inches wide in the middle, and
tapering to a mere thong at each end. If it be made of string prepared from the bulrush
root, it is called Taara or Kuretti; and if made of human hair, it goes by the name of
Godlotti. It is used more as a curative than a preventive, and is mostly found among the
tribes of the lower Murray River. The hair, when twisted into thread, is wound upon a
curious spindle, consisting of two slender pieces of wood placed across each other at
right angles.
Another charm is shown in the illustration on the preceding page, slung round the
neck of the boy. It is the beak of the black swan, which, from its scarlet colour, contrasts
well with the black skin of the wearer. The little boy's name is Rimmilli-peringery, and
Mr. G. F. Angas remarks that he was an engaging little fellow, and had the largest and
softest pair of dark eyes that could be imagined. The elder figure is that of a young man
named Tyilkilli, belonging to the Parnkalla tribe of Port Lincoln. He has been selected
as a favourable example of the Australian young man in good circumstances, well-fed,
careless, and gay with the unthinking happiness of mere animal life, which finds a joy
in the very fact of existence.
Among many of the tribes may be seen a strange sort of ornament, or rather utensil;
namely, a drinking-cup made of a human skull. It is slung on cords and carried by
them, and the owner takes it wherever
he or she goes. These ghastly utensils
are made from the skulls of the nearest
and dearest relatives; and when an
Australian mother dies, it is thought
right that her daughter should form the
skull of her mother into a drinking-
vessel. The preparation is simple enough.
The lower jaw is removed, the brains are
extracted, and the whole of the skull
thoroughly cleaned. A rope handle
made of bulrush fibre is then attached
to it, and it is considered fit for use.
It is filled with water through the
SKULL DRINKING VESSEL. (Lake Albert.)
vertebral aperture, into which a wisp of
grass is always stuffed, so as to prevent
the water from being spilled.
Inconsistency is ever the attribute of savage minds. Although they consider that to
convert the skull of a parent into a drinking vessel, and to carry it about with them, is an
important branch of filial duty, they seem to have no very deep feelings on the subject.
In fact, a native named Wooloo sold his mother's skull for a small piece of tobacco.
mind was evidently not comprehensive enough to admit two ideas together, and the ob-
jective idea of present tobacco was evidently more powerful than the comparative
abstraction of filial reverence.
The specimen exhibited in the illustration was drawn by Mr. Angas from one which
was carried by a little girl ten years of age. Like "Little Nell,” she was in attendance
upon an old and infirm grandfather, and devoted her little life to him. In nothing was
the difference of human customs shown more plainly than in the use of the mother's skull
as a drinking vessel—an act which we should consider as the acme of heathen brutality,
but with these aborigines is held to be a duty owed by the child to the parent.
Perhaps my classical readers will remember a chapter in Herodotus which bears on
this very subject. He finds fault with Cambyses for breaking into the temples of the
ANGAS
BURIAL OF THE DEAD.
87
on.
Cabeiri, burning their idols, and so hurting the religious feelings of the people ; and re-
marks that he was wary in offending against any religious sentiment, however absurd it
might appear to himself. He then proceeds to tell an anecdote of Darius, who had at his
court some “Indians called Callatians," and some Greeks. He asked the Greeks (who
always burned their dead, as the Hindoos do now), what bribe would induce them to eat
the bodies of their dead parents, and they naturally replied that for no bribe could they
perform so horrible a deed. Then, in the presence of the Greeks, he asked the Callatians,
who ate their dead (as several savage nations do now), for what sum they would consent
to burn the bodies of their dead. They, as it appears from the style of their answer, were
even more shocked than the Greeks at the idea
of such horrible sacrilege, and would not
deign to give a direct answer, but begged Darius to " speak words of good omen.” (See
Thalia, xxxvii. 8.)
A somewhat similar proceeding is narrated in the life of Nussir-er-deen, the late King
of Oude. His native ministers, jealous of the influence exercised over him by some of
his European friends, complained that the English guests treated the monarch with dis-
respect, by retaining their shoes in his royal presence. The king, who, enervated as he was
by vanity, dissipation, self-indulgence, and flattery, was no fool, immediately proposed a
compromise. “Listen to me, nawab; and you, general, listen to me. The King of
England is my master, and these gentlemen would go into his presence with their shoes
Shall they not come into mine, then? Do they come before me with their hats on?
Answer me, your excellency.'
They do not, your majesty."
No, that is their way of showing respect. They take off their hats, and you take off
your shoes. But come now, let us have a bargain. Wallah! but I will get them to take
off their shoes and leave them without, as you do, if you will take off your turban and
leave it without, as they do.” (See Knighton's “Private Life of an Eastern King:")
We now come naturally to the burial of the dead, and the various ceremonies which
accompany the time of mourning.
Although the relatives seem so careless about the sick person, they really keep a
watch, and, as soon as death actually takes place, they announce the fact by loud cries.
The women are the principal mourners, and they continue to sob and shriek and moan
until they are forced to cease from absolute exhaustion. They cut their bodies until the
blood streams freely from the wounds, and some of them chop their own heads with their
tomahawks until their shoulders and bodies are covered with blood.
The reader will probably have noticed how widely spread is this custom of wounding
the body as a sign of mourning, and especially as a lamentation for the dead. We have
seen that it exists in Africa, and we shall see that it is practised in many other countries.
That it was practised in ancient days by the people among whom the Jews lived, we see
from several passages of Scripture. Šee for example Deut. xiv. 1: “Ye shall not cut
yourselves, nor make any baldness between your eyes for the dead.” Also Jer. xvi. 6 :
“They shall not be buried, neither shall men lament for them, nor cut themselves, nor
make themselves bald for them.” There is also the well-known passage concerning the
sacrifice that the priests of Baal offered, in the course of which they “cut themselves
after their manner with knives and lancets, till the blood gushed out upon them.”
The body is not disposed of at once, but is suffered to remain for a considerable time,
during which decomposition takes place, and is allowed to work its course until the flesh
separated from the bones. The body is watched carefully during the night; and if a
passing meteor should appear in the sky, the people shout and wave firebrands in order
to drive away a certain evil spirit named Yumburbar, which is thought to be the real
though invisible cause of death and all calamities, and to haunt the spot where a dead
body
lies for the purpose of feeding upon it.
When decomposition has done its work, the bones are carefully collected, cleaned, and
painted red, after which they are wrapped up in bark, and carried about with the tribe
for a time. This term being fulfilled, they are finally disposed of in various ways,
according to the customs of the tribe to which they belonged. Some tribes scoop holes
in soft rocks, and place the remains therein, while others prefer
hollow trees for that
.

88
AUSTRALIA
It was,
grave looks
purpose. Sometimes the body is placed in the cave without being reduced to a skeleton,
and in some places the soil is of such a nature that the body becomes dried before
decomposition can proceed very far. During the Exhibition of 1862 one of these
desiccated bodies was exhibited in England, and called the “petrified” man.
however, nothing but a shrivelled and dried-up body, such as is often found in very
dry soils.
Near the Murrumbidgee River, in the Wellington Valley, there is a remarkable
stalactitic cavern, divided into several "halls.” This cavern is, or has been, a favourite
burying-place of the aborigines, who seem to have employed it for the same purpose that
Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah. In consequence of the use of the cavern as
a burial-place, the natives are rather nervous about entering it, and they flatly refuse to
venture into the darker recesses, for fear of the “ dibbil-dibbil.” When Dr. Bennett
visited it in 1832, he found in a small side cave the skeleton of a woman. The bones
had been placed there nearly twenty years before.
The Parnkalla and Nauo tribes have another mode of burial, which somewhat
resembles that which is employed by the Bechuanas. The body is placed in a crouching
or squatting position, such as is employed by the natives when sitting, the knees being
drawn up to the chin, the legs close to the body, and the hands clasped over the legs.
Examples of this attitude may be seen in many of the illustrations. A circular pit or
grave, about five feet in depth, is then dug, and after the body is lowered into the pit a
number of sticks are laid over the
grave, nearly touching one another.
A thick layer of leaves and an-
other of grass are then placed on
the sticks, and over all is heaped
the earth which has been dug out
of the pit, so that the
something like a huge anthill.
In Northern Australia the
natives have a curious method of
disposing of the dead. They gather
the skulls together, and heap them
into a circular mound, placing
stones round them to keep them
in their places. They do not cover
the skulls, but make the tomb in
an open and conspicuous place.
The blacks of the Clarence
River build monuments which are
--
somewhat similar in appearance,
TOMB OF SKULLS. (Cape York,
but are made of different materials.
They place a number of stones in
a circle, and in the centre they
erect an upright slab of stone. They can give no reason for this custom, but only say
that “black-fella make it so," or "it belong to black-fella." The former reply signifies
that the custom has always prevailed among the natives; and the second, that the tomb
shows that a native lies buried beneath the upright stone.
Some of the tribes along the Clarence River have a curious mode of disposing of the
dead—a mode which certainly has its advantages in its great economy of trouble. When
an old man feels that the hand of death is on him, he looks out for a hollow tree, climbs
it, lets himself down to the bottom of the hollow, and so dies in his tomb.
In New South Wales the young people are buried beneath small tumuli, but the
adults are buried in a rather curious fashion. A pile of dry wood, leaves, &c. is built,
about three feet in height and six or seven in length. On the pile the body is laid on its
back, having the face directed towards the rising sun. The fishing apparatus, spears, and
other weapons and implements of the dead man are next laid on the pile, and the body is
an
ANG
AN AËRIAL TOMB.
89
then covered over with large logs of wood. The pile is fired by the nearest relative, and
on the following day, when the place is cool, the ashes of the dead are collected, and care-
fully buried.
Should a woman die, leaving an unweaned child, the poor little creature is buried
together with the ashes of its mother. The natives defend this practice as a humane oue,
saying, with savage justice, that it is better to kill the child speedily than to allow it to
pine to death from starvation.
As is the case with many tribes in different parts of the world, as soon as any one
dies the name borne by the deceased is no more mentioned. So strictly is this rule
observed, that if another member of the tribe should happen to bear the same name, it
must be abandoned, and a new name taken, by which the bearer will ever afterwards be
known.
Mr. Angas, to whom we are indebted for so much of our knowledge of the Australians,
gives an interesting account of the burial of a boy, as described to him by an eye-witness :-
Previously to burying the corpse of the boy, a contest with clubs and spears took
place, but no injury was done to the parties engaged. The body was placed in a bark
canoe, cut to the proper length, a spear, a fishing-spear, and a throwing-stick, with
several other articles, being placed besides the corpse. The women and children made
great lamentations during the ceremony, and the father stood apart, a picture of silent
grief.
“ The canoe was placed on the heads of two natives, who proceeded with it slowly
towards the grave; some of the attendants waving tufts of dried grass backwards and
forwards under the canoe and amongst the bushes as they passed along The grave being
dug, a native strewed it with grass, and stretched himself at full length in the grave, first
on his back and then on his side. As they were about to let down the chil into the
grave, they first pointed to the deceased and then to the skies, as though they had a
vague idea that the spirit had ascended to another world.
“The body was then laid in the grave, with the face looking towards the rising sun,
and, in order that the sunshine might fall upon the spot, care was taken to cut down all
shrubs around that could in any way obstruct its beams. Branches were placed over the
grave, grass and boughs on them, and the whole was crowned with a log of wood, on
which a native extended himself for some minutes, with his face to the sky."
At the beginning of this description is mentioned a sham fight. This is held in con-
sequence of a curious notion prevalent among the aborigines, that death from natural
causes must be ransomed with blood. It suffices if blood be drawn even from a friend,
and the mode by which they make the required offering, and at the same time gratify
their combative nature, is by getting up a sham fight, in which some one is nearly sure to
be wounded more or less severely.
Sometimes the body of the dead man is disposed of rather oddly. In some parts of
Australia the natives, instead of consuming the body by fire, or hiding it in caves or in
graves, make it a peculiarly conspicuous object. Should a tree grow favourably for their
purpose, they will employ it as the final resting-place of the dead body. Lying in its
canoe-coffin, and so covered over with leaves and grass that its shape is quite disguised,
the body is lifted into a convenient fork of the tree, and lashed to the boughs by native
ropes. No further care is taken of it, and if, in process of time, it should be blown out of
the tree, no one will take the trouble of replacing it.
Should no tree be growing in the selected spot, an artificial platform is made for the
body, by fixing the ends of stout branches in the ground, and connecting them at their
tops by smaller horizontal branches. Such are the curious tombs which are represented
in the illustration on page 90. These strange tombs are mostly placed among the reeds,
so that nothing can be more mournful than the sound of the wind as it shakes the reeds
below the branch in which the corpse is lying.
The object of this aërial tomb is evident enough, namely, to protect the corpse from
the dingo, or native dog, numbers of which may be seen under the dead body, looking up
in wistful longing for the feast that has been placed beyond their reach, and howling for
very disappointment. That the ravens and other carrion-eating birds should make a

90
AUSTRALIA.
banquet upon the body of the dead man does not seem to trouble the survivors in the
least; and it often happens that the traveller is told by the croak of the disturbed ravens
that the body of a dead Australian is lying in the branches over his head.
The aërial tombs are mostly erected for the bodies of old men who have died a
natural death; but when a young warrior has fallen in battle, the body is treated in a very
different manner. A moderately high platform is erected, and upon this is seated the
TREE-TOMB OF AUSTRALIA.
body of the dead warrior, with the face towards the rising sun. The legs are crossed, and
the arms kept extended by means of sticks. The fat is then removed, and, after being
mixed with red ochre, is rubbed over the body, which has previously been carefully
denuded of hair, as is done in the ceremony of initiation. The legs and arms are covered
with zebra-like stripes of red, white, and yellow, and the weapons of the dead man are
laid across his lap.
The body being thus arranged, fires are lighted under the platform, and kept up for ten
days or more, during the whole of which time the friends and mourners remain by the
body, and are not permitted to speak. Sentinels relieve each other at appointed intervals,
their duty being to see that the fires are not suffered to go out, and to keep the flies away
by waving leafy boughs or bunches of emu-feathers. When a body has been treated in
this manner, it becomes hard and mummy-like, and the strangest point is, that the wild
dogs will not touch it after it has been so long smoked. It remains sitting on the platform
for two months or so, and is then taken down and buried, with the exception of the
skull, which is made into a drinking-cup for the nearest relative, as has already been
mentioned.
Considering the trouble which is taken in the preparation of these bodies, and the
evident respect which is felt for a brave warrior in death as well as in life, the after
treatment of them is very remarkable. When a friend, or even an individual of the same
tribe, sees one of these mummified bodies for the first time, he pays no honour to it, but
loads it with reproaches, abusing the dead man for dying when the tribe stood in such
need of brave and skilful men, and saying that he ought to have known better than to
die when there was plenty of food in the country. Then, after contemplating the body

BURNING OF THE DEAD.
91
for some time, he hurls his spear and club at it, crying out at the same time, “Why did
you die ? Take that for dying.”
In the illustration two of these bodies are seen seated on the platform, supported by
being tied to the uprights by their hands and heads, and having their weapons in their
laps. On one side is one of the sentinels engaged in driving away the flies with his
flapper, and on the other is a second sentinel bringing fuel for the fire. The seated figures
belong to the same tribe.
RUDI
KINNINGURINESTO
DINA
SAME
ANGAZ
FLATE
SMOKING THE BODIES OF SLAIN WARRIORS.
Around Portland Bay, and towards the south-eastern parts of the continent, the
natives have a curious combination of entombment and burning. They let the dead body
down into one of the hollow trees, where it is supported in an upright position. A
quantity of dry leaves and grass is then heaped upon the tree, and the whole consumed
by fire, amid the dismal screams and cries of the women.
It is rather curious that funeral ceremonies are only employed in the case of those
whose death is supposed to be a loss to the tribe. Men, and even boys, are therefore
honoured with funeral rites, because the younger men are warriors, the boys would have
been warriors, and the old men have done service by arms, and are still useful for their
wisdom. Even young women are buried with some amount of show, because they pro-
duce children for the tribe.
But of all beings an old woman is most utterly despised. She can render no ser-
vice; she has never been considered as anything but a mere domesticated animal, and
even for domestic purposes she has ceased to be useful. When she dies, therefore, no one
regrets her. She is nothing but a useless burden on her people, consuming food which
she does not earn, and sitting by the fire when the younger women are engaged in work.
It is nothing to them that she has worn herself out in the hard, thankless, and never-
ceasing labour which constitutes the life of an Australian woman, and so when she dies
her body is drawn out of the camp by the heels, and stuffed away hastily in some hollow
tree or cave that may be most convenient. Sometimes the body is laid on a bough, as has
already been described ; but even in such a case it is merely laid on the branch, without
being placed in a canoe, or covered with matting, boughs, and leaves, as is the case with
92
AUSTRALIA.
the bodies of men. The corpse is allowed to remain on the branch until it falls to
pieces; and when any of her relatives choose to take the trouble, they will scrape a hole
in the sand and bury the scattered bones.
The shee-oak, or casuarina, is the tree which is generally selected for this purpose,
partly because it is one of the commonest trees of Australia, and partly because the
peculiar growth of its boughs affords a firm platform for the corpse.
The time of mourning does not cease with the funeral, nor, in the case of a tree-
tomb, with the subsequent interment of the bones. At stated times the women, by whom
the mourning is chiefly performed, visit the tomb, and with their kattas, or digging-sticks,
peck up the earth around them, and make the place look neat. This done they sit down,
and utter their most doleful cries and lamentations. In some places they content them-
selves with vocal lamentations, but in others the women think it necessary to show their
grief by repeating the head-chopping, limb-scarring, and other marks of blood-letting
which accompany that portion of the funeral ceremonies.
In one part of Australia, near the north-west bend of the Murray, a most remarkable
custom prevails. Widows attend upon the tombs of their dead husbands, and, after
shaving their heads, cover them with pipe-clay kneaded into a paste. The head is first
covered with a net, to prevent the pipe-clay from sticking too tightly to the skin, a mis-
fortune which is partly averted by the amount of grease with which every Australian is
anointed.
A layer of this clay more than an inch in thickness is plastered over the head, and
when dry it forms a skull-cap exactly fitting the head on which it was moulded, and on
account of its weight, which is several pounds, must be very uncomfortable to the wearer.
These badges of mourning may be found lying about near the tumuli, and, until their
real use was discovered, they were very mysterious objects to travellers. In the illustration
on the following page is seen a burying-place near the river. Several of the mound tombs
of the natives are shown, and in the foreground are two widows, seated in the peculiar
attitude of Australian women, and wearing the widow's cap of pipe-clay. Several other
caps are lying near the tombs, having been already employed in the ceremonies of
mourning
So careful are the natives of the marks of respect due from the survivors to the dead,
that a widow belonging to one of the tribes on the Clarence River was put to death
because she neglected to keep in order the tomb of her late husband, and to dig up
periodically the earth around it.
From the disposal of the dead, we are naturally led to the religious belief of the
Australians. Like all savages, they are very reticent about their religious feelings, con-
cealing as far as possible their outward observances from the white people, and avowing
ignorance, if questioned respecting the meaning of those which have become known to
the strangers. Some observances, however, have been explained by Gi’ôm, the unfor-
tunate Scotch woman who had to reside so long among the Kowráregas, and others by
native converts to Christianity. Even these latter have not been able to shake off the
superstitious ideas which they had contracted through the whole of their previous lives,
and there is no doubt that they concealed much from their interrogators, and, if pressed
too closely, wilfully misled them.
The following short account will, however, give an idea of the state of religious
feeling among the aborigines, as far as can be ascertained. And, in consequence of the
rapid and steady decrease of the native tribes, it is possible that our knowledge of this
subject will never be greater than it is at present.
In the first place, there are no grounds for thinking that the aborigines believe in any
one Supreme Deity, nor, in fact, in a deity of any kind whatever. As is usual with most
savage nations, their belief in supernatural beings is limited to those who are capable of
doing mischief, and, although the conception of a beneficent spirit which will do good
never seems to enter an Australian's mind, he believes fully, in his misty fashion, in the
existence of many evil spirits which will do harm.
Of these there are many. One of them is the Arlak, a being which takes the shape

SUPERSTITION.
93
of a man.
It is only seen at night, and is in the habit of watching for stragglers in the
dark, seizing them, and carrying them off. Several natives told Mr. M‘Gillivray that
they had seen the arlak; and one man, who had summoned enough courage to fight
it when it attacked him, showed the marks of the demon's teeth upon his body.
Fortunately, the arlak cannot endure light, and therefore the natives, if they have to go
the smallest distance in the dark, take a fire-stick in one hand and a weapon of some
sort in the other.
One kind of evil spirit, which is very much dreaded by the aborigines, is the one in
whom death is personified. He is short, thick, very ugly, and has a disagreeable smell.
The natives of the Moorundi district believe in a native spirit, wonderfully similar in
attributes to the Necker of German mythology. Although, according to their accounts,
ANGASE vr
Tài ,
AU
AUSTRALIAN WIDOWS AND THEIR CAPS.
white men.
it is very common, they have great difficulty in describing it, and, as far as can be ascer-
tained from their statements, it is like a huge star-fish. This demon inhabits the fresh
water, or there might have been grounds for believing it to be merely an exaggeration of
the cuttle-fish.
Throughout the greater part of Australia is found the belief in the Bunyip, a demon
which infests woods, and which has been seen, as is said, not only by natives but by
The different accounts of the animal vary extremely. Some who have seen
it aver it to be as large as a horse, to have a pair of eyes as big as saucers, and a pair of
enormous horns.
Others give a very different account of it, and one of the Barrabool Hill natives gave
a very animated description of the dreaded bunyip. He illustrated his lecture by a
spirited drawing, in which the bunyip was represented as having a long neck and head,
something like that of the giraffe, a thick flowing mane, and two short and massive fore-
legs, each of which was armed with four powerful talons. The entire body was covered
with strong scales, overlapping each other like those of the hawksbill turtle. This
creature he represented as half beast, half demon, and vaunted the superior courage of
his ancestors, who ventured to oppose this terrible creature as it lay in wait for their
wives and children, and drove it out of the reeds and bush into the water whence it
came.
94
AUSTRALIA
Thinking that some large and now extinct beast inight have lived in Australia, which
might have been traditionally known to the aborigines, scientific men have taken par-
ticular pains to ransack those portions of the country which they could reach, in hopes of
finding remains which might be to Australia what those of the megatherium and other
huge monsters are to the Old World. Nothing of the kind has, however, been found.
Some very large bones were once discovered on the banks of a shallow salt lagoon (just
the place for the bunyip), but when sent to the British Museum they were at once found
to be the remains of a gigantic kangaroo. At present, the legend of the bunyip stands
on a level with that of the kraken-every native believes it, some aver that they have
seen it, but no one has ever discovered the least tangible proof of its existence.
To these evil spirits the natives attribute every illness or misfortune, and in con-
sequence are anxious to avoid or drive them away. All meteors are reckoned by them
among the evil spirits, and are fancifully thought to be ghosts which multiply by self-
division. The aborigines think, however, that by breathing as loudly as they can, and
repeating some cabalistic words, they disarm the demons of their power.
They have one very curious belief, namely, that any one who ventured to sleep on
the grave of a deceased person, he would ever afterwards be freed from the power of evil
spirits. The ordeal is, however, so terrible that very few summon up sufficient courage to
face it. “During that awful sleep the spirit of the deceased would visit him, seize him by the
throat, and, opening him, take out his bowels, which it would afterwards replace, and close
up the wound! Such as are hardy enough to go through this terrible ordeal-encounter
the darkness of the night and the soleronity of the grave-are thenceforth 'koradjee'
men, or priests, and practise sorcery and incantations upon the others of their tribe.”
In Southern Australia, the natives believe that the sun and moon are human beings,
who once inhabited the earth. The planets are dogs belonging to the moon, who run
about her; and the various constellations are groups of children. An eclipse of either
the sun or moon is looked upon as a terrible calamity, being sure to be the forerunner
of disease and death.
All burial-places of the dead are held as liable to be haunted by evil spirits, and are
therefore avoided. Promontories, especially those which have rocky headlands, are also
considered as sacred ; and it is probably on account of that idea that the skull monu-
ments, mentioned on page 88, are raised.
Some of these places are rendered interesting by specimens of native drawings,
showing that the aborigines of Australia really possess the undeveloped elements of
artistic power. Owing to the superstition which prevails, the natives can scarcely be
induced to visit such spots, giving as their reason for refusing that “too much dibbil-
dibbil walk there.” Mr. Angas was fortunate enough, however, to discover a considerable
number of these drawings and carvings, and succeeded in impressing into his service
an old native woman, His description is so vivid, that it must be given in his own
words :-
“ The most important result of our rambles around the bays and rocky promontories
of Port Jackson was the discovery of a new and remarkable feature connected with the
history of the natives formerly inhabiting this portion of New South Wales.
“I refer to their carvings in outline, cut into the surface of flat rocks in the neigh-
bourhood, and especially on the summits of the various promontories about the harbours
of the coast. Although these carvings exist in considerable numbers, covering all the flat
rocks upon many of the headlands overlooking the water, it is a singular fact that
the present time they appear to have remained unobserved ; and it was not until my
friend Mr. Miles first noticed the rude figure of a kangaroo cut upon the surface of a flat
rock near Camp Cove, that we were led to make a careful search for these singular and
interesting remains of a people who are now nearly extinct.
“ About a dozen natives of the Sydney and Broken Bay tribes were encamped amongst
the bushes on the margin of a small fresh-water lake, close to Camp Cove; and from
amongst them we selected 'Old Queen Gooseberry' (as she is generally styled by the
colonists) to be our guide, promising her a reward of flour and tobacco if she would tell us
what she knew about these carvings, and conduct us to all the rocks and headlands in the
up to
ROCK CARVINGS.
95
neighbourhood where like figures existed. At first the old woman objected, saying that
such places were all koradjee ground, or 'priest's ground,' and that she must not visit
them; but at length, becoming more communicative, she told us all she knew, and all
that she had heard her father say, respecting them. She likewise consented at last to
guide us to several spots near the North Land, where she said the carvings existed in
greater numbers; as also the impressions of hands upon the sides of high rocks.
“ With some difficulty we prevailed upon the haggard old creature to venture with us
into a whale-boat; so, with Queen Gooseberry for our guide, we crossed to the North
Land. After examining the flat rocks in every direction, we found sufficient examples of
these singular outlines to confirm at once the opinion that they were executed by the
aboriginal inhabitants; but at what period is quite uncertain. From the half-obliterated
state of many of them (although the lines are cut nearly an inch deep into the hard rock)
and from the fact that from several of them we were compelled to clear away soil and
shrubs of long-continued growth, it is evident that they have been executed a very
long time.
“ At first we could not bring ourselves to believe that these carvings were the work of
savages, and we conjectured that the figure of the kangaroo might have been the work of
some European; but when, pursuing our researches further, we found all the most out-
of-the-way and least accessible headlands adorned with similar carvings, and also that
the whole of the subjects represented indigenous objects—such as kangaroos, opossums,
sharks, the heileman or shield, the boomerang, and, above all, the human figure in the
attitudes of the corrobboree dances--we could come to no other conclusion than that they
were of native origin Europeans would have drawn ships, and horses, and men with
hats upon their heads, had they attempted such a laborious and tedious occupation.
“An old writer on New South Wales, about the year 1803, remarks, when referring
to the natives, They have some taste for sculpture, most of their instruments being
carved with rude work, effected with pieces of broken shell ; and on the rocks are
frequently to be seen various figures of fish, clubs, swords, animals, &c., not contemptibly
represented.
“Some of the figures of fish measured twenty-five feet in length; and it is curious
that the representations of the shield exactly corresponded with that used by the natives
of Port Stephens at the present day. These sculptured forms prove that the New
Hollanders exercised the arts of design, which has been questioned, and they also serve
to corroborate Captain Grey's discoveries of native delineations in caves upon the north-
west coast of Australia, during his expedition of discovery. At Lane Cove, at Port
Aiken, and at Point Piper, we also met with similar carvings. Whilst on a visit at the
latter place, it occurred to me that on the flat rocks at the extremity of the grounds
belonging to the estate where I was staying, there might be carvings similar to those at
the Heads; and on searching carefully I found considerable numbers of them in a
tolerably perfect state of preservation. Of all these I took measurements, and made
careful fac-simile drawings on the spot.”
In the appendix to his work, Mr. Angas gives reduced copies of these figures, some of
which are executed with wonderful spirit and fidelity. Even the human figures, which
are shown with extended arms and spread legs, as in the dance, are far better than those
usually drawn by savages, infinitely superior to those produced by the artists of Western
Africa, while some of the animals are marvellously accurate, reminding the observer of
the outline drawings upon Egyptian monuments. The best are, perhaps, a shark and a
kangaroo. The latter is represented in the attitude of feeding.
In some parts of Australia, the carvings and paintings are usually in caves by the
water's edge, and of such a character is the cave which is shown in the following
illustration. These caves are in sandstone rock, and the figures upon them are mostly
those of men and kangaroos, and it is a remarkable fact that in the human figures,
although their eyes, noses, and even the joints of the knees, are boldly marked, the
mouth is invariably absent.
Human hands and arms are often carved on rocks. One very remarkable example
was discovered by Captain Grey in North-West Australia. When penetrating into a

96
AUSTRALIA
large cave, out of which ran a number of smaller caves, the explorers were struck by a
really astonishing trick of native art. The sculptor had selected a rock at the side of
the cavity, and had drawn upon it the figure of a hand and arm. This had then been
painted black, and the rock around it coloured white with pipe-clay, so that on entering
the cave it appeared exactly as if the hand and arm of a black man were projecting
through some crevice which admitted light.
Their belief in ghosts implies a knowledge that the spirit of man is immortal. Yet
their ideas on this subject are singularly misty, not to say inconsistent, one part of their
COOKIA
un
Bruce
SIT
ANGÁS
CAVE WITH NATIVE DRAWINGS.
belief entirely contradicting the other. They believe, for example, that when the spirit
leaves the body, it wanders about for some time in darkness, until at last it finds a cord,
by means of which a "big black-fella spirit” named Oomudoo pulls it up from the earth
Yet they appropriate certain parts of the earth as the future residence of the different
tribes, the spirits of the departed Nauos being thought to dwell in the islands of Spencer's
Gulf, while those of the Parnkallas go to other islands towards the west. As if to con-
tradict both ideas, we have already seen that throughout the whole of Australia the
spirits of the dead are supposed to haunt the spots where their bodies lie buried.
And, to make confusion worse confounded, the aborigines believe very firmly in trans-
migration, some fancying that the spirits of the departed take up their abode in animals
but by far the greater number believing that they are transformed into white men.
latter belief was put very succinctly by a native, who stated in the odd jargon employed
by them, that “when black-fella tumble down, he jump up all same white-fella.”
This
THE DOCTRINE OF METEMPSYCHOSIS.
97
This idea of transmigration into the forms of white men is very remarkable, as it is
shared by the negro of Africa, who could not have had any communication with the black
native of Australia. And, still more strangely, like the Africans, they have the same
word for a white man and for a spirit. The reader may remember that when Mrs.
Thompson was captured by the natives, one of them declared that she was his daughter
Gi’ôm, who had become a white woman, and the rest of the tribe coincided in the
belief. Yet, though she became for the second time a member of the tribe, they always
seemed to feel a sort of mistrust, and often, when the children were jeering at her on
account of her light complexion and ignorance of Australian accomplishments, some
elderly person would check them, and tell them to leave her in peace, as, poor thing, she
was nothing but a ghost.
It has been found, also, that numbers of white persons have been recognised by the
blacks as being the spirits of their lost relatives, and have in consequence been dignified
with the names of those whom they represented. Mr. M'Gillivray mentions that the
natives of Port Essington have a slight modification of this theory, believing that after
death they become Malays.
Of their belief in the metempsychosis, or transmigration into animal forms, there are
but few examples. Dr. Bennett mentions that on one occasion, at Bérana Plains, when
a European was chasing one of the native animals, a native who was with him begged
him not to kill it, but to take it alive, as it was him brother.” When it was killed,
he was very angry, and, as a proof of his sincerity, refused to eat any of it, continually
grumbling and complaining of the “ tumbling down him brother.”
The Nauo tribe preserve a tradition which involves this metempsychosis. Once upon
a time, a certain great warrior, named Willoo, fought their tribe, and carried off all the
women, and killed all the men except two. The survivors climbed up a great tree,
followed by Willoo. They, however, broke off the branch on which he was climbing;
so that he fell to the ground, and was seized by a dingo below, when he immediately
died, and was changed into an eagle hawk, which has ever afterwards been called by the
name of Willoo.
The same tribe think that a small lizard was the originator of the sexes, and in con-
sequence call it by different names; the men using the term ibirri, and the women waka.
Following up the idea, the men kill every male lizard that they can find, while the women
do the same by the females.
Connected with this subject is their idea of creation. Of a single Creator of all
things they have not the least notion, but they possess some traditions as to the origin of
men or natural objects. The Kowrárega tribe say that the first created man was a huge
giant named Adi. One day, while he was fishing off Hammond Island, he was caught
by the tide and drowned, a great rock starting up to mark the spot. This is now called
Hammond's Rock. His wives saw his fate, committed suicide by flinging themselves
into the sea, and were immediately changed into a series of dry rocks on a neighbouring
reef. These rocks are still called by the natives Ipīle, i.e. the Wives.
The natives of the Lower Murray have a curious tradition respecting the origin of
the river, and the Alexandrina and Albert Lakes. The river was made by Oomudoo, the
"big black-fella spirit," already mentioned. He came down from the sky in his canoe,
and ordered the water to rise and form the river, which he then clothed with bulrushes
and populated with fish. He brought two wives with him, but they unfortunately
proved intractable, and ran away from him, whereupon Oomudoo made the two lakes
in question, one of which drowned each wife
VOL. II.
H
CHAPTER VIII.
AUSTRALIA-Continued.
ARCHITECTURE AND BOAT-BUILDING.
PARALLEL BETWEEN THE BOSJESMAN AND THE AUSTRALIAN--MODES OF BUILDING HUTSA SUMMER
ENCAMPMENT-RUDE NATURE OF THE HUTS-RETREATS OF THE WOMEN-
WOMEN-BONE HUTS OF
ENCOUNTER BAY-WINTER HOUSES-HUTS NEAR THE COORUNG-FIRE-MAKING-BIRD-SNARING
-A SELF-ACTING SNARE BOAT-BUILDING—USES OF THE STRINGY BARK-A FRAIL VESSEL
CANOE FOR GENERAL USE- THE REED CANOE-GRADUAL EXTINCTION OF NATIVE TRIBES,
IN many points the Australian savage bears a curious resemblance to the Bosjesman of
Southern Africa, of whom the reader will find a full account in Vol. I.
So similar, indeed, are they, that the colonists use the word Bushman to designate
the native savage, just as they call the spotted dasyure by the name of cat, and the
wombat by that of badger. Much confusion has consequently arisen; and there is now
before me a book descriptive of savage life, in which the author has mixed up the
Bosjesman of Africa and the Bushman of Australia in the most amusing manner,
actually transplanting a quotation from a book of African travels into the account of
Australia.
Like the Bosjesman, the Australian depends upon his weapons for the greater part of
his food, living almost entirely upon the game which he kills, and being skilled in the
art of destroying the wariest and most active of animals with the simplest of weapons.
He lives in a state of perpetual feud, his quarrels not being worthy of the name of
warfare; and his beau idéal of a warrior is a man who steals upon his enemy by craft,
and kills his foe without danger to himself.
He cultivates no land, neither has he the least notion of improving his social condition.
He cares nothing for clothes, except, perhaps, as a partial shelter from the elements, and
utterly ridicules the notion that there is any connexion between clothing and modesty.
Indeed, on one occasion, when a girl had been presented with a petticoat by a white
lady, and returned to her people, displaying with pride her newly-acquired property, her
companions, instead of displaying envy at her finery, only jeered at her, inquiring whether
she thought herself so much better than her forefathers, that she should want to wear
clothes like the white strangers. The consequence was, that in a day or two the solitary
garment was thrown aside, and she walked about as before, in the primitive accoutre-
ments of her tribe.
Like the African Bosjesman, the Australian native has no settled home, although he
considers himself as having a right to the district in which his tribe have taken up their
abode. Contrary to the usage of civilized life, he is sensitive on the general question,
and careless in detail. With civilized beings the hearth and home take the first place
in the affections, the love of country being merely an extension of the love of home.
With the Australian, however, as well as the Bosjesman, the case is just reversed.
He has no home, and cares not for any one spot more than another, except that some

THE SUMMER ENCAMPMENT.
99
spots are sheltered and others exposed. He passes a semi-nomad existence, not unlike
that of the Arab, save that instead of pitching his tent on a convenient spot, and taking
it
away when he leaves it, he does not trouble himself even to carry the simple materials
of a tent, but builds a rude hut in any spot which he may happen to fancy, and leaves it
to decay when he forsakes the spot.
CA
ANGAR
Tunn
A SUMMER ENCAMPMENT.
The chief object of the ordinary hut made by an Australian savage is to defend the
inmates from the cold south-west breezes
. Consequently, the entrances of the huts may
be found, as a rule, turned towards the north-east, whence come the warm winds that
have passed over the equator.
The summer encampment of an Australian family is very simple. A number of leafy
boughs are stuck in the ground in a semicircular form, the size of the enclosed space
varying with the number of the family. These boughs are seldom more than four feet in
height, and often scarcely exceed a yard, their only object being to keep off the wind from
the fire and from the bodies of the natives as they squat round the flame or lie asleep.
That any one should expect a shelter while he is standing never seems to enter the
imagination of an Australian savage, who, like other savages, never dreams of standing
when he can sit, or, indeed, of taking any trouble that is not absolutely necessary.
All the stories that are told of the industry of savage life are pure inventions, and
if labour be, as we are often told, the truest nobility, we ought to hear no more of the
noble savage.” Consistently with this idea, the native Australian's only idea of the
hut is a place where he can sit and gorge himself with food, and lie down to sleep after
his enormous meal. A fence a yard in height is therefore quite good enough for him,
and, as long as no rain falls, he thinks a roof to be a needless expenditure of labour.
H 2
iĝo
AUSTRALIA.
In the preceding illustration we have an example of an encampment on which the
natives have bestowed rather more care than usual, and have actually taken the pains
to form the branches into rude huts. The spears, shields, and other weapons of the
natives are seen scattered about, while round the fire sit or lie the men who have satisfied
their hunger. The reader will perceive that from a little distance such an encampment
would be almost invisible; and indeed, except by the thin smoke of the fire, the most
practised eye can scarcely detect the spot where natives are encamping. Even the spears
which project above the bush-huts look at a little distance merely like dried sticks; and, if
the inhabitants be very anxious to escape observation, they establish their encampment
in a retired spot, where the surrounding objects harmonize as closely as possible with the
rude shelter which answers all their needs.
In many places the natives construct a habitation similar in principle, but differing
in structure. “Should the locality abound in the eucalyptus, or stringy-bark tree, the
natives make a hut altogether different in appearance. With wonderful dexterity, they
strip off the bark of the tree in large flakes, six or seven feet in length. A few large
branches of trees are then laid on the ground, so that they form a rough sort of frame-
work, and upon these branches the flakes of bark are laid. An hour's labour will make
one of these huts, so that the natives have really no inducement to take any care of
them. Even the very best hut which a native Australian ever made would be inferior -
to the handiwork of an English boy of ten years old. For my own part, I remember
building far better huts than those of the Australians, though I was at the time much
below ten years of age, and had gained all my knowledge of practical architecture from
Sandford and Merton.'
There is, however, one great advantage in these bark-huts-namely, the rapidity with
which they can be made, and the shelter which they really do give from the traveller's
great enemy, the night wind. Even European travellers have been glad to avail them-
selves of these simple structures, and have appreciated the invaluable aid of a few sheets
of bark propped against a fallen branch. Those who have been forced to travel without
tents through a houseless country have learned by experience that the very best shelter
from the night winds is not height, but width. A tree, for example, forms but a very
poor shelter, while a low wall barely eighteen inches high and six feet in length keeps off
the wind, and enables the wearied traveller to rest in comparative comfort.
Such a
shelter is easily made from the sheets of stringy bark, one or two of which will form
a shelter for several sleepers.
Perhaps the simplest huts that human beings ever dignified by the name of habitation
are those which are made by the women of a tribe when the men are away. It some-
times happens that the whole of the adult males go off on an expedition which will last
for a considerable time--such, for example, as a raid upon a neighbouring tribe-leaving
the women and children to take care of themselves. These, knowing that they might be
pounced upon by enemies who would take advantage of the absence of their defenders,
retire into the recesses of the woods, where they build the oddest houses imaginable, half
burrows scraped among the roots of trees, and half huts made of bark and decayed wood.
These habitations are so inconspicuous that even the practised eye of the native can
scarcely discover them.
On the shores of Encounter Bay may be seen some very curious habitations. Every
now and then a whale is thrown ashore by a tempest; and in such a case the tribes of
the neighbourhood flock round it with great rejoicings, seeing in it an unlimited supply
of food. Huge as the animal may be, it is ere long consumed, and nothing left but the
skeleton. Of the bones the natives make the framework of their huts, the ends of the
ribs being fixed in the ground, so that the bones form the supports of the arched roof,
which is nothing more than houghs, grass, and matting thrown almost at random upon
the bony framework.
During the winter time the native huts are of better construction, although the best
hut that an Australian ever made is but a very rude and primitive specimen of architec-
turę. These winter huts are made on the same principle as those employed in summer,
::bit: the materials are more closely put together. The framework of these huts is made by:

THE WINTER ENCAMPMENT.
101
sticking a number of saplings in the ground, and tying them together. Smaller branches
and twigs are then passed in and out of the uprights, and pressed down so as to make a
tolerably firm wall. Over the wall comes a layer of large leaves, and an outer covering
of tea-tree bark is placed over the trees, and held in its place by a lashing of rattan.
These houses are about five feet in height, and have an arched opening just large enough
for a man to enter on his hands and knees.
Such huts as these, however, are but seldom seen, the ordinary winter dwellings
being made of bushes, as seen in the illustration. Near the entrance, but not within it,
the fire is kindled, and at night the natives crowd into the hut, filling it so completely
that a view of the interior displays nothing but a confused mass of human limbs. The
UNCAS
WINTER HUTS.
reader will perceive that the luxury of a door has not been contemplated by the native
architects-an omission which is perhaps rather fortunate, considering the crowded state
of the interior.
Along the shores of the Coorung a rather peculiar kind of habitation is used.
It must first be mentioned that the Coorung is a back-water inlet of the sea, running
parallel to it for some ninety miles or so, never more than a mile and a half from the sea,
and divided from it only by a range of enormous sandhills. It is a wild and desolate
place, but is inhabited by the Milmendura tribe, who made themselves so notorious for
the massacre of the passengers and men of the ship Maria. The natives probably like
the spot, because in the Coorung, which is protected from the ocean waves by the sand-
hills, they can take fish without danger, and because the sandhills furnish a fruit called
the monterry, or native apple, as, although a berry growing upon a creeping plant, it
looks and tastes like a miniature apple.
The situation is much exposed in the winter time to the cold south-west blasts, and
the natives accordingly make comparatively strong huts. Their dwellings are formed of
a framework of sticks, over which is plastered a thick layer of turf and mud. In addi-
tion to this they heap over the hut a great quantity of the sand and shells of which the
ground is chiefly composed, so that the houses of the Milmendura look like mere mounds
or hillocks rising from the sandy soil.
102
AUSTRALIA.
The fire which is found in every Australian encampment is generally procured by
friction from two pieces of wood, one being twirled rapidly between the hands and the other
held firmly by the feet. Indeed, the Australian savage produces fire exactly as does the
South African (see Vol. I. p. 101). This accomplishment, however, is not universal,
some tribes being unable to produce fire, and being dependent on the "fire-sticks” which
the women carry with them. It has occasionally happened that the women have been
careless enough to allow all their fire-sticks to expire, and in such a case they are obliged
to go to the nearest friendly tribe, and beg a light from them, in order to procure fire
wherewith to cook the game that their husbands have brought home.
Before leaving this part of the subject, it will be as well to mention briefly a few of
the devices used by the Australian natives in taking their game.
One of these devices is remarkably ingenious, and is principally employed in duck-
catching. The natives find out a spot where the ducks resort in order to feed, and
arrange their nets so that they may intercept birds that fly down upon them. When the
ducks are all busy feeding, the native hunter, who has concealed himself near the place,
alarms the birds by suddenly imitating the cry of the fish-hawk, one of their deadliest
foes. The terrified ducks rise in a body; but, just as they ascend, the wily native flings
into the air a triangular piece of bark, imitating again the cry of the hawk. The birds,
fancying that the hawk is sweeping down upon ther, try to escape by darting into the
reeds, and are caught in the nets.
Another ingenious plan is used for capturing birds singly. The native makes a sort
of screen of branches, and conceals himself within it. In his hand he carries a long and
slender rod, at the end of which there is a noose, and within the noose a bait. Under
cover of the screen he comes close to the bird, and gently places the treacherous noose
near it. By degrees the bird comes closer and closer to the bait, and, as soon as its head
is fairly within the noose, it is secured by a dexterous twist of the hand. Sometimes the
native does not employ a bait. He builds his simple shelter by some spot where birds
are accustomed to drink, and calls them by imitating their note. They come to the spot,
and, not seeing their companions, perch upon the sticks under which the hunter is con-
cealed, a large bunch of grass being generally used to prevent the birds from seeing him.
As soon as the bird perches, he slips the noose over its head, draws it inside the shelter,
kills it, and waits for another.
In some parts of the country the natives make a self-acting snare, very much on the
principle of the nets used in snaring rabbits. It consists of a sort of bag, and has its
opening encircled by a running string, the other end of which is fastened to some fixed
object, such as a tree-stump. The bag is made of split rattans, so that it remains open,
and, as the meshes are very wide, the bait which is placed within it can easily be seen.
If a bird or animal should come to the bait, which is fixed at the very extremity of
the bag, it naturally forces its way towards the tempting object, and in so doing pulls
upon the string and closes the mouth of the bag behind it. "The more it struggles, the
firmer is it held ; and so it remains until it is taken out, and the trap set again. This very
ingenious snare is used mostly for bandicoots and similar animals, though birds are some-
times caught in it.
The natives have another self-acting trap, which is identical in principle with
the eel-baskets and lobster-pots of our own country. A number of these traps were
found by Mr. Carron in some huts near Princess Charlotte's Bay. They were made of
strips of cane, and were about five feet in length by eight or nine inches in diameter at
the mouth. From the opening they gradually tapered for some four feet, and then
suddenly enlarged into a large round basket or pocket, the lower ends of the neck project-
ing into the basket so as to hinder any animal from returning through the passage by
which it entered. This trap was used indifferently for catching fish and small animals
.
For the latter purpose it was laid in their track, and for the former it was placed in a
narrow channel
, through which the fish were forced to pass by being driven by a party of
natives in the water.
The reader will remember that on page 100 there is a reference to the “ stringy bark,"
and its use in architecture. The same bark is used for a great number of purposes, among
De
CANOE-BUILDING.
103
which that of boat-building is perhaps the most conspicuous. Should a native come to
the side of a river which he does not wish to swim, he supplies himself with a boat in a
very expeditious manner. Going to the nearest stringy-bark trees, and choosing one
which has the lines of the bark straight and not gnarled, he chops a circle round the tree
so as to sever the bark, and about seven or eight feet higher he chops a second circle. His
next proceeding is to make a longitudinal cut down one side of the tree, and a corre-
sponding one on the other side. He then inserts the handle of his tomahawk, his digging-
stick, or any such implement, between the bark and the wood, and, by judicious handling,
SIA
KA
Z.
ANGAZ
AUSTRALIAN CANOES.
strips off the bark in two semi-cylindrical, trough-like pieces, each of which is capable of
being made into a boat.
Should he be alone, he seldom troubles himself to do more than tie the bark together
at each end of the trough, and in this frail vessel he will commit himself to the river.
But if his wife, or any second person, should be with him, he makes the simple boat more
trustworthy by digging a quantity of clay out of the river-bank, kneading it into each
end of the trough, and tying the bark over the clay. As soon as he reaches the opposite
shore, he lands, pushes the canoe back into the river, and abandons it, knowing that to
make a second canoe will not be nearly so troublesome as to take care of the first.
If, however, he wants a canoe in which he goes fishing, and which, in consequence,
must be of a stronger make, he still adheres to the stringy bark as his material, though he
takes more care in the manufacture. The central figure of the illustration represents one
of these canoes, and is taken from a sketch made on the River Murray. Here it will be
seen that there is some attempt at producing a boat-shaped vessel, and, fragile as it may be,
104
AUSTRALIA.
it is evidently a boat, and not a mere trough of bark, stopped with clay at the ends, and
called by courtesy a canoe. The bark is bent, like the birch-bark of the North American
Indians, by moisture and heat; and even with this better kind of buat clay is required at
each end, and is also used for stopping up any leakage.
The lower figure displays a still better use of the stringy bark. In this specimen the
bark is not only formed into a boat-like shape, but it is kept in its form by cross-pieces
of wood. The edges are also strengthened: and altogether this canoe shows a wonderful
advance in boat-building. By the side of the canoe is a water-bucket, made, like the
canoe, of stringy bark, sewn neatly together, and used either for carrying water or baling
it out of the canoe. The vessel is propelled with a regular paddle instead of the fish-
spear: and altogether the boat and the accompanying implements remind the observer of
the birch-bark canoes and vessels of America. This figure is taken from a sketch made
on the north-eastern coast of Australia.
Another simple form of boat is shown in the uppermost figure, and is drawn from a
specimen in the British Museum, It is made on a totally different principle from those
which have already been described, and, instead of being a hollow trough of bark, is
a solid bundle of reeds and sticks tied together in a very ingenious manner, and giving
support to one or more persons, according to its size.
Such is the history of the aboriginal tribes of Australia, whose remarkable manners
and customs are fast disappearing, together with the natives themselves. The poor
creatures are aware of the fact
, and seem to have lost all pleasure in the games and
dances that formerly enlivened their existence. Many of the tribes are altogether extinct,
and others are disappearing so fast that the people have lost all heart and spirit, and
succumb almost without complaint to the fate which awaits them. In one tribe, for
example, the Barrabool, which numbered upwards of three hundred, the births during
seventeen years were only twenty-four, being scarcely two births in three years; while
the deaths had been between eighteen and nineteen per annum.
Mr. Lloyd gives a touching account of the survivors of this once flourishing tribe
" When I first landed in Geelong, in 1837, the Barrabool tribe numbered upwards of
three hundred sleek and healthy-looking blacks. A few months previous to my leaving
that town, in May 1853, on casually strolling up to a couple of miam-miams, or native
huts, that were erected upon the banks of the Burwan River, I observed seated there nine
loobras (women) and one sickly child.
Seeing so few natives, I was induced to ask after numbers of my old dark friends of
early days-Ballyyang, the chief of the Barrabool tribe, the great Jaga-jaga, Panigerong,
and many others, when I received the following pathetic reply : 'Aha, Mitter Looyed,
Ballyyang dedac (dead), Jaga-jaga dedac; Panigerong dedac,' &c., naming many others ;
and, continuing their sorrowful tale, they chanted, in minor and funereal tones, in their
own soft language, to the following effect :
" The stranger white man came in his great swimming corong (vessel), and landed at
Corayio with his dedabul boulganas (large animals), and his anaki boulganas (little
animals). He came with his boom-booms (double guns), his white miam-miams (tents),
blankets, and tomahawks; and the dedabul ummageet (great white stranger) took away the
long-inherited hunting-grounds of the poor Barrabool coolies and their children,' &c. &c.
“ Having worked themselves into a fit of passionate and excited grief, weeping,
shaking their heads, and holding up their hands in bitter sorrow, they exclaimed, in wild
and frenzied tones : Coolie! coolie! coolie! where are our coolies now! Where are our
fathers--mothers-brothers—sisters ? Dead all gone! dead !' Then, in broken English,
they said, “Nebber mind, Mitter Looyed, tir; by 'm by all dem black fella come back
white fella, like it you. Such is the belief of the poor aborigines of Victoria; hence we
may firmly infer that they possess a latent spark of hope in their minds as to another and
better world.
“Then, with outstretched fingers, they showed me the unhappy state of the aboriginal
population. From their statement it appeared that there existed of the tribe at that
moment only nine women, seven men, and one child. Their rapid diminution in numbers
THE LAW OF PROGRESSION.
103
may be traced to a variety of causes. First, the chances of obtaining their natural food
were considerably lessened by the entire occupation of the best-grassed parts of the
country, which originally abounded in kangaroo and other animals upon which they
subsisted. The greater number of these valuable creatures, as an irresistible consequence,
retired into the wild uninhabitable countries, far from the haunts of the white man and
his destructive dogs.
“ Having refused the aid of the Government and the Missionary Societies' establish-
ments at the River Burwan and Mount Rouse, the natives were to a serious extent
deprived of animal food, so essential to a people who were ever exposed to the inclemencies
of winter and the exhausting heats of summer. Influenza was one of the greatest scourges
under which they suffered. Then, among other evils attending their association with
the colonists, the brandy, rum, and tobacco told fearfully upon their already weakened
constitutions."
This one tribe is but an example of the others, all of whom are surely, and some not
slowly, approaching the end of their existence.
For many reasons we cannot but regret that entire races of men, possessing many fine
qualities, should be thus passing away, but it is impossible not to perceive that they are
but following the order of the world, the lower race preparing a home for the higher.
In the present instance, for example, the aborigines performed barely half of their
duties as men. They partially exercised their dominion over the beasts and the birds-
killing, but not otherwise utilizing them. But, although they inherited the earth, they
did not subdue it, nor replenish it. They cleared away no useless bush or forest, to
replace them with fruits; and they tilled no land, leaving the earth exactly in the same
condition that they found it. Living almost entirely by the chase, it required a very large
hunting-ground to support each man, and a single tribe gained a scanty and precarious
living on a tract of land sufficient, when cultivated, to feed a thousand times their number.
In fact, they occupied precisely the same relative position towards the human race as do
the lion, tiger, and leopard towards the lower animals, and suffered in consequence from
the same law of extinction.
In process of time white men came to introduce new arts into their country, clearing
away useless forest, and covering the rescued earth with luxuriant wheat-crops, sufficient
to feed the whole of the aborigines of the country; bringing also with them herds of sheep
and horned cattle to feed upon the vast plains which formerly nourished but a few
kangaroo, and to multiply in such numbers that they not only supplied the whole of their
adopted land with food, but their flesh was exported to the mother-country.
The superior knowledge of the white man thus gave to the aborigines the means of
securing their supplies of food; and therefore his advent was not a curse, but a benefit to
them. But they could not take advantage of the opportunities thus offered to them,
and, instead of seizing upon these new means of procuring the three great necessaries of
human life, food, clothing, and lodging, they not only refused to employ them, but did
their best to drive them out of the country, murdering the colonists, killing their cattle,
destroying their crops, and burning their houses
.
The means were offered to them of infinitely bettering their social condition, and
the opportunity given them, by substituting peaceful labour for perpetual feuds, and of
turning professional murderers into food-producers, of replenishing the land which their
everlasting quarrels, irregular mode of existence, and carelessness of human life had well-
nigh depopulated. These means they could not appreciate, and, as a natural consequence,
had to make way for those who could. The inferior must always make way for the
superior, and such has ever been the case with the savage. I am persuaded that the
coming of the white man is not the sole, nor even the chief, cause of the decadence of
savage tribes. I have already shown that we can introduce no vice in which the savage
is not profoundly versed, and feel sure that the cause of extinction lies within the savage
himself, and ought not to be attributed to the white man, who comes to take the place
which the savage has practically vacated.
NEW
ZEALAND.
CHAPTER I.
GENERAL REMARKS.
LOCALITY OF NEW ZEALAND GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE PEOPLE-THE TWO CASTES, AND
THEIR SUPPOSED ORIGIN-CONTRAST BETWEEN THE SEXES_LAXNESS OF MORALS-NUMBER OF
HE POPULATION, AND THE DIFFERENT TRIBES-MODE OF GOVERNMENT-DISTINCTION BETWEEN
RANKS— FORMATION OF THE CLANS, OR SUB-TRIBES—THE SLAVES, THEIR VALUE AND TREAT-
MENT-THE TENURE OF LAND--A COMPLEX ARRANGEMENT AND CONSEQUENT DIFFICULTIES
ESTABLISHING A CLAIM-NATIVE LAW-THE LEX TALIONIS »-SENSITIVENESS TO DISGRACE-
THE PREVALENCE OF SUICIDE-STRANGE CONDUCT OF A MAORI CHIEF-THE SISTER'S VENGEANCE.
SOUTHWARD and eastward of Australia we come to the group of islands known collectively
as New Zealand. Like Australia, New Zealand possesses many peculiarities of climate
and natural productions, and is inhabited by a number of tribes which are generally hostile
to each other, but which are almost identical in appearance and habits. We shall therefore
be enabled to treat of this important portion of the globe with much more brevity than
could be the case if, as in Africa, the tribes differed from each other in hue, dress,
and customs.
TAKEN as a whole, the New Zealanders are a singularly fine race of people—tall
, power-
ful, and well made. Though varying somewhat in shade, the colour is always a brown of
some kind, the complexion being sometimes as light as that of a Spaniard, and sometimes
of a dark umber. It is, however
, always of a clear tint, and never approaches to the deep
black of the Australian. The nose is straight and well formed, in many cases being boldly
aquiline; and the mouth is rather large, and the lips moderately full, though not resem-
bling those of the negro. The cheekbones are rather high, but not much more prominent
than those of a genuine Scotchman; and the eyes are large, dark, and vivacious.
The teeth are remarkably white and even, and the feet and hands small and well
proportioned. The foot is very well developed, the native never having spoiled its beau-
tiful mechanism with shoes or boots, and being accustomed to use the toes in many tasks
wherein a civilized European requires his fingers. The toes are, for example, continually
employed in holding one end of a rope, while the fingers are engaged in twisting or
plaiting it; and the consequence is that the natives are able to ridicule with justice the
misshapen feet and toes of the European.
The men have naturally a full beard; but they always remove every vestige of hair
on the face, in order to show the patterns which are tattooed upon it. Now and then a
very old and powerful chief will dare to allow his beard to grow; but, as a rule, the face
DUTIES OF THE WOMEN.
107
is divested of all covering: so that the absence of the beard, together with the profuse
tattoo, destroys all evidences of age, and makes the countenance of a young man of twenty
look nearly as old as that of his grandfather, aged sixty.
The hair is plentiful, and mostly straight, being twisted and curled by art into the
various fashionable forms. In some cases it is light, or even reddish, in colour; and
in such instances accompanies a complexion of peculiar fairness. Albinism exists among
the New Zealanders, but is not agreeable in appearance, the eyes being always weak, and
the skin looking as if it had been artificially whitened. In fact, such an albino looks
among his dark fellows like a plant that has been bleached by growing in the dark.
There seem to be two castes of men among the New Zealanders. The upper caste is
distinguished by the above characteristics ; but the lower is shorter in stature, and has
coarse and curly, though not woolly, hair, more prominent cheekbones, and a much
blacker skin.
This second race, according to Dr. Dieffenbach,"is mixed in insensible gradations with
the former, and is far less numerous; it does not predominate in any one part of the
island, nor does it occupy any particular station in a tribe; and there is no difference made
between the two races among themselves.
“But I must observe that I never met any man of consequence belonging to this tribe,
and that, although free men, they occupied the lower grades : from this we may, perhaps,
infer the relation in which they stood to the earliest immigrants into the country, although
their traditions and legends are silent on the subject.
“From the existence of two races in New Zealand the conclusion might be drawn that
the darker were the original proprietors of the soil, anterior to the arrival of a stock of
true Polynesian origin; that they were conquered by the latter, and nearly exterminated.
This opinion has been entertained regarding all Polynesian islands; but I must observe
that it is very doubtful whether those differences which we observe amongst the natives
of New Zealand are really due to such a source. We find similar varieties in all Poly-
nesian islands, and it is probable that they are a consequence of the difference of castes so
extensively spread amongst the inhabitants of the tribes of the great ocean.
“If one part of the population of New Zealand are a distinct race—a fact which
cannot be denied as regards other islands—it is very curious that there should be no
traces of such a blending in the language, where they would have been most durable, or
in the traditions, which certainly would have mentioned the conquest of one race by the
other, if it had happened. Captain Crozet, a Frenchman, who early visited New Zealand,
says that he found a tribe at the North Cape darker than the rest. I could observe
nothing of the kind there, though I visited all the natives. Nor are those darker-coloured
individuals more common in the interior; I should say, even less so.
“There is undoubtedly a greater variety of colour and countenance among the natives
of New Zealand than one would expect--a circumstance which might prove either an
early blending of different races, or a difference of social conditions, which latter supposi-
tion would go far to explain the fact. All the New Zealanders speak of the Mango-Mango,
or Blacks of New South Wales, as unconnected with and inferior to themselves; but they
never make such a distinction regarding their own tribes."
As is often the case with uncivilized people, the women are decidedly inferior to the
men, being much shorter, and not nearly so well made. They are not treated with the
harshness which is the usual characteristic of married life among savages, and are even
taken into their husbands' counsels, and have great influence in political affairs.
Still, the heavy work of the household falls upon their shoulders, and the lot of an
ordinary New Zealand wife is rather a severe one. She has to cultivate the ground, to
carry the produce of the distant fields to the house, and, when the family is travelling, the
women have to carry all the heavy loads. It is no wonder, therefore, that a life of such
drudgery should tell upon the women, both in preventing the proper development of their
frame and in causing their beauty to decay. Those who preserve their beauty longest are
the daughters of wealthy chiefs, who can afford slaves by whom all the hard work is done,
and who therefore free their mistresses from one of the causes of deterioration.
There is, however, another cause, which is perhaps equally effective, but not so

108
NEW ZEALAND.
palpable. This is the very lax code of morality which prevails among them, a young girl
being permitted the utmost freedom until she is married, although afterwards she is a
model of constancy. This privilege is exercised at a very early age, and the natural con-
sequence is that the due development of the frame is checked. This vicious system is so
much a matter of course, that it
carries no reproach with it, and
the young girls are remarkable
for their modest and childlike
demeanour.
Of course they become aged
much earlier than those whose
development takes place at a later
period of life; but they compen-
sate for their deteriorated appear-
ance by their peculiar kindliness
of demeanour.
Unlike the men, the women
do not disfigure their faces by the
tattoo, which gives to them the
stern and fixed expression so
characteristic of a New Zealand
warrior; and they thus allow the
really flexible and intelligent
features to have full play. The
only portions of the face that are
marked with the tattoo are the
lips, which are rendered blue by
the process, as it is considered
disgraceful for a woman to have
red lips. The tattooing is always
performed when the child is
allowed to take her place among
women; and, as may be imagined,
it gives a livid and altogether un-
pleasant appearance to the mouth.
The children are very pleasing
and interesting little creatures
.
They are full of intelligence, and
unusually free and open in their
manner. Unlike the children of
most savage nations, they live as
much with the men as with the
women, and partake even in the
councils of their parents, thus
having their faculties sharpened at a very early age. The illustration on page 109 gives
typical examples of the New Zealander from childhood to age, and the reader will notice
the contrast between the soft and rounded outlines of the youth and the harsh, rigid
countenances of the old man and his consort.
ANGAS
WOMAN AND BOY.
In proportion to the dimensions of New Zealand, the population is very small; and
,
even in the earliest days of our acquaintance with it, the land seems to have been but
thinly inhabited.
That
such should be the case is very remarkable, as a very thin population is generally
found in those countries where, as in Australia, the inhabitants live principally by the
chase, and therefore require a very large tract of land to support them. The New Zea-
landers, however, do not live by the chase, for the simple reason that there are no animals

TYPICAL PORTRAITS.
109
which are worth the trouble of hunting; so that a family of twenty or so, even if they had
the entire country as a hunting-ground, would find themselves in very great straits were
they obliged to procure their food by the chase. The reasons for this thin population will
be presently seen.
ANGAS
THE NEW ZEALANDER FROM CHILDHOOD TO AGE,
According to Dieffenbach's calculation, the native population of the entire country
may be reckoned rather below one hundred and fifteen thousand. These are divided
into twelve great tribes, which are again subdivided into sub-tribes, or clans, each of
which has its separate name, and is supposed to belong to a certain district. The fighting
110
NEW ZEALAND.
—
men, or warriors, form about one-fourth of the whole population ; the remaining three-
fourths being made up of old men, women, and children. Since this calculation the
numbers of the aborigines have considerably lessened. The most important of the tribes
seems to be the Waikato, which is divided into eighteen clans, and which occupies a very
large proportion of the country. This tribe alone can bring into the field six thousand
fighting men; so that the entire number of the tribe may be calculated at twenty-four
thousand or so.
The Waikato clans have managed to preserve their individuality better than the
others, and, though brought much in contact with civilization, and having adopted some
of the habits of their white visitors, they have still retained many of their ancient customs,
and, as Dieffenbach remarks, have preserved much of their ancient vigour and original
virtues.
The tribe that is strongest in mere numbers is the Nga-te-kahuhuna, which inhabits
the east coast, and may be reckoned at thirty-six thousand strong. In fact, these two
tribes alone outnumber the whole of the others taken collectively. One tribe, the Rangi-
tani, is interesting from the fact that it was described by Captain Cook. In his days it
was evidently a large and flourishing tribe, but some few years ago it could scarcely
muster three hundred warriors, representing a total number of twelve hundred. The
decadence of this tribe is probably owing to the destructive wars in which the New
Zealanders engage, and which are often so fierce as to erase a tribe entirely.
The government of the New Zealanders is a curious mixture of simplicity and compli-
cation. Monarchy is unknown, each tribe having its own great chief, while an inferior
chief presides over each clan, or sub-tribe. The whole of the population' may be roughly
divided into three ranks. First come the nobility, then the free men, and lastly the
slaves. The nobility go by the general name of Rangatira—a title which is always given
to officers, missionaries, and other white men who are placed in command over others.
In each tribe one of the Rangatira is the Ariki, or principal chief; but, as he is
necessarily a Rangatira, he is always addressed by that title, and, in consequence, a
stranger finds some difficulty, even after a prolonged visit, in ascertaining who is the
Ariki. Among the New Zealanders there is no Salic law, so that the Ariki need not be a
warrior, and may be a woman. The office is hereditary, and the existing Ariki is always
held in the highest veneration in virtue of his descent. Even the hostile tribes respect an
Ariki, and in most cases, if he should be captured in battle, the victors will spare his life.
One or two of the most powerful chiefs living have been captured and afterwards released,
whereas, had they been common men, or even ordinary Rangatiras, they would have been
killed, their bodies eaten, and their heads dried and fixed as trophies on the houses of
their conquerors.
A sort of tax, or tribute, is paid by the different families, though the tax is entirely a
voluntary one, and may be great or small
, or withheld altogether, at pleasure. Mostly the
Ariki is a man of considerable mental powers, and, in such a case, he exercises great
authority over the tribe, either as a priest or a warrior. There is nothing to prevent the
Ariki from assuming the office of priest, and in many instances he has been able to
exercise a far greater influence by spiritual than by physical means.
The Rangatira are the great men, or nobles, of the land, and with them, as with the
Ariki, the rank is hereditary. The law of succession is very remarkable, the eldest son
being the heir to his father's rank; but if the child dies, the youngest, and not the next
eldest, becomes the lawful successor. These two heirs, the eldest and the youngest sons,
are called by a name which signifies the fat of the earth.
Each Rangatira is independent of his fellows, though they collectively form a sort of
body which we may compare with our House of Peers. Any Rangatira who has sufficient
influence may gather together the members of his clan, build a fortified village, or pah,
and become a petty sovereign in his own dominions. It is in this way that the various
clans, or sub-tribes, are formed, each gathering round a noble of more than usual ability,
and adopting a name by which the members will ever afterwards be known.
The free men form the great body of the warriors; some of them being the sons of
Rangatira, and others merely having the privilege of free birth, which carries with it the
THE LAND QUESTION.
111
right of tattooing the face. Sometimes a free man who is remarkable for his generalship
and courage will take the command of an expedition, even though men of higher rank
than himself should be engaged in it.
Last come the slaves. These are always procured from two sources : they are either
captives taken in battle, or are the children of such captives. The value of such slaves is
very great. All savages are idle, but the New Zealander is one of the laziest of mortals in
time of peace. In war he is all fire and spirit; but in peace he lounges listlessly about,
and will not do a stroke of work that can possibly be avoided.
He may, perhaps, condescend to carve the posts of his house into some fantastical
semblance of the human form, or he may, perchance, employ himself in slowly rubbing a
stone club into shape, or in polishing or adorning his weapons. Whatever real work is
to be done is left to the women or the slaves, and a man who values his wife or daughter
will endeavour to procure slaves who will relieve her of the drudgery.
There are slaves of both sexes, to whom the appropriate work is allotted. They are
considered the absolute property of their owner, who may treat them as he pleases, and,
if he prefers to kill them, may do so without attracting any attention. Of course he
would not do so except for very good reasons, as he would deprive himself of a valuable
article of property. There have been cases, as we shall presently see, when the owner of
slaves has deliberately murdered them for the sake of selling their heads.
Once a slave, always a slave. Should one of these unfortunates manage to escape and
get back to his own tribe, his owner would apply for him, and he would be given up, the
right of the master to his slave being universally recogvised. Still, as a rule, the slaves
are treated well, and some of them, who have attained excellence in certain arts, often
become richer men than their owners. So great is the value of slaves, that many a war
has been undertaken for the mere purpose of slave-hunting, and some of the most
disastrous and obstinate feuds have originated in a slave-hunt.
Connected with the government of the New Zealanders is the land question. This
is a strangely complicated business, as every inch of ground has an actual owner,
while there are usually several claimants who allow their rights, real or imagined, to
lie in abeyance as long as the land is owned by one who can hold his own, while they
will all prefer their claims at his death, or even during a lengthened absence.
So it has often happened that the white men, while desiring to act according to law
and honour, have involved themselves in a very net of difficulties. A chief, for example,
may agree to sell a portion of territory, will receive the price, and will sign a deed, which
will be witnessed by natives as well as by Europeans. No sooner has he done so, than a
claimant comes forward, declaring that the chief in question had no real right to the land,
and therefore had no right to sell it.
His claim will be inquired into, and, if it seems to be tolerably consistent with likeli
hood, the man will be paid an additional sum for his consent to the sale. The matter,
however, is not at an end, for such is the jealousy with which the natives regard land, that,
as long as a foreigner holds an inch of ground, so long will there be a native who prefers a
claim to it. Strange as it may seem, the white man would incur less odium by taking the
land by force, and seizing it by right of conquest, than by trying to act according to
justice and equity.
War is a fertile source of misunderstanding about land. A tribe may be driven out
of a district, and their land given to others, who hold it as long as they can keep it, the
original possessors being sure to reconquer it if possible. It has sometimes happened
that a chief to whom such lands have been presented has transferred them to another
chief, and he, in his turn, has sold them to European settlers, the bargain being ratified by
his own followers, who are considered as having a share in such property.
The colonists take the land, clear it, cultivate it, and when the crops are fairly in the
ground, the dispossessed tribe will come forward and prefer their claim to it
. Those to
whom it was sold have already received their price, and do not trouble themselves to
oppose the claim; and the consequence is, that the colonists are obliged either to make
a second payment or to run the risk of war.
As to the claims themselves, they are of the most curious and unexpected character,
112
NEW ZEALAND.
6
such as no European would be likely to anticipate. According to Dieffenbach, “There
exists a very distinct notion of the rights of landed property among the natives, and every
inch of land in New Zealand has its proprietor. Sometimes land is given to a strange
tribe, either as pay, or from other considerations, but the proprietor reserves certain rights,
some of which are what we should term manorial.
" It was formerly very common that the fat of the native rats (Kiore) killed on such
lands should be given to the principal proprietor, and in many cases a title to land seems
to have been derived from the fact of having killed rats on it. Thus a chief will say,
This or that piece of land is mine; I have killed rats on it. Generally, however, land
descends, as with us, by inheritance."
Such being the complicated tenure on which land is held—a tenure which is often
puzzling to the natives themselves—it is no matter of wonder that English settlers should
have found themselves in difficulties. It is said that the colonists tried to make themselves
masters of the land by unfair means, i.e. either by forcibly taking possession of it, or by
inveigling the ignorant natives into signing documents which they did not understand,
and thus selling their paternal estates for rum, tobacco, and a few blankets.
This may to some extent have been the case when the colonists first came to settle in
the country. But the natives are far too intelligent to remain long ignorant of the power
of pen, ink, and paper, and there is no doubt that in many cases they intentionally out-
witted the purchaser, either by putting forward a sham owner of the ground, who had no
right to sell it, and who vanished with his share of the prize as soon as the bargain was
concluded, or by asserting ignorance of the meaning of the document which had been
signed, and refusing to carry out its conditions. That the white men succeeded too often
in cheating the natives is unfortunately true, but it is no less true that the natives as
often cheated the colonists.
Law among the New Zealanders seems to be of the simplest kind, and, as far as we
know, is not so well developed as among some of the tribes of Southern Africa. The
three offences of which the law takes cognisance are murder, theft, and adultery. For
the first of these offences a sort of lex talionis holds yood, the relatives of the slain man
being sure, sooner or later, to kill the murderer, unless he manages to compromise with
them. Even theft is punished in a similar fashion, the thief being robbed in his turn.
As to the third offence
, it is punishable in various ways; but both the offending parties
are supposed to have forfeited their lives to the husband. If, therefore, the fact be dis-
covered, and the culprit be a person of low rank, he seeks safety in flight, while, if he be
a man of rank, he expects that the offended husband will make war upon him.
Sometimes, if a wife discovers that her husband has been unfaithful to her, she will
kill his paramour, or, at all events, disgrace her after the native custom, by stripping off
all her clothes, and exposing her in public. Even the husband is sometimes subjected to
this punishment by the wife's relations; and so inuch dreaded is this disgrace that men
have been known to commit suicide when their offence has been discovered.
Suicide, by the way, is not at all uncommon among the New Zealanders, who always
think that death is better than disgrace, and sometimes destroy themselves under the
most trivial provocation. One such case is mentioned by Mr. Angas. “On arriving
at the village or kainga of Ko Nghahokowitu, we found all the natives in a state of extra-
ordinary excitement. We had observed numbers of people running in that direction,
along the margin of the river, from the different plantations, and, on inquiry, we learned
that an hour previously to our arrival the son of an influential chief had committed
suicide by shooting himself with a musket.
“Our fellow-travellers, with Wisihona their chief, were all assembled, and we followed
them to the shed where the act had been perpetrated, and where the body still lay as
it fell, but covered with a blanket. The mourners were gathered round, and the women
commenced crying most dolefully, wringing their hands, and bending their bodies to
the earth.
"We approached the body, and were permitted to remove the blanket from the face
and breast. The countenance was perfectly placid, and the yellow tint of the skin, com-
bined with the tattooing, gave the corpse almost the appearance of a wax model. The
A SISTER'S REVENGE
113
deceased was a fine and well-made young man. He had placed the musket to his breast,
and deliberately pushed the trigger with his toes, the bullet passing right through his
lungs. Blood was still oozing from the orifice made by the bullet, and also from the
mouth, and the body was still warm.”
The cause of this suicide was that which has already been mentioned. The young
man had been detected in an illicit correspondence with the wife of another man in the
same village. The woman had been sent away to a distant settlement, a proceeding which
had already made her lover sullen and gloomy; and, on the day when Mr. Angas visited
the place, he had become so angry at the reproaches which were levelled at him by some
of his relations, that he stepped aside and shot himself.
The determined manner in which the New Zealanders will sometimes commit suicide
was exemplified by the conduct of another man, who deliberately wrapped himself up in
his blanket, and strangled himself with his own hands. The crime was perpetrated in
the common sleeping-house, and was achieved with so much boldness that it was not
discovered until the man had been dead for some time.
A remarkable instance of this phase of New Zealand law took place when Mr.
Dieffenbach visited the Waipa district. He was accompanied by a chief, who called a
girl to him, and handed her over to the police magistrate as a murderess. The fact was,
that her brother, a married man, had formed an intimacy with a slave-girl, and, fearing
the vengeance of his wife's relatives, had killed himself. His sister, in order to avenge
the death of her brother, found out the slave-girl in the bush, and killed her. The
strangest part of the business was, that the accused girl was the daughter of the chief
who denounced her.
The girl pleaded her own cause well, saying, what was perfectly true, that she had acted
according to the law of the land in avenging the death of her brother, and was not
amenable to the laws of the white man, which had not yet been introduced into her
country.
As might be imagined, her piea was received, and the girl was set at liberty ; but her
father was so earnest in his wish to check the system of retaliatory murder, that he
actually offered himself in the place of his daughter, as being her nearest relation.
VOL. II.
I
CHAPTER II.
DRESS,
DRESS AND ORNAMENTS OF THE NEW ZEALANDER-THE TATTOO OR THE MOKO ITS FORMIDABLE
CHARACTER-THE TATTOO A MARK OF FREEDOM-THE TATTOO OF THE FACE, AND ITS
DIFFERENT PORTIONS-COST OF THE OPERATION-THE IMPLEMENTS, AND MODE OF USING THEM
TIME OCCUPIED IN COMPLETING IT--PAYMENT OF THE OPERATOR, AND THE TATTOO SONG
SOURCE WHENCE THE PIGMIENT IS OBTAINED_SCARLET PAINT, AND MODE OF MAKING IT--
THE NEW ZEALAND BELT --SYMBOLISM OF THE TATTOO-PRESERVING THIE HEADS OF WARRIORS
THE TRAFFIC IN HEADS-COOL BARGAINER.
We will now proceed to the appearance and dress of the natives of New Zealand, or
Maories, as they term themselves. As the most conspicuous part of the New Zealander's
adornment is the tattooing with which the face and some other portions of the body are
decorated, we will begin our account with a description of the moko, as it is called by
the natives.
There are many parts of the world where the tattoo is employed, but in none is it of
so formidable a description as among the New Zealanders. As the reader is probably
aware, the tattoo consists of patterns made by introducing certain colouring matters under
the skin; charcoal, variously prepared, being the usual material for the purpose. We have
already seen among the Kaffirs examples of ornamenting the skin by cutting it deeply so
as to form scars, and in Australia a similar but more cruel custom prevails. In neither
of these countries, however, is there any attempt at producing an artistic effect, while in
New Zealand beauty of design is the very object of the tattoo.
There is a distinction between the tattoo of the New Zealanders and the Polynesians;
that of the latter people being formed by rows of little dots, and that of the former by
lines cut completely through the skin. On account of this distinction, though a New
Zealander and a Polynesian be covered from head to foot with tattoo marks, there is no
possibility of mistaking the one for the other.
The moko of the New Zealander is a mark of rank, none but slaves being without a
more or less complete tattooing of the face. In the present day, even the chiefs have
begun to discontinue the ancient custom, chiefly owing to the exertions of the missionaries,
who objected to the practice as a mark of heathendom. Consequently, several of the
most powerful convert chiefs present a very curious, not to say ludicrous, aspect, which
can hardly have a good effect in recommending Christianity to the people. Having been
converted before the moko was completed, and being unwilling to continue the process
and unable to obliterate those portions which were already drawn, they appear with
one half of their faces tattooed and the other balf plain, or perhaps with a solitary ring
round one eye, and a couple of curves round one side of the mouth.
As, however, the present work treats only of the native customs, and not of modern
civilization, the New Zealanders will be described as they were before they had learned to
TATTOOING.
115
abandon the once-prized tattoo, to exchange the native mat for the English blanket, the
picturesque war-canoe for the commonplace whaling-boat, and the spear and club for the
rifle and bayonet.
The principal tattoo is that of the face and upper part of the head, which, when
completed, leaves scarcely an untouched spot on which the finger can be placed. When
finished, the whole face is covered with spiral scrolls, circles, and curved lines; and it
is remarkable, that though a certain order is observed, and the position of the principal
marks is the same in every case, no two persons are tattooed in precisely the same
manner, the artists being able to produce an infinite variety with the few materials at his
command.
For example, the first portion of the tattoo is always a series of curved lines, reaching
from the corners of the nose to the chin, and passing round the mouth. This portion of
the tattoo goes by the name of rerepi. Next comes a spiral scroll on the cheek-bone;
and below it is another spiral, reaching as low as the jaw-bone. These are called respec-
tively kakoti and korohaha. Next come four lines on the middle of the forehead, called
titi ; and besides these there are several lines which run up the centre of the nose and
cover its sides, some which spread over the forehead, others which occupy the chin ; and
even the lips, eyelids, and ears are adorned with this singular ornament.
Besides possessing these marks, a great chief is seldom content unless he can cover
his hips with similar lines, each of which has, like those of the face, its proper name.
Although the moko was considered as a mark of rank, there were no sumptuary laws
which forbade its use. Any one, provided he were not a slave, might be tattooed as much
as he pleased ; but the expense of the
operation was so great, that none but
men of position could afford a com-
plete suit of moko. No man could
tattoo himself, and the delicacy of
touch and certainty of line was so
difficult of attainment, that tattooing
became an art or science, which was
left in the hands of a few prac-
titioners, who derived a good income
from their business. Some of those
who had attained much reputation for
their skill used to command very high
fees when called in to decorate a
client, and their services could therefore only be secured by the men of high position. It
is rather remarkable that some of the most celebrated operators were slaves, men who
were forbidden to wear the tattoo on their own persons.
The mode of operation is as follows. The patient lies on his back, and places his
head between the knees of the operator, who squats on the ground after the usual native
fashion. The latter then takes a little of the black pigment, and draws on the face the
line of the pattern which he intends to follow; and in some cases he slightly scratches them
with a sharp instrument, so as to make a sketch or outline drawing. The object of
this scratching is to prevent the pattern from being obliterated by the flowing blood and
the black pigment which is rubbed into the wounds.
Next, he takes his instrument or chisel, which is usually made of teeth, or the bone of
a bird, and with it follows the pattern, cutting completely through the skin. Sometimes,
when engaged in tattooing the face, a careless operator has been known to cut completely
through the cheek, so as to put a temporary check to smoking, the sufferer experiencing
some difficulty in getting the smoke into his mouth at all, and then finding it escape
through the holes in his cheek. The accompanying illustration will give the reader
a good idea of the different forms of the chisel.
As the operator proceeds, he continually dips the edge of his chisel in the black
pigment, and, when he has cut a line of a few inches in length, he rubs more of the
pigment into the wound, using a little bunch of fibre by way of a brush or sponge.
1141
1
5
TATTOOING: CHISELS.
I 2
116
NEW ZEALAND.
The cutting is not done as with a knife, but by placing the edge of the chisel on the
skin, and driving it along the lines of the pattern by repeated blows with a small mallet.
As may be imagined, the pain caused by this operation is excruciating. It is painful
enough to have the skin cut at all, even with the keenest blade, as any one can testify
But when the
who has been unfortunate enough to come under the surgeon's knife.
instrument employed is a shark's tooth, or a piece of bone, when it is driven slowly through
the skin by repeated blows, and when the wound is at once filled with an irritating
pigment, it may be imagined that the torture must be dreadful. It is, however, reckoned
a point of honour to endure it without giving any signs of suffering.
Owing to the character of the tattoo, the destruction of the skin, and the consequent
derangement of its functions, only a small portion can be executed at a time, a complete
moko taking from two to three years, according to the constitution of the individual.
Dreadful swellings are always caused by it, especially of the glands in the neighbourhood
of the wounds, and the effects are so severe that men have died when too large a portion
kias been executed at one time.
Every stroke of the chisel or uki leaving an indelible mark, it is of the greatest con-
sequence that the operator should be a man of skill, and devote all his energies to tracing
a clear though elaborate pattern, in which the lines are set closely together, sweep in
regular curves, and never interfere with each other.
While a man is being tattooed, his friends and those of the operator sing songs to him,
in which he is encouraged to endure the pain boldly, and to bear in mind the lasting beauty
which will be conferred upon him when the pattern is completed. The songs of the
operator's friends contain some very broad hints as to the scale of payment which is
expected. Although, as has been stated, the best of tattooers are paid very highly, there
is no definite fee, neither is any bargain made, the operator trusting to the liberality of
his client. But, as a man would be contemned as a skulking fellow if he were to ask
the services of a good operator and then pay him badly, the practical result is that a
good tattooer always secures good pay.
Moreover, he has always the opportunity of avenging himself. As only a small portion
of the moko can be executed at a time--say, for example, the spiral curve on one cheek-
if the operator be badly paid for the first portion of his work, he will take care to let the
chisel slip out of its course when he proceeds to the second part, or will cut his lines
coarsely and irregularly, thus disfiguring the stingy man for life.
Mr. Taylor gives a translation of one of these tattooing songs :
· He who pays well, let him be beautifully ornamented ;
But he who forgets the operator, let him be done carelessly.
Be the lines wide apart.
O hiki Tangaroa!
O hiki Tangaroa !
Strike that the chisel as it cuts along may sound.
O hiki Tangaroa !
Men do not know the skill of the operator in driving his sounding chisel along.
O hiki Tangaroa !”
The reader will see that the song is a very ingenious one, magnifying the skill of the
operator, promising a handsome moko to the liberal man, and threatening to disfigure him
if he be niggardly in his payments.
While the operation of tattooing is going on, all persons in the pah, or enclosure,
are under the tabu, or tapu, lest any harm should happen to them; the work of
tattooing being looked upon with a kind of superstitious reverence. The meaning of the
word “ tapu” will be explained when we come to treat of the religious system of the New
Zealander.
The effect of the moko on the face is well shown in the illustration on the following
page, which represents a chief and his wife. The reader will probably observe that on
the face of the woman there are marks which resemble the tattoo. They are, however, the
scars left by mourning over the body of some relative, a ceremony in which the women
cut themselves unmercifully. The dress worn by both persons will be presently
described.

THE WAR-PAINT,
117
The pigment used in tattooing is made from the resin of the kauri pine, and the
greater part of it is made at one spot, where the tree grows plentifully. There is a
rocky precipice, and a little distance from its edge a deep and narrow pit is sunk. A
channel is cut through the face of the cliff into the pit, and the apparatus is complete.
When a native wishes to make a supply of tattooing pigment, he cuts a quantity of kauri
May
ANCAS
A TATTOOED CHIEF AND HIS WIFE.
wood, places it in the pit, and sets fire to it, thus causing the burnt resin to fall to the
bottom of the pit, whence it is scraped out through the channel
.
Scarlet paint is much employed by the natives, especially when they decorate them-
selves for battle. It is obtained from an ochreous substance which is deposited in many
places where water has been allowed to become stagnant. Some spots are celebrated for
the excellence of the ochre, and the natives come from great distances to procure it.
When they wish to make their scarlet paint, they first carefully dry and then burn the
ochre; the result of which operation is, that a really fine vermilion is obtained.
This paint is used for many purposes, and before being used it is mixed with oil
obtained from the shark. The natives are fond of decorating their houses with it, and
by means of the scarlet lines increase, according to their own ideas, the beauty of the
carved work with which every available point is adorned. Even their household goods
are painted after a similar manner, the fashionable mode being to paint all the hollows
scarlet, and the projecting portions black. Their canoes and wooden ornaments are
profusely adorned with red paint. But the most valued use of this pigment is the part
which it plays in the decoration of a warrior when he goes to battle.
In such cases paint constitutes the whole of his costume, the mats in which he takes
so great a pride in time of peace being laid aside, many warriors being perfectly naked.
118
NEW ZEALAND.
and with the others the only covering of any kind being a belt made of plaited
leaves.
One of these belts in my collection is seven feet in length, and only three and a half
inches wide in the broadest part; while at either end it diminishes to a mere plaited
thong. It is folded fourfold, and on opening it the mode of construction is plainly seen;
all the loose ends being tucked inside.
The material is phormium leaf cut into strips an inch in width, each alternate
strip being dyed black. Each strip is then divided into eight little strips or thongs, and
they are so plaited as to produce an artistic chequered pattern
of black and white. The ingenuity in forming so elaborate a
pattern with so simple a material is extreme; and, as if to add
to the difficulty of his task, the dusky artist has entirely changed
the pattern at either end of the belt, making it run at right
angles to the rest of the fabric. The belt is also used in lieu of
clothing when the men are engaged in paddling a canoe.
The paint, therefore, becomes the characteristic portion of the
New Zealander's war-dress, and is applied for the purpose of
making himself look as terrible as possible, and of striking
terror into his enemies. It is, however, used in peace as well
as in war, being regarded as a good preservative against the
bites and stings of insects, especially the sandflies and mosquitoes.
It is also used in mourning, being rubbed on the body as a sign
of grief, precisely as ashes are used among some of the Oriental
nations. Some travellers have thought that the continual use of
this pigment gives to the New Zealanders the peculiar softness
and sleekness
of skin for which they are remarkable, and which
distinguishes them from the Fijians, whose skin feels as if it
had been roughened with a file. This theory, however, is scarcely
tenable, the soft texture of the skin being evidently due to
physical and not to external causes.
A warrior adorned in all the pride of the tattoo and scarlet
paint is certainly a terrific object, and is well calculated to strike
terror into those who have been accustomed to regard the Maori
warriors with awe. When, however, the natives found that all
the painting in the world had no effect upon the disciplined
soldiers of the foreigner, they abandoned it, and contented them-
selves with the weapons that none are more able to wield than
themselves.
Moreover, the paint and tattoo, however well it might look
on a warrior armed after the primitive fashion, has rather a
ludicrous effect when contrasted with the weapons of civilization.
There is now before me a portrait of a Maori chief in full battle
array. Except a bunch of feathers in his hair, and a checked
handkerchief tied round his loins, evidently at the request of
the photographer, he has no dress whatever. He is tall,
splendidly made, stern, and soldierlike of aspect. But instead
of the club, his proper weapon, he bears in his hand a
Belgian rifle, with fixed bayonet, and has a cartouche-box fastened by a belt round his
naked body.
His face is tattooed, and so are his hips, which are covered with a most elaborate
pattern, that contrasts boldly with his really fair skin. Had he his club and chief's staff
in his hands, he would look magnificent; having a rifle and a cartouche-box, he looks
absurd. Even a sword would become him better than a rifle, for we are so accustomed to
associate a rifle with a private soldier, that it is difficult to understand that a powerful
chief would carry such a weapon.
The curious mixture of native and European dress which the Maories are fond of
WARRIOR'S BELT.
THE TRADE IN HEADS.
119
wearing is well described by Mr. Angas. “Raupahara's wife is an exceedingly stout
woman, and wears her hair, which is very stiff and wiry, combed up into an erect mass
upon her head about a foot in height, somewhat after the fashion of the Tonga islanders
which, when combined with her size, gives her a remarkable appearance.
“She was well dressed in a flax mat of native manufacture, thickly ornamented with
tufts of cotton wool; and one of her nieces wore silk stockings and slippers of patent
leather. This gay damsel was, moreover, a very pretty girl, and knew how to set off her
charms to advantage; for over a European dress she had retained her native ornaments,
and had wrapped herself coquettishly in a beautiful ‘kaitaka,' displaying her large hazel
eyes above its silky folds."
It has often been thought that the warrior regarded his moko, or tattoo, as his name,
permanently inscribed on his face; and this notion was strengthened by two facts: the
one, that in the earlier times of the colonists the natives signed documents by appending
a copy of their moko; and the other, that each man knows every line of his tattoo, and
sometimes carves a wooden bust on which he copies with admirable fidelity every line
which appears on his own head or face. Such a work of art is greatly valued by the
Maories, and a man who has carved one of them can scarcely be induced by any bribe to
part with it.
Moreover, the moko of a warrior is often accepted as the conventional representation
of himself. For example, on the pillars of a very celebrated house, which we shall
presently describe, are numerous human figures which represent certain great chiefs,
while men of lesser mark are indicated by their moko carved on the posts. Thus it will
be seen that the moko of a chief is as well known to others as to himself, and that the
practised eye of the native discerns among the various curves and spirals, which are
common to all free men, the characteristic lines which denote a man's individuality, and
in producing which the tattooer's skill is often sorely tried.
It has already been mentioned, that when a warrior falls in battle, and his body can
be carried off by the enemy, the head is preserved, and fixed on the dwelling of the
conqueror. No dishonour attaches itself to such an end; and, indeed, a Maori warrior
would feel himself direfully insulted if he were told that in case of his death in the field
his body would be allowed to remain untouched. In fact, he regards his moko precisely
in the same light that an American Indian looks upon his scalp-lock; and, indeed, there
are many traits in the character of the Maori warrior in which he strangely resembles the
best examples of North American savages.
In order to preserve the head of a slain warrior, some process of embalming must
evidently be pursued, and that which is commonly followed is simple enough.
The head being cut off, the hair is removed, and so are the eyes; the places of which
are filled up with pledgets of tow, over which the eyelids are sewn. Pieces of stick are
then placed in the nostrils in order to keep them properly distended, and the head is hung
in the smoke of the wood fire until it is thoroughly saturated with the pyroligneous acid.
The result of this mode of preparation is, that the flesh shrinks up, and the features
become much distorted; though, as the Maori warrior always distorts his countenance as
much as possible before battle, this effect is rather realistic than otherwise.
It is often said that heads prepared in this fashion are proof against the attacks of
insects. This is certainly not the case, as I have seen several specimens completely
riddled by the ptilinus and similar creatures, and have been obliged to destroy the little
pests by injecting a solution of corrosive sublimate. In spite of the shrivelling to which
the flesh and skin are subject, the tattooing retains its form; and it is most curious to
observe how completely the finest lines retain their relative position to each other.
Not only are the heads of enemies treated in this fashion, but those of friends are also
preserved. The difference is easily perceptible by looking at the mouth, which, if the head
be that of a friend, is closed, and if of an enemy, is widely opened.
Some years ago, a considerable number of these preserved heads were brought into
Europe, having been purchased from the natives. Of late years, however, the trade in
them has been strictly forbidden, and on very good grounds. In the first place, no man
who was well tattooed was safe for an hour, unless he were a great chief, for he might at
120
NEW ZEALAND.
any time be watched until he was off his guard, and then knocked down, killed, and his
head sold to the traders. Then, when the natives became too cautious to render head-
hunting a profitable trade, a new expedient was discovered.
It was found that a newly-tattooed head looked as well when preserved as one which
had been tattooed for years. The chiefs were not slow in taking advantage of this dis-
covery, and immediately set to work at killing the least valuable of their slaves, tattooing
their heads as though they had belonged to men of high rank, drying, and then selling
them.
One of my friends lately gave me a curious illustration of the trade in heads. His
father wanted to purchase one of the dried heads, but did not approve of any that were
brought for sale, on the ground that the tattoo was poor, and was not a good example of the
skill of the native artists. The chief allowed the force of the argument, and, pointing to
a number of his people who had come on board, he turned to the intending purchaser,
saying, “ Choose which of these heads you like best, and when you come back I will take
care to have it dried and ready for your acceptance."
As may be imagined, this speech put an abrupt end to all head-purchasing, and gave
an unexpected insight into the mysteries of trading as conducted by savage nations.
Bu
WOODEN BOWL-NEW ZEALAND,
(From my Collection.)
CHAPTER III.
DRESS-Continued.
THE MATS
OF THE NEW ZEALANDERS—THE MATERIAL OF WHICH THEY ARE MADE-THE NEW
ZEALAND FLAX, OR PHORMIUM — MODE OF MAKING THE MATS, VARIOUS KINDS OF MATS—THE
RAIN-MAT AND ITS USES THE OPEN-WORKED MATTHE DIFFERENT ORNAMENTS OF THE
MAT: STRINGS AND TAGS, SCARLET TUFTS AND BORDERS-WAR-CLOAKS OF THE CHIEFS—THE
DOGS'-HAIR MAT—THE CHIEF PARÁTENE IN HIS CLOAKMODE OF MAKING THE WAR-CLOAKS
-BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE CHIEF-AMUSING INSTANCE OF VANITY IN
-AMUSING INSTANCE OF VANITY IN A CHIEF-SUBSTITUTION
OF THE BLANKET AND ITS ATTENDANT EVILS-ORNAMENTS OF THE NEW ZEALANDER'S HEAD-
FEATHERS, AND FEATHER-BOXES-VARIOUS DECORATIONS OF GREEN JADE-TIKIS AND EARRINGS
A REMARKABLE AMULET-- THE SHARK'S TOOTH--MODES OF DRESSING THE HAIR-HAIR-
CUTTING AND SHAVING-A PRIMITIYE RAZOR.
We now come to the costume of the New Zealanders. This is of a rather remarkable
character, and may be characterised by the generic title of mat, with the exception of the
belt which has just been described. The costume of the New Zealander consists of a
square or oblong mat, varying considerably in size, though always made on the same
principle. In this mat the natives envelop themselves after a very curious fashion,
generally muffling themselves up to the neck, and often throwing the folds round them
after the fashion of a conventional stage villain.
These mats are of various textures, and differ as much in excellence and value as do
the fabrics of more civilized lands. The material is, however, the same in all cases, and
even the mode of wearing the garment, the value being estimated by the fineness of the
material, the amount of labour bestowed upon it, and the ornaments introduced into it.
The material of which the mats are made is the so-called New Zealand “flax," scien-
tifically known by the name of Phormium tenax. It belongs to the natural family of the
Liliaceæ, and the tribe Asparagaceæ. The plant has a number of showy yellow flowers
arranged on a tall branch-panicle, and a number of straightish leaves, all starting from
the root, and being five or six feet long, and not more than two inches wide at the
broadest part.
The fibres which run along these leaves are very strong and fine, and, when properly
dressed and combed, have a beautiful silky look about them. At one time great quan-
tities of New Zealand flax, as it was called, were imported into Europe, and the plant was
cultivated in some of the southern parts of the Continent. Strong, however, as it may be,
it has the curious fault of snapping easily when tied in a knot, and on this account is
not valued so much in Europe as in its own country. I have before me a large roll of
string made by natives from the phormium. It is very strong in proportion to its thick-
ness, and much of it has been used in suspending various curiosities in my collection ;
but it cannot endure being made into a knot. It is useful enough in hitches, especially
the "clove-hitch;” but as soon as it is tied into a knot, it will hardly bear the least strain.
The principle on which the mats are made is very simple.

122
NEW ZEALAND.
A weaving-frame is erected on sticks a foot or so from the ground, and upon it is
arranged the weft, made of strings or yarns, placed as closely together as possible, and
drawn quite tight. The weft is double, and is passed under and over each yarn, and the
upper one is always passed between the ends of the under weft before it is drawn tight.
The mat is therefore nothing more than a number of parallel strings laid side by side, and
connected, at intervals of an inch or so, by others that pass across them.
More care is taken of the edges, which are turned over, and the yarns are so inter-
woven as to make a thick and strong border.
When the wefts are hauled tight, they are beaten into their place by means of a bone
instrument, very much like a paper-knife in shape; and in every respect the weaving of
al
WOMEN MAKING MATS.
a New Zealander most strongly reminds the spectator of the process of making the
Gobelin tapestries. In both cases there is a fixed warp on which the weft is laboriously
woven by hand, and is kept straight and regular by being struck with an instrument that
passes between the threads of the warp. Although at the present day the warp of the
Gobelin tapestry is stretched perpendicularly, in former times it was stretched longi-
tudinally in a low frame, exactly similar in principle to that which is employed by the
New Zealander.
The reader will perceive that the process of weaving one of these mats must be a work
of considerable time, and an industrious woman can scarcely complete even a common
mat under eighteen months, while one of the more elaborate robes will occupy twice
that time.
The accompanying illustration is drawn from a sketch of a house belonging to one of
the great chiefs, and in it are seen some women busily employed in making mats.
One
MAT-MAKING.
123
of them is scraping the leaves with a shell or stone, while another is engaged at the
primitive loom. The mat is represented as nearly completed, and the woinan is seen with
the four ends of the double weft in her hand, passing them across each other before she
draws thenı tight. A heap of dressed leaves of the phormium is seen in the background,
and a bundle of the long swordlike leaves is strewn on the floor. Various baskets and
other implements, made of the same material, are hung from the rafters; and in front is
one of the curiously-carved poles which support the roof.
It has been mentioned that there is but one principle on which all the mats are made,
but that there is a very great variety in making them.
There is, for example, the rain-mat, which is used in wet weather. As the structure
proceeds, the manufacturer inserts into each knot of the weft an undressed blade of the
phormium, upon which the epidermis has been allowed to remain. When wrapped round
the body, the leaves all fall over each other, so as to make a sort of penthouse, and
to allow the rain to run over their smooth and polished surfaces until it falls to the
ground.
When rain comes on, and a number of natives are seen squatting on the ground, each
wearing his rain-mat, they have a most absurd appearance, and look like a number of
human beings who had hidden themselves in haycocks. On page 117 may be seen the
figure of a chief wearing one of these dresses. The name of the mat is E mangaika.
I have seen another kind of mat, which is made in a kind of open-work pattern, pro-
duced by crossing every fifth strand of the warp. This mat is of the very best quality,
and, considering the nature of the material of which it is made, is wonderfully light, soft,
and pliant.
Another kind is the woman's mat, of which there are several varieties. It is of larger
size than that employed by the men, and is capable of enveloping the entire figure from
head to foot. It is of rather lighter material than the rain-mat, and is decorated on the
exterior with a number of strings, varying in length from a few inches to three feet or so.
A variety of this mat is distinguished by having the strings white instead of black.
Specimens of both these mats are in my collection, and the general effect of them can be
seen by reference to any of the illustrations which represent the native women.
Strings or tags are undoubtedly the most characteristic portion of the dress, and there
is scarcely a mat of any description that is not ornamented with them. One variety of
niat, which is called E wakaiwa, is covered with long cylindrical ornaments that look
very much as if they were made of porcupine-quills, being hard, and coloured alternately
black and yellow. The ornaments are, however, made of the phormium leaf in a very
ingenious manner. The epidermis is carefully scraped off the under side of the leaf with
a sharp-edged shell, and the leaf is then turned over. On the upper side the epidermis is
removed at regular intervals, so as to expose the fibres.
The next process is to put the scraped leaf into a dye made of a decoction of kinan
bark, and to let it remain for a definite time. When it is taken out, the dye has stained
the exposed fibres a deep glossy black, while it has not been able to touch the polished
yellow epidermis that is allowed to remain. The dyed leaves are next rolled up until
they form cylinders as large as goose-quills, and are then woven in regular rows into the
material of the mat. As the wearer moves about, the cylinders rustle and clatter against
each other, producing a sound which seems to be peculiarly grateful to the ears of the
natives. Such a mat or cloak is highly prized. Several of these mats are in my collection,
and very curious examples of native art they are. .
One of these has cost the weaver an infinity of trouble. It is nearly five feet wide and
three in depth. The warp has been dyed black, while the weft is white; and the effect of
the weft passing in reverse lines across the warp is very good. Every other line of weft is
decorated with the cylindrical tassels, each of which is nine inches in length, and is
divided into four parts by the removal of the epidermis. These tassels begin at the fourth
line of warp, and are regularly continued to the lower edge, whence they hang so as to
form a fringe. On account of their number, they would qualify the garment as a rain-mat
on an emergency; and the rattling they make as the mat is moved is very much like that
which is produced by a peacock when it rustles its train.
124
NEW ZEALAND.
Along the upper edge, which passes over the shoulders, the strings have been rolled
together into ropes as thick as the finger, and then plaited so as to form a thick and soft
border which will not hurt the neck. The portion of the mat which comes between the
edge and the first row of tassels is ornamented with scraps of scarlet wool plaited into the
weft
. This wool is a favourite though costly ornament to the natives, being procured
from seamen's woollen caps, which they unpick, and the yarns used to ornament the
dress.
One of these mantles brought from New Zealand by Stiverd Vores, Esq., is adorned very
largely with scarlet wool. It is completely bordered with the precious material, a narrow
line of scarlet running under the upper edge, a broader under the lower, while the two
sides are decorated with a band nearly four inches in width. In this case the wool has
been arranged in a series of loops; but in another specimen the loops are cut so as to form
a fringe.
In this latter mantle the tags, instead of being cylindrical and alternately black and
yellow, are entirely black, each rolled leaf being wholly divested of its epidermis, and the
fibres radiating from each other in tassel fashion. I rather think that the object of this
mode of treatment is to prevent the eye from being distracted by the jangling yellow tags
and so to permit the scarlet border to exhibit its beauties to the best advantage.
Scarlet worsted is, of course, a comparatively late invention, and has only been intro-
duced since the visits of Europeans. In former days the natives were equally fond of
ornamenting their cloaks, and were obliged to use the plumage of birds for the purpose.
The feathers taken from the breast of the kaka (a species of nestor) were mostly used for
this purpose. Although the coloured ornaments are generally disposed in lines, they are
sometimes arranged in tufts, which are disposed in regular intervals over the whole of the
dress. Examples of this kind of decoration may be seen in several of the costumes which
are drawn in this work.
The yarns or strings of which the warp is made are not twisted or plaited, but consist
merely of the phormium fibres as they lie in the leaf. The leaves are prepared for this
purpose by scraping off the epidermis on both sides, and then beating them on a flat stone
with a pestle made of the hard volcanic stone employed in the manufacture of adzes and
other tools.
The most valuable of all the dresses are the war-cloaks of the great chiefs. They are
very large, being sometimes nearly six feet in depth, and wide enough to be wrapped over
the entire body and limbs. Their native name is Parawai.
Before making one of these great war-mats, the weaver collects a large quantity of
dogs’-hair, which she assorts into parcels of different colours. She then sets up her
simple loom, and fixes the warp as usual
. But with every knot or mesh which she makes
with the weſt she introduces a tuft of hair, taking care to make each tuft long enough to
overlap and conceal the insertion of the tufts in the next row. She is also careful about
the regular arrangement of the hues, so that when a complete mat is made by a skilful
weaver, it looks exactly as if it was composed of the skin of some large animal, the
vegetable fibres which form the fabric itself being entirely concealed by the tufts
of hair.
One of these mats is the result of some four years' constant labour, and causes some
surprise that a people so naturally indolent as the Maories should prove themselves
capable of such long and steady industry. But the fact is, the mat-maker is a woman
and not a man, and in consequence is obliged to work, whether she likes it or not.
In the next place, mat-weaving scarcely comes under the denomination of labour. The
woman is not tied to time, nor even bound to produce a given number of mats within a
given period. Her living, too, does not depend upon the rate of her work, and whether
she takes eighteen months or two years to produce a garment is a matter of total indiffer-
ence to all parties. Besides, she never works alone, but is always accompanied by friends,
one of whom, perhaps, may be occupied in a similar manner, another may be employed in
scraping the phormium leaves, and another is engaged in pounding and softening the fibres,
or drying those that have just been dyed black.
But, whatever their hands may be doing, the weavers’ tongues are never still. A

THE WAR-CLOAK.
125
continual stream of talk flows round the looms, and the duty of mat-making is thus
changed into an agreeable mode of enjoying the pleasures of conversation while the hands
are employed in a light and easy labour.
Very great ingenuity is displayed by the woman to whom is entrusted the onerous
task of making a war-mat. No two are alike, the weaver exercising her discretion re-
specting the colours and their arrangement. Some of them are made on the same principle
as the Bechuana kaross,—namely,
darkest in the centre, and fading
into the lightest hues round the
edges. Others are white or pale in
the iniddle, and edged with a broad
band of black or dark brown hair.
Sometimes the colours are arranged
in a zigzag pattern, and several
mats are striped like tiger-skins.
They always have a sort of collar,
composed of strips of fur, which
hang about six inches over the
shoulders.
In New Zealand there are one
or two dresses which are made
almost entirely of fur, the skins
being dressed with the hair adhering
to them, and then sewn together.
A very remarkable mat is possessed
by a powerful chief named Parátene
Maioha. It is made of strips of
dogs' fur sewn over a large flaxen
mat. Of this garment he is very
proud, and reserves it to be worn on
grand occasions. A portrait of this
celebrated chief is given in the
accompanying illustration, partly to
show the aspect of a Maori chief in
time of peace, and partly to give
the reader an idea of the peculiar
look of the war-cloak.
There is also before me a photo-
graphic portrait of Parátene, authen-
ticated by his autograph, in which
he is represented as clad in a different
manner. He wears two mats or
MATERA
cloaks, the lower being of the finest
flax, and called by the natives
PARÁTENE MAIOHA IN HIS STATE WAR-CLOAK.
kaitaka. A description of this kind
of cloak will be presently given.
Over the kaitaka he wears a very
remarkable war-cloak, which is made of dogs' fur sewn upon a flax mat. It reaches
a little below the knees, and is made in perpendicular stripes alternately dark and pale,
and is furnished with a thick collar or cape of the same material. This cape, by the
way, bears a curious resemblance to the ornament which is worn by the Abyssinian
chiefs.
Unfortunately for the general effect of the picture, Parátene has combed, divided, and
brushed his hair in European fashion; and muffled up as he is to the chin, it is too evident
that he is wearing a complete European suit under his mats. The cape has fallen off a
little on the right side, and we have the absurd anomaly of a face profusely tattooed
126
NEW ZEALAND
surmounted with hair that has just been brushed and combed, a dog-skin war-mat,
from which protrudes a bare right arm, a jade earring six inches long, and a black cravat
and turn-down collar.
In his right hand he grasps his cherished merai ; his staff of office, or E’hani, rests
against his shoulder; and by his side is his long battle-axe, adorned with a tuft of feathers
and dog-skin. This same Parátene is a man of great mark among the Maories.
As is the case with natives of rank who have associated with Europeans, he is known
by several names. The following account of him is given by Mr. G. F. Angas :
“Parátene (Broughton), whose native name was Te Maihoa, is a cousin of Te Whero-
whero, and one of the leading men of the Ngatimahuta branch of the Waikato tribes.
He generally resides in a village (or kainga) on the northern bank of the picturesque
little harbour of Waingaroa, on the west coast of the Northern Island ; and the correctness
of his general conduct, and the gravity of his demeanour, has obtained for him a marked
ascendancy over many of his equals in rank.
“Eccentricity is the principal feature in the character of this chief; and the scrupu-
lous attention which he invariably pays to those trifling circumstances which constitute
his notions of etiquette often renders his conduct highly curious. He has gained, by
unwearied application, a smattering of arithmetic, and one of his most self-satisfactory
exploits is the correct solution of some such important problem as the value of a pig
of a certain weight, at a given price per pound, making the usual deduction for the offal.
His erudite quality and the dignified gravity of his carriage have commanded the
deferential respect of his people, and encouraged them to consider him quite an oracle.
“One little incident will place the harmless foible of this chief's character in a striking
light.
“ When the author was about to employ his pencil in the delineation of his figure,
Parátene desired to be excused for a few moments. Having gained his point, he sought an
interview with Mrs. Wells, the missionary's wife (under whose hospitable roof his portrait
was taken), and, preferring his request with some solemn intimations of its paramount
importance, begged ‘Mother' to lend him a looking-glass, that he might compose his
features in a manner suitable to his own idea of propriety ere he took his stand before
the easel of the artist.”
It may be observed by the way, that “Mother” is the term always employed by the
natives when addressing the wife of a missionary. The autograph of Parátene, to which
allusion has already been made, is written with pencil
, and is perfectly intelligible, though
the characters are shaky, large, and sprawling, and look as if they had been made by
fingers more accustomed to handle the club than the pencil.
The last kind of mat which will be mentioned is the kaitaka. This garment is made
of a peculiar kind of flax, cultivated for the express purpose, and furnishing a fibre which
is soft and fine as silk. The whole of the mat is plain, except the border, which is in some
cases two feet in depth, and which is most elaborately woven into a vandyked pattern of
black, red, and white. At the present day a good kaitaka is scarcely anywhere to be seen,
the skill required in making them being so great that only a few weavers can produce
them, and European blankets being so easily procured that the natives will not take the
trouble of wearing garments that take so much time and trouble.
Handsome as are these native garments, they are not very pleasant to wear. As the
threads are only laid parallel to each other, and are not crossed, as in fabrics woven in the
loom, they form scarcely any protection against the wind, although they may serve to keep
out the rain. The mats are very heavy, my own small specimen of the waikawa cloak
weighing five pounds and a half, and so stiff that they cannot be conveniently rolled up
and packed away when out of use. An English blanket, on the contrary, is close-textured,
resists the wind, is very light, and can be rolled up into a small compass; so that it is no
wonder that the natives prefer it.
Unfortunately for them, it is not nearly so healthy a garment as that which is made by
themselves, as it is worn for a long time without being washed, and so becomes saturated
with the grease and paint with which the natives are fond of adorning their bodies.
consequence, it fosters several diseases of the skin to which the Maories are subject, and
In
lililochilar
till in
FEATHER ORNAMENTS.
127
it has been found that those who wear blankets are much more subject to such ailments
than those who adhere to the native raiment.
In some parts of the country, where the ground is hard and stony, the natives plait
for themselves sandals or slippers, which very much resemble those which are used by the
Japanese. They consist of the ever-useful phormium fibres, which are twisted into cords,
and then plaited firmly into the shape of a shoe sole.
We now proceed from the dress to the ornaments worn by the New Zealanders.
In some respects they resemble those which are in use among other dark tribes.
Feathers are much valued by them, and among the commonest of these adornments is a
bunch of white feathers taken from the pelican, and fastened to the ears so as to fall on
the shoulder. An example of this may be seen in the portrait of the old warrior on
page 109. Sometimes the skin of a small bird is rudely stuffed, and then suspended as
an earring, and sometimes one wing will be placed at each side of the head, the tips nearly
meeting above.
The most prized of these adornments are the tail feathers of the bird called by the
natives E Elia, or E Huia (Neomorpha Gouldii). It is allied to the hoopoos, and is re-
markable for the fact that the beak of the male is straight and stout, while that of the
ADE
INDIUI
ILIULTU
AUTOTTA AUTOTUNIT LUTUTARTITUTI
WIT! Pui
Tiuluille
HUN)
Dual
KADAE
TIJDE
W!
il
ANGAS
CARVED FEATHER-BOXES.
female is long, slender, and sickle-shaped. The colour of the bird is a dark glossy green
of so deep a hue that in some lights it seems to be black. The tail feathers, however, are
tipped with snowy white, so that when the bird spreads its plumage for flight, the tail looks
at a little distance as if it were black, edged with white.
The bird is only found in the hills near Port Nicholson, and, as it is very wary, can
scarcely be obtained except by the help of a native, who imitates its cry with wonderful
perfection. The name E Elia is said to be merely an imitation of the long shrill whistle
of the bird. The birds are so valued by the Maories that in all probability the species
would have been extinct by this time, but for the introduction of European customs,
which to a certain degree have driven out the ancient customs.
The feathers of the tail are the parts of the bird that are most valued by the chiefs,
who place them in their hair on great occasions. So much do they prize these feathers,
that they take the trouble to make boxes, in which they are kept with the greatest care.
These boxes are made by the chiefs themselves, and are covered with the most elaborate
carvings, some of them being the finest specimens of art that can be found in New
128
NEW ZEALAND.
Zealand. They are of various shapes, but a very good idea of their usual form may be
obtained from the preceding illustration, which represents two such boxes. The usual
forms are similar to those of the illustration, but in some cases the boxes are oblong.
There is now before me a drawing of one of these boxes, which is covered with an equally
elaborate pattern, in which the lines are mostly straight instead of curved, the pattern
being of a vandyked, character, similar to that upon the kaitaka cloak.
There is a
projecting handle upon the lid, and an almost similar handle upon each end.
.
3
2
C
C
www
2
4
.
5
ANGAZ
GREEN JADE ORNAMENTS.
The natives do not, however, confine themselves to wearing the tail feathers, but,
when they can obtain so valuable a bird, are sure to use every portion of it. The head
seems to be thought of next importance to the tail, and is suspended to the ear by a
thong.
Perhaps the most characteristic ornaments that are worn by the New Zealanders are
those which are made of green jade. This mineral, called by the natives Poonamu, is
mostly found near the lakes in the Middle Island, and is valued by them with almost a
superstitious reverence. If a very large piece be found, it is taken by some chief, who
sets to work to make a club from it. This club, called a merai, will be described when
we come to treat of war as conducted by the Maories.
In the accompanying illustration are represented some of the most characteristic jade
ornaments.
Fig. 1 is a flat image bearing the rude semblance of a human being, and made of
various sizes. That which is here given is rather smaller than the usual dimensions. It
is called by the natives Tiki, and is at the same time one of the commonest and the
highest prized articles among the New Zealanders. A new one can be purchased for a
sum which, though it would be considered absurdly high in England for such an object,
is in New Zealand really a low price, and scarcely repays the trouble of carving it
.
Jade is an extremely hard mineral, ranking next to the ruby in that respect, and, in
consequence of its extreme hardness, taking a peculiar glossy polish that is seen on no
other substance. The time which is occupied in carving one of these ornaments is
necessarily very great, as the native does not possess the mechanical means which render
its manipulation a comparatively easy task to the European engraver, and can only
shape his ornaments by laboriously rubbing one piece of stone upon another.
TIKIS AND EARRINGS.
129
That ornaments made of such a material should be highly prized is not a matter of
surprise, and it is found that a wealthy chief will give an extraordinarily high price for a
handsome jade ornament. There is in my collection a very ancient Buddhist amulet,
made of the purest green jade, and beautifully carved, the remarkable portion of it being a
revolving wheel with spiral spokes, the wheel being cut out of the solid jade.
The amulet was found in the apartments of the Queen of Oude, and had evidently
been imported from China, where it was engraved, the whole character of the work
belonging to a very ancient epoch of Chinese art. It was shown to a Maori chief, who
was then visiting England, and who was intensely pleased with it, saying that, if it were
sent to New Zealand and offered for sale to one of the great chiefs, it would be purchased
for £20 or £25 of English money.
It has been just mentioned that, in spite of the labour bestowed on the ornament, a
new tiki can be purchased for a moderate sum. Such, however, would not be the case
were the tiki an old one. These ornaments are handed down from father to son, and in
process of time are looked upon with the greatest reverence, and treated as heirlooms
which no inoney can buy.
One of these tikis was seen by Mr. Angas lying on the tomb of a child, where it had
been placed as an offering by the parents. It had lain there for a long time; but, in
spite of the value of the ornament, no one had ventured to touch it. It was a very small
one, even less in size than the drawing in the illustration, and had in all probability been
worn by the child on whose tomb it lay.
Most of these tikis are plain, but some of them have their beauty increased by two
patches of scarlet cement with which the sockets of the eyes are filled.
The tikis are worn on the breast, suspended by a cord round the neck; and almost every
person of rank, whether man or woman, possesses one. They are popularly supposed to
be idols, and are labelled as such in many museums; but there is not the least reason for
believing them to fulfil any office except that of personal decoration. The Maories are
fond of carving the human figure upon everything that can be carved. Their houses are
covered with human figures, their canoes are decorated with grotesque human faces, and
there is not an implement or utensil which will not have upon it some conventional
representation of the human form. It is therefore not remarkable that when a New
Zealander finds a piece of jade which is too small to be converted into a weapon, and too
flat to be carved into one of the cylindrical earrings which are so much valued, he should
trace upon it the same figure as that which surrounds him on every side.
The most common forms of earring are those which are shown at figs. 4 and 5, the
latter being most usually seen. It is so strangely shaped that no one who did not know
its use would be likely to imagine that it was ever intended to be worn in the ear.
Two rather remarkable earrings are worn in New Zealand as marks of rank; one
being a natural object, and the other an imitation of it. This earring is called Mako
tamina, and is nothing but a tooth of the tiger shark. Simple though it be, it is greatly
prized, as being a mark of high rank, and is valued as much as a plain red button by a
Chinese mandarin, or, to come nearer home, the privilege of wearing a piece of blue
ribbon among ourselves.
Still more prized than the tooth itself is an imitation of it in pellucid jade. The
native carver contrives to imitate his model wonderfully well, giving the peculiar curves
of a shark's tooth with singular exactness. Such an ornament as this is exceedingly
scarce, and is only to be seen in the ears of the very greatest chiefs.
Anything seems to serve as an earring, and it is not uncommon to see natives of
either sex wearing in their ears a brass button, a key, a button-hook, or even a pipe.
There is very little variety in the mode of dressing the hair, especially among women.
Men generally keep it rather short, having it cut at regular intervals, while some of the
elders adhere to the ancient custom of wearing it long, turning it up in a bunch on the
top of the head, and fastening it with combs.
Two of these combs are seen in the following illustration. One of them is
simply cut out of a solid piece of wood, and is rather rare. The other is formed after a
fashion common to all Polynesia, and extending even to Western Africa. The teeth are
VOL. II.
K
130
NEW ZEALAND.
not cut out of a single piece of wood, but each is made separately, and fastened to its
neighbour by a strong cross-lashing. The teeth, although slight, are strong and elastic,
and are well capable of enduring the rather rough handling to which they are subjected.
Children of both sexes always wear the hair short like the men; but as the girls grow
up, they allow the hair to grow, and permit it to flow over their shoulders on either side
of the face. They do not part it, but bring it down over the forehead, and cut it in a
straight line just above the eyebrows. When they marry, they allow the whole of the
hair to grow, and part it in the middle. They do not plait or otherwise dress it, but
merely allow it to hang loosely in its natural curls.
Hair-cutting is with the New Zealanders a long and tedious operation, and is con-
ducted after the fashion which prevails in so many parts of the world. Not knowing the
use of scissors, and being incapable of producing any cutting instrument with an edge
keen enough to shave, they use a couple of shells for the operation, placing the edge of
one under the hair that is to be cut, and scraping it with the edge of the other.
Although this plan is necessarily a very slow one, it is much more efficacious than
might be imagined, and is able not only to cut the hair of the head, but to shave the stiff
beards of the men. In performing the latter operation, the barber lays the edge of the
lower shell upon the skin, and presses it well downwards, so as to enable the upper shell
to scrape off the hair close to the skin. Beard-shaving is necessarily a longer process than
hair-cutting, because it is not possible to cut more than one or two hairs at a time, and
each of them takes some little time in being rubbed asunder between the edges of the
shells.
llllll
.
COMBS.
1
CHAPTER IV.
DOMESTIC LIFE.
CEREMONIES ATTENDANT ON BIRTH-PREVALENCE AND CAUSES OF INFANTICIDE • Α CURIOUS
INSTANCE OF SUPERSTITION_NAMES AND THEIR SIGNIFICATION-THE CEREMONY OF SPRINKLING
-THE RECITATIONS-CHANGES OF NAME-MARRIAGE-COURTSHIP AND WIFE-SNATCHING
AMUSEMENTS OF THE NEW ZEALANDERS-THE SWING, OR GIANT STRIDE-DRAUGHTS AND OTHER
SEDENTARY GAMES—CHILDREN'S SPORTS---TOP-SPINNING, KITE-FLYING, AND CAT'S-CRADLE
SWIMMING AND DRIVING-CURIOUS PETS : DOGS, PIGS, AND PARROTS-BALL-PLAYING- MUSIC
AND SINGING-CHARACTER OF THE SONGS - MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS THE FIFE, THE WAR-
TRUMPET, AND THE WAR-BELL-CURIOUS MODE OF SALUTATION-THE TANGI," AND
ITS
LUDICROUS APPEARANCE-ITS WEARISOME EFFECT ON A FOREIGNER—ÜNCERTAIN TEMPER OF
THE MAORIES-STRENGTH OF MEMORY, AND CURIOSITY.
We will now examine the domestic life of the New Zealander, and begin at the begin-
ning, i.e. with his birth.
As is mostly the case in those nations which do not lead the artificial life of civiliza-
tion, there is very little trouble or ceremony about the introduction of a new member of
society. The mother does not trouble herself about medical attendants or nurses, but
simply goes off into some retired place near a stream, and seldom takes with her even a
companion of her own sex. When the baby is born, the mother bathes her child and
then herself in the stream, ties the infant on her back, and in a short time resumes the
business in which she was engaged. Until the child is named the mother is sacred, or
tapu," and may not be touched by any one.
The New Zealand women are too often guilty of the crime of infanticide, as indeed
might be imagined to be the case in a land where human life is held at so cheap a rate.
Various causes combine to produce this result. If, for example, the child is deformed or
seems sickly; it is sacrificed as an act of mercy towards itself, the Maories thinking that it
is better for the scarcely conscious child to be destroyed at once than to die slowly under
disease, or to live a despised life as a cripple.
Revenge, the leading characteristic of the Maori mind, has caused the death of many
an infant, the mother being jealous of her husband, or being separated from him longer
than she thinks to be necessary: Even a sudden quarrel will sometimes cause the
woman, maddened by anger, to destroy her child in the hope of avenging herself upon
her husband.
Slave women often systematically destroy their children, from a desire to save them
from the life of servitude to which they are born. In many cases the life of the child is
sacrificed through superstitious terror.
A very curious example of such a case is given by Dr. Dieffenbach. A recently-
married wife of a young chief was sitting near a pah or village, on the fence of which an
old priestess had hung her blanket. As is generally the case with New Zealand garments,
K 2
132
NEW ZEALAND.
the blanket was infested with vermin. The young woman saw one of these loathsome
insects crawling on the blanket, caught it, and, according to the custom of the country,
ate it.
The old woman to whom the garment belonged flew into a violent passion, poured a
volley of curses on the girl for meddling with the sacred garment of a priestess, and
finished by prophesying that the delinquent would kill and eat the child which she was
expecting
The spirit of revenge was strong in the old hag, who renewed her imprecations
whenever she met the young woman, and succeeded in terrifying her to such a degree
that she was almost driven mad. Immediately after the child was born, the old woman
found out her victim, and renewed her threats, until the young mother's mind was so
completely unhinged, that she hastily dug a hole, threw her child into it, and buried
it alive.
She was, however, filled with remorse for the crime that she had committed ; and
before very long both she and her husband had emancipated themselves from their
superstitious thraldom, and had become converts to Christianity.
It is seldom, however, that a mother kills her child after it has lived a day; and, as a
general rule, if an infant survives its birth but for a few hours, its life may be considered
as safe from violence.
Both parents seem equally fond of infants, the father nursing them quite as tenderly
as the mother, lulling it to sleep by simple songs, and wrapping its little naked body in
the folds of his mat.
Soon after its birth the child is named, either by its parents or other relatives, the
name always having some definite signification, and mostly alluding to some supposed
quality, or to some accidental circumstance which may have happened at the time of
birth. Much ingenuity is shown in the invention of these names, and it is very seldom
found that the son is named after his father or other relative. All the names are
harmonious in sound, and end with a vowel; and even in the European names that
are given by the missionaries at baptism the terminal syllable is always changed into a
vowel, in order to suit the native ideas of euphony.
When the child is about two or three months old, a ceremony is performed which is
remarkable for its resemblance to Christian baptism. The origin of the ceremony is not
known, and even the signification of the words which are employed is very obscure.
Very few persons are present at the ceremony, which is carried on with much mystery,
and is performed by the priest.
The three principal parts of the rite are that the child should be laid on a mat, that
it should be sprinkled with water by the priest, and that certain words should be used.
As far as has been ascertained, the mode of conducting the ceremony is as follows:
The women and girls bring the child and lay it on a mat, while the priest stands by
with a green branch dipped in a calabash of water. A sort of incantation is then said,
after which the priest sprinkles the child with water. The incantation differs according
to the sex of the child, but the sense of it is very obscure. Indeed, even the natives
cannot explain the meaning of the greater part of the incantation : so that in all pro-
bability it consists of obsolete words, the sounds of which have been retained, while their
sense has been lost.
As far as can be ascertained, the incantation consists of a sort of dialogue between
the priest and the women who lay the child on the mat. The following lines are given
by Dieffenbach, as the translation of the beginning of the incantation said over female
children. He does not, however, guarantee its entire accuracy, and remarks that the true
sense of several of the words is very doubtful. The translation runs as follows:
Girls. “We wish this child to be immersed.”—Priest. “ Let it be sprinkled.”
Girls. We wish the child to live to womanhood.”—Priest. “Dance for Atua.”
Girls. “Me ta nganahau.” (These words are unintelligible.)-Priest. “It is sprinkled
in the waters of Atua."
Girls. “The mat is spread.”—Priest. “Dance in a circle:”
Thread the dance."
COURTSHIP
133
The reader must here be told that the word “Atua” signifies a god, and that the word
which is translated as “womanhood” is a term which signifies the tattooing of the lips,
which is performed when girls are admitted into the ranks of women. The above
sentences form only the commencement of the incantation, the remainder of which is
wholly unintelligible.
When the child is old enough to undertake a journey to the priest's house, another
ceremony takes place, in which the baby name which the parents have given to the
infant is exchanged for another. According to Mr. Taylor's interesting account, when
the child has arrived at the house of the priest, the latter plants a sapling as a sign of
vigorous life, and holds a wooden idol to the ear of the child, while he enumerates a long
string of names which had belonged to its ancestors. As soon as the child sneezes, the
priest stops, the name which he last uttered being that which is assumed by the child.
We are left to infer that some artificial means must be used to produce sneezing, as
otherwise the task of the priest would be rather a tedious one.
After the requisite sign has been given, and the child has signified its assent to the
name, the priest delivers a metrical address, differing according to the sex. Boys are
told to clear the land and be strong to work; to be bold and courageous in battle, and
comport themselves like men. Girls are enjoined to "seek food for themselves with
panting of breath,” to weave garments, and to perform the other duties which belong to
their sex.
Even this second name is not retained through life, but may be changed in after life
in consequence of any feat in war, or of any important circumstance. Such names,
like the titles of the peerage among ourselves, supersede the original name in such a
manner that the same person may be known by several totally distinct names at different
periods of his life.
There seems to be no definite ceremony by which the young New Zealand lad is
admitted into the ranks of men. The tattoo is certainly a sign that his manhood is
acknowledged; but this is a long process, extending over several years, and cannot be
considered as an initiatory rite like those which are performed by the Australians.
When a young man finds himself able to maintain a wife, he thinks about getting
married, and sets about it very deliberately. Usually there is a long courtship, and, as a
general fact, when a young man fixes his affections on a girl, he is sure to marry her in
the end, however much she or her friends may object to the match. He thinks his
honour involved in success, and it is but seldom that he fails.
Sometimes a girl is sought by two men of tolerably equal pretensions; and when this
is the case, they are told by the father to settle the matter by a pulling match. This is a
very simple process, each suitor taking one of the girl's arms, and trying to drag her
away to his own house. This is a very exciting business for the rivals as well as for the
friends and spectators, and indeed to every one except the girl herself, who is always
much injured by the contest, her arms being sometimes dislocated, and always so much
strained as to be useless for some time.
In former times the struggle for a wife assumed a more formidable aspect, and several
modern travellers have related instances where the result has been a tragic one. If a
young man has asked for a girl and been refused, his only plan is to take her by force.
For this purpose he assembles his male friends, and makes up his mind to carry the lady
off forcibly if he cannot obtain her peacefully. Her friends in the meantime know weil
what to expect, and in their turn assenable to protect her. A fierce fight then ensues,
clubs'and even more dangerous weapons being freely used; and in more than one case the
intended bride has been killed by one of the losing side. Sometimes, though not very
often, a girl is betrothed when she is quite a child. In that case she is as strictly sacred
as if she were actually a married woman, and the extreme laxity of morals which has
been mentioned cannot be imputed to such betrothed maidens. Should one of them err,
she is liable to the same penalties as if she were actually married.
The New Zealanders seldom have more than one wife. Examples are known where
a chief has possessed'two and even more wives; but, as a general rule, a man has but one
wife. Among the Maories the wife has very much more acknowledged influence than is

134
NEW ZEALAND.
usually the case among uncivilized people, and the wife always expects to be consulted
by her husband in every important undertaking. Marriage usually takes place about the
age of seventeen or eighteen, sometimes at an earlier age in the case of the woman and
a later in the case of the man.
As to the amusements of the New Zealanders, they are tolerably varied, and are far
superior to the mere succession of singing and dancing, in which are summed up the
amusements of many uncivilized races. Songs and dances form part of the amusements
of this people, but only a part, and they are supplemented by many others.
VOS AUGAS.
NEW ZEALAND SWING.
One of the most curious is that which is represented in the accompanying illustration.
It was seen by Mr. Angas in the interior of the country, but never on the coasts; and the
scene which is here represented was witnessed in the villages about Taupo. A tall and
stout pole, generally the trunk of a pine, is firmly set in the ground on the top of a steep
bank, and from the upper part of the pole are suspended a number of ropes made of
phormium fibre. The game consists in seizing one of the ropes, running down the bank,
and swinging as far as possible into the air. Sometimes they even run round and round
the pole as if they were exercising on the giant stride; but, as they have not learned to
A WARM BATH.
135
make a revolving top to the pole or swivels for the ropes, they cannot keep up this
amusement for any long time.
They have a game which is very similar to our draughts, and is played on a chequered
board with pebbles or similar objects as men. Indeed, the game bears so close a resem-
blance to draughts, that it may probably be a mere variation of that game, which some
New Zealander has learned from a European, and imported into his country.
There is also a game which much resembles the almost universal“ morro,” and which
consists in opening and closing the hand and bending the elbow, performing both actions
very sharply, and accompanying them with a sort of doggrel recitation, which has to be
said in one breath.
The children have many games which are very similar to those in use among
ourselves. They spin tops, for example, and fly kites, the latter toy being cleverly made
of the flat leaves of a kind of sedge. It is triangular in form, and the cord is made of
the universal flax fibre. Kite-flying is always accompanied by a song; and when the
kites are seen flying near a village, they are a sign that the village is at peace, and may
be approached with safety.
Perhaps the chief amusement of the children is the game called Maui, which is in
fact a sort of “ cat’s-cradle.” The Maori children, however, are wonderful proficients at
the game, and would look with contempt on the few and simple forms which English
children produce. Instead of limiting themselves to the “cradle,” the “pound of
candles,” the “net,” and the "purse,” the New Zealander produces figures of houses,
canoes, men and women, and various other patterns. They say that this game was
left to them as an inheritance by Maui, the Adam of New Zealand, and it appears to be
intimately connected with their early traditions.
The elder children amuse themselves with spear-throwing, making their mimic
weapons of fern-stems bound at the end. These they throw with great dexterity, and
emulate each other in aiming at a small target.
Swimming is one of the favourite amusements of the New Zealanders, who can swim
almost as soon as they can walk, and never have an idea that the water is an unfriendly
element. Both sexes swim alike well, and in the same manner, 1.6: after the fashion
which we call “swimming like a dog," paddling the water with each arm alternately.
Being constantly in the water, they can keep up the exertion for a long time, and in their
bathing parties sport about as if they were amphibious beings. They dive as well as
they swim, and the women spend much of their time in diving for crayfish.
In those parts of the country where hot springs are found the natives are fond of
bathing in the heated water. Mr. Angas makes the following observations on this
custom :-“Upon the beach of the lake, near Te Rapa, there is a charming natural hot
bath, in which the natives, especially the young folks, luxuriate daily. Sunset is the
favourite time for bathing, and I have frequently seen of an evening at least twenty
persons squatting together in the water, with only their heads above the surface.
Boiling springs burst out of the ground, close to a large circular basin in the volcanic
rock, which, by the assistance of a little art, had been rendered a capacious bath. The
boiling stream is conducted into this reservoir gradually, and the temperature of the water
is kept up or decreased by stopping out the boiling stream with stones, through which
it trickles slowly, whilst the main body runs steaming into the lake.
“The medicinal properties of these hot mineral sprinys preserve the natives in a
healthy state, and render their skins beautifully smooth and clear. Indeed, some of the
finest people in the island are to be observed abont Taupo, and the beauty and symmetry
of the limbs of many of the youth would render them admirable studies for the
sculptor."
Perhaps the oddest amusement with which the New Zealanders have ever recreated
themselves is one that only occurred some sixty years ago, and is not likely to be repro-
duced. About that date Captain King took away two New Zealanders to Norfolk Island
for the purpose of teaching the settlers the art of flax-dressing.
When he came back to restore them to their homes, he planted a quantity of maize,
which was then new in the country, and presented the natives with three pigs. Most of

136
NEW ZEALAND.
them had never seen any animal larger than a cat, and the others, who had a vague recol-
lection of seeing horses on board Captain Cook's vessel, naturally mistook them for those
animals. Thinking them to be horses, they treated them as horses, and speedily rode two
of them to death. The third did not come to a better end, for it strayed into a burial-
ground, and was killed by the indignant natives.
Nowadays the Maories understand pigs far too well to ride them. Pigs have become
quite an institution in New Zealand. Every village is plentifully populated with pigs,
and, as may be seen in the illustration of a village which will be given on a future
page,
one of the commonest objects is a sow with a litter of pigs.
Little pigs may be seen tottering about the houses, and the natives, especially the
women, pet pigs exactly as European women pet dogs and cats. They carry them in
their arms, fondle and pet them; and
nothing is more common than to see
a young girl unfold her mantle and
discover a pig nestling under its
folds. Such a girl, for example, as the
one who is represented in the accom-
panying illustration would be very
likely indeed to have a pig in her
arms under the shelter of her
mantle.
The figure in question is the
portrait of the daughter of a chief.
Her name is Tienga, and she is
the daughter of a very powerful and
celebrated chief. Her costume is,
like her character, an odd mixture of
civilization and nature. Her mantle
is the native flax mat, under which
she may probably wear a muslin, or
even silken, garment, articles of dress
of which the young lady in question
was, when her portrait was taken,
exceedingly proud. On her head she
wears a common straw hat, purchased
from the trader at some five hundred
per cent. or so above its value, and
round it she has twisted a bunch of
a species of clematis, which
grows
with great luxuriance in the forests.
It is a curious study to note the
different characteristics of the human
mind. An Oriental would turn with
unspeakable disgust from the very
touch of a pig, and is scarcely less
fastidious concerning the dog. Yet
Preth
the inhabitants of that wonderful
group of islands which stretches from
THE CHIEF'S DAUGHTER
Asia to America have a wonderful
affinity for both these animals, and
shall find on a future page, their affection in a manner that seems to our minds
especially for pigs, displaying, as we
extremely ludicrous.
Pigs are now fast becoming acclimatized to the country, just like the mustang horses
of America. When a tribe has suffered extinction, as too often happens in the
and ferocious wars in which the people engage, the pigs escape as well as they can ; and
sanguinary
ANGAZ
AMUSEMENTS.
137
those that evade the enemy have to shift for themselves, and soon resume all the habits
of the wild swine from which they were originally descended. Those which now inhabit
the country are easily to be distinguished from their immediate ancestors, having short
heads and legs and round compact bodies.
The native name for the pig is “poaka,” a word which some have thought to be derived
from the English word “pork. Dr. Dieffenbach, however, differs from this theory, and
thinks that the native word, although of European origin, is derived from a source common
both to England and New Zealand. He thinks that the New Zealanders had some know-
ledge of the pig previous to its introduction by England, and that they derived their
knowledge from Spanish voyagers. He is strengthened in this opinion by the fact that
the name for dog, “perro," is likewise Spanish.
Pigs and dogs are not the only pets, the natives being in the habit of catching the
kaka parrot, which has already been mentioned, and keeping it tame about their houses.
They make a very effective and picturesque perch for the bird, covering it with a sloping
roof as a protection against the sun, and securing it to the perch by a string round its
leg. Mr. Angas mentions that he has brought these birds to England, but that the climate
did not agree with them, and they all died.
Many of the New Zealanders, especially the women, are dexterous ball-players, throw-
ing four balls in various ways so as always to keep them in the air. Some few of them
are so skilful that they surpass our best jugglers, playing with five balls at a time, and
throwing them over the head, round the neck, and in various other ingenious modes of
increasing the difficulty of the performance.
Most of their sports are accompanied with songs, which, indeed, seem to be suited
to all phases of a New Zealander's life. In paddling canoes, for example, the best
songster takes his stand in the head of a vessel and begins a song, the chorus of which is
taken up by the crew, who paddle in exact time to the melody.
Respecting the general character of these songs Dieffenbach writes as follows : “Some
songs are lyric, and are sung to a low, plaintive, uniform, but not at all disagreeable tune.
... E' Waiata is a song of a joyful nature; E' Haka one accompanied by gestures
or mimicry; 'E' Karakia is a prayer or an incantation used on certain occasions. In
saying this prayer there is generally no modulation of the voice, but syllables are
lengthened and shortened, and it produces the same effect as reading the Talmud in
synagogues.
“Most of these songs live in the memory of all, but with numerous variations. Certain
Karakia, or invocations, however, are less generally known, and a stranger obtains them
with difficulty, as they are only handed down among the tohunga, or priests, from father
to son.
“To adapt words to a certain tune, and thus to commemorate a passing event, is
common in New Zealand, and has been the beginning of all national poetry. Many of
these children of the moment have a long existence, and are transmitted through several
generations; but their allusions become unintelligible, and foreign names, having under-
gone a thorough change, cannot be recognised."
All these songs are accompanied by gesticulations more or less violent, and in that
which is known as E' Haka the bodily exertion is extreme. The singers sit down in
a circle, throw off their upper mats, and sing in concert, accompanying the song with the
wildest imaginable gestures, squinting and turning up their eyes so as to show nothing
but the whites.
Of musicaljinstruments they have but very vague and faint ideas. Even the drum,
which is perhaps the instrument that has the widest range through the world, is unknown
to the native New Zealander. Drums resound in all the islands of the Pacific, but the New
Zealander never indulges himself in a drumming. The sole really musical instrument
which he possesses is a sort of fife made out of human bone. Generally, the flute is
formed from the thigh-bone of a slain enemy; and when this is the case, the Maori warrior
prizes the instrument inordinately, and carries it suspended to the tiki which he wears
slung on his breast.
There are certainly two noise-producing instruments, which have no right to be
138
NEW ZEALAND.
honoured with the title of musical instruments. These are the war-bell and the war-
trumpet.
The former is called the war-bell in default of a better word. It consists of a block
of hard wood about six feet long and two thick, with a deep groove in the centre. This
“ bell” is suspended horizontally by cords, and struck by a man who squats on a scaffold
under it. With a stick make of heavy wood he delivers slow and regular strokes in the
groove, the effect being to produce a most melancholy sound, dully booming in the still-
ness of the night. The war-bell is never sounded by day, the object being to tell the
people inside the pah, or village, that the sentinel is awake, and to tell any approaching
enemy that it would be useless for him to attempt an attack by surprise. Its native
name is Pahu.
The war-trumpet is called Putara-putara. It is a most unwieldy instrument, at least
seven feet in length. It is hollowed out of a suitably-shaped piece of hard wood, and
an expanding inouth is given to it by means of several pieces of wood lashed together
with flaxen fibre, and fitted to each other like the staves of a cask. Towards the mouth-
piece it is covered with the grotesque carvings of which the New Zealanders are so fond.
It is only used on occasions of alarm, when it is laid over the fence of the pah, and
sounded by a strong-lunged native. The note which the trumpet produces is a loud
SHELL-TRUMPET.
roaring sound, which, as the natives aver, can be heard, on a calm night, the distance of
several miles. In fact, the sound appears to be very much the same as that which is
produced by the celebrated Blowing Stone of Wiltshire.
In some places a smaller trumpet is used in time of war. The body of this trumpet
is always made of a large shell, generally that of a triton, and the mode of blowing it
differs according to the locality. The simplest kind of shell-trumpet is that which is in
use throughout the whole of the Pacific Islands. It is made by taking a large empty
shell
, and boring a round hole on one side near the point. The shell is blown like a
flute, being placed horizontally to the lips, and the air directed across the aperture. In
fact, it exactly resembles in principle the horn and ivory trumpets of Africa, which are
shown in Vol. I.
There is, however, in the British Museum a much more elaborate form of trumpet,
which is blown with a mouthpiece. In this case the point of the shell has been removed
and a wooden mouthpiece substituted for it, so that it is blown at the end, like trumpets
in our own country.
The dances of the New Zealander are almost entirely connected with war and will
therefore be mentioned when we come to treat of that subject.
The mode of salutation at parting and meeting is very curious, and to a European
sufficiently ludicrous. When two persons meet who have not seen each other for some
THE TANGI.
139
canoes.
time, it is considered a necessary point of etiquette to go through the ceremony called
tangi. The “g,” by the way, is pronounced hard, as in the word " begin.” They envelope
themselves in their mats, covering even their faces, except one eye, squat on the ground
opposite each other, and begin to weep copiously. They seem to have tears at command,
and they never fail to go through the whole of the ceremony as often as etiquette
demands it. Having finished their cry, they approach each other, press their noses
together for some time, uttering the while a series of short grunts! Etiquette is now
satisfied, and both parties become very cheerful and lively, chatting and laughing as if
there had never been such a thing as a tear in existence.
Mr. Angas tells a ludicrous story of a tangi which he once witnessed. A woman was
paddling a very small canoe, and fell in with the exploring party, who were in two large
Seeing some friends on board of the large canoes, she ran her little vessel
between them, and began a vigorous tangi.
Time being pressing, she could not stop to wrap herself up in the orthodox style, but
burst into a flood of tears in the most approved fashion, and paddled and howled with
equal vigour. Still crying, she put on board a basket of potatoes as a present, and
received in return a fig of tobacco. The tangi being by this time complete, the old
woman burst into a loud laugh, had a lively talk with her friends, turned her little canoe
round, and paddled briskly out of sight.
In one instance this force of habit was rather ludicrously exemplified. The writer
shall tell his own story.
“At Hopeton we met with a sister of Karaka, or Clark, the chief of Waikato Heads,
whose portrait I had painted when at Auckland. This portrait I showed to the old
woman, who had not seen her brother for some time, when, to my surprise and amusement,
she at once commenced a most affectionate tangi before the sketch; waving her hands in
the usual manner, and uttering successively low whining sounds expressive of her joy.
“ After she had, as I imagined, satisfied herself with seeing the representation of her
brother, I was about to replace the sketch in my portfolio, when she begged of Forsaith
that she might be permitted to tangi over it in good earnest, saying, 'It was her brother-
her brother; and she must TANGI till the tears come.' And sure enough, presently the
tears did come, and the old woman wept and moaned, and waved her hands before the
picture, with as much apparent feeling as if her brother himself had thus suddenly
appeared to her. I could not prevail upon the old creature to desist, and was at length
compelled to leave the portrait in Forsaith's care, whilst I was employed in sketching
elsewhere. In future I shall be more cautious how I show my sketches to the old
women, finding that they are liable to produce such melancholy results.”
Mr. A. Christie, to whom I am indebted for much information about the country, told
me an anecdote of a tangi performed in England by a party of Maories who had visited
this country. They were about to bid farewell to one of their friends, and visited his
house for that purpose, desiring to be allowed to perform the tangi.
Knowing their customs, their host took them into an empty room, previously
cautioning his family not to be surprised at the ceremony. The whole party then sat
down on the floor, and raised a most dismal howl, wailing, waving their hands, shedding
floods of tears, and, in fact, enjoying themselves in their own queer way. The tangi
being over, they all became lively and chatty, and finally took leave after the undemon-
strative English fashion.
To a stranger the performance of the tangi is very amusing for the first few times of
witnessing it; but he soon becomes tired of it, and at last looks upon it as an unmitigated
nuisance, wasting time, and subjecting him to a series of doleful howls from which he
has no mode of escape. Mr. Angas describes a tangi to which he was subjected.
“At sunset we reached a small fortified port, on the summit of a hill overlooking the
lake. There were but few natives residing in it, to whom the sight of a pakeha (white
man) was indeed astonishing; and, after the salutation of welcome, they commenced a
tangi at my guides and myself
.
* The man who introduced us uttered a faint sound in his throat, like that of a person
crying at a distance, and continued to look mournfully on the ground. The welcome of

140
NEW ZEALAND.
the men was voluble and loud : they howled dismally, and their tears fell fast for
some time.
“Another female soon arrived, who, squatting on the ground, commenced a tangi with
her friends, so loud and doleful-now muttering and anon howling like a hyæna—that it
made me feel quite dismal. There she sat, yelling horribly, to my great annoyance, but
THE TANGI.
Maori etiquette compelled me to look grave and not to disturb her. There seemed to be
no end to this woman's wailings of welcome. The night was cold, and she still continued
to sit by the fire prolonging her lugubrious and discordant strains. Sometimes she would
pitch a higher key, going upwards with a scream, shaking her voice, and muttering
between every howl; then it would be a squall with variations, like "housetop cats on
moonlight nights.
" Then, blowing her nose with her fingers, she made some remarks to the woman next
her, and recommenced howling in the most systematic way. Once again she became
furious ; then, during an interval, she spoke about the pakeha, joined in a hearty laugh
with all the rest, and at last, after one long continued howl, all was silent, to my great
relief."
The manner in which the natives can produce such torrents of tears is really
marvellous; and they exhibit such apparent agony of grief, acting the part to such
perfection, that for some time a stranger can hardly believe that the profusely weeping
natives are simply acting a conventional part.
In the accompanying illustration is shown the sort of scene which takes place at a
CHARACTER.
141
pah when some of the inhabitants return after a long absence—a scene which would be
very pathetic did it not trench upon the ludicrous.
When a party of strangers arrive at a pah, the preliminary part of the tangi, i.e. the
sitting down and weeping, is omitted, another ceremony being substituted for it. The
visitors are introduced into the interior of the pah, where a large space has been kept
clear. The principal chief of the village then advances, clad as if for war, i.e. wearing
nothing but his mnoko and plenty of scarlet paint, and bearing a spear in his hand. He
brandishes and aims the spear as if he meant to pierce the chief of the opposite party,
and then throws it towards, but not at, the stranger. The visitors then squat silently on
the ground, according to Maori etiquette, and presently each stranger is faced by one of
the receiving tribe, who goes through the ceremony of ongi, or pressing noses, which is
the last part of the tangi. This lasts for some time, and, when it is completed, the
provisions are brought out and a great feasting ensues.
As to the general character of the natives, it presents a curious mixture of wildness
and ferocity, affection and fickleness, benevolence and vengefulness, hospitality and
covetousness. The leading characteristic of the Maori mind is self-esteem, which some-
times takes the form of a lofty and even chivalrous pride, and at other times degenerates
into childish vanity. It is this feeling which leads a New Zealander to kilſ himself
rather than live to suffer disgrace, and which causes him to behave with the politeness
for which the well-bred New Zealander is so conspicuous. Degenerating into vanity, it is
easily wounded ; and hence the accidentally hurt feelings of a Maori, added to the
vengefulness which forms so large a portion of his nature, have occasioned long and
desolating wars, in which whole tribes have been extinguished.
The temper of the Maories is, as is often the case with uncultivated natures, quick,
tetchy, and, though pleasing enough as a general rule, is apt to change suddenly without
the least provocation ; a lively, agreeable person becoming suddenly dull, sullen, and
ill-tempered. This fickleness of demeanour is very troublesome to Europeans, and,
.indeed, is sometimes assumed by the natives, for the purpose of seeing how much their
white companion will endure. When they find that he meets then with firmness, they
lay aside their unpleasant manner, and become quite gay and sociable.
Often, however, a European hurts their feelings quite unintentionally, through sheer
ignorance of the minute code of etiquette which they observe. If, for example, two
Europeans meet and wish to discuss a subject, they stand still and have their talk, or
perhaps they walk backwards and forwards. Two New Zealanders, on the contrary,
would always sit down, as it is thought a mark of inattention to stand while addressed
by another. Again, when a New Zealander enters a house, he makes his salutation and
then squats down in silence for some time, the omission of this ceremony being looked
upon as great a mark of ill-breeding as to go into a drawing-room with the hat on is
considered among ourselves.
One curious trait of the Maori character is the inability to keep a secret. This
curious disposition sometimes subjects the natives to very unpleasant consequences.
Those, for example, who have adopted the laws of the white man, have discovered that
there are many delinquencies which can be done with impunity, provided that they are
committed in secret. But, according to Dieffenbach," with the art of keeping a secret the
New Zealander is little acquainted. Although he possesses in many other respects great
self-control, the secret must come out, even if his death should be the immediate
consequence."
They have a strong and tenacious memory, easily acquiring knowledge, and retaining
it with wonderful accuracy. The strength of their memory is well exemplified by the
native converts to Christianity, who will repeat long passages of the Bible and many
hymns with absolute exactness.
One of the most remarkable examples of this characteristic is afforded by an old chief
named Horomana Marahau, who is popularly known as Blind Solomon. He has led a
most exciting and varied life, having been engaged in war ever since he was a boy, and
once actually taken prisoner by the ferocious chief E' Hongi, or Shongi, as he is generally
He has captured many a pah, and assisted in eating many a slain enemy, and
called.
142
NEW ZEALAND.
had he not escaped when he himself was made prisoner, he would have shared the
same fate.
His last exploit was an attack on Poverty Bay, where he and his followers took the
pah, and killed and afterwards ate six hundred of the enemy. Shortly after this feat he
became blind, at Otawaho, where he first met with the missionary. In process of time
he became a convert, and afterwards laboured as a teacher, displaying the same earnest
energy which distinguished his military career, and, though an old man, undertaking long
and toilsome journeys for the purpose of instructing his fellow-countrymen. Mr. Angas
once heard him deliver a funeral oration over the body of a child, which he describes as
one of the finest and most impassioned bursts of eloquence he ever heard.
Horomana was peculiarly suited for the office of instructor in consequence of his
exceptionally retentive memory. He knows the whole of the Church Service by heart,
together with many hymns and long passages of the Bible, and when he was examined
in the Catechism, it was found that he knew every word correctly. This strength of
memory, by the way, useful as it is when rightly employed, is sometimes abused by
becoming an instrument of revenge, a Maori never forgetting an insult, whether real or
imaginary, nor the face of the person by whom he was insulted.
The curiosity of the people is insatiable, and they always want to hear all about
everything they see. This spirit of curiosity has naturally led them to take the greatest
interest in the various arts and sciences possessed by the white man, and in order to
gratify it they will often hire themselves as sailors in European ships. Accustomed to
the water all their lives, and being admirable cande-men, they make excellent sailors, and
soon learn to manage boats after the European fashion, which differs essentially from
their own. Some of them penetrate into the higher mysteries of navigation, and in 1843
a New Zealander was captain of a whaler.
They take quite as much interest in the familiar objects of their own country as in
those which are brought to them by foreigners. They have names for all their animal,
vegetable, and even mineral productions, pointing out and remarking upon any pecu-
liarities which may be found in them.
1
STONE MERAI. (From my own Collection.)
CHAPTER V.
FOOD AND COOKERY.
HOSPITALITY OF THE NEW ZEALANDERS_EFFECTS OF CIVILIZATION—THE CHURLISH HOSTS AND
THEIR REWARD—A NEW ZEALAND FEAST-THE WALL OF PROVISIONS-FOOD-BASKETS-THE
KUMARA OR -
SWEET POTATO-WASHING AND COOKING VEGETABLES-THE CABBAGE PALM AND
FERN ROOT-A NATIVE LEGEND-THE PAWA SHELL- -THE MUSSEL AND OYSTER-FISHING
THE NET, THE TRAP, THE HOOK, AND THE SPEAR-BIRD-CATCHING-CAPTURING THE KIWI-
KIWI AND PARROT-PIG-CATCHING AND COOKING--CANNIBALISM, ITS SIGNIFICATION AND EXTENT
-EATING HUMAN FLESH A SUPERSTITIOUS CUSTOM-ANECDOTES OF CANNIBALISM.
Tue New Zealanders are the most hospitable and generous of people ; a stranger, whether
native or European, is welcomed into the villages, is furnished with shelter, and provided
at once with food. Should the visitor be a relative, or even an intimate friend, they hold
all their property in common, and will divide with him everything that they possess.
Even if a Māori has earned by long labour some article of property which he was very
canxious to possess, he will give it to a relation or friend who meets him after a long
separation.
This generosity of disposition has unfortunately been much checked by contact
with the white man, and those natives who have much to do with the white settlers have
lost much of their politeness as well as their hospitality. Instead of welcoming the
traveller, housing him in their best hut, providing him with their choicest food, and
tending him as if he were a near relation, they have become covetous and suspicious, and
instead of offering aid gratuitously will sometimes refuse it altogether, and at the best
demand a high rate of payment for their assistance.
The native converts to Christianity have deteriorated greatly in this respect through
the misjudged zeal of the missionaries, who have taught their pupils to refuse food and
shelter to, or to perform any kind of work for, a traveller who happens to arrive at their
houses on a Sunday—a circunstance which must continually occur in a country where
the travellers are entirely dependent on the natives. Dr. Dieffenbach, who always
speaks in the highest terms of the zeal and self-denial of the missionaries, writes as
follows on this subject : “ Highly as I appreciate the merits of the missionaries, I must
say that they have omitted to teach their converts some most important social, and there-
fore moral, duties, which they will only acquire by a more intimate intercourse with
civilized Europeans.
“In their native state they are as laborious as their wants require; but, easily satis-
fying those, and incapable even by their utmost exertions to compete with the lowest of
Europeans, they get lazy and indolent, prefér begging to working, and pass a great part of
their time in showing their acquired fineries and in contemplating the restless doings of
the colonist. As servants they are very independent, and Europeans will do well, if they
144
NEW ZEALAND.
want any native helpers, to treat them with attention, and rather as belonging to the
family than as servants. They have this feeling of independence very strongly, and it is
very creditable to them.
“There is every reason to believe that in a short time the character of the New
Zealanders will be entirely changed, and any one who wishes to see what they were
formerly must study them in the interior, where they are still little influenced by inter-
course with us, which I must repeat has been little advantageous to them.”
The same writer relates an amusing anecdote respecting the ancient custom of
hospitality. He had been travelling for some distance with scarcely any provisions, and
came upon a tribe which churlishly refused hospitality to the party, and would not even
furnish a guide to show them their way. One of them condescended to sell a small
basket of potatoes in exchange for some needles, but nothing more could be obtained, and,
after spending a day in vain, the party had to pack up and resume their march.
After they had left the pah, they came suddenly across a family of pigs. One of the
ative attendants immediately killed a large sow, and in a few minutes the animal was
cut up and the pieces distributed. Not liking to take food without paying for it, Dr.
Dieffenbach hung the offal of the pig on a bush, together with an old pair of trousers and
an iron kettle. His attendants, however, went back and took them away, saying that it
was the custom of the country that a stranger should be supplied with food, and that, if
it were not given to him, he had a right to take it when, where, and how he could. They
were very much amused at the whole proceeding, and made many jokes on the disap-
pointment of the churlish people who refused to sell a pig at a good price, and then found
that it had been taken for nothing.
Hospitality being such a universal and imperative characteristic of the aboriginal
Maori, it may be imagined that when a chief gives a feast he does so with a liberal
hand. Indeed, some of these banquets are on so enormous a scale, that a whole district
is ransacked to furnish sufficient provisions, and the inhabitants have in consequence to
live in a state of semi-starvation for many months. Mr. Angas mentions that, when he
visited the celebrated chief Te Whero-Whero, he saw more than a thousand men planting
sweet potatoes in order to furnish provisions for a feast that the chief intended to give to
all the Waikato tribes in the following spring.
These feasts are continued as long as any food is left, and a very liberal chief will
sometimes get together so enormous a supply of provisions that the banquet lasts for
several weeks. Songs and dances, especially the war-dance, are performed at intervals
throughout the time of feasting.
The following illustration gives a good idea of the preliminaries which
observed before the celebration of an ordinary feast, such as would be given by a well-to-
do Rangatira. A sort of scaffold is erected, on the bars of which are hung large supplies
of fish, mostly dried shark, together with pieces of pork, and similar luxuries. The
upper part of the scaffold is formed into a flat stage, on which are placed large baskets
full of sweet potatoes and common potatoes.
The guests range themselves in a circle round the scaffold, and the chief who gives
the feast makes a speech to them, brandishing his staff of office, running up and down
the open space, leaping in the air, and working himself up by gestures to an extra-
ordinary pitch of excitement.
One of my friends was distinguished by having a feast given in his honour, and
described the ceremony in a very amusing manner. The generous founder of the feast
had built a sort of wall, the contents of which were potatoes, sweet potatoes, pigs,
and fish. By way of ornament, he had fixed a number of sticks into the wall, like so
many flagstaffs
, and to the top of each he had fastened a living eel by way of a flag
or streamer, its contortions giving, according to his ideas, å spirit to the whole
proceedings.
He then marched quickly backwards and forwards between the wall of provisions
and his guests; who were all seated on the ground, and as he marched uttered a few
broken sentences. By degrees his walk became quicker and quicker, and changed into a
run, diversified with much leaping into the air, brandishing of imaginary weapons,
are
and

THE FEAST.
145
utterance of loud yells. At last he worked himself up into a pitch of almost savage
fury, and then suddenly squatted down silently, and made way for another orator.
The waste which takes place at such a feast, which is called in the native language
hui, is necessarily very great. In one such party mentioned by Mr. Angas, the donor
arranged the provisions and presents for his guests in the form of a wall, which was
five feet high, as many wide, more than a mile in length, and supplied for many days
thousands of natives who came to the feast from very great distances. The great chiefs
take great pleasure in rivalling each other in their expenditure, and it was for the purpose
of building a still larger food-wall that Te Whero-Whero was so busily setting his men to
work in planting the kumeras, or sweet potatoes.
Tar
(
UDDAN
CIDO
AIVGAZ
PREPARING FOR A FEAST.
Considerable variety is shown in the manner of presenting the food to the guests.
Generally it is intended to be eaten on the spot, but sometimes it is meant to be given
away to the people, to be consumed when and where they like. In such a case either the
scaffold or the wall is used. The scaffold is sometimes fifty or sixty feet high, and
divided into a number of storeys, each of which is loaded with food. If the wall be
employed, it is separated into a number of divisions. In either case, when the guests are
seated, a chief who acts as the master of the ceremonies marches about and makes a
speech, after the fashion of his country ; and, after having delivered his oration, he points
out to each tribe the portion which is intended for it. The chief man of each tribe takes
possession of the gift, and afterwards subdivides it among his followers.
It is rather remarkable that the baskets in which the provisions are served are made
for the express purpose, and, having fulfilled their office, are thrown aside and never used
VOL. II.
L
146
NEW ZEALAND
TE
101
Milli
hi
Militaire
again. Should a chief take one of these baskets and begin to eat from it, not only the
basket but any food which he may leave in it is thrown away, no chief ever eating after
any one, or allowing any one to eat after him.
So when a chief takes his basket of food, he withdraws himself from the rest of the
company and consumes his food, so that no one shall be incommoded by his rank.
Ordinary people, even the Rangatiras, are not nearly so fastidious, one basket of food
sufficing several of them, three or four being the usual number for a basket. Each of
these baskets contains a complete meal, and is usually supplied with plenty of potatoes
and kumeras, some fish, and a piece of pork. The meat is passed from one to another,
each taking a bite, or tearing off a portion ; and when they have finished, they wipe their
hands on the backs of the dogs which are sure to thrust themselves among the revellers.
These feasts naturally lead us to the various kinds of food used by the New
Zealanders, and their modes of procuring and preparing them.
We will begin with the plant which is the very staff of life to the New Zealander,
namely, the kumera, or sweet potato, as it is popularly though erroneously called.
This plant is largely cultivated by the Maories, who are very careful in selecting a
proper soil for it. The best ground
for the kumera is that which has
been thickly wooded, and is cleared
for the purpose. The natives take
but little trouble about preparing the
land, merely cutting down the trees
and burning the brushwood, but never
attempting to root up the stumps.
The ground is torn up rather
than dug by a simple instrument,
which is nothing more than a
sharpened pole with a cross-piece
fastened to it, on which the foot can
rest. As the New Zealanders do
not wear shoes, they cannot use an
iron spade as we do; and it may
easily be imagined that the unpro-
tected foot of the Maori would suffer
terribly in performing a task which,
even among our stoutly-shod labourers, forces them to wear a plate of iron on the sole
of the boot.
The kaheru, as this tool is called, is more effective than an iron spade could be, in
consequence of the peculiar character of the soil, which is thickly interlaced with the
roots of ferns, brushwood, and shrubs. A few of these curious spades are tipped with a
piece of green jade, and are then highly valued by the natives. Such a tool is called
È Toki. The Maories have also a kind of hoe which is very useful in some soils.
The kumeras are planted in regular rows, and the greatest care is taken to keep the
field clear of weeds. The dark agriculturists even remove every caterpillar that is seen
upon the plants; and altogether such elaborate care is taken that the best managed field
in Europe cannot surpass, and very few even equal, a piece of land cultivated by the
New Zealander.
Each family has its own peculiar field, the produce of which is presumed to belong to
the family. But a great portion of the labour performed in it may be done by poor men
who have no land of their own. In such a case, they acquire, in virtue of their labour,
a legal right over the fruits of the land which they have helped to till
. Sometimes the
head or chief of a tribe, considering himself as the father of the family, institutes a general
sale, and distributes the proceeds according to the amount of material or labour which
each has contributed.
Before the potatoes are cooked, they are carefully washed in a simple and
very
effective manner. A woman puts them into a basket with two handles, popularly called
PINK
1
ANGK2
NATIVE BASKET.
INTRODUCTION OF THE KUMERA.
147
a "kit,” wades into a running stream, puts one foot into the basket, takes hold of the
handles, and rocks the basket violently backwards and forwards, while with her foot she
continually stirs up and rubs the potatoes. In this manner the earth is washed away
from the vegetables, and is carried off by the stream through the interstices of the
basket.
At the present day, the kumera, although very highly valued, and used at every
important feast, has been rivalled, if not superseded, by the common potato, which can
be raised with less trouble and cooked more easily. Both the kumera and potato are
cooked in a sort of oven, made by heating stones, and much resembling the cooking-
place of the Australians. No cooking is allowed to take place in the house, the act of
preparing food being looked upon as a desecration of any building. Through ignorance
of this curious superstition, Europeans have frequently brought upon themselves the anger
of the natives by eating, and even cooking, food within a house which is looked upon
as sacred.
In consequence of this notion, the oven is either constructed in the open air, or at
best in a special house called Te-kauta, which is made of logs piled loosely upon each
other, so as to permit the smoke to escape.
The bud, or “cabbage,” of the nikau-palm, a species of Areca, is highly prized by the
Maories, who fell every tree which they think likely to produce a young and tender bud.
This vegetable is sometimes eaten raw, and sometimes cooked in the same mode as the
potato. Fortunately, the tree is not wasted by being cut down, as its leaves are used for
many purposes, such as making temporary sheds when travellers are benighted in the
forest, thatching houses, and similar uses. Still, the destruction of this useful and
graceful palm is very great, and there is reason to fear that the improvident natives will
wholly extirpate it, unless means be taken to preserve it by force of law.
The Maories have one curious plan of preparing food, which seems to have been
invented for the purpose of making it as disgusting as possible. They take the kumera,
the potato, or the maize, and steep it in fresh water for several weeks, until it is quite
putrid. It is then made into cakes, and eaten with the greatest zest. To a European
nothing can be more offensive, and the very smell of it, not to mention the flavour, is so
utterly disgusting that even a starving man can hardly manage to eat it. The odour is
so powerful, so rancid, and so penetrating, that when Europeans have been sitting inside a
house and a man has been sitting in the open air eating this putrid bread, they have been
forced to send him away from the vicinity of the door. By degrees travellers become
piore accustomed to it, but at first the effect is inexpressibly disgusting; and when it is
cooked, the odour is enough to drive every European out of the village.
In former days the fern-root (Pteris esculenta) was largely eaten by the natives, but
the potatoes and maize have so completely superseded it that fern-root is very seldom
eaten, except on occasions when nothing else can be obtained. When the fern-root
is cooked, it is cut into pieces about a foot long, and then roasted. After it is
sufficiently cooked, it is scraped clean with a shell. The flavour of this root is not
prepossessing, having an unpleasant mixture of the earthy and the medicinal about it.
About December another kind of food comes into season. This is the pulpous stem
of one of the tree-ferns which are so plentiful in New Zealand (Cyathea medullaris). It
requires long cooking, and is generally placed in the oven in the evening, and eaten in the
morning
With regard to the vegetables used in New Zealand, Dr. Dieffenbach has the following
remarks. After mentioning the native idea that they were conquerors of New Zealand,
and brought with them the dog and the taro plant (Arum esculentum), he proceeds as
follows : _“A change took place in their food by the introduction of the sweet potato or
kumera (Convolvulus batata) --an introduction which is gratefully remembered and recorded
of their songs, and has given rise to certain religious observances.
It may be asked, What was the period when the poor natives received the gift of this
wholesome food, and who was their benefactor ? On the first point they know nothing ;
their recollection attaches itself to events, but not to time. The name, however, of the
donor lives in their memory
It is E Paui, or Ko Paui, the wife of E' Tiki, who brought
in
many
L 2
148
NEW ZEALAND.
the first seeds from the island of Tawai. E' Tiki was a native of the island of Tawai, which
is not that whence, according to tradition, the ancestors of the New Zealanders had come.
He came to New Zealand with his wife, whether in less frail vessels than they possess at
present, and whether purposely or driven there by accident, tradition is silent.
He was well received, but soon perceived that food was more scanty here than in
the happy isle whence he came. He wished to confer a benefit upon his hosts, but knew
not how to do it, until his wife, E' Paui, offered to go back and fetch kumera, that the
people who had received them kindly might not suffer want any longer. This she
accomplished, and returned in safety to the shores of New Zealand.
“ What a tale of heroism may lie hidden under this simple tradition! Is it a tale
connected with the Polynesian race itself? or does it not rather refer to the arrival in
New Zealand of the early Spanish navigators, who may have brought this valuable
product from the island of Tawai, one of the Sandwich Islands, where the plant is still
most extensively cultivated ? There can be scarcely any doubt but that New Zealand
was visited by some people antecedent to Tasman. Kaipuke is the name of a ship in
New Zealand—buque is a Spanish word-Kai means to eat, or live. No other Poly-
nesian nation has this word to designate a ship. Pero (dog) and poaca (pig) are also
Spanish. Tawai, whence E' Paui brought the kumera, is situated to the east of New
Zealand according to tradition, and the first discoverers in the great ocean, Alvaro
Mendana (1595), Quiros (1608), Lemaire, and others, arrived from the eastward, as they
did at Tahiti, according to the tradition of the inhabitants. Tasman did not come to New
Zealand uutil 1642."
However this may be, the fields of kumera are strictly “ tapu,” and any theft from
them is severely punished. The women who are engaged in their cultivation are also
tapu. They must pray together with the priests for the increase of the harvest. These
women are never allowed to join in the cannibal feasts, and it is only after the kumera is
dug up that they are released from the strict observance of the tapú. They believe that
kumera is the food consumed in the “reinga,” the dwelling-place of the departed spirits ;
and it is certainly the food most esteemed among the living.
They have several ways of preparing the sweet potato. It is either simply boiled,
or dried slowly in a “hangi,” when it has the taste of dates, or ground into powder and
baked into cakes.
The kumera, like most importations, is rather a delicate vegetable, and while it is
young it is sheltered by fences made of brushwood, which are set up on the windward
side of the plantation when bad weather is apprehended. Great stacks of dried brush-
wood are seen in all well-managed kumera gardens, ready to be used when wanted. So
great is the veneration of the natives for the kumera, that the storehouses wherein it is
kept are usually decorated in a superior style to the dwelling of the person who owns
them.
In the following illustration several of these elaborate storehouses are shown.
They are always supported on posts in such a way that the rats cannot get among the
contents, and in some instances they are set at the top of poles fifteen or twenty feet
high, which are climbed by means of notches in them. These, however, are almost
without ornamentation, whereas those which belong specially to the chief are compara-
tively low, and in some cases every inch of them is covered with graceful or grotesque
patterns, in which the human face always predominates.
Some of these curious storehouses are not rectangular, but cylindrical, the cylinder
lying horizontally, with the door at the end, and being covered with a pointed roof.
Even the very posts on which the storehouses stand are carved into the rude semblance of
the human form.
The Maories also say that the calabash, or hue, is of comparatively late introduction,
the seeds having been obtained from a calabash which was carried by a whale and
thrown on their shores.
A very curious article of vegetable food is the cowdie gum, which issues from a
species of pine. This gum exudes in great quantities from the trees, and is found in large
masses adhering to the trunk, and also in detached pieces on the ground. It is a clear,

ARTICLES OF FOOD.
149
yellowish resin ; and it is imported into England, where it is converted into varnish. The
flavour of the cowdie gum is powerfully aromatic, and the natives of the northern island
chew it just as sailors chew tobacco. They think so much of this gum, that when a
stranger comes to visit them, the highest compliment that can be paid to him is for the
host to take a partially chewed piece of gum from his mouth, and offer it to the visitor.
The New Zealanders eat great quantities of the pawa, a species of Haliotis, from
which they procure the pearly shell with which they are so fond of inlaying their
carvings, especially the eyes of the human figures. Shells belonging to this group are
well known in the Channel Islands under the name of Ormer shells, and the molluscs
are favourite articles of diet. Those which are found in New Zealand are very
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much larger than the species of the Channel Islands, and the inhabitants are tough and,
to European taste, very unpalateable. Great quantities are, however, gathered for food.
The putrid potato cakes are generally eaten with the pawa; and the two together forni
a banquet which an Englishman could hardly prevail on himself to taste, even though
he were dying of hunger.
Mussels, too, are largely used for food : and the natives have a way of opening and
taking out the inmate which I have often practised. If the bases of two mussels be
placed together so that the projections interlock, and a sharp twist be given in opposite
directions, the weaker of the two gives way, and the shell is opened. Either shell
makes an admirable knife, and scrapes the mollusc out of its home even better than a
regular oyster-knife.
Oysters, especially the Cockscomb Oyster (Ostræa cristata), are very plentiful in man
parts of the coast, and afford an unfailing supply of food to the natives. They are mostly
150
NEW ZEALAND.
gathered by women, who are in some places able to obtain them by waiting until low
water, and at other places are forced to dive at all states of the tide.
Fish form a large portion of New Zealand diet; and one of their favourite dishes is
shark's flesh dried and nearly putrescent. In this state it exhales an odour which is only
less horrible than that of the putrid cakes.
Mr. Angas mentions one instance where he was greatly inconvenienced by the
fondness of the natives for these offensive articles of diet. He was travelling through
the country with some native guides, and on arriving at a pah had procured for breakfast
some remarkably fine kumeras. The natives immediately set to work at cooking the
kumeras, among which they introduced a quantity of semi-putrid shark's flesh. This
was not the worst of the business, for they next wove some of the phormium baskets
which have already been described, filled them with the newly-cooked provisions, and
carried them until the evening repast, giving the traveller the benefit of the horrible
ocour for the rest of the day.
Fish are either taken with the net, the weir, or the hook. The net presents nothing
remarkable, and is used as are nets all over the world, the natives weighting them at the
bottom, floating them at the top, shooting them in moderately shallow water, and then
beating the water with poles in order to frighten the fish into the meshes.
Traps, called pukoro-tuna, are made of funnel-shaped baskets, just like the eel-traps
of our own country; but the most ingenious device is the weir, which is built quite across
the river, and supported by poles for many yards along its side. Often, when the net or
the weir is used, the fish taken are considered as belonging to the community in general,
and are divided equally by the chief.
Sometimes a singularly ingenious net is used, which has neither float nor sinkers.
This net is about four feet wide, thirty or forty feet in length, and is tied at each end to
a stout stick. Ropes are lashed to the stick, and the net is then taken out to sea in a
canoe. When they have arrived at a convenient spot, the natives throw the net over the
side of the canoe, holding the ropes at either end of the boat, so that the net forms a large
semicircle in the water as the boat drifts along. In fact it is managed much as an
English fisherman manages his dredge.
In the middle of the canoe is posted a man, who bears in his hand a very long and
light pole, having a tuft of feathers tied to one end of it. With the tufted end he beats
and stirs the water, thus driving into the meshes of the net all the small fishes within the
curve of the net. Those who hold the ropes can tell by the strain upon the cords whether
there are enough fish in the net to make a haul advisable, and when that is the case, the
net is brought to the side of the canoe, emptied, and again shot.
Spearing fish is sometimes, but not very largely, employed.
The hooks employed by the New Zealanders present a curious mixture of simplicity
and ingenuity. The two which are given on page 151 are those in general use: and it really
seems strange that any fish should be stupid enough to take such an object in its mouth.
The wooden hook (Fig. 2) is baited, as is the case with our own, and the rude barb is
found sufficient to hold the fish.
The more ingenious hook, however, is the other specimen (Fig. 1). This is a singularly
admirable contrivance. The body of the hook is made of wood, curved, and rather
hollowed on the inside. The hook itself is bone, and is always made from the bone
of a slain enemy, so that it is valued as a trophy, as well as a means of catching fishi.
This bone is fastened to the rest of the hook by a very ingenious lashing; and, in some
instances, even the bone is in two pieces, which are firmly lashed together.
In consonance with the warlike character of the natives, who seem to be as ready to
offer an insult to other tribes as to take offence themselves, the use of the enemy's bone is
intended as an insult and a defiance to a hostile tribe.
The body of the hook is lined with the pawa shell, and to the bottom of it is attached
a tuft of fibres. This hook is remarkable for requiring no bait. It is towed astern of the
canoe, and when pulled swiftly through the water it revolves rapidly, the pearly lining
flashing in the light like the white belly of a fish, and the tuft of fibres representing the
tail. Consequently, the predatorial fish take it for the creature which it represents, dash
FISH-HOOKS.
151
+
2.
at it as it flashes by them, and are hooked before they discover their mistake. If any of
my readers should happen to be anglers, they will see that this hook of the New Zealander
is exactly similar in principle with the “ spoon-bait ” which is so efficacious in practised
hands. One of these hooks in my collection is quite a model of form, the curves being
peculiarly graceful, and the effect being as artistic as if the maker had been a professor in
the school of design. The length of my hook is rather more than four inches : and this
is about the average size of these implements. The string by which it is held is fastened
to the hook in a very ingenious manner;
and indeed it scarcely seems possible that
so apparently slight a lashing could hold
firmly enough to baffle the struggles of a fish
large enough to swallow a hook more than
four inches in length, and three-quarters of
an inch in width.
Some of these hooks are furnished with
a feather of the apteryx, which serves the
purpose of an artificial fly.
Both salt and fresh water crayfish are
taken in large quantities. The latter, which
are very large, are almost invariably captured
by the women, who have to dive for them,
and the former are taken in traps baited with
flesh, much like our own lobster-pots.
Birds are almost always caught by calling
them with the voice, or by using a decoy
bird.
The apteryx, or kiwi-kiwi, is taken by
the first of these methods. It is of nocturnal
habits, and is seldom seen, never venturing
out of its haunts by day. It is very thinly
scattered, living in pairs, and each pair
inhabiting a tolerably large district. At night
it creeps out of its dark resting-place among
the ferns, where it has been sleeping throughout the day, and sets off in search of worms,
grubs, and other creatures, which it scratches out of the ground with its powerful feet.
During the night it occasionally utters its shrill cry; that of the male being somewhat
like the words “hoire, hoire, hoire," and that of the female like “ho, ho, ho.”
When the natives wish to catch the apteryx, they go to the district where the bird
lives, and imitate its cry. As soon as it shows itself, it is seized by a dog which the
hunter has with him, and which is trained for the purpose.
As the bird is a very
strong one, there is generally a fight between itself and the dog, in which the powerful
legs and sharp claws of the bird are used with great effect. Sometimes the hunter has
ready a torch made of the cowdie resin, and by lighting it as soon as the kiwi-kiwi comes
in sight he blinds the bird so effectually by the unwonted light that it is quite bewildered,
does not know in what direction to run, and allows itself to be taken alive.
At some seasons of the year the bird is very fat, and its flesh is said to be well
flavoured. In former days, when it was plentiful, it was much used for food, but at
the present time it is too scarce to hold any real place among the food-producing animals
of New Zealand, its wingless state rendering it an easy prey to those who know its
habits. The skin is very tough, and, when dressed, was used in the manufacture of
mantles.
The parrots are caught by means of a decoy bird. The fowler takes with him a
parrot which he has taught to call its companions, and conceals himself under a shelter
made of branches. From the shelter a long rod reaches to the branches of a neighbouring
tree, and when the bird calls, its companions are attracted by its cries, fly to the tree,
and then walk down the rod in parrot fashion, and are captured by the man in the cover.
FISH-HOOKS.

152
NEW ZEALAND.
Formerly the native dog used to be much eaten; but as the species has almost
entirely been transformed by admixture with the various breeds of English dogs, its use,
as an article of food, has been abandoned. Pigs are almost the only mammalia that
are now eaten ; but they are not considered as forming an article of ordinary diet, being
reserved for festive occasions. The pork of New Zealand pigs is said to surpass that of
their European congeners, and to bear some resemblance to veal. This superiority of
flavour is caused by their constantly feeding on the fern-roots.
In colour they are
mostly black, and, although tame and quiet enough with their owners, are terribly
frightened when they see a white man, erect their bristles, and dash off into the bush.
Itsas
ACCA KULA
CANNIBAL COOK-HOUSE.
We now come to the question of cannibalism, a custom which seems to have resisted
civilization longer in New Zealand than in any other part of the world. In some places
cannibalism is an exception; here, as among the Neam-neam of Africa, it is a rule. The
accompanying illustration represents a cannibal cooking-house, that was erected by a
celebrated Maori chief, in the Waitahanui Pah. This was once a celebrated fort, and was
originally erected in order to defend the inhabitants of Te Rapa from the attacks of the
Waikato tribes. Both these and their enemies having, as a rule, embraced Christianity,
and laid aside their feuds, the pah has long been deserted, and will probably fall into
decay before many years have passed. Mr. Angas' description of this pah is an exceed-
ingly interesting one.
. Waitahanui Pah stands on a neck of low swampy land jutting into the lake, and a
broad, deep river, forming a delta called the Tongariro, and by some the Waikato (as that
river runs out again at the other end of Tampo Lake), empties itself near the pah. The
long façade of the pah presents an imposing appearance when viewed from the lake; a
CANNIBALISM,
153
line of fortifications, composed of upright poles and stakes, extending for at least half
a mile in a direction parallel to the water. On the top of many of the posts are carved
figures, much larger than life, of men in the act of defiance, and in the most savage pos-
tures, having enormous protruding tongues; and, like all the Maori carvings, these images,
or waikapokos, are coloured with kokowai, or red ochre.
“The entire pah is now in ruins, and has been made tapu by Te Heuheu since its
desertion. Here, then, all was forbidden ground; but I eluded the suspicions of our natives,
and rambled about all day amongst the decaying memorials of the past, making drawings
of the most striking and peculiar objects within the pah. The cook-houses, where the
father of Te Heuheu had his original establishment, remained in a perfect state ; the only
entrance to these buildings were a series of circular apertures, in and out of which the
slaves engaged in preparing the food were obliged to crawl.
“Near to the cook-houses there stood a carved patuka, which was the receptacle of
the sacred food of the chief; and nothing could exceed the richness of the elaborate
carving that adorned this storehouse. I made a careful drawing of it, as the frail material
was falling to decay. Ruined houses--many of them once beautifully ornamented and
richly carved-numerous waki-tapu, and other heathen remains with images and carved
posts, occur in various portions of this extensive pah; but in other places the hand of
Time has so effectually destroyed the buildings as to leave them but an unintelligible mass
of ruins. The situation of this pah is admirably adapted for the security of its inmates :
it commands the lake on the one side, and the other fronts the extensive marshes of
Tukanu, where a strong palisade and a deep moat afford protection against any sudden
attack. Water is conveyed into the pah through a sluice or canal for the supply of the
besieged in times of war.
“ There was an air of solitude and gloomy desolation about the whole pah, that was
heightened by the screams of the plover and the tern, as they uttered their mournful cry
through the deserted courts. I rambled over the scenes of many savage deeds. Ovens,
where human flesh had been cooked in heaps, still remained, with the stones used for
heating them lying scattered around, blackened by fire; and here and there a dry skull
lay bleaching in the sun and wind, a grim memorial of the past."
The chief reason for the persistent survival of cannibalism is to be found in the light
in which the natives regard the act. As far as can be ascertained, the Maories do not eat
their fellow-men simply because they have any especial liking for human flesh, although,
as might be expected, there are still to be found some men who have contracted a strong
taste for the flesh of man.
The real reason for the custom is based on the superstitious notion that any one who
eats the flesh of another becomes endowed with all the best qualities of the slain person.
For this reason, a chief will often content himself with the left eye of an adversary, that
portion of the body being considered as the seat of the soul. A similar idea prevails
regarding the blood.
When the dead bodies of enemies are brought into the villages, much ceremony
attends the cooking and eating of them. They are considered as tapu, or prohibited,
until the tohunga, or priest, has done his part. This consists in cutting off part of the
flesh, and hanging it up on a tree or a tall stick, as an offering to the deities, accom-
panying his proceedings with certain mystic prayers and invocations.
Most women are forbidden to eat human flesh, and so are some men and all young
children. When the latter reach a certain age, they are permitted to become eaters of
human flesh, and are inducted into their new privileges by the singing of chants and
songs, the meaning of which none of the initiates understand, and which, it is probable,
are equally a mystery to the priest himself who chants them.
The palms of the hands and the breast are supposed to be the best parts; and some of
the elder warriors, when they have overcome their reluctance to talk on a subject which
they know will shock their interlocutors, speak in quite enthusiastic terms of human flesh
as an article of food.
That cannibalism is a custom which depends on warfare is evident from many sources.
In war, as we shall presently see, the New Zealander can hardly be recognised as the
157
NEW ZEALAND.
same being in a state of peace. His whole soul is filled with but one ideam-that of
vengeance; and it is the spirit of revenge, and not the mere vulgar instinct of gluttony,
that induces him to eat the bodies of his fellow-men. A New Zealander would not dream
of eating the body of a man who had died a natural death, and nothing could be further
from his thoughts than the deliberate and systematic cannibalism which disgraces several
of the African tribes.
How completely this spirit of vengeance enters into the very soul of the Maories can
be inferred from a short anecdote of a battle. There is a small island in the Bay of
Plenty called Tuhua, or Mayor's Island, the inhabitants of which, about two hundred
in number, had erected a strong pah, or fort, in order to defend themselves from the
attacks of tribes who lived on the mainland, and wanted to capture this very convenient
little island. The fort was built on a very steep part of the island, craggy, precipitous,
and chiefly made up of lava.
After making several unsuccessful attacks, the enemy at last made an onslaught in
the night, hoping to take the people off their guard. The inmates were, however, awake
and prepared for resistance; and as soon as the enemy attacked the pah, the defenders
retaliated on them by allowing them to come partly up the hill on which the pah stands,
and then rolling great stones upon them. Very many of the assailants were killed, and
the rest retreated.
Next morning the successful defenders related this tale to a missionary, and showed
the spot where so sanguinary an encounter had taken place. The missionary, finding that
all the stones and rocks were perfectly clean, and betrayed no traces of the bloody struggle
which had taken place only a few hours previously, asked to be shown the marks of the
blood. His guide at once answered that the women had licked it off.
It has sometimes been stated that the Maories will kill their slaves in order to
furnish a banquet for themselves ; but such statements are altogether false.
Cannibalism is at the present day nearly, though not quite, extinct. Chiefly by the
efforts of the missionaries, it has been greatly reduced; and even in cases where it does
take place the natives are chary of speaking about it. In wars that took place some
forty years ago, we learn that several hundred warriors were slain, and their bodies eaten
by their victors. In comparatively recent times twenty or thirty bodies have been
brought into the pah and eaten, while at the present day many a native has never seen an
act of cannibalism. This strange and ghastly custom is, however, so dear to the Maori
mind that one of the chief obstacles to the conversion of the natives to Christianity is to
be found in the fact that the Christian natives are obliged to abjure the use of human
flesh. Still, the national instinct of vengeance is rather repressed than extirpated, and
there are many well-known occasions when it has burst through all its bonds, and the
savage nature of the Maori has for a time gained the ascendency over him.
CHAPTER VI.
WAR
THE MODE OF WARFARE DEPENDENT ON WEAPONS- THE SPEAR, NOW EXTINCT-THE MERAI, AND THE
MATERIALS OF WHICH IT IS MADE—THE GREEN JADE MERAI, AND ESTIMATION IN WHICH IT IS
HELD BY THE CHIEFSTHE STONE MERAI--THE BONE MERAI, AND ITS VARIED SHAPES— MODE
OF USING THE WEAPON-CAPTURE OF SHIPS—AN EXCITING SCENE AND TIMELY RELIEF- -THE
BATTLE-AXE, OR PATU-ITS FORM, AND MODE OF USING ITTHE CHIEF'S SPEAR, OR HANI—ITS
RESEMBLANCE TO THE ANCIENT SCEPTRE--THE
-THE TONGUE OF DEFIANCE--THE WAR-DANCE-ITS
EFFECT ON BOARD SHIP-THE FORT, OR PAH, AND ITS CONSTRUCTION-NATIVE, ENGINEERING
THE REPULSE AT THE GATE PAH-CONCEALING AN AMBUSH - FATE OF CAPTIVES—THE CHIEF
E’HONGI AND HIS BATTLES SLAVE-DRIVING WITH A MERAI-ETIQUETTE OF WAR-A TRUCE
AND A BARTER-RETALIATION FOR BLOODSHED CEREMONIES BEFORE AND AFTER A BATTLE.
We now come to the one great object of a Maori's life, namely, war. Before we treat of
actual warfare, it will be necessary to describe the weapons which are used, as much of
the character of warfare materially depends on them.
In those parts of the world, for instance, where missiles, such as bows and arrows or
spears, are the principal weapons, war becomes a series of skirmishes, each individual
trying to conceal himself as much as possible from the enemy, and to deal his own blows
without exposing himself to retaliation. Bnt when the weapons are of a nature that
necessitate hand-to-hand combat, warfare naturally assumes a different aspect, and, if the
forces be at all disciplined, more resembles the regulated war of civilized nations than the
independent single combats which represent war in most savage countries.
To this latter category belong the weapons of the New Zealander. In former days the
Maori warriors used to employ the spear, but that weapon has long been laid aside. A
few specimens are still retained, but they are intended, not to be used against an enemy,
but in welcoming a friend, the chief who receives his guests pointing the spear at them,
and throwing it towards them, as has already been described. When Mr. Angas visited
the islands, he found only a very few of these spears, and they were used entirely for
peaceful purposes. They were of the same character as those of the great Polynesian
group, i.e. made entirely of wood, long, sharply pointed, and armed with a series of barbs.
One of these spears is shown at fig. 1 of the illustration on the following page. The reader
will understand that only the head of the spear is shown, the entire length of the weapon
being about twelve feet. The barbs are seen to be arranged in double order, a number of
them pointing backwards, and then, after a blank space, several rows pointing forwards.
The object of this device was ingenious enough. The spear was supposed to be pushed
through the body of a man until it was stopped by the second row of barbs. It will be
seen that his body would then rest in the blank space, and the barbs on either side of him
would prevent it from being drawn out or pushed through, so that a wound from the
weapon was necessarily mortal. A spear made on the same principle, and employed by
the Bechuanas, is shown in Vol. I. page 314.
+
156
NEW ZEALAND.
3
6
The weapons used by the Maories are very few in number, and of the simplest possible
construction.
It is extraordinary, by the way, what misconceptions exist on this subject. With the
generality of persons almost every club, axe, or spear is set down as belonging to New
Zealand, especially if it has any
carving about it. Even the best
public collections are not free from
these errors, and in one of the most
celebrated collections of arms I dis-
covered within five minutes ten or
twelve wrong labels.
There is now before me an illus-
trated work on savage manners and
customs, in which is a group of
“ New Zealand arms,” containing
thirteen objects. Of these only one
is a genuine weapon of New Zea-
land, and two others are doubtful.
There are two Fiji clubs (one of
them with a hollow tubular handle!),
one stone knife of New Caledonia,
two clubs of the Tonga Islands, one
Maori chief's staff of office, one
New Zealander's carpenter's adze,
one "poi" mallet and one "gnatoo
mallet from Tonga, and two articles
which the draughtsman may have
intended for clubs, but which have
been transformed by the engraver's
art into bottle-gourds. Besides,
there is one nondescript article
which may be a drum (and there-
fore cannot belong to New Zea-
land), or it may be a pail, or it may
be a jar, and another nondescript
article.
We need not, however, wonder
at these trifling errors when, in the
same work, a scene in a North
American wigwam is described as
a “New Zealand christening," and
the “ Interior of a Caffre hut” is
fitted with Abyssinian arms and
implements: the men are represented
as wearing long two-forked beards
like those of the Fans, headdresses like those of Tonga, and capes like those of Abyssinia;
while a smooth-haired woman, instead of being dressed in Rafir fashion, is naked with
the exception of a white cloth tied round her hips. The hut itself is a singularly inge-
nious example of perversity on the part of the draughtsman, who has selected precisely
those very characteristics which do not belong to the Kafir hut. In the first place,
the hut is three times too large, and the walls are apparently of clay~certainly not
of the basket-work employed by Kafirs in house-building. The floor, which in a
Kafir hut is laid down with clay, as smooth as a table and hard as concrete, is
irregular and covered with grass; while, by way of climax, the door is high enough to
allow a man to pass without stooping, and is finished with a beautiful arched porch
covered with creepers.
5
7
VA
2
CAS.
1
MAORI WEAPONS.
THE MERAŤ.
157
'With the exception of one man, who may, by some stretch of imagination, be taken
for a Hottentot, neither the hut, its furniture, its inhabitants, nor their weapons, bear the
slightest similitude to those of any part of Southern Africa.
Such being the case with museums and books, we need not be surprised that the
popular ideas respecting the weapons and warfare of New Zealand are very indefinite.
Of course, at the present day, the Maories have practically discarded their ancient
weapons in favour of the rifle, which they know well how to use, retaining their aboriginal
weapons more as marks of rank than for active service. We have, however, nothing to do
with these modern innovations, and will restrict ourselves to the weapons that belong to
the country.
The first and most important of these is the merai, or short club. This weapon is
exactly analogous to the short sword used by the ancient Romans, and in some cases
resembles it so closely that if the cross-guard were removed from the sword, and the blade
ELITE
li
Section,
WOODEN AND BONE MERAIS.
rendered convex instead of flat, the shapes of the two weapons would be almost exactly
identical.
The material of which these weapons are made is sometimes wood and sometimes
stone, but mostly bone, the latter material being furnished by the spermaceti-whale. The
stone merai is the most valued, on account of the difficulty of finding a suitable piece for
the
purpose, and of the enormous time which is consumed in cutting it to the desired shape
with the very imperfect instrument which the Maori possesses. In fact, a stone merai is
slowly and laboriously ground into shape by rubbing it with a piece of stone and a sort
of emery-powder.
Every merai has a hole drilled through the end of the handle. Through this hole is
passed a loop of plaited cord, by means of which the weapon is slung to the wrist, to
prevent the wearer from being disarmed in battle. Drilling the hole is a very slow
process, and is done by means of a wetted stick dipped in emery-powder.
The finest merai of this description that I have seen belongs to H. Christie, Esq., and
is remarkable not merely for its size, but for the regularity and beauty of its curves. The
material is the dark, dull green volcanic stone of which the New Zealanders make so
many of their implements. It is nearly eighteen inches in length, and rather more than
four inches wide at the broadest part. There is a similar weapon, nearly as large, in the
collection of the United Service Institution; but the curves are not so regular, nor is the
article so handsome.
158
NEW ZEALAND.
One of these weapons is in my collection. It is of equal beauty in shape with that
which has been described, but is not so long. It is rather more than fourteen inches in
length, and not quite four inches wide. It weighs two pounds six ounces, and is a most
formidable weapon, a blow from its sharp edge being sufficient to crash through the skull
of an ox, not to mention that of a human being. This handsome weapon was presented
to me by T. W. Wood, Esq.
Every chief, however low in rank, is sure to have one of these merais, of which he is
very proud, and from which he can scarcely be induced to part. The great chiefs have
their merais made of green jade, such as has already been described when treating of
Maori ornaments. These weapons are handed down from father to son, and are so highly
valued by the natives that it is hardly possible to procure one, unless it be captured in
battle. If a chief should die without a son to whom his merai can descend, the weapon
is
generally buried with him.
At fig. 6 in the illustration on page 156 is seen one of these green jade merais. The
shape is not nearly so elegant as that of my weapon which has just been described.
Indeed, with so valuable and rare a mineral as this green jade, it is not easy to find a
piece large enough to be cut into an ordinarily-shaped weapon, and the manufacturer is
obliged to do his best with the material at his command.
At fig. 7 is an example of the commonest kind of merai, that which is made of wood.
As the material of such a weapon is comparatively valueless, the Maories seem to indem-
nify themselves by adding ornament to the weapon. For example, they very seldom
make the merai of the same simple shape as that at fig. 6, but give it a distinct edge and
back, as at fig. 7. In some cases they make it into a most elaborate piece of native art,
the whole being so beautifully carved that it looks more like a number of curved pieces of
wood fitted together than a weapon cut out of a solid block.
A singularly beautiful example of such a weapon is to be seen in the illustration on
page 157. As the reader may see, it is one mass of carving, the design being cut completely
through the wood, and therefore being alike on both sides. The back of the merai is
carved into a pattern of singular beauty and boldness, and the edge is armed with a row
of shark's teeth, which make its blows very formidable when directed against the naked
bodies of the Maori warriors. The specimen from which the drawing was taken may be
seen in the collection of the British Museum.
The second figure of the illustration shows a merai made of bone. The material is
mostly obtained from the blade-bone of the spermaceti-whale, and in consequence the
weapon is said in books of travel to be made of whalebone, thus misleading the ordinary
reader, who is sure to understand “whalebone” to be the black elastic substance obtained
from the Greenland whale.
These merais are extremely variable in shape. Some of them are made like the stone
weapons, except that they are much flatter, and have in consequence both edges alike.
Sometimes they are studded with knobs and cut into hollows; sometimes carved into
patterns, much resembling that of the wooden merai, but not so elaborate. The specimen
which I have selected for the illustration shows examples of the ornaments and studs.
I possess a very good merai which has been made from the lower jaw of the sperma-
ceti-whale. This weapon is shown in the illustration on the preceding page, and close
by it is a section of the jaw of the whale, in order to show the manner in which it is
cut. This weapon measures seventeen inches in length by three and a half inches in
width, and weighs one pound nine ounces. In consequence of this comparative lightness,
it is a much more efficient weapon than the stone merai ; for the latter is so heavy that,
if a blow misses its aim, the striker is unable to recover the weapon in time to guard
himself, or to repeat the blow, and so lays himself open to the enemy.
If the reader will look at the section of bone, he will see that it is porous in the centre
and hard and solid at the edges. It is from the solid part that the merai has been cut,
and in consequence the weapon is very flat. The numerous channels through which pass
the blood-vessels that nourish the bone are seen in the section, and in the drawing of the
merai one of them is shown traversing the weapon longitudinally. The name of the merai
is “ patu-patu,” the u having the same sound as in flute.
:
A CRITICAL SITUATION.
159
Many of the natives have found out that the English bill-hook answers admirably as
a merai, and can be obtained with very little trouble. Great quantities of them were at
one time imported from Birmingham; but the rifle and bayonet have in latter days so
completely superseded all other weapons that the Maories trouble themselves little about
the bill-hook.
When a Maori fights with the merai, he does not merely strike, his usual movement
being to thrust sharply at the chin of the enemy; and if he succeeds in striking him with
the point, he cuts him down with the edge before he can recover himself.
Āt fig. 5 in the illustration on page 156 is seen an axe, or tomahawk. This is a
curious mixture of European and Maori work, the blade being obtained from England,
and the handle made and carved in New Zealand with the usual grotesque patterns which
a Maori likes to introduce into all objects connected with warfare. The thigh-bone of a
slain enemy is a favourite handle for such a tomahawk.
Before the fierce and warlike character of the New Zealanders was known, they took
several vessels by the use of the merai. It was easy to suspend the short club over the
shoulder, where it was hidden by the mat, so that when a party of natives came on board,
apparently unarmed, having ostentatiously left their patus and other weapons in their
canoes, each man was in fact armed with the weapon that he most trusted. The plan
pursued was, that the Maories should mingle freely with the crew, until each man was
close to one of the sailors. At a signal from the chief, the concealed merai was snatched
from beneath the mat, and in a moment it had crashed through the head of the selected
victim.
Even after this ruse was discovered, the ingenious Maories contrived to get hold of
more than one vessel under pretence of exhibiting their war-dance, which in a moment
was changed from the mimicry of battle into reality, the warriors leaping among the spec-
tators and dealing their blows right and left among them. Ship-taking seems, indeed, to
be a proceeding so dear to the New Zealander, that he can scarcely resist the temptation
when it is offered him. In Messrs. Tyerman and Bennet's “ Missionary Voyage” there
is an anecdote of an adventure that befell them, which, but for the timely aid of a friendly
chief, would undoubtedly have had a tragic issue.
The ship had arrived off New Zealand, and while at anchor the following events
occurred:
“ This morning our little vessel was surrounded with canoes, containing several hun
dreds of the natives, of both sexes, who presently climbed up, and crowded it so much
that we were obliged to put up a bar across the quarter-deck, and tabu it from intrusion.
The commerce in various articles, on both sides, went on pretty well for some time, till
one provoking circumstance after another occurred, which had nearly led to the seizure of
the ship and the loss of our lives.
“ In the confusion occasioned by the great throng in so narrow a space, the natives
began to exercise their pilfering tricks, opportunities for which are seldom permitted to
slip away unimproved. Suddenly the cook cried out, ' They have stolen this thing;' but
scarcely had he named the thing (some kitchen article), when he called out again, 'They
have stolen the beef out of the pot !' and then a third time, ' They have stolen my cooking-
pans !' Presently another voice bawled out from the forecastle, Captain! they have
broken open your trunk, and carried away your clothes !
Up to this time we had been in friendly intercourse with the chiefs, rubbing noses,
and purchasing their personal ornaments and other curiosities, suspecting no mischief.
But now, in the course of a few moments, without our perceiving the immediate reason,
the whole scene was changed. We found afterwards that the captain (Dibbs), on hearing
of the audacious thefts above mentioned, had become angry, and while he was endea-
vouring, rather boisterously, to clear the deck of some of the intruders, one of them,
a chief, on being jostled by him, fell over the ship's side into the sea, between his own
canoe and the vessel. This was seized instantaneously as the pretext for commencing
hostilities. The women and children in the course of a few minutes had all disappeared,
leaping overboard into their canoes, and taking with them the kakaous, or mantles,
of the warriors.
The latter, thus stripped for action, remained on deck; of which,
160
NEW ZEALAND.
before we were aware, they had taken complete possession ; and forthwith made us their
prisoners.
“ Tremendous were the bawlings and screechings of the barbarians, while they
stamped, and brandished their weapons, consisting principally of clubs and spears. One
chief with his cookies (his slaves) had surrounded the captain, holding their spears at his
breast and his sides, on the larboard quarter of the vessel. Mr. Tyerman, under guard of
another band, stood on the starboard; and Mr. Bennet on the same side, but aft, towards
the stern. Mr. Threlkeld and his little boy, not seven years old, were near Mr. Bennet,
not under direct manual grasp of the savages. The chief who, with his gang, had been
trafficking with Mr. Bennet, now brought his huge tattooed visage near to Mr. B.'s,
screaming, in tones the most odious and horrifying, “Tongata, New Zealandi, tongata
kakino ?- Tongata, New Zealandi, tongata kakino ?'
“This he repeated as rapidly as lips, tongue, and throat could utter the words, which
mean, “Man of New Zealand, is he bad man ?-Man of New Zealand, a bad man?'
Happily Mr. Bennet understood the question (the New Zealand dialect much resembling
the Tahitian): whereupon, though convinced that inevitable death was at hand, he
answered, with as much composure as could be assumed, 'Kaore kakino tongata New
Zealandi, tongata kapai' (Not bad; the New Zealander is a good man'); and so often as
the other, with indescribable ferocity of aspect and sharpness of accent, asked the same
question (which might be a hundred times), the same answer was returned.
But,' inquired Mr. Bennet, 'why is all this uproar? Why cannot we still rub
noses, and buy and sell, and barter, as before?' At this moment a stout slave, belonging
to the chief, stepped behind Mr. Bennet, and pinioned both his arms close to his sides.
No effort was made to resist or elude the gigantic grasp, Mr. B. knowing that such would
only accelerate the threatened destruction. Still, therefore, he maintained his calmness,
and asked the chief the price of a neck-ornament which the latter wore. Immediately
another slave raised a large tree-felling axe (which, with others, had been brought to be
sharpened by the ship's company) over the head of the prisoner. This ruffian looked with
demon-like eagerness and impatience towards his master for the signal to strike.
“And here it may be observed that our good countrymen can have no idea of the
almost preternatural fury which savages can throw into their distorted countenances, and
infuse into their deafening and appalling voices, when they are possessed by the legion-fiend
of rage, cupidity, and revenge. Mr. Bennet persevered in keeping up conversation with
the chief, saying, “We want to buy bruaa, kumera, ika, &c. (hogs, potatoes, fish), of you.'
“Just then he perceived a youth stepping on deck with a large fish in his hand.
What shall I give you for that fish ?'- Why, so many fish-hooks.'-'Well, then, put
your hand into my pocket and take them. The fellow did so. Now put the fish down
there, on the binnacle, and bring some more, if you have any,' said Mr. Bennet. At once
the fish that he had just bought was brought round from behind and presented to him
again for sale.
He took no notice of the knavery, but demanded, 'What shall I give you
for that fish ?'~' So many hooks.'—* Take them. Have you no other fish to sell ?' А
third time the same fish was offered, and the same price in hooks required and given, or
rather taken, by the vendor, out of his jacket pockets, which happened to be well stored
with this currency for traffic. A fourth time Mr. Bennet asked, 'Have you never another
fish ?' At this the rogues could contain their scorn no longer, but burst into laughter,
and cried, “ We are cheating the foreigner !' ('Tangata ke!') supposing that their customer
was not aware how often they had caught him with the same bait.”
By this ingenious plan of pretending to be the dupe of the Maories, Mr. Bennet
contrived to gain time, of which he knew that every minute was of the greatest import-
ance, and at last he was rewarded for his courageous diplomacy by the arrival of a boat,
in which was a friendly chief, who at once cleared the ship.
The reader will observe that at this time the New Zealanders had not abandoned the
use of the spear as a weapon of war, though only twenty years afterwards scarcely a spear
could be found that was not intended as an emblem of hospitality instead of strife.
At fig. 3 is shown a very curious club, called Patu by the natives, and popularly but
wrongly, called by sailors a battle-axe. It is about five feet in length, and has at one end
THE STAFF OF OFFICE.
161
à flat, axe-like head, and at the other a sharp point. One of these weapons in my
possession, presented to me, together with many similar articles, by E. Randell, Esq., is
five feet one inch in length, and weighs two pounds six ounces, being exactly the same
weight as the stone merai already described. The rounded edge of the axe-like head is
very sharp, and certainly looks as if it was intended for the purpose of inflicting wounds.
Such, however, is not the case, the Maori using the pointed butt as a spear or pike, and
striking with the back of the head and not with the edge.
Through the lower portion of the head is bored a hole, to which is suspended a bunch
of feathers and streamers. Sometimes this tuft is only a foot in length, but is often
Jonger. In a specimen taken by Sir J. E. Alexander it is half as long as the patu itself. At
first sight this appendage seems, like the multitudinous feathers which decorate a North
American spear or club, to be merely an ornament, and to detract from, rather than add
to, the efficiency of the weapon. But the Maori warrior is far too keen a soldier to sacrifice
use to ornament, and, if he employs the latter, he is sure to take care that the former is not
endangered by it.
In the present case, this apparently useless appendage adds materially to the effec-
tiveness of the weapon. When the warrior, armed with the patu, meets an adversary,
he does not rush at him heedlessly, but fences, as it were, with bis weapon, holding it
in both hands, twirling it about, and flourishing the bunch of feathers in the face of his
foe so as to distract his attention. Neither does he stand in the same spot, but leaps
here and there, endeavouring to take the foe off his guard, and making all kinds of feints
in order to test the adversary's powers. Should he see the least opening, the sharp
point of the butt is driven into his adversary's body, or a severe blow delivered with
the head, the stroke being generally made upwards and not downwards, as might be
imagined.
In fact, the whole management of the patu is almost identical with that of the old
quarterstaff of England, a weapon whose use is unfortunately forgotten at the present day.
The bunch of feathers is not an invariable appendage. In my own specimen, for example,
it has never been used, and I have seen many others in which the hole has not been
bored for the insertion of the string that ties the feathers together.
The last weapon drawn in this illustration is hardly worthy of the name. It is
a dagger, and is shown at fig. 4, page 156.
At fig. 2 of the same illustration is seen an implement which is generally mistaken for
a spear, and is labelled as such in many a collection. It is, however, no spear at all, but
a sceptre, or staff of office belonging to a chief. The Maori name is E' Hani. It is shaped
at the butt like an exceedingly elongated merai, and indeed the entire implement looks
as if the hani and the merai were but different modifications of the same weapon.
Be this as it may, the hani is no spear, but a staff of office, almost identical in form
with that which was borne by the ancient kings and heralds in the times of Troy. At the
upper end is seen the head, which bears some resemblance to the point of a spear, and
has given ground to the notion that the implement in question is really a spear. This
portion, however, does not serve the purpose of offence, but is simply a conventional
representation of the human tongue, which, when thrust forth to its utmost conveys,
according to Maori ideas, the most bitter insult and defiance. When the chief wishes
to make war against any tribe, he calls his own people together, makes a fiery oration,
and repeatedly thrusts his hani in the direction of the enemy, each such thrust being
accepted as a putting forth of the tongue in defiance.
In order to show that the point of the hani is really intended to represent the human
tongue, the remainder of it is carved into a grotesque and far-fetched resemblance of the
human face, the chief features of which are two enormous circular eyes made of haliotis
shell.
Generally, the hani is ornamented with feathers like the patu ; but many of the staves
are without this decoration, which is looked upon as a inere non-essential. These staves
vary greatly in length. My own specimen is between five and six feet in length, and is
without the feather ornaments, whereas others are not more than a yard in length, and are
decorated with a bunch of feathers as long as themselves. The chiefs are nearly as
VOL. II.
M

162
NEW ZEALAND.
tenacious of the hani as the merai, and do not seem to be
easy if it be put out of their reach. Some years ago several
Maori chiefs came to visit England, and were taken to see the
various sights of London. But whether they went to the
theatre, or to the Zoological Gardens, or to make calls, they
invariably took their hanis with them, sometimes carrying a
short one for convenience' sake, but appearing to attach the
greatest value to its possession.
One of these curious implements in my collection is six
feet in length, and is made of the same wood as the patu. If
held upright the resemblance of the point to the outstretched
tongue is not very plain; but if it be held horizontally, the
effect is quite altered, and the whole of the tip is seen to
represent a human head with the tongue thrust out as far
as possible between the lips. As the tongue is only a con-
ventional representation, it is covered with a pattern, a ridge
running along the centre, and each side being marked with
precisely similar curves and semi-spirals.
In spite of its length, it really makes a very convenient
walking-staff, and, on an emergency, might do duty as a
weapon, the tongue-like tip being sharp enough to act as a
spear-head, and the flattened butt being heavy enough to stun
a man with a well-directed blow. My specimen does not
possess the tuft of feathers and dog's-hair which decorates
the bani shown in the illustration (fig. 2, p. 156); but this
adornment is not considered as forming a necessary part of
the implement.
Before a party engage in war, they think themselves bound
to join in the war-dance. There are war-dances in almost all
savage tribes, but that of the New Zealander surpasses them
all. In other cases, each warrior gives himself up to the
excitement of the moment, and shouts, yells, dances, and
brandishes his weapons as he seems to think fit; but the
Maori warrior's dance is of a far different character, being
guided by a discipline and precision of drill to which that of
the Russians themselves is loose and irregular.
They begin by smearing the whole of their clothing and
by painting their faces with scarlet ochre, so as to make
themselves as hideous as possible. When they assemble for
the dance, they arrange themselves in lines, mostly three
deep, and excite their naturally passionate disposition to the
highest pitch by contorting their faces and thrusting out their
tongues as an act of defiance, interspersing these gestures
with shouts, yells, and challenges to the enemy. The dance
itself begins with stamping the feet in perfect time with each
other, the vigour of the stamp increasing continually, and
the excitement increasing in similar proportion.
Suddenly, with a yell, the whole body of men leap side-
ways into the air, as if actuated by one spirit, and, as they
touch the ground, come down on it with a mighty stamp that
makes the earth tremble. The war-song is raised, and in ac-
cordance with its rhythm the men leap from side to side, each
time coming down with a thud as of some huge engine. The
effect of the dance upon the performers is extraordinary. It
seems to make them for the time absolute maniacs, their
whole nature being given up to the furious excitement of the
AND HANI.

THE WAR-DANCE.
163
200
SOAN
EN
Nu,
JEB Zweck
THE MAORI WAR-DANCE,
moment, their faces contorted (and this action gives to their countenances an absolutely
demonaical expression).
Even when war is not impending, the magic influence of the dance affects the per-
formers as strongly as if they were close to a pah or fort of the enemy, ready for battle ;
M 2
164
NEW ZEALAND.
and when, as is sometimes the case, the Maories give a dance in honour of a visitor, they
become so furiously excited that they are quite dangerous until they liave had time
to cool.
On one such occasion a party of Maories who had visited a ship were requested to
exhibit their war-dance, and very good-naturedly did so. But in a short time their
measured leaps became so vehement, and their stamps so powerful, as they shouted the
martial rhymes of the war-song, that they shook the whole ship as if by blows of a
battering-ram ; and the commanding officer, fearful that they would absolutely sinash the
deck, begged them to desist. His entreaties were in vain, even if they were heard, though
it is very likely that, in their furious excitement, the dancers were deaf to every sound
except the war-song which they were yelling at the top of their voices; and the dance
proceeded to its end, and did not cease until the performers were quite exhausted by the
furious exertions they had made.
The most ludicrous part of the dance was the conduct of the chief. He had been
treated with much attention, and presented with a full suit of naval uniform, of which he
was mightily proud, and in which he stalked about the deck, to the great admiration of
his subjects. When he was asked whether the war-dance could be given, he at once
ordered his followers to accede to the request, and at first stood quietly by while they
went through the performance.
The influence of the dance was, however, too contagious to be resisted, and rapidly
extended itself to him. First he merely swayed his body in rhythm with the steps of the
dancers, then he joined sotto voce in the song, then he began to stamp in time with them,
and at last threw off all restraint, sprang into line, and leaped, yelled, and stamped as
enthusiastically as any of them, splitting his new garments to pieces, and presenting a
very sorry sight when his excitement had died away.
The illustration on page 163 represents a portion of a party of warriors as they
appear when performing their war-dance. Only the first three ranks of them are seen;
but the reader must picture for himself the long lines of warriors stretching into the
distance, numbering often from one to two hundred. The leading chief is seen in front,
with his green jade merai in his hand; and another but inferior chief is stationed behind
him. In the background is shown a portion of the palı in which the dance is taking
place; a chief's storehouse for food is seen on the right, and under the shelter of the
houses are seated the women who are watching the dance.
I have already said that war is always in the thoughts of a genuine Maori. Unlike
the vaporing Fiji warrior, who is always ready to boast, and seldom ready to fight, pre-
ferring to knock his enemy on the head when asleep, the Maori is a brave soldier, accus-
tomed from his earliest childhood to deeds of war. A mimic war forms one of the
favourite games of the Maori children, though it is necessarily restricted to boys. Just as
boys of our country build snow castles, and attack and defend them with snowballs, so
do the young New Zealanders build miniature forts, and enact on a small scale the deeds
of actual war, using light sticks instead of the merai and patu. They make their forts by
erecting mounds of earth, and building the fortresses of stakes, in exact imitation of the
more substantial architecture of the veritable pah.
These ingenious pahs well exemplify the whole system of Maori warfare. The two
opposing parties seldom meet each other in the open ground, as is the case with European
warfare; neither do they employ an irregular skirmishing fight among trees or under
cover, as is the case with many savage tribes. The attacking party is sure to be very
superior in numbers to their foes, and the latter, knowing that this will be the case, resort
to the system of fortification, and entrench themselves in forts, or pahs.
These pahs are marvellous examples of uncivilized engineering, and are adınirably
adapted to the purpose which they are intended to fulfil. They are always placed in
some strong situation, sometimes on the sea-shore, sometimes on heights, and one or two
of the strongest are built on the very edge of a perpendicular precipice, so that they
cannot be attacked on three sides, while the fourth can only be approached by a narrow
and awkward path, along which only a few men can pass, and which can be defended by
a conparatively limited number of the besieged.

NATIVE FORTIFICATIONS.
165
Taking one of these pals is really a great enterprise for the natives, and before they
knew the use of firearms it is wonderful that they ever took a pah at all. Many of them
are indeed impregnable, and, until firearms were introduced into the colony, could bid
defiance to all enemies. They were so situated that by merely rolling stones down the
approach the path could be cleared of every foe. They are surrounded with trenches, and
have ingenious sally-ports, so constructed that the defenders can issue from unexpected
parts of the fort, make a sudden attack on the assailants, and retreat through the same
aperture when they have attained their purpose.
m
MAORI PAHI
They are fenced round with very strong posts, lashed together so firmly that they are
able to resist any ordinary attack. Since firearms were introduced, the Maories have
modified the structure of the pahs to suit their new weapons, throwing out angles to
secure a flanking fire, and filling the interior with trenches in which the defenders can lie
secure from the fire of the enemy. Since they learned the terrible power of shells, the
natives have learned to construct“ traverses," .e. cross-walls, in the trenches, which not
only guard the inmates from the fragments of the shells, but prevent an enfilading fire
from doing much damage. Rifle-pits are also constructed with singular ingenuity. One
pah was remarkable for being built over a number of boiling springs, which were used as
traps for the enemy when the fort was besieged.
The reader may remember the unfortunate business at the Gate Pah, at Tauranga.
When taken by storm, the pah appeared to be empty and deserted, the natives having
apparently escaped, according to their custom, when they found the place no longer
166
NEW ZEALAND.
tenable. They had, however, laid a trap, into which the assailants fell. When the latter
had scattered themselves over the interior, and were quite off their guard, picking up
arms, utensils, and other objects lying carelessly about, a terrific musketry fire was opened
from under their very feet, the natives having constructed pits in which they hid them-
selves until the enemy were attracted within their range by the weapons and implements
which they had laid on purpose to act as a bait. The men, who were entirely off their
guard, and many of whom besides were but raw recruits, were struck with a sudden panic,
and, with a few honourable exceptions, rushed out of the pah, followed and cut up by the
fire of the wily foe.
Of course the repulse was but temporary; but such a stratagem as this is sufficient to
show the military genius of the Maori, who, if he becomes an enemy, is one that cannot
be despised with impunity. This system of taking the enemy by surprise is the usual
mode of fighting among the Maories, who display wonderful ingenuity in contriving
ambushes, and enticing the enemy into them. When we were first driven into war with
the natives of New Zealand, we were frequently entrapped in an ambuscade; and in
one case the hidden enemy were so close to our men, their dusky forms being hidden in
the shadows of the bush, that many of the soldiers who escaped with life had their
faces completely tattooed with grains of unburnt powder from the muskets of the
eneny.
If the assailants succeed in taking the pah, a terrible massacre always ensues. Every
man is killed who is capable of wielding a weapon, while the women and children are
carried off to become the slaves of the conquerors--a doom from which, as I have already
stated, there is no escape; the unfortunate women, their children, and any future offspring,
being slaves without the possibility of release, not even their own tribe being able,
according to Maori law, to interfere with the right of the captors.
The bodies of the warriors are of course reserved to be baked and eaten. Sometimes
even the prisoners fall victims to the thirst for blood which characterises these islanders;
and in this respect the women are as bad as the men, if not worse. For example, the
principal wife of a very great chief, named E' Hongi, was accustomed, even though blind,
to murder some of the captives, when they were brought home by her formidable
husband. Her own end was, however, more tragic than that of any of her victims.
E' Hongi was in the habit of making long excursions to different parts of the country,
in which he took his wife with him. On one of these excursions she fell sick, and had
to be left behind. In consequence of her blindness, added to her debility, she was unable
to act in her own defence, and a number of dogs, discovering her weakness, tore her to
pieces and devoured her.
She seems, however, to have been a woman of unexceptionally strong feelings of
vengeance. "She had,” writes Mr. Angas, “a little slave-girl to attend upon her,
towards whom she evinced a strong attachment. The little creature was interesting and
good-tempered, and her mistress was apparently so fond of her that she was spared the
experience of the misery of slavery; she was only a favourite.
“Hongi returned from one of his successful expeditions of war, but had left a son
upon the field of battle, and the lamentation was great. The petted slave-child laid
her head upon the lap of her mistress, and poured out her share of the general sorrow.
But the spirit of vengeance or of insane retribution caine over the heart of the bereaved
mother; and she carried the child to the water, and cruelly suffocated her in satisfaction
of her selfish sorrow.
It was not long after this incident that she met with her death. When she was left
behind, a small shed was erected on poles, according to native custom, and a supply of
food was placed near her. When the party returned the shed was lying prostrate, and
among its ruins were the whitened bones of the inmate. It is supposed that the wind
blew down the shed, and so enabled the dogs to reach her.
This same E' Hongi was a really remarkable man, and earned a great name for
wisdom and courage. Having made a voyage to England, he threw all his energies into
strengthening his military power, and took back with him a quantity of muskets and
ammunition.
E' HONGI.
167
He came back to his own country exactly at the proper time. A long and somewhat
desultory war had been going on between the Waikatos and other tribes, in which the
former had, after many vicissitudes, been victorious, and, after finally conquering their
enemies, had returned to their country in triumph.
Just then E' Hongi came back to his own tribe, the Nga Puis, distributed his fire-
arms among the best warriors, and when he had instructed them in the use of the
new and terrible weapons, entered the Waikato country, and attacked their great pah
called Matuketuke. The Waikatos, having only their clubs, and not having sunk the
trenches which in these days are dug in every pah that is intended to resist an assault,
could not contend against firearms, and in a few minutes the fort was taken. It was in
this engagement that Horomona and Te Whero-Whero were captured.
The slaughter on this occasion was terrible, two thousand warriors being killed, and
their bodies eaten by the victorious tribe, who built vast numbers of ovens for the special
purpose of cooking the bodies of the slain. For many years afterwards the remains of
the ovens, and the whitened bones of the two thousand warriors, might be seen as
tokens of the terrible scene, where feasts were kept up until all the bodies had been
consumed, and every evil passion of unrestrained human nature was allowed to have its
full sway.
One of the very muskets which were used on this occasion, and which was given by
George IV. to E' Hongi when he visited England, is now in the collection of Colonel Sir
J. E. Alexander. It is one of the regular “Brown Bess” weapons, once so dear to
soldiers, and now irreverently termed a gaspipe.
Prisoners without number were captured on this occasion; and indeed the supply of
slaves thus obtained so far exceeded the demand for them, that the Nga Puis killed many
of them on their journey home, merely to rid themselves of them. E' Hongi, though
known to be a man of the most determined courage, not to say ferocity, when engaged in
war, and rather disposed to behave in an overbearing manner towards those whom
he considered as his inferiors, was at the same time peculiarly mild and courteous
in his demeanour to his equals, and towards strangers was remarkable for his gentle
courtesy
There was another very celebrated chief of a somewhat similar name, Hongi-Hongi,
who has sometimes been confounded with his great predecessor.
One feat of this warrior is so characteristic that it deserves mention. He was leading
an attack on a pah near Mount Egmont, captured it, and, according to custom, killed the
warriors, and took the rest of the inmates as his slaves. Sixty of these unfortunate
beings fell to the share of Hongi, who drove them like a flock of sheep, with his green
jade merai, all the way to his home, a distance of one hundred and eighty miles.
This chief was proof against the missionaries of all kinds. Mr. Angas once asked
him whether he was a mihanari, i.e. a Protestant convert, or a pikopo, i.e. a Roman
Catholic. Hongi denied that he was either one or the other, and confessed with glee
that he was a revera, or devil, i.e. that he still remained a heathen.
It is very unfortunate that intolerance in religious matters has been fostered by those
who ought to have made it their business to repress any such feeling. The consequence
is
, that the Protestant converts regard their Roman Catholic brethren as reveras, or devils,
While the latter have allied themselves with their acknowledged heathen countrymen; and
thus, under the pretence of religion, the customary feuds are kept up with perhaps even
additional bitterness.
I have the pleasure of presenting to the reader a portrait of Hongi-Hongi, as he
appeared in the year 1844, dressed in his full panoply of war-costume. This, of course,
would be doffed before he went into actual fight. In his ear is one of the green jade
ornaments which have already been described, and in his right hand he bears his merai,
the celebrated weapon with which he drove the slaves before him. He is represented as
standing just inside the wall of his pah, a position which he insisted on taking up, and
his portrait drawn to send to the Queen of England. In fact, he was so decided
on this point, that he refused to let Mr. Angas leave the pah until the portrait was com-
pleted. The portion of the pah which is shown in the illustration gives a good idea of
having

168
NEW ZEALAND.
this kind of fortification, the enormous posts with their circular tops being sunk deeply
into the ground, and smaller posts placed between them; a horizontal pole is laid across
them; and the whole is firmly lashed together, either with the ordinary phormium rope,
or with the stem of the wild vine.
Warfare among the Maories, fierce and relentless as it may be in some particulars, is
not devoid of a sort of chivalry which somewhat relieves it from its more ferocious aspect.
There is, for example, a well-known
code of military etiquette which is
sometimes exhibited in a mode that
to us seems rather ludicrous.
For example, the Waikatos and
Taranaki tribes were at war as usual,
and the Waikato were besieging a
pah belonging to their enemies. The
pah, however, was too strong for
them; and moreover the defenders
had contrived to get hold of several
guns belonging to a vessel that had
been wrecked on the shore, and had
induced some Europeans to mount
and work them, which they did with
such success that the Waikatos were
forced at last to abandon the siege.
But, in the very midst of the
contest, a vessel appeared in the
offing, and a truce was immediately
concluded in order to allow both
parties to trade. Accordingly, both
the besiegers and besieged set off
amicably to the vessel, and, having
completed their bargains, returned to
resume their hostilities.
amusing scene then occurred.
The
Taranakis, who were the besieged
party, had much the best of the
trading, as they possessed a large
quantity of dressed flax,or phormium,
and exchanged it for a quantity of
tobacco.
Now tobacco is one of the greatest
luxuries that a New Zealander can
possess; and unfortunately for the
HONGI-HONGI, CHIEF OF WAIPA.
besieging Waikatos, they had no
tobacco. They had, however, a
plentiful supply of muskets, which they had taken in an attack upon another pah,
while the besieged were very short of arms. So they struck up a trade, the Waikatos
being so inordinately desirous of obtaining tobacco, that they gave in return firearms
which were to be turned against themselves.
“ The scene," writes Mr. Angas," as described by an eye-witness, must have been
most ludicrous. The Waikato thrust his musket half-way through the palisades of the
pah, retaining, however, a firm hold of his property until the intending purchaser from
within thrust out in a similar manner the quantity of tobacco he was willing to give;
neither party relinquishing his hold of the property about to change hands until he had
secured a firm grasp of that offered by his adversary."
The chief who led the Waikatos on this occasion was the celebrated Wiremu Nera, or
William Taylor; the former name being the nearest approach that the Maories can make
A very
AMC
THE LAW OF RETALIATION.
169
to the proper pronunciation. His Maori name was Te Awaitaia, and he was widely cele-
brated for his dauntless courage and his generalship in conducting or resisting an attack.
Being closely allied with the famous chief Te Whero-Whero (or Potatau), he was engaged in
nearly all the combats between the Waikatos and the Taranakis. On one of his warlike
expeditions he took a pah containing nearly eighteen hundred inhabitants, and, of course,
killed nearly all of them, and carried the survivors as slaves into the Waikato district.
Latterly, he embraced Christianity, and became as zealous in the cause of peace as he
had been in that of war. When he became a Christian, Te Whero-Whero was so well
aware of his value as a warrior, that he exclaimed to those who brought him the news,
"I have lost my right arm !”
Although repulsed on this occasion by the three guns taken from the wrecked ship,
the Waikatos were not discouraged, and made a second attack. The Taranakis, however,
had seen too much of Waikato courage to risk a second siege, and so quietly made off,
some two thousand in number, accompanied by the Europeans who had served the guns
for them. The latter very rightly spiked the guns when they left the pah, so that when
the Waikatos came again and took the pah, they found it deserted, and the guns useless to
the captors.
The Taranakis lived in deadly fear of the powerful and warlike Waikatos, and, but for
the love which they felt towards their native country, would have fled, and left the con-
querors to take quiet possession. They were even obliged to have their plantations in the
bush, where none but the owner could find them; for they feared, and with reason, that
if their dreaded enemies could discover the sources whence their provisions were obtained,
they would destroy the whole plantation, and leave their victims to starve. They were in
such a state of nervous alarm about a suspected invasion by their powerful neighbours,
that on one occasion, when a fire was seen in the distance, every one took it for granted
to be a fire lighted by the Waikatos, and in consequence every one kept awake all night,
ready to give the alarm at the first unwonted sight or sound.
Among the New Zealanders is a custom of retaliation which is found with but little
variation in many parts of the world. If blood has been shed, the friends of the dead
man issue from the pah, with the determination of killing the first person whom they may
happen to meet. Should he belong to an inimical tribe, so mnch the better; should he
belong to the same tribe, so much the worse ; for in either case he is killed.
On such an
occasion one of the avengers would be bound to kill his own brother, should he happen
to be the first man who came in the way of the party.
Such an exercise of vengeance is rather an inconvenient one to those who are engaged
in it; for they are forbidden the use of their ordinary comforts, they may not eat any food
except that which is indigenous to New Zealand, and, above all, they are not allowed to
smoke. When, therefore, they have been unable to find any human being whom they can
sacrifice, the aid of the priest, or tohunga, is called in. He pulls up a tuft of grass, and,
after repeating one of the many incantations which abound in New Zealand lore, and of
which neither the hearers nor the reciter understand one word in ten, he throws the grass
into the nearest stream, in token that the avengers are released from their vow. Blood,
however, must still be shed; but after this ceremony has been performed, the blood of
any living thing, even though it be a bird, is held sufficient to satisfy the traditional
custom of the Maori race.
Elaborate rites closely allied with this ceremony are employed both before and after
battle; but, as they belong rather to the subject of religion than of war, we will postpone
them for the present.
As the New Zealanders know that it is a point of military honour combined with
personal gratification to eat the bodies of slain enemies, they are equally desirous of
securing the bodies of their foes and of carrying off those who have fallen on their own
side ; and in many instances the anxiety to save those who have fallen hus caused
others to share the same fate while attempting to carry off their dead or wounded
comrades.
CHAPTER VII.
CANOES.
TH] CANOE, AND ITS USE IN PEACE AND WAR-THE COMMON TRADING CANOE-SKILL OF THE BOAT-
MEN-THE LARGE WAR-CANOES, AND MODE OF BUILDING THEM-DECORATIONS OF THE CANOES
-SKILTUL CARVINGS- THE THEORY OF THE VARIOUS PATTERNS-NAMES OF CANOES-MANAGE-
MENT OF THE SAIL CANOE SONGS--A COMPLETE BOAT-LOAD-MODE OF LANDING ----SHAPE OT
THE PADDLES, AND MODE OF USING THEM-CARVING TOOLS--SUPPOSED COMPASSES.
WAR is carried on quite as much by water as by land, and a chief who knows the prin-
ciples of good generalship always uses the sea as well as the land to serve as a basis for
his attack. For this reason the Maories take care to build their pahs in spots where they
are well defended from attack both on the seaward and the landward side. Some of
them are on the very verge of high-water mark, while others are perched on the tops of
cliffs, the base of which is washed by the waves.
One of the most picturesque of these is a pah situate near Mount Egmont, and known
by the name of the Waimate Pah. There is a cliff that rises perpendicularly some four
or five hundred feet above the level of the water which laves its foot, and on the very
summit of this cliff is situated the pah in question. It is of considerable size, containing
many houses, and is fortified with the usual wooden fence. In order to render it as
nearly as possible impregnable, the only approach is by a very narrow and very steep
path, that cannot be ascended except by people who have strong heads, the path being so
narrow, so steep, and so dangerous that two men could defend it against fifty.
In his warlike expeditions E' Hongi made great use of his canoes, taking them inland
as far as they would go, and then having them dragged over land to the next river.
These canoes play so important a part in the life of a New Zealander, whether in war
or peace, that they require a detailed description.
The canoes are of several kinds, according to the work which they have to perform.
The simplest form of the New Zealander's canoe is little more than the trunk of a tree
hollowed into a sort of trough. Being incapable of withstanding rough weather, this
canoe is only used upon rivers. Some of these canoes, which are called by the name of
kaupapas, are from forty to fifty feet in length, and in the widest part not exceeding a
yard in “ beam.” A plentiful supply of fern leaves is laid at the bottom of the canoe,
and upon these the passengers recline. Canoes of a similar character, called tiwai, are
used in the inland lakes, and sit so low in the water that they appear to have no
gunwale.
Owing to their want of beam, these canoes are as easily upset as the slight skiffs in
which races are rowed on English rivers. The agile Maori, accustomed from child-
hood to balance himself in these crank vessels, traverses them with ease and security,
but a European generally upsets four or five canoes before he learns how to enter or
leave them properly. The natives manage these canoes with wonderful skill, and, appa-
rently regardless of the risk of capsizing the canoe, dash their paddles into the water

THE WAR-CANOE.
171
with furious energy, driving up spray on all sides, and making the canoe and its rowers
look at a distance like some gigantic centipede dashing through the water.
The vessels, however, of which the Maories are most fond, and on which they expend
the most labour, are the large canoes in which the warriors embark when on a campaign.
These canoes are made from the cowrie pine (the same tree which furnishes the aromatic
gum already mentioned); and the tree being a very large one, the natives are able to make
their canoes of considerable size. Some of these canoes are upwards of eighty feet in
length, and in consequence are able to carry a great number of warriors.
WAR-CANOES.
They are built in rather an elaborate manner. First, the trough-like vessel is formed
from the tree-trunk; and if it were left in that state, it would be simply a very large
kaupapa. As, however, it is intended for sea voyages, and may have to endure rough
weather, it is much wider in proportion than the boat which is only used on rivers, and
is
, moreover
, rendered more seaworthy by gunwales. These are made separately, and are
lashed firmly to the sides of the boat by the ordinary flax-ropes.
Both the head and stern of the canoe are decorated with carving, exactly similar in
character to the specimens of native art which have already been described. They are
pierced with the most elaborate patterns, which have as their basis the contour of the
human countenance and the semi-spiral curve. Perhaps a single canoe-head will have
sixty human faces on it, each with the tongue protruded, with the cheeks and
forehead covered with tattooed lines, and with a pair of goggle eyes made of the haliotis
shell
. The mode which a native adopts when carving these elaborate patterns is as
fifty or
follows:
172
NEW ZEALAND.
After shaping out the general form of the article to be carved, he fixes on some part
which he thinks will be suitable for the purpose, and carves a human head upon it.
When this is completed, he pitches upon a second spot at some distance from the first, and
carves another head, proceeding in this way until he has carved as many heads as he
thinks the pattern will require.
He next furnishes the heads with bodies and limbs, which are always represented in a
very squat and ungainly manner, and fills in the vacant spaces with the beautiful curved
lines which he loves so well to draw and carve. The minute elaboration of some of
AV
Mini
imran
SIEMENS
E
ST.31
Kerrienze
HEID OF .WW.IN-CANOE.
these war-canoes is so intricate that it baffles all power of description, and nothing but a
well-executed photograph could give a correct idea of the beauty of the workmanship.
It is a marveīlous example of the development of art under difficulties. It is quite
unique in its character, so that no one who is acquainted with the subject can for a
moment mistake a piece of New Zealand carving for that of any other country.
Besides carving the canoes, the Maori paints them with vermilion in token of their
warlike object, and decorates them profusely with bunches of feathers and dog's hair,
just like the tufts which are attached to the patu. When the canoes are not wanted, they
are drawn up on shore, and are thatched in order to save them from the weather.
Like more civilized nations, the New Zealanders give names to their canoes, and seem
to delight in selecting the most sonorous titles that they can invent. For example, one
canoe is called Maratuhai, i.e. Devouring Fire; and others have names that coincide
almost exactly with our Invincibles, Terribles, Thunderers, and the like.
These boats are furnished with a very remarkable sail made of the raupo rush. It is
small in proportion to the size of the vessel, is triangular in shape, and is so arranged
that it can be raised or lowered almost in a moment. They are better sailors than would
be imagined from their appearance, and run wonderfully close to the wind. In the illus-
tration on page 171 the second canoe is seen with its sail raised, while in the other the
mast and sail have been lowered.
Sometimes from fifty to sixty men paddle in one of these war-canoes, singing songs in
time to the stroke, and guided both in song and stroke by a conductor who stands in the
middle of the canoe, prompting the words of the song, and beating time for the paddlers
A JOURNEY BY WATER.
173
with a staff which he holds in his hand. In the illustration the conductor is seen in
each canoe, brandishing his staff as he beats time to the rhythm of the paddle-song.
Owing to the power of the water in reflecting sound, the measured chant of the paddle-
song can be heard on a river long before the canoe comes in sight.
Mr. Angas gives an interesting account of a journey in a Maori canoe.
After men-
tioning that the vessel was so deeply laden that its sides were not more than two inches
above the water, he proceeds as follows : “ The paddles were plied with great spirit; the
exertions of the natives being stimulated by the animated shouting song kept up inces-
santly by one or other of the party. At length the splashing was so violent that we
became nearly drenched, and on requesting the Maori before us to throw less water in
our faces, he replied with a proverb common among them, that ‘No one is dry who
travels with the Waikatos,' meaning that the people of this tribe excel all others in the
speed and dexterity with which they manage their canoes.
“Our natives were in excellent spirits. They had been on a long journey to Auck-
land, where they had seen the pakeha (white man, or stranger) in his settlement, and had
witnessed many sights of civilization to which they were previously strangers. They
had also purchased articles of European manufacture, and were longing to return home to
the peaceful banks of the Waipa, to present them to their friends as tokens of their
regard. Their wild, deafening songs, with their heads all undulating at every stroke, the
contortions of their eyes, and their bare, tawny shoulders, finely developing their muscles
as they all dashed their paddles simultaneously into the water, rendered the scene at once
novel and animating.
“The canoe songs are generally improvised, and frequently have reference to passing
objects. Such ejaculations as the following were uttered by our companions at the
highest pitch of their voices, “Pull away! Pull away! Pull away!' Dig into the
water!' · Break your backs,' &c. From the prow of one of the canoes a native flute
sounded plaintively. This is a very rude and imperfect instrument, and they do not play
it with any degree of skill, it having only two or three notes.” The flute in question is
that which is made of human bone, and has been described on a previous page. It is
played by placing the orifice against one nostril, and stopping the other with the tinger.
When the natives proceed on a journey in their canoes, they are so sure of their own
skill and management that they overload them to a degree which would cause an imme-
diate capsize in most countries. One chief, named Wirihona, who was travelling with
his family, afforded a curious example of overloading a boat with impunity. The canoe
was delicate and frail, and in the bow sat a little boy with a small fire kept between two
pieces of bark. In the fore part of the canoe, where it was narrow, sat the younger
children, the adult members of the family being placed in the middle, where the boat
was kidest.
Towards the stern came another batch of young children, and on the
stern, which projects over the water, sat Wirihona himself, steering the vessel with his
paddle.
The canoe in which were Mr. Angas and his companions was, as the reader may
recollect, so laden that her gunwale barely rose two inches above the surface.
as they were paddling along the natrower and more sheltered parts of the river, all went
smoothly enough, though the deeply-laden state of the crank boat gave cause for un-
easiness. At last, however, they caine to some wide and open reaches exposed to the
wind, and had, moreover, to cross the current diagonally.
“The wind blew violently, and, meeting the current, caused an unpleasant sea in the
middle channel of the river. Our heavily-laden canoe was not fitted to encounter any-
thing beyond still water; and, as our natives related to each other where this and that
canoe were upset, they dashed their paddles into the water with all their energy, and our
bark was soon in the midst of the terrible current. We were every moment in imminent
danger of being swamped; the water rushed in on both sides; and nothing but the
extreme swiftness with which we glided through the current prevented us from filling.
“As the canoe dashed against the opposite shore, our natives gave a loud shout, and
commenced baling out the water, which we had shipped in great quantities, with a tatau
We now looked anxiously towards the second canoe, and watched them
As long
or scoop
.
İ
174
NEW ZEALAND.
literally pulling for their lives, splashing and cashing with the utmost vehemence. The
frail bark appeared almost swallowed up by the angry stream, but she glided securely
through it, and the drenched chief and his
family repeated the sound of welcome to
the opposite shore, as their canoe also
dashed in safety against its banks."
The paddles with which the Maories
propel their canoes are curious-looking
implements, and are so formed that they
will answer almost equally well as paddles
or weapons. Indeed, it is not unlikely
that their peculiar shape was given to them
for this very reason.
In the illustration
are seen two examples of the New Zealand
paddle, both being drawn from specimens
in my collection, and being useful as show-
ing the typical form of the implement.
They are rather more than five feet in
length, and have very long blades, which
are leaf-shaped and sharply pointed at the
tips, so that a thrust from one of these
paddles would be quite as dangerous as if
it were made with the butt of the patu.
The blade, too, is sharp at the edges,
and, being made of rather heavy wood, is
Side capable of splitting a man's skull as effec-
tually as if it had been the short merai.
In one of these paddles the handle is
curved in a peculiar manner, while in the
other it is straight, and forins a continua-
tion of the blade. The former of these
implements is quite plain, and even at
the end of the handle there is no carving,
while the latter is liberally adorned with
patterns both on the blade and handle,
and at their junction there is the inevitable
human figure with the protruding tongue,
the goggle eyes, and the generally aggres-
sive expression that characterises all such
figures. None of the New Zealand paddles
are adorned with the minute and elaborate
carving which is found upon the paddles
of several of the Polynesian islands. The
carving of the New Zealanders is of a far
different and much bolder character; and,
instead of covering his paddle with small
patterns repeated some hundreds of times,
the Maori carves nothing but bold, sweeping
curves and imitations of the human face.
As far as is known, the Maori carver
makes no use of measuring tools, doing
all his work by the eye alone. He does
not even use compasses in describing his
circles; and in consequence, whenever he
carves, as is often the case, a number of concentric circles on a rafter or beam, the circles
are quite undeserving of the name, and always tend rather to an irregular oval form.
17
JE
,
NEW ZEALAND PADDLES.
COMPASSES.
175
>
There is in my collection a remarkable instrument, presented to me by C. Heaton,
Esq. It bears a label with the following inscription, "A New Zealand Compass, by
which the natives turn the volute in their carving." In shape it resembles one half of a
parenthesis and is armed at each point with a shark's tooth, which is inserted into a
groove, and then lashed firmly with a cord passing through holes bored in the tooth and
through the semicircular handle. It is made of the same wood as the paddle. Having, ,
as I have already stated, abundant reason to distrust the accuracy of labels, and thinking
that the curves of New Zealand carving did not possess the regularity which would
accompany them had they been sketched out by an instrument, I showed the tool to
several observant travellers who have spent much time in New Zealand, and asked them
if they recognised it. None of them had seen the implement. Mr. Christie, who gave
much attention to the manufactures of New Zealand, knew nothing about it, and Mr.
Angas, who visited the island for the express purpose of collecting information respecting
the Maories, and to whose pen I am indebted for nearly all the illustrations of the life and
manners of the New Zealanders, had never seen or heard of such a tool. I possess many
specimens of New Zealand carving, and have seen many others, together with a great
number of photographs, and in no case have I noticed a single circle or portion of a circle
that was regular enough to have been drawn by the aid of compasses.
I even doubt whether this article was made in New Zealand at all, and am inclined
to think that it belongs to the Tonga or the Kingsmill islands. As to its use, I have no
opinion.
In propelling these canoes, the New Zealander holds his paddle in both hands, and
always keeps it on the same side of the vessel, being balanced by a companion on the
other side. He employs no rowlock, but uses one hand as a fulcrum near the blade, while
the other holds the handle nearer the tip. The boat is steered by means of a large paddle
in the stern.
CHAPTER VIII.
RELIGION
HE GOOD AND EVIL INFLUENCES—THE LIZARD ATUAS-ALARM OF THE CHIEF-MAORI PRAYERS
DIFFICULTY IN TRANSLATING THEM—THE SACRED LANGUAGE-THE TOHUNGAS, OR PRIESTS-
BELIEF IN THE FUTURE STATE--THE SACRED BRANCH-THE MALEVOLENT SPIRITS-HAUNTED
MOUNTAINSTHE TIKIS, OR SUPPOSED IDOLS OF THE MAORIES SOME GIGANTIC WOODIN
TIKIS— BELIEF IN VITCHCRAFT-FATE OF A WITCH-COUNTRY OF THE WIZARDS-INCANTATION
OVER THE SICK-MAORI ANATOMISTS.
We now come to the religion of the Maories. This is a curious mixture of simplicity
and elaboration, having the usual superstitions common to all savage tribes, and being
complicated with the remarkable system of “ tapu," or "taboo,” as the word is sometimes
spelt.
Of real religion they have no idea, and, as far as is known, even their superstitions
lack that infusion of sublimity which distinguishes the religious system of many savage
nations. They have a sort of indefinite belief in a good and evil influence; the former
going by the generic name of Atua, and the latter of Wairua. Now, Atua is a word that
has a peculiar significance of its own. It may signify the Divine Essence, or it may be
applied to any object which is considered as a visible representative of that essence.
Thus, if à Maori wishes to speak of God, he would use the word Atua. But he
would equally apply it to a lizard, a bird, a sun-ray, or a cloud. There is one species of
lizard, of a lovely green colour, called by the natives kakariki, which is held in the
greatest veneration as a living representative of divinity, and is in consequence always
dreaded as an atua.
The belief which the natives hold on this subject is well shown by an anecdote told
by Mr. Angas.
“ The following incident will show how deeply the belief in witchcraft and the sup-
posed influence of the atuas obtains among those who are still heathens. The missionary
was shown some small green lizards preserved in a phial of spirits, Muriwenua and
another man being in the room. We forgot at the moment that the little creatures in
the phial were atuas, or gods, according to the superstitious belief of Maori polytheism,
and inadvertently showed them to the man at the table.
“No sooner did he perceive the atuas than his Herculean frame shrank back as from a
mortal wound, and his face displayed signs of extreme horror. The old chief, on dis-
covering the cause, cried out, 'I shall die ! I shall die !' and crawled away on his hands
and knees; while the other man stood as a defence between the chief and the atuas,
changing his position so as to form a kind of shield, till Muriwenua was out of the
influence of their supposed power. It was a dangerous mistake to exhibit these atuas,
for the chief is very old, and in the course of nature cannot live long, and, if he dies
shortly, his death will certainly be ascribed to the baneful sight of the lizard-gods, and
I shall be accused of makutu or witchcraft.” In connexion with this superstition about
NATIVE WORSHIP.
177
the lizard, the same traveller mentions a curious notion which prevails regarding
a spider.
“On the beach of the west coast is found a small, black, and very venomous spider,
called katipo by the natives. Its bite is exceedingly painful, and even dangerous, and the
natives think that if the katipo bites a man and escapes, the man will die. But if he
contrives to catch the spider, and makes a circle of fire round it so that it perishes in the
flames, then the man recovers as the spider dies.”
The extent to which the imagination of the natives is excited by their fear of
witchcraft is scarcely credible. There was one woman named Eko, who was the most
celebrated witch of the Waikato district. She exercised extraordinary influence over the
minds of the people, who looked upon her as a superior being. On one occasion, when
angry with a man, she told him that she had taken out his heart. The man entirely
believed her, and died from sheer terror.
Objects which they cannot understand are often considered by the Maories as atuas.
Thus a compass is an atua, because it points in one direction, and directs the traveller by
its invisible power. A barometer is an atua, because it foretells the weather. A watch
is an atua, on account of the perpetual ticking and moving of the hands. Firearms
used to be atuas until they came into common use, and lost the mystery which was at
first attached to them.
Yet the Maori never addresses his prayers to any of these visible objects, but always
to the invisible Atua of whom these are but the representatives.
The prayers are almost entirely made by the priests or tohungas, and are a set form
of words known only to the priests and those whom they instruct. The meaning of the
prayers is often uncertain, owing to the obsolete words which are profusely employed in
them, and of which, indeed, the prayer almost entirely consists. Prayers, or incantations,
as they may perhaps be called with more precision, are made on almost every occasion of
life, however trivial, and whether the Maori desires safety in a battle, a favourable wind
when on the water, success in a campaign, or good luck in fishing, the tohunga is called
upon to repeat the appropriate prayer. Many of these prayers or incantations have been
preserved by Dr. Dieffenbach and others. One of these prayers, which can be more
correctly translated than many of them, is uttered at the offering of a pigeon. It is
designated as " A prayer that the pigeon may be pure, that it may be very fat : when the
fire burns, the prayer is said.”
“When it is lighted, when it is lighted, the sacred fire, O Tiki! When it burns on
the sacred morning, O give, O give, Tiki, the fat. It burns for thee the fat of the
pigeon ; for thee the fat of the owl; for thee the fat of the parrot; for thee the fat of the
flycatcher; for thee the fat of the thrush. A water of eels; where is its spring? Its
spring is in heaven; sprinkle, give, be it poured out.”
Offerings of food are common rites of Maori native worship, and offerings are made
of both vegetable and animal food. It is much to be regretted that very many of the
ancient religious rites of the New Zealanders have perished, and that they have been
entirely forgotten by the present generation. Such a loss as this can never be replaced,
and the fact that it has occurred ought to make us the more careful in rescuing from
speedy oblivion the expiring religious customs of other uncivilized nations.
Prayers, such as have been mentioned, are handed down by the tohungas or priests
from father to son, and the youths undergo a long course of instruction before they can
take rank among the priests. Dr. Dieffenbach was once fortunate enough to witness a
portion of this instruction. “I was present at one of the lessons. An old priest was
sitting under a tree, and at his feet was a boy, his relative, who listened attentively to
the repetition of certain words, which seemed to have no meaning, but which it must
have required a good memory to retain in their due order. At the old tohunga's side
was part of a man's skull filled with water. Into this from time to time he dipped a
Steen branch, which he moved over the boy's head. At my approach the old man
smiled, as if to say, 'See how clever I am,' and continued his abracadabra.
"I have been assured by the missionaries that many of these prayers have no
meaning ; but this I am greatly inclined to doubt. The words of the prayers are perhaps
VOL. II.
N

178
NEW ZEALAND.
the remains of a language now forgotten; or, what is more probable, we find here what
has existed among most of the nations of antiquity, even the most civilized, viz. that
religious mysteries were confined to a certain class of men, who kept them concealed
from the profanum vulgus, or communicated only such portions of them as they
thought fit.
They often had a sacred symbolic language, the knowledge of which was confined
to the priesthood, as, for instance, the Egyptian hieroglyphics and the Sanscrit; or, if we
look nearer home, we find the re-
ligion of Thor, Odin, and Freya
enveloped in a poetical mythos,
which has for its foundation deep
and grand philosophical concep-
tions of morals and ethics."
It is a rather curious fact that,
contrary to the usual custom of
heathen priests, the tohungas did
not oppose the Christian mission-
aries, but were among the first to
receive the new religion. Some
of them seem to have received
it too hastily and without suffi-
cient knowledge of its principles,
as we see from the miserable
travesty of Christianity which has
sprung up of late years among the
Maories, and which is in New
Zealand what the system of Tae-
ping is in China.
The priests are, as a rule, the
most expert artists and wood-
carvers in the country ; so that the
word “tohunga” is often applied by
the natives to a man who is skilful
in
any art, no matter whether he
be a priest or not.
The accompanying illustration
is a portrait of a very celebrated
tohunga, taken by Mr. Angas in
1844. His name was Te Ohu. The
portrait was obtained during a
great meeting of chiefs at Ahuahu.
Te Ohu distinguished himself
greatly on this occasion, running
TE OHU, A NATIVE PRIEST.
about after the fashion of Maori
orators, shaking his long and
grizzled locks from side to side,
stamping furiously on the ground, and uttering his speech in a singularly deep and
sonorous voice.
In the background of the sketch may be seen two remarkable articles. The one,
which is the half of a canoe, stuck upright in the ground, marks the grave of a deceased
chief; and the other is a pole, on which are hung a calabash of water and a basket of
food, with which the spirit of the dead can refresh himself when he returns to visit the
scene of his lifetime. Sometimes a dish of cooked pigeons is added; and in one case a
model of a canoe, with its sail and paddles, was placed on the tomb, as a conveyance
the soul of the departed when he wished to cross the waters which lead to the eternal
abodes of the spirit.
ANGAS
for
THE MALEVOLENT SPIRIT.
179
Concerning the state of the spirit after the death of the body the Maories seem to
have very vague ideas. The sum of their notions on this subject is as follows:
They believe that the spirit of man is immortal, and that when it leaves the body it
goes to the Reinga, or place of departed spirits. Shooting and falling stars are thought to
be the souls of men going to this place. The entrance to the Reinga is down the face of a
rocky cliff at Cape Maria Van Diemen. Lest the spirit should hurt itself by falling down
this precipice, there is a very old tree which grows there, on which the spirits break their
fall. One particular branch was pointed out as being the portion of the tree on which the
spirits alighted.
One of the missionaries cut off this branch, and in consequence the natives do not
regard it with quite so much awe as they did in former days. Still, Dr. Dieffenbach
remarks that, when he visited the islands, they held the spot in great veneration, and not
even the Christian natives would go near it.
All spirits do not enter the Reinga in the same manner, those of chiefs ascending first
the upper heavens, where they leave the left eye, which becomes a new star. For this
reason, if a chief is killed in war, his left eye is eaten by the chief of the victorious party,
who thinks that he has thus incorporated into his own being the courage, skill, and
wisdom of the dead man,
Spirits are not considered as imprisoned in the Reinga, but are able to leave it when
they please, and to return to the scene of their former life. They can also hold converse
with their friends and relatives, but only through the tohungas. Sometimes, but very
rarely, the tohunga sees the spirit; and even then it is only visible as a sunbeam or a
shadow. The voice of the spirit is a sort of low whistling sound, like a slight breeze, and
is sometimes heard by others beside the tohunga. He, however, is the only one who can
understand the mysterious voice and can interpret the wishes of the dead to the living.
As to the life led by departed spirits, the Maories seem to have no idea ; neither do
they seem to care. They have a notion that in Reinga the kumeras, or sweet potatoes,
abound; but beyond that tradition they appear to know nothing.
As to the malevolent spirits, or wairuas, the same cloudy indefiniteness of ideas seems
to prevail. The word wairua signifies either the soul or a dream, and is mostly used to
signify the spirit of some deceased person who desires to act malevolently towards the
living. Such spirits are supposed to haunt certain spots, which are in consequence
avoided by the New Zealander. Mountains are especial objects of his veneration, and
those which are lofty enough to have their tops covered with perpetual snow are specially
feared. He fancies that they are inhabited by strange and monstrous animals, that fierce
birds of huge size sit continually on their whitened tops, and that every breeze which
blows from them is the voice of the spirit which haunts it.
In consequence of these superstitions, the natives can no more be induced to ascend
one of these mountains than to approach a burial-ground. They have a curious legend
about the Tongariro and Mount Egmont, saying that they were originally brother and
sister, and lived together, but that they afterwards quarrelled and separated. There is
another strange legend of a spot near Mount Egmont. Owing to the nature of the ground,
a strong chemical action is constantly taking place, which gives out great quantities of
sulphuretted hydrogen gas. The natives say that in former days an Atua was drowned
near the spot, and that ever since that time his body has been decomposing.
As to the idols of the New Zealanders, it is very doubtful whether they ever existed,
There are, it is true, many representations of the human form, which are popularly sup-
posed to be idols. It was formerly supposed that the green jade ornaments, called “ tikis,"
which are worn suspended from the neck, were idols ; but it is now known that they are
merely ornaments, deriving their sole value from being handed down from one generation
Three examples of the so-called idols are here given. One of them is remarkable for
its gigantic proportions and curious shape. It is about sixteen feet in height, and instead
of consisting of a single human figure, as is usually the case, the enormous block of wood
is carved into the semblance of two figures, one above the other. This arrangement is
not uncommon in New Zealand, and is found also in Western Africa. I possess a walking
to another.
i
N 2

180
NEW ZEALAND.
staff of both countries, which are composed of several human figures, each upon the
other's head. The New Zealand staff will be presently described and figured.
This gigantic tiki stands, together with several others, near the tomb of the daughter
of Te Whero-Whero, and, like the monument which it seems as it were to guard, is one
of the finest examples of native
carving to be found in New Zea-
land. The precise object of the
tiki is uncertain ; but the pro-
truding tongue of the upper figure
seems to show that it is one of
the numerous defiant statues which
abound in the islands. The natives
say that the lower figure represents
Maui, the Atua who, according to
Maori tradition, fished up the
islands from the bottom of the
sea.
As may be seen by reference
to the illustration, nearly the
whole of both figures is carved
with most elaborate curved pat-
terns, which descend over the arms,
and adorn those parts of the
statue which do duty for hips.
A portion of the paling of Raroera
Pah is seen in the background,
and around the tiki grow many
plants of the phormium, or New
Zealand flax.
Near this wonderful and mys-
terious piece of carving stand
several others, all of the ordinary
type. Two such tikis are shown
in the following illustration, drawn
from sketches taken at Wha-
kapokoko. Although not quite
so large as the double tiki of
Raroera, they are of very great
size, as may be seen by contrast-
ing them with the figure of the
woman who is standing by one of
them.
The firmest belief in witchcraft
prevails in New Zealand, though
not to such an extent as in many parts of Africa. In cases of illness for which no ordinary
cause can be discovered, especially if the patient be of high rank,“ makuta,” or witch-
craft, is always suspected. If a chief
, for example, fancies that he has been bewitched, he
thinks over the names of those who are likely to have a spite against him, aad pitches
upon some unfortunate individual, who is thereby doomed to death. One curious example
of such a murder is related by Mr. Angas.
He met a party of natives, who told him that a woman, a relation of the chief Ngawaka,
had been shot by another chief, who suspected that she had bewitched his son.
The
young man had been taken ill, and, though the woman in question did her best to cure
him, he died. His father took it into his head that she had killed him by her incan-
tations, and, after loading his musket with a stick, shot her through the body. As, how-
ever, she was the relation of Ngawaka, it was expected that the chief would demand
ANCA
A TIKI AT RARO ERA PAH.

BELIEF IN WITCHCRAFT.
181
compensation for her death, and that the murderer would have to pay a very heavy sum.
This sort of compensation is called “taua."
There are several modes of witchcraft; but that which is most practised is performed
by digging a hole in the ground and invoking the spirit of the person who is to be
bewitched. After the incantations are said, the invoked spirit appears above the hole
like a flickering light, and is then solemnly cursed by the witch. Sometimes, instead of
digging a hole, the witch goes by
night to the river-bank, and there
invokes the spirit, who appears as
a flame of fire on the opposite
bank.
Dr. Dieffenbach gives rather
a curious account of a district
named Urewera, which is sup-
posed to be the special abode of
witches. It is situated in the
northern island, between Taupo
and Hawkes' Bay, and consists of
steep and barren hills. The in-
habitants of this district are few
and scattered, and have the repu-
tation of being the greatest witches
in the country.
They are much feared, and
have little connexion with the
neighbouring tribes, who avoid
them, if possible. If they come
to the coast, the natives there
scarcely venture to refuse them
anything, for fear of incurring their
displeasure. They are said to use
the saliva of the people whom they
intend to bewitch, and visitors
carefully conceal it, to give them
no opportunity of working them
evil. Like our witches and sorce-
rers of old, they appear to be a
very harmless people, and but
little mixed up with the quarrels
of their neighbours.
“ It is a curious fact that many
of the old settlers in the country
have become complete converts to
the belief in these supernatural
powers. Witchcraft has been the
cause of many murders: a few
days before I arrived at Aotea, on the western coast, three had been committed, in con-
sequence of people declaring on their deathbeds that they had been bewitched.
“ It is another curious fact, which has been noticed in Tahiti, Hawaii, and the islands
inhabited by the great Polynesian race, that their first intercourse with Europeans pro-
duces civil wars and social degradation, but that a change of ideas is quickly introduced,
and that the most ancient and deeply-rooted prejudices soon become a subject of ridicule
to the natives, and are abolished at once. The grey priest, or tohunga, deeply versed in
all the mysteries of witchcraft and native medical treatment, gives way in his attendance
on the sick to every European who pretends to a knowledge of the science of surgery or
medicine, and derides the former credulity of his patient.
TIKI FROM WHAKAPOKOKO.
182
NEW ZEALAND.
“ If a chief or his wife fall sick, the most influential tohunga, or a woman who has the
odour of sanctity, attends, and continues day and night with the patient, sometimes
repeating incantations over him, and sometimes sitting before the house and praying. The
following is an incantation which is said by the priest as a cure for headache. He pulls
out two stalks of the Pteris esculenta, from which the fibres of the root must be removed,
and, beating them together over the head of the patient, says this chant.”—The chant in
question is as unintelligible as those which have already been mentioned. Its title is
« A prayer for the dead (i.e. the sick man), when his head aches: to Atua this prayer is
prayed, that he, the sick man, may become well.
When a chief is ill, his relations assemble near the house and all weep bitterly, the
patient taking his part in the general sorrowing; and when all the weeping and mourning
has been got out of one village, the patient is often carried to another, where the whole
business is gone over again. Should the sick person be of an inferior class, he goes off
to the bush, and remains there until he is well again, choosing the neighbourhood of a
hot spring if he can find one, or, if no such spring is at hand, infusing certain herbs in
boiling water and inhaling the steam.
As may be imagined from the practice which they have in cutting up the dead for
their cannibal feasts, the Maories are good practical anatomists, and know well the
position of all the principal organs and vessels of the body. Consequently, they can
operate in cases of danger, using sharp-edged shells if they have no knives. They can
also set broken limbs well
, bringing the broken surfaces together, binding the limb with
splints, laying it on a soft pillow, and surrounding it with a wickerwork contrivance in
order to guard it against injury.
CHAPTER IX.
THE TAPU.
THE TAPU,
OR LAW OF PROHIBITION-TAPU A SUBSTITUTE FOR GOVERNMENT-PROTECTION TO
PROPERTY AND MORALS--ABUSE OF THE TAPU-THE CHIEF AND THE SAILOR-THE CHIEF AND
HIS MATA VALUABLE SPLINTER-THE HEAD OF THE CHIEF-- AN UNLUCKY MISTAKE-HOW
TAONUI GOT HIS ARMOUR-HAIR-CUTTING--TROUBLES OF AN ARTIST “THE CARVED HEAD
TE WHERO-WHERO AND HIS PORTRAIT-THE TAPU MOUNTAIN-BANEFUL EFFECTS OF THE
TAPU ON NATIVE ART-DESTRUCTION OF THE PAHS AND HOUSES—THE TERMINABLE TAPU-THE
BATTLE-TAPU-TAKING OFF THE TAPU-DUTY OF THE TOHUNGATHE TAPU THE STRENGTH
OF THE CHIEFS.
We now come naturally to the custom of Tapu or Taboo, that extraordinary system
which extends throughout the whole of Polynesia, modified slightly according to the
locality in which it exists.
The general bearings of the law of tapu may be inferred from the sense of the word,
which signifies prohibition. The systein of tapu is therefore a law of prohibition, and,
when stripped of the extravagances into which it often deteriorates, it is seen to be a
very excellent system, and one that answers the purpose of a more elaborate code of
laws. In countries where an organized government is employed the tapu is needless,
and we find that even in those parts of the earth where it was once the only restrictive
law it has fallen into disuse since regular government has been introduced.
Were it not for the law of tapu, an absolute anarchy would prevail in most parts of
Polynesia, the tapu being the only guardian of property and morality. In order that it
may be enforced on the people, the terrors of superstition are called into play, and, in the
absence of secular law, the spiritual powers are evoked.
Unprotected by the tapu, property could not exist : protected by it, the most valued
and coveted articles are safer than they would be in England, despite the elaborate legal
system that secures to every man that which is his own. In New Zealand, when a man
has cultivated a field of kümeras, or sweet potatoes, he needs no fence and no watchman.
He simply sends for the tohunga, who lays the tapu on the field; and from that moment
no one save the owner will venture within its boundaries.
Sometimes a canoe is hauled up on the beach, and must be left there for some time
unwatched. The owner need not trouble himself about securing his vessel. He has the
tapu mark placed upon it, and the boat is accordingly held sacred to all except its possessor.
Similarly, if a native boat-builder fixes on a tree which he thinks can be made into a
canoe, he places the tapu on it, and knows that no one but himself will dare to cut it
down. The mark of tapu in this case is almost invariably the removal of a strip of bark
round the trunk of the tree.
Then the system of tapt is the only guardian of morals. It has been already
mentioned that an extreme laxity in this respect prevails among the unmarried girls.
But as soon as a girl is niarried she becomes tapu to all but her husband, and any one
18+
NEW ZEALAND,
who induces her to become unfaithful inust pay the penalty of the tapu if the delinquents
be discovered. Nor is the tapu restricted to married women. It is also extended to
young girls when they are betrothed; and any girl on whom the tapu has thus been laid
is reckoned as a married woman.
It will be seen, therefore, that the principle of the tapu is a good one, and that it
serves as protection both to property and morals. There are, of course, many instances
where this system has run into extravagances, and where, instead of a protection, it has
developed into a tyranny.
Take, for example, the very praiseworthy idea that the life of a chief is most important
to his people, and that his person is therefore considered as tapu. This is a proper and
wholesome idea, and is conducive to the interests of law and justice. But the develop-
ment of the system becomes a tyranny. The chief himself being tapu, everything that
he touched, even with the skirt of his garment, became tapu, and thenceforth belonged
to him. So ingrained is this idea that on one occasion, when a great chief was wearing
a large and handsome mantle and found it too heavy for a hot day, he threw it down a
precipice. His companion remonstrated with him, saying that it would have been better
to have hung the mat on a bough, so that the next comer might make use of it. The
chief was horrorstruck at such an idea. It was hardly possible that a superior to
himself should find the mat, and not likely that an equal should do so, and if an inferior
were to wear it, he would at once die.
As the very contact of a chief's garment renders an object tapu, à fortiori does his
blood, and one drop of the blood of a chief falling upon eveu such objects as are free
from the ordinary laws of tapu renders them his property.
A curious example of the operation of this law occurred when a meeting of chiefs
was called at the Taupo lake. As the principal man of the tribes, the celebrated chief
Te Heu-heu was invited, and a new and beautifully-carved canoe sent to fetch him. As
he stepped into it, a splinter ran into his foot, inflicting a very slight wound. Every
man leaped out of the canoe, which was at once drawn up on the beach and considered
as the property of Te Heu-heu. Another canoe was procured, and in it the party
proceeded on their journey.
Another kind of tapu takes place with regard to any object which is connected with
the death of a native. If, for example, a Maori has fallen overboard from a canoe and
been drowned, the vessel can never be used again, but is tapu. Or if a man commits
suicide by shooting himself, as has already been mentioned, the musket is tapu. But in
these cases the articles are tapu to the atuas, and not to men. Sometimes they are left
to decay on the spot, no man daring to touch them, or they are broken to pieces, and the
fragments stuck upright in the earth to mark the spot where the event occurred.
Sometimes this personal tapu becomes exceedingly inconvenient. The wife of an old
and venerable tohunga had been ill, and was made tapu for a certain length of time,
during which everything that she touched became tapu. Even the very ground on which
she sat was subject to this law, and accordingly, whenever she rose from the ground, the
spot on which she had sat was surrounded with a fence of small boughs stuck archwise
into the earth, in order to prevent profane feet from polluting the sacred spot.
The most sacred object that a New Zealander can imagine is the head of the chief.
It is so sacred that even to mention it is considered as an affront. Europeans have often
given deadly offence through ignorance of this superstition, or even through inadvertence.
Mr. Angas narrates a curious instance of such an adventure. A friend of his was talking
to a Maori chief over his fence, and the conversation turned upon the crops of the year.
Quite inadvertently he said to the chief, “Oh, I have in my garden some apples as large
as that little boy's head”-pointing at the same time to the chief's son, who was standing
near his father.
He saw in a moment the insult that he had offered, and apologized, but the chief was
so deeply hurt that it was with the greatest difficulty that a reconciliation was brought
about. The simile was a peculiarly unfortunate one. To use the head of a chief's son
as a comparison at all was bad enough, but to compare it to an article of food was about
the most deadly insult that could be offered to a Maori. All food and the various
INCONVENIENCES OF THE TAPU.
185
processes of preparation are looked down upon with utter contempt by the free Maori,
who leaves all culinary operations to the slaves or “cookies."
One of the very great chiefs of New Zealand was remarkable for his snowy white
hair and beard, which gave him a most venerable aspect. He was held in the highest
respect, and was so extremely sacred a man that his head might only be mentioned in
comparison with the snow-clad top of the sacred mountain.
The same traveller to whom we are indebted for the previous anecdote relates a
curious story illustrative of this etiquette.
There was a certain old chief named Taonui, who was in possession of the original
suit of armour which was given by George IV. to E' Hongi when he visited England.
“The subsequent history of this armour is somewhat curious. It passed from the Nga
Puis to Tetori, and from Tetori to Te Whero-Whero at the Waikato feast, and came into
Taonui's hands under the following circumstances.
“On the death of a favourite daughter Te Whero-Whero made a song, the substance
of which was, that he would take off the scalps of all the chiefs except Ngawaka, and
fling them into his daughter's grave to avenge her untimely death. The words of this
song highly insulted the various individuals against whom it was directed ; more
especially as it was a great curse for the hair of a chief, which is sacred, to be thus
treated with contempt. But the only chief who dared to resent this insult from so great
a man as Te Whero-Whero was Taonui, who demanded a 'taua,' or gift, as recompense
for the affront, and received the armour of E' Hongi in compensation,
“I made a drawing of the armour, which was old and rusty. It was of steel, inlaid
with brass, and, though never worn by the possessors in battle—for it would sadly impede
their movements—it is regarded with a sort of superstitious veneration by the natives,
who look upon it as something extraordinary.”
A chief's head is so exceedingly sacred that, if he should touch it with his own
fingers, he may not touch anything else without having applied the hand to his nostrils
and smelt it, so as to restore to the head the virtue which was taken out of it by the
touch. The hair of a chief is necessarily sacred, as growing upon his head. When it is
cut, the operation is generally confided to one of his wives, who receives every particle of
the cut hair in a cloth, and buries it in the ground. In consequence of touching the
chief's head, she becomes tapu for a week, during which time her hands are so sacred
that she is not allowed to use them. Above all things, she may not feed herself, because
she would then be obliged to pollute her hands by touching food, and such a deed would
be equivalent to putting food on the chief's head-a crime of such enormity that the
mind of a Maori could scarcely comprehend its possibility.
When engaged in his explorations in New Zealand, and employed in sketching every
object of interest which came in his way, Mr. Angas found this notion about the chief's
head to be a very troublesome one. He was not allowed to portray anything connected
with food with the same pencil with which he sketched the head of a chief, and to put a
drawing of a potato, a dish for food, or any such object, into the same portfolio which
contained the portrait of a chief, was thought to be a most fearful sacrilege.
The artist had a narrow escape of losing the whole of his sketches, which a chief
named Ko Tarui wanted to burn, as mixing sacred with profane things. They were only
rescued by the intervention of Te Heu-heu, a superstitious old savage, but capable of
seeing that the white man had meant no harm. Warned by this escape, Mr. Angas
always made his drawings of tapu objects by stealth, and often had very great difficulty
in eluding the suspicious natives.
Even the carved image of a chief's head is considered as sacred as the object which it
represents. Dr. Dieffenbach relates a curious instance of this superstition.
In one of the houses of Te Puai, the head chief of all the Waikato, I saw a bust,
made by himself, with all the serpentine lines of the moko, or tattooing. I asked him to
give it to me, but it was only after much pressing that he parted with it. I had to go to
his house to fetch it myself, as none of his tribe could legally touch it, and he licked it
all over before he gave it to me; whether to take the tapu off, or whether to make it
more strictly sacred, I do not know. He particularly engaged me not to put it into the
130
NEW ZEALAND.
provision-bag, nor to let it see the natives at Rotu-nua, whither I was going, or he would
certainly die in consequence.
“Payment for the bust he would not take; but he had no objection to my making
him a present of my own free will: which I accordingly did, presenting him and his wife
with a shirt each.”
Once the natives were very angry because Mr. Angas went under a cooking-shed,
having with him the portfolio containing the head of Te Heu-heu. Even his hands were
tapu because they had painted the portrait of so great a chief, and he was subjected to
many annoyances in consequence. Finding that the tapu was likely to become exceed-
ingly inconvenient, he put a stop to further encroachments by saying that, if the people
inade any more complaints, he would put Te Heu-heu's head into the fire. This threat
shocked them greatly, but had the desired effect.
Sometimes this sanctity of the chief is exceedingly inconvenient to himself. On one
occasion, when Mr. Angas was visiting the chief Te Whero-Whero, he found the great
man superintending the plantation of a kumera ground and the erection of a house for
himself. Rain was falling fast, but the old chief sat on the damp ground, wrapped up in
his blanket, and appearing to be entirely unconcerned at the weather, a piece of sail-cloth
over the blanket being his only defence.
He did not rise, according to the custom of the old heathen chiefs, who will some-
times sit for several days together, in a sort of semi-apathetic state. To the request that
his portrait might be taken Te Whero-Whero graciously acceded, and talked freely
on the all-important subject of land while the painter was at work. Finding the rain
exceedingly unpleasant, the artist suggested that they had better move into a house.
The old chief, however, knowing that he could not enter a house without making it his
property by reason of contact with his sacred person, declined to move, but ordered a
shelter to be erected for the white man. This was done at once, by fastening a blanket
to some upright poles: and so the portrait was completed, the painter under cover and the
sitter out in the rain.
Localities can be rendered tapu, even those which have not been touched by the
person who lays the tapu upon them. The chief Te Heu-heu, for example, was pleased
to declare the volcano Tongariro under the tapu, by calling it his backbone, so that not a
native would dare approach it, nor even look at it, if such an act could be avoided. Mr.
Angas was naturally desirous of visiting this mountain, but found that such a scheme
could not be carried out. He offered blankets and other articles which a New Zealander
prizes; but all to no purpose, for the tapu could not be broken. The chief even tried to
prevent his white visitors from travelling in the direction of the mountain, and only gave
his consent after ordering that the sacred Tongariro should not even be looked at. So
deeply is this superstition engraven in the heart of the New Zealander, that even the
Christian natives are afraid of such a tapu, and will not dare to approach a spot that
has thus been made sacred by a tohunga. Reasoning is useless with them ; they will
agree to all the propositions, adnit the inference to be drawn from them, and then decline
to run so terrible a risk.
One of the finest examples of native architecture was made tapu by this same chief,
who seems to have had a singular pleasure in exercising his powers. It was a pah called
Waitahanui, and was originally the stronghold of Te Heu-heu. It is on the borders of
the lake, and the side which fronts the water is a full half-mile in length. It is made,
as usual, of upright posts and stakes, and most of the larger posts are carved into the
human form, with visages hideously distorted, and tongues protruded seawards, as if in
defiance of expected enemies.
Within this curious pah were the cannibal cook-houses which have already been
figured, together with several of the beautifully-carved patukas or receptacles for the
sacred food of the chief. Specimens of these may be seen figured on page 149. In this
pah Mr. Angas found the most elaborate specimen of the patuka that he ever saw.
was fortunate that he arrived when he did, as a very few years more would evidently com-
plete the destruction of the place. Many of the most beautiful implements of native art
were already so decayed that they were but a shapeless heap of ruins, and the others
It
A POPULAR FALLACY.
187
were rapidly following in the same path. Of these specimens of Maori carving and archi-
tecture nothing is now left but the sketches from which have been made the illustrations
that appear in this work.
Here I may be allowed to controvert a popular and plausible fallacy, which has often
been brought before the public. Travellers are blamed for bringing to England specimens
of architecture and other arts from distant countries. It is said, and truly too, that such
articles are out of place in England. So they are: but it must be remembered that if they
had not been in England they would not have been in existence. The marvellous sarco-
phagus, for example, brought to London by Belzoni, and now in the Soane Museum,
would have been broken to pieces and hopelessly destroyed if it had been allowed to
remain in the spot where it was found.
Again, had not the Assyrian sculptures found a home in the British Museum, they
would have been knocked to pieces by the ignorant tribes who now roam over the ruins
of Nineveh the Great. Even had the vast statues defied entire destruction, the inscrip-
tions would long ago have been defaced, and we should have irreparably lost some of the
most valuable additions to our scanty knowledge of chronology.
So again with the Elgin Marbles. Undoubtedly they were more in their place in
Greece than they are in England; but, if they had not been brought to England, the
iconoclastic hand of the Mussulman would have utterly destroyed them, and the loss to
art would have been indeed terrible.
Thus is it with regard to the specimens of savage art, no matter in what way it is
developed. Taking New Zealand as an example, there is not in England a single
specimen of a Maori house. It could be easily taken to pieces and put together again; it
is peculiarly valuable to ethnologists on account of the extraordinary mixture which it
displays of ancient Egyptian architecture and ancient Mexican art; and in a very few
years there will not be a single specimen of aboriginal architecture in the whole of New
Zealand. The Maories, who have abandoned the club for the rifle, the mat for the
blanket, and even the blanket for the coat and trousers, have begun to modify their
ancient architecture, and to build houses after the European models.
Unless, therefore, means be taken to rescue specimens of Maori architecture from
destruction, it is much to be doubted whether in twenty years' time from the present
date a single specimen will exist as a type of native art.
So it is with the canoes. Graceful, picturesque, and adorned with the finest
specimens of Maori art, the canoes were unique arnong vessels. At the present day the
more useful but more commonplace whaleboat has superseded the canoe, and in a few
years the elaborately decorated vessels of the Maories will have utterly passed away.
We
may be sure that the tide of civilization is sweeping so rapidly over the world,
that a very few years will see the end of savage life in all lands to which the white man
can gain access. The relics of the ancient mode of life are left by the natives to perish,
and, unless they are rescued, and brought to a country where they can be preserved, they
will necessarily vanish from the face of the earth. Having this idea in my own mind, I
set myself some years ago to collect articles of daily use from all parts of the world.
The light which they throw upon anthropology is really astonishing, and, among some
eight or nine hundred specimens, there is not one that does not tell its own story:
Take, for example, the stone merai that lies before me. What a tale does it not tell
of the country where it was found, and of the workman who made it! The stone shows
that it was obtained from a volcanic country; the short, weighty form of the weapon
shows that it was made for a courageous race who fought hand to hand; and the graceful
curves and perfect balance of the weapon show that the maker was a true artist. More
than that. The merai has been made by rubbing it with another stone, and must have
occupied years of labour. See, then, what a tale this weapon tells us—the volcanic
region, the courageous warrior, and the worthlessness of time. Year after year
the
must have worked at that merai, bending his tattooed face over it, balancing it in his
hand, and watching its soft curves grow into perfection. Then, after it was made, he
has evidently carried it about with him, fought with his foes, and dashed out their brains
with its once sharp and now notched edge. Afterwards, when he, or may be his grandson,
man
188
NEW ZEALAND.
came to fight against the white men, their firearins were too terrible to be opposed,
and the merai was taken from the hand of the dead warrior as he lay on the field
of battle, its plaited cord still round his wrist. Nevermore will a stone merai be made,
and before very long the best examples of Maori weapons will be found in English
museums.
We will now return to the subject of the tapu. Useful as it may be as a guardian of
property, it often exaggerates that duty, and produces very inconvenient results. For
example, some travellers were passing through the country, and were hungry and
wearied, and without food. Very opportunely there came in sight a fine pig; but the
animal contrived to run across a piece of ground which was tapu, and in consequence
became tapu itself for a certain number of days, and could not be eaten.
There are thousands of such tapu spots in the country. If, for example, a great chief
has been travelling, every place where he sits to rest is tapu, and is marked by a slight fence
of sticks. In many cases, each of these sacred spots has its own name. The same is the
case when the body of a chief is carried to his own pah for burial, every resting-place of
the bearers becoming tapu. Therefore nothing was more likely than to come across one
of these tapu spots, or more easy than for the pig to break through its slight fence.
A curious modification of the tapu took place before and after a battle. The
tohunga assembled the warriors of his own party, and went with them to the lake or river,
which had been made tapu for the purpose. The men then threw off all their clothing,
and went into the water, which they scooped up with their hands and threw over their
heads and bodies. The priest then recited the appropriate incantation.
Thus the battle-tapu was laid upon the warriors, who were thereby prohibited from
undertaking any other business except that of fighting, and were supposed, moreover, to
be under the protection of the gods. This tapu was most strictly regarded, and the
warriors had to learn quite a long list of occupations which were forbidden to them, such
as carrying a load, cutting their own hair, touching the head of a woman, and so forth.
After the fighting is over, it is necessary that the tapu should be taken off from the
survivors, so that they should be enabled to return to their usual mode of life. This
ceremony is rather a complicated one, and varies slightly in different parts of the country.
The chief features, however, are as follows:
Each man who had killed an enemy, or taken a slave, pulled off a lock of hair from
the victim, and retained it as a trophy. They then went in a body to the tohunga, and
gave him a portion of the hair. This he tied on a couple of little twigs, raised them high
above his head, and recited the incantation; after which the whole body joined in the
war song and dance. This being over, the warriors clapped their hands together and
struck their legs, that act being supposed to take off the tapu which had been contracted
by imbruing them in the blood of the enemy.
The war-party then goes home, and a similar ceremony is undergone in the presence
of the principal tohunga of their pah, the hands being clapped and the war-dance per-
formed. The remainder of the hair is given to the tohunga, who, after reciting his incan-
iation, flings the tuft of hair away, and ends by another incantation, which declares that
the tapu is taken away
As a general rule, the tapu can only be taken off by the person who imposed it; but
if a man imposed a tapu on anything, another who was very much his superior would not
have much scruple in breaking through it. By courtesy the tapu was mostly respected
hy great and small alike, and, by courtesy also, the very great men often put themselves
to great inconvenience by refraining from actions that would lay the tapu on the property
of inferiors. Thus we have seen how a chief refused to enter a house, lest he should
render it his property, and preferred to sit in the pouring rain, rather than run the risk of
depriving an inferior of his property.
Should an object become tapu by accident, the tohunga can take off the tapu and
restore the object to use. A curious instance of the exercise of this power is related by a
traveller. A white man, who had borrowed an iron pot for cooking, wanted some soft
water, and so he placed the pot under the eaves of a house from which the rain was
running. Now, the house happened to be tapu, and in consequence the water running
INFLUENCE OF THE TAPU.
189
from it made the pot tapu. It so happened that a woman, who was ignorant of the cir-
cumstance, used the pot for cooking, and when she was told that the vessel was tapu she
was greatly frightened, declaring that she would die before night. In this difficulty a
tohunga came to her relief, repeated an incantation over the vessel, and made it “noa," or
common, again.
Sometimes the tapu only lasts for a period, and, after that time has elapsed, expires
without the need of any ceremony. Thus, if a person who is tapu by sickness is touched
by another, the latter is tapu for a definite time, usually three days. If a sick person dies
inside a house, that house is ipso facto tapu, and may never again be used. It is painted
with red ochre, as a sign of its sanctity, and is left to decay. In consequence of this
superstition, when the patient seems likely to die, he is removed from the house, and
taken to a spot outside the pah, where a shed is built for his reception.
It will be seen from the foregoing account how great is the power of the tapu, and
how much it adds to the power of the chiefs. Indeed, without the power of tapu, a chief
would be but a common man among his people—he would be liable to the tapu of others,
and could not impose his own. The tapu is one of the chief obstacles against the
spread of Christianity. Knowing that the missionaries treat the tapu as a mere super-
stition, the great chiefs do not choose to embrace a religion which will cause them to lose
their highest privilege, and would deprive them of the one great power by which they
exercise their authority.
Mr. Williams, the well-known missionary, surns up the subject of the tapu in very
bold and graphic language :-“ It is the secret of power, and the strength of despotic rule.
It affects things both great and small. Here it is seen tending a brood of chickens, and
there it directs the energies of a kingdom. Its influence is variously diffused. Coasts,
islands, rivers, and seas; animals, fruit, fish, and vegetables; houses, beds, pots, cups, and
dishes; canoes, with all that belong to them, with their management; dress, ornaments, and
arms; things to eat and things to drink; the members of the body; the manners and
oustoms; language, names, temper; and even the gods also; all come under the influence
of the tapu.
It is put into operation by religious, political, or selfish inotives ; and idleness lounges
for months beneath its sanction. Many are thus forbidden to raise their hands or extend
their arms in any useful employment for a long time. In this district it is tapu to build
canoes; on that island it is tapu to erect good houses. The custom is much in favour
among chiefs, who adjust it so that it sits easily on themselves, while they use it to gain
influence over those who are nearly their equals; by it they supply many of their wants,
and command at will all who are beneath them. In imposing a tapu, a chief need only be
checked by a care that he is countenanced by ancient precedents.'
CHAPTER X.
FUNERAL CEREMONIES AND ARCHITECTURE.
THE MOURNING OVER THE DEAD CHIEF-THE TANGI, AND THE SCARS WHICH IT LEAVES-FIRST BURIAL
OF THE CHIEF—THE WAHI TAPU-SECOND BURIAL, OR HAHUNGA REMOVAL OF THE TAPU,
AND INSTALLATION OF THE SUCCESSORME' HONGI'S DEATHBED--A DECAYING PAH-CANOE TOMBS
---MONUMENT TO E' TOKI-TOMB OF TE WHERO-WHERO'S DAUGHTER—SAVAGE SENTIMENT
MAORI ARCHITECTURE-MATERIAL, SHAPE, AND SIZE OF THE HOUSES-A CROWDED SLEEPING-
PLACE--THE EAT-MAN HOUSE-RANGIHAEATA'S REVENGE-PUATIA'S WAR-HOUSE AND ITS SCULP-
TURES-INTERIOR VIEW OF A PAH--TOOLS USED IN HOUSE-BUILDING-THE AXE AND THE CHISEL
-THE TOKO-TOKO, OR WALKING-STICK.
We now come to the ceremonies that belong to funerals,
When a chief, or indeed any Rangatira, dies, his friends and relations deck the body in
the finest clothes which the deceased had possessed in his lifetime, lay it out, and assemble
round it for the customary mourning. The women are the chief mourners
, and indulge in
the most demonstrative, not to say ostentatious, ebullitions of grief. Sometimes they
squat upon the ground, their bodies and faces wrapped in their mantles, as if utterly over-
powered by grief. Sometimes they wave their arms in the air, shaking their hands with
expressive gestures of sorrow; and all the while they utter loud wailing cries, while the
tears stream down their cheeks.
Much of this extravagant sorrow is necessarily feigned, according to the custom of New
Zealand life, which demands tears on so many occasions; but there is no doubt that much
is real and truly felt. The women cut themselves severely with shells, making incisions
in the skin several inches in length. These incisions are filled with charcoal, as if they
had been part of the regular moko or tattoo, and become indelible, being, in fact, perpetual
records of sorrow. Some of these women cut themselves with such severity, that in their
old age they are covered with the thin blue lines of the "tangi,” their faces, limbs, and
bodies being traversed by them in rather a ludicrous manner.
The tangi lines might be mistaken for regular tattooing, except for one point. They
have no pattern, and instead of being curved, as is always the case with the moko, they
are straight, about two inches in length, and run parallel to each other.
They address long speeches to the dead man, enumerating his many virtues, his
courage, his liberality, the strength of his tapu, and so forth, mixed with reproaches to him
for dying and going away from them when they stood in such need of him. Indeed, the
whole of the proceedings, with the exception of cutting the skin, are very like those of an
Irish wake.
In the illustration on the following page are shown these various ceremonies. The
dead body of the chief is lying under the shed, wrapped in the best mantle, and with
a coronal of feathers in the hair. In the front sits a chief, whose rank is denoted by his
hani, or staff of office, that lies by him, and by the elaborate mantle in which he has
wrapped himself. Standing near the corpse is one of the mourners, with arms upraised

MOURNING CEREMONIES.
191
and hands quivering, while others are seen sitting in various attitudes of woe. The
fence of the pah is shown in the background, with its grotesque images and curious
architecture.
When the old people attend a funeral, they usually paint themselves freely with red
ochre, and wear wreaths of green leaves upon their heads. The house in which the death
took place is rendered tapu until the body is finally disposed of—an event which does
not take place for some time.
After the mourning ceremonies have been completed, the body is placed in a sort of
coffin and allowed to decay, the green jade merai, the tiki, the hani, and other emblems
Gay
AVGAS-
MOURNING OVER A DEAD CHIEF.
of rank being placed with the corpse. In some parts of the country this coffin is canoe-
shaped, and suspended to the branches of a tree, certain places being kept sacred for this
purpose. There existed, for example, several graves belonging to the Nga-pui tribe, which
had been preserved on account of the sacred character which belonged to them. The
natives had long abandoned the custom of hanging the coffins of the dead on the trees,
but the sacred character still clung to them, and, though the woods in that part of the
country had been felled, the sacred groves were allowed to flourish unharmed.
Sometimes the body of a very great chief was placed in a wooden receptacle in the
midst of the pah, called the waki-tapu, and there allowed to decay. As might be ex-
pected, a most horrible odour is disseminated through the pah during the process of
decomposition ; but the inhabitants do not seem to trouble themselves, their nostrils not
being easily offended. For example, when a whale is thrown ashore, the stench of the
huge mass of decomposition is so overpowering that a European cannot endure it.
192
NEW ZEALAND.
The natives, however, say that they are used to it, and do not notice it. Indeed, people
who can eat the horrible messes of putrid maize of which they are so fond must be so
obtuse of scent as to be indifferent to any ill odour.
Be this as it may, in time the process of decay is supposed to be complete,-seven or
eight months being the usual time. A curious ceremony, called the “hahunga, then
takes place. The friends and relatives of the deceased chief are again assembled, and the
bones are solemnly taken from their receptacle and cleaned. The person who cleans them
is necessarily tapu, but is rendered “noa," or common again, by the eldest son and daughter
of the deceased chief eating of the sacred food offered to the dead. Should the eldest
girl happen to be dead, the food is placed in a calabash, and laid in the now empty coffin,
the spirit of the girl being called by name, and the food offered to her. The spirit is
supposed to partake of the food; and the tapu is thus removed as effectually as if she were
alive, and had visibly eaten the provisions. Should the chief have had no daughter, the
nearest female relative takes the office. The usual orations are made in honour of the
deceased, and the merai, tiki, and other ornaments of the dead chief are then handed over:
to his eldest son, who thus takes possession of the post which his father had vacated, the
ceremony being analogous to a coronation among Europeans.
When the celebrated chief E' Hongi, the "Scourge of New Zealand,” as he has been
called, died, his children were so afraid that they would be attacked by those whom the
terror of his name had kept quiet, that they wanted to omit the preliminary orations and
tangi,” and to lay his body in the “waki-tapu,” or sacred place, on the day after his
death. This intention was, however, overruled, chiefly in consequence of the foresight of
the dying chief.
Feeling that his end was close at hand, he rallied his sons round him, sent for all his
warlike stores, the merais, patus, muskets, ammunition, and, above all, the armour which
he had received from George IV., and bequeathed them to his children. He was asked
what “utu," or satisfaction, should be exacted for his death, but replied that the only utu
which his spirit would desire was, that his tribe should be valiant, and repel any attack
that was made upon them. But for this really noble sentiment, there would have been
great slaughter at his death, in order to furnish attendants for him.
That his tribe should for the future be valiant, and repel the attacks of their enemies,
was the ruling idea in E' Hongi's mind; and on March 6, 1828, he died, continually
repeating the words, “Kia toa! kia toa !"-i.e. “Be valiant! be valiant!”
After the ceremony of cleaning the bones is over, they are taken by the principal
tohunga, or priest, who generally disposes of them in some secret spot sacred to the
remains of dead chiefs, and known only to himself. Sometimes, however, they are laid
in beautifully-carved boxes, which are supported on posts in the middle of the pah.
Sometimes the waki-tapu, or sacred place in which the body of a chief is placed while
it undergoes decomposition, is marked in a very curious manner, and the entire village
deserted for a time.
For example, at the pah of Hurewenua, the chief had died about six weeks before
Mr. Angas arrived at the place, which he found deserted. “Not far from this island pah
stood the village of Huriwenua, the gaily-ornamented tomb of the late chief forming a
conspicuous object in the centre. Here, although everything was in a state of perfect
preservation, not a living soul was to be seen; the village, with its neat houses made of
raupo, and its courtyards and provision-boxes, was entirely deserted. From the moment
the chief was laid beneath the upright canoe, on which were inscribed his name and rank,
the whole village became strictly tapu, or sacred, and not a native, on pain of death, was
permitted to trespass near the spot. The houses were all fastened up, and on most of the
doors were inscriptions denoting that the property of such an one remained there.
“An utter silence pervaded the place. After ascertaining that no natives were in the
vicinity of the forbidden spot, I landed, and trod the sacred ground; and my footsteps
were probably the first, since the desertion of the village, that had echoed along its
palisaded passages.
On arriving at the tomb, I was struck with the contrast between the monument of
the savage and that of the civilized European. In the erection of the latter, marble and
TOMB OF E TOKI.
193
stone and the most durable of metals are employed, while rapidly-decaying wood, red
ochre, and feathers form the decorations of the Maori tomb. Huriwenua having been
buried only six weeks, the ornaments of the waki-tapu, or sacred place, as those erections
are called, were fresh and uninjured. The central upright canoe was richly painted with
black and red, and at the top was written the name of the chief; above which there hung
in clusters bunches of kaka feathers, forming a large mass at the summit of the canoe.
A double fence of high palings, also painted red, and ornamented with devices in ara-
besque work, extended round the grave, and at every fastening of flax, where the
horizontal rails were attached to the upright fencing, were stuck two feathers of the
albatross, the sunny whiteness of which contrasted beautifully with the sombre black and
red of the remainder of the monument.”
r
ODIO
Solo SO
Almusull
Halitin;
MD Wall
LESLA
15
imple
pilative auf einen
ANGAS
TOMB OF E TOKI.
One of these tombs may be seen in the background of the illustration on page 177,
containing the portrait of an old priest, and another is shown in the view of a village
which will be given on a future page.
Within the pah is often erected a monument or mausoleum of the dead. A very
beautiful example of this kind of tomb was erected in the pah of Rangihaeta to the
memory of E' Toki, the mother of Rauparaha.
It was nearly semicircular in shape, and the body was placed in it in an upright position.
It was covered with a roof, squared at the corners, and projecting like a verandah all
round, and sloping towards the back. The central tomb, the roof, and the posts which
supported it, were all covered with the most elaborate arabesque pattern, mostly of a spiral
character. Paint was liberally used on it, that on the central tomb or coffin being red and
VOL. II.
o
194
NEW ZEALAND.
white, while that which decorated the roof and posts was red and black. In front of the
projecting roof was hung the beautifully woven kaitaka mat of the deceased woman,
and tufts of the white feathers of the albatross were arranged at regular intervals
upon
Even when Mr. Angas saw this beautiful example of Maori art, it was beginning to
decay, the climate being damp, and the natives never repairing a decaying tomb. It was,
of course, strictly tapu. No native liked to go close to it, and for a slave, or even a free
man of inferior rank, to go within a certain distance of it would have been a crime punish-
able with instant death.
I have much pleasure in presenting my readers with an illustration of this beautiful.
monument of Maori art, taken from a drawing made by Mr. Angas in 1844, while the
perishable materials of which the tomb was made were yet in tolerable preservation.
Under the carved and decorated roof may be seen the semicircular coffin in which the
body had been placed, distinguished from the outer portion of the tomb by the red and
white colours with which it was painted, in contrast to the red and black of the outer
portions. The reader will notice that red is the prevalent colour in all tombs, because
red is the hue of mourning as well as of war among the Maories. Immediately under
the eaves of the front may be seen the highly ornamented border of the kaitaka mat once
worn by the deceased, and now left to decay upon her tomb.
Round the tomb itself runs a slight and low fence. This palisade, small as it might
appear, afforded ample protection to the tomb, inasmuch as the whole space within it was
rendered sacred by a tapu laid upon it by Raupahara, so that not even the highest chief
would venture to enter the forbidden enclosure.
One of the finest specimens of carving in New Zealand-perhaps the finest in the
whole country-is, or rather was, a mausoleum erected by Te Whero-Whero to his
favourite daughter. It was upon the death of this daughter that Te Whero-Whero gave
such dire offence to the other chiefs by threatening to throw their scalps into his
daughter's grave, for which offence he had to give up the celebrated armour of E' Hongi
by way of fine.
The monument was erected in Raroera, formerly one of the largest and finest pahs
New Zealand, but rendered desolate by the act of the headstrong and determined chief.
He had this wonderful tomb built for his daughter, and, as soon as her body was placed
within it, he pronounced the whole pah to be tapu. It was at once deserted : old and
young quitted the place, leaving everything behind them, the provisions to moulder and
the weapons to decay. Solid houses that had occupied many years in building and
carving were allowed to fall into mere shapeless heaps of ruins; and even in 1844 the
rank vegetation had so completely overrun the place that many of the best pieces of
native work were covered by the foliage.
The tomb is about twelve feet high, and consists of the usual box for the reception of
the body covered by a projecting roof, which is supported by pillars. Were it as graceful
in form as the monument to E' Toki, this would be by far the finest specimen of native
art; but, unfortunately, it does not possess the bold outline and contrast of the curve and
the straight line which are so characteristic of E' Toki's tomb.
The elaboration of the carving on this monument is so great that it almost baffles the
skill of the draughtsman. Mr. Angas succeeded in copying it, and when the drawing was
shown to the artist who had executed the work he was astounded, and pronounced the
white man to be a great tohunga. The roof is supported by pillars, each pillar consisting
of two hunian figures, the upper standing on the head of the lower. The upper figure is
about seven feet in height, and has a gigantic head, with an enormous protruding tongue
that reaches to the breast.
The whole of the tomb is covered with human heads. Exclusive of those upon the
posts, the front alone of the tomb contains fourteen faces, each differing from the other
in expression and pattern of the moko, but all wearing the same defiant air. Their
enormous eyes are made peculiarly conspicuous by being carved out of haliotis shell,
carrying out on a large scale the plan adopted in the chiefs' hanis and other sculptures.
The whole of the space between the figures is covered with the most elaborate arabesques,
SAVAGE SENTIMENT.
195
intertwining with each other in a bewildering manner, but each running its own boldly
curved course.
Between the various pieces that compose this tomb are set bunches and tufts of white
and green feathers, which serve to adorn as well as disguise the necessary seams of the
woodwork.
This wonderful monument was entirely carved by one man, named Paranui. He was
lame, and in consequence had expended his energies in art, in which he had so greatly
distinguished himself that he took rank as a tohunga. He was equally celebrated as a
tattooer; and it may well be imagined that a man who could design so extraordinary a piece
of workmanship must be skilful in inventing the endless variety of patterns needful in
the decoration of chiefs' faces. In performing this work, Paranui had but one tool, the
head of an old bayonet.
The loss of such specimens of native art as those which have been described carries out
my former remarks on the necessity for removing to our own country every memorial of
savage life that we can secure. We inflict no real injury upon the savages, and we secure an
invaluable relic of vanishing customs. These monuments, for example, were simply carved
and then left to decay. Had they been removed to this country, where they would have
been guarded from the power of the elements and the encroachments of vegetation, we
should have seen them in complete preservation at the present day, and likely to last
as long as the building which contained them.
Of course the sentimental argument may be pleaded against this view of the case ;
but in matters which are of vital importance in the grand study of anthropology mere
sentiment ought to have no place. Neither has it such place as some often imagine. The
savage, finding that the white man yields to him on this point, is only too glad to find
any vantage ground, and always presses on as fast as the other yields—just as has been
done in India with the question of caste. We cannot measure their mental sensibilities
any more than their physical by our own. A savage endures with stoicism tortures
which would kill a European, simply because he does not feel them as much. And the
mental and physical sensibilities are very much on a par.
The Maori is perhaps the finest savage race on the face of the earth, and yet we can-
not think that he is exactly an estimable being, whose ambition is murder, and whose
reward is to eat the body of his victim, who never does a stroke of work that he can
avoid, and who leads a life of dissipation as far as his capabilities go. Of all savage
nations, the New Zealander displays most sorrow for the loss of a friend or relation.
Tears flow profusely from his eyes, and every tone of his voice and every gesture of his
body convey the impression that he is borne down by unendurable woe. Yet we have
seen that this effusion of sorrow is mostly premeditated, and merely a conventional mode
of acting required by the etiquette of the country.
When two people can be bathed in tears, speak only in sobbing accents, utter heart-
rending cries, and sink to the ground as overwhelmed by grief, we cannot but com-
passionate their sorrow and admire their sensibility. But if, in the middle of all these
touching demonstrations of grief, we see them suddenly cease from their sobs and cries,
enter into a little lively conversation, enjoy a hearty laugh, and then betake themselves
afresh to their tears and sobs, we may take the liberty of doubting their sincerity.
So with those beautiful houses and monuments that are left to perish by neglect.
The builder did in all probability feel very keenly at the time, though the feeling of grief
seems sometimes to take a curious turn, and be metamorphosed into vengeance and an
excuse for war; but it is very much to be doubted whether grief for the departed is a
feeling that is really permanent in the savage mind. The Maori chief may lay his tapu
on an entire village when a relative dies, and if, after the lapse of years, any one be rash
enough to invade the forbidden precincts, he will visit the offence with instant punish-
ment. But it must be remembered that the infringement of the tapu in question is not
an insult to the dead but to the living, and that when the chief punishes the offender, he
does not avenge an affront offered to his dead relative, but a direct insult to himself
.
In spite of his sentiment, I think that the Maori might have been induced to sell such
specimens of art, and even if he refused to yield to such a proposition, he would have
02
196
NEW ZEALAND.
respected us none the less if, when we had captured a pah, we exercised the right of con-
quest, and took that which we could not buy. Or even supposing that the first idea had
proved impracticable, and the second unadvisable, it would not have been very difficult to
have induced a native artist to execute a duplicate which he could sell for a price which
would enrich him for life.
Such sentiments are, I know, unpopular with the mass of those who only see the
savage at a distance, which certainly, in the case of savage life, lends the only enchant-
ment to the view that it can possess. But I believe them to be just and true, and know
that the closer is our acquaintance with savage life, the more reason we have to be
thankful for civilization. The savage knows this himself, and bitterly feels his infe-
riority. He hates and fears the white man, but always ends by trying to imitate him.
To return to these monuments. In former times they existed in great numbers, and
even in more recent days those which survive are so characteristic of a style of art that
may have taken its rise from ancient Mexico, that I should have been glad to transfer to
these pages several more of Mr. Angas' sketches.
It will be seen from several of the previous illustrations that the New Zealanders must
possess much skill in architecture. The observant reader must have remarked that the
art of house-building is practically wanting in Australia ; and that such should be the
case is most extraordinary, seeing that architectural skill is singularly developed among
the great Polynesian families. The New Zealander, whose country has much in common
with Australia, is remarkable for the skill and taste which he displays in architecture;
and a short space will therefore be devoted to this subject. .
As is the case throughout Polynesia in general, the material used in house-building is
wood, and the various pieces of which a house is composed are fastened together not by
nails, but by ropes and strings, which in many cases are applied in a most elaborate and
artistic manner, beauty being studied not only in the forms of the houses and in the
carved patterns with which they are adorned, but in the complicated lashings with which
they are bound together. As, however, this branch of ornamental architecture is carried
to a greater extent in Fiji than in New Zealand, I shall reserve the details for the
description of the Fiji Islands.
The size of some of these edifices is very great. For example, in 1843 the Maori
converts built for themselves a place of worship large enough to contain a thousand per-
sons, and measuring eighty-six feet in length by forty-two in width. The size of this
edifice was evidently determined by the length of the ridge-pole. This was cut from a
single tree, and was dragged by the natives a distance of three miles. The cross-lashings
of the building were all ornamental, giving to it a peculiar richness of finish.
We are, however, chiefly concerned with the domestic architecture of the Maories.
Within each pah or enclosed village are a number of houses, each representing a family,
and separated from each other by fences, several houses generally standing near each other
in one enclosure. A full-sized house is about forty feet long by twenty wide, and is built
on precisely the same principle as the tombs which have been just described, the actual
house taking the position of the coffin, and being sheltered from the weather by a gable
roof, which extends far beyond the walls, so as to form a sort of verandah. The roof is
supported on separate posts, and does not, as with ourselves, rest upon the walls of the
house. The roof always projects greatly at the principal end of the house, in which the
door is situated, so that it forms a sort of shed, under which the members of the family
can shelter themselves from the sun or rain without going into the house. A genuine
New Zealander has a great love for fresh air, and, as we have seen, will composedly sit
for a whole day on the wet ground in a pouring rain, although a house may be within
easy reach. Yet at night, when he retires to rest, he is equally fond of shutting himself
up, and of excluding every breath of fresh air.
Indeed, the native does not look upon a house as a place wherein to live, but merely
as a convenient shelter from the elements by day and a comfortable sleeping-place by
night. As soon as evening is near, a fire is lighted in the middle of the house, which
fills it with smoke, as there is no chimney. The New Zealander, however, seems to be
MAORI ARCHITECTURE.
197
smoke-proof, and sits composedly in a place which would drive a European half mad
with smarting eyes. Indeed, before the natives become inured to the acrid vapour, their
eyes have much to endure, and it is to the habit of sitting in the smoke that the bleared
look so prevalent in old people is chiefly due.
Not only do the natives thus surround themselves with a smoky atmosphere, but they
limit its quantity as well as its quality. The number of men and women that will pack
themselves into one house at night is almost incredible, each person lying down on a
simple mat, and retaining the same clothes that have been worn during the day. As,
however, the heat becomes excessive, the inmates generally contrive to throw off their
clothing during the night. By daybreak the heat and closeness are almost stifling to a
European, and it is rather an amusing sight to see a hut give up its inmates on the
morning of a cold day, the whole party being enveloped in steam as they come into the
cold air.
At the principal end of the house, under the verandah, is the entrance. This strangely
resembles the gate of an Egyptian temple, being made of three large beams, the two side
posts slightly inclining to each other, and the third laid upon them. The aperture is
closed by a sliding door, and at the side of the door is generally a square window, which
can be closed in the same manner. In some large houses there were two of these
windows, one on either side of the door.
As the roof is made with a considerable slant, the walls are seldom more than two or
three feet high where the roof touches them, though in the middle the house is lofty
enough. The roof is supported on the inside by one or two posts, which are always
carved elaborately, and almost invariably have the human figure as one of the ornaments
upon them. The ridge-pole is flattened and boardlike, and in good houses is carved and
painted in patterns, usually of the spiral character. This board, as well as those which
are used in different parts of the building, is made by hacking the trunk of a tree on both
sides, until it is reduced to the required thickness, the native Maories having no tool
which can answer the purpose of a saw.
At the end of the ridge-pole, over the door, is carved a distorted human figure,
intended to represent the owner of the house, and recognised as such by the lines of the
moko or tattoo on its face, and generally having the tongue thrust out to an inordinate
extent.
The illustration on page 198 represents the most celebrated of all Maori houses,
namely, the war-house of the ruthless chief Rangihaeta, an edifice which fully expresses
the ferocious character of the builder. These houses are designed by chiefs in honour of
some great victory, and are surrounded with wooden figures, which either represent in
derision the leading warriors of the enemy who have been killed, or the victorious chief
and his own warriors in the act of defying and insulting the enemy by thrusting out
their tongues at them. This house bears the ominous name of Kai-tangata, or Eat-man.
The illustration is taken from a sketch made by Mr. Angas, who describes the
building as follows:
Kai-tangata, or Eat-man House, is a wooden edifice in the primitive Maori style, of
large dimensions, with the door-posts and the boards forming the portico curiously and
elaborately carved in grotesque shapes, representing human figures, frequently in the most
indecent attitudes. The eyes are inlaid with pawa shell, and the tattooing of the faces is
carefully cut. The tongues of all these figures are monstrously large, and protrude out
of the mouth, as a mark of defiance towards their enemies who may approach the
house. The whole of the carved work, as well as the wooden parts of the building, are
coloured red with kokowai, an ochre found principally on the side of the volcano of
Taranaki.
The portico or verandah of Rangihaeta's house is about twelve feet deep, and the
ridge-pole and frame-boards of the roof are richly painted in spiral arabesques of black
and red; the margin of each spiral being dotted with white spots, which add richness
to the effect. The spaces between the woodwork are filled up with variegated reeds,
beautifully arranged with great skill, and fastened together with strips of flax dyed red,
and tied crosswise, so as to present the appearance of ornamental basketwork.
!

198
NEW ZEALAND,
Reu
“ Above the centre of the gable-roofed portico is fixed a large wooden head, elaborately
tattooed, with hair and a beard fastened on, composed of dogs' tails. Within the house
is a carved image of most hideous aspect, that supports the ridge-pole of the roof. This
is intended to represent the proprietor, and is said by the natives to be entirely the work
of Rangihaeta's own hand.”
This figure, together with the pole that issues from the head, may be seen in the
illustration on page 122, which represents the interior of the house. On account of the
***
RULLID
Wide
RANGIH AETA'S WAR-HOUSE.
circumstance recorded in the beginning of this description, the artist has been unable to
draw a vast number of carvings which decorated this house, so that much of the
extraordinary elaboration is necessarily omitted.
Rangihaeta displayed his merciless disposition in one of the unfortunate skirmishes
which often took place between the Maories and the English, and which have afterwards
been equally regretted by both parties, the white men having generally offered an
unintentional insult to the natives, and the latter having resented it in the heat of
passion. On this occasion, a number of the white men had been captured by the Maories
under the two chiefs Rangihaeta and Raupahara, who were related to each other by
marriage, the former having married a daughter of the latter. Some time previously,
this woman had been accidently killed by a chance shot, which, as a matter of course, her
relations insisted on considering as intentional.
While the prisoners and their capturers were standing together, another chief named
Puatia tried to make peace, saying that the slain on both sides were about equal. His
proposition was accepted, the lately opposing parties shook hands, and all would have
MAORI ARCHITECTURE.
199
gone well had they not been joined by Rangihaeta, who had been employing himself in
the congenial task of killing all the wounded. He immediately demanded the lives of
the prisoners, and when Raupahara refused to accede to his demand, Rangihaeta told
him to remember his daughter. The bereaved chief was silent at this implied reproach,
and, before he had time to collect his thoughts, Rangihaeta glided round the party,
getting behind each of the captives as they stood among the Maories, and killed them
successively with his merai. The ubiquitous land question was at the bottom of this
sad business.
Houses like the Kai-tangata were formerly common, answering the purpose of the
ancient trophies. A war-house nearly as celebrated as that which has just been described
was erected by Puatia, the chief of Otawhao Pah, in order to commemorate the capture
of Maketu on the east coast. Since Puatia died, the whole of this splendid pah was
rendered tapu, and, in consequence, the buildings within it were given up to decay. Mr.
Angas was fortunate enough to secure a sketch of the war-house before, like the rest of
the buildings in the pah, it had entirely decayed.
The house itself is perhaps scarcely so neatly made as the Kai-tangata, but it
derives great interest from the number of figures with which the beams, rafters, and
posts are decorated. On either side of the verandah stand two huge wooden figures,
which are intended to represent two chiefs who fell in battle, but who, as belonging
to the victorious side, are represented with their tongues defiantly menacing the beaten
enemy.
The figure that supports the central pole represents a chief who was one of the
principal warriors at the capture of Maketu. At the height of six and ten feet respec-
tively, on the same pole, are carvings which represent two other warriors, their moko, or
tattoo, doing duty for the whole of the person. Still higher are a couple of figures
representing warriors, the upper figure appearing to stand on the roof itself. Just within
the upper part of the gable is the figure of Pokana, a warrior who was living at the time
when the house was built, and who is represented with a pipe in his mouth. Around the
house are numbers of similar figures, each representing some well-known individual, and
having a signification which is perfectly well understood by the natives.
It was in this ruined pah of Otawhao that the disused wooden war-bell was found.
The former owner, Puatia, was converted to Christianity before his death, and, while he
lay sick within his pah, he had a school established for the purpose of disseminating
Christianity, and used to call his people round him for the morning and evening prayers.
It has been mentioned that, owing to the contempt with which the Maories regard
everything that pertains to the preparation of food, cooking is never carried on in the
dwelling-houses. If possible, it is conducted in the open air; but when the weather is too
wet or too windy, a shed is enployed. These cooking-sheds are built expressly for the
purpose, and no one with any claims to rank ever enters within them. Were no shelter
but a cooking-shed to be found within miles, the Maori chief would not enter it, no
matter how severe the weather might be.
The cooking-sheds are built very simply, the sides or walls being purposely made with
considerable interstices, so that the wind may pass freely between them. They are roofed
with beams, over which is placed a thatch of the raupo rush. As, among other articles
of diet, the putrid maize is prepared in these sheds, the European traveller is often glad
to find that the abominable mess will be cooked at a distance from him.
Some of the larger pahs contain a great number of houses, and several of them are
inhabited by at least two thousand people. Civilization has at the present day exercised
great influence upon the pahs, and reduced them, as a rule, to fortresses rather than
villages. In many districts the use of the pah has been practically abandoned, those
natives who wish to be at peace devoting themselves to the cultivation of the ground
and living in scattered houses, without caring for the protection of the fence.
The illustration on page 200 is taken from a sketch by Mr. Angas, representing the
interior of a pah as seen by him in 1844. One or two of the houses are seen scattered
about, adorned with the grotesque figures of which the Maori is so fond, and having several
of the inmates sitting under the shelter of the deep verandah. Rather in the background

200
NEW ZEALAND.
are one or two of the ingenious and beautifully carved storehouses, in which food is
protected from the rats, and on one side is a great wooden tiki projecting from the ground.
Just behind the large storehouse is seen the curious monument that marks the waki-tapu,
or sacred burial-place of a chief, a half-canoe being planted in the ground and painted
with elaborate patterns in red, the colour for mourning and war among the New
Zealanders.
Groups of the natives may be seen scattered about, conspicuous among whom is the
council that is sitting in the foreground, under the presidency of the seated chief, whose
SOUS
ANGAS
INTERIOR OF A PAH OR VILLAGE.
hani, or staff of office, marks his dignity. A slave woman is seen working at her task of
beating the flax-leaves; and wandering promiscuously about the pah, or lying comfortably
asleep, are the pigs, with which every village swarms.
We now come to the tools with which the Maori performs all this wonderful amount
of carpentering and carving.
Looking at the results, we might naturally fancy that the dusky architect possessed a
goodly array of tools; but, in fact, his tools are as few and simple as his weapons,
may be practically considered as two, the adze and the chisel. In the accompanying
illustration an example of each is drawn, the artist having taken care to select the best
and most valuable specimens; the blades being formed from the precious green jade, and
the handles carved elaborately, so as to be worthy of the valuable material from which
the blades are shaped.
and
TOOLS.
201
As may be imagined, these tools cannot have very sharp edges given to them, as the
brittleness of the stone would cause it to chip into an edge like that of a bad saw, and in
consequence the worst iron axe is a far better tool than the best specimen of green stone-
work that a Maori ever made.
On the right hand of the illustration is seen one of the common“ tokis,” or stone axes,
that were formerly so much used in building canoes. The specimen from which it is
drawn is in my collection, and I have selected it for illustration because it gives so
excellent an idea of the structure of the tool, and the mode of fastening the blade to the
handle. This is achieved in a very ingenious manner, and although it scarcely seems
possible to secure the requisite firmness by a mere lashing of string, the Maori workman
has contrived to attach the blade as firmly as if it had been socketed.
2. Fai
HAARLES
1815
3203
)
10iu
11:11! ILIIT
olu
ex
hil.ON CROWD
ANGAS.
GREEN JADE ADZE AND CHISEL, AND COMMON STONE ADZE.
A still more simple example of the axe is seen on page 202.
This mode of fastening the blade to the handle prevails over the greater part
of the Polynesian group, and, although the elaboration of the lashings varies con-
siderably, the principle is exactly the same throughout. The same plan prevails even in
Borneo, and there is in my collection a boat-builder's adze, the iron blade of which is
lashed to the socket in precisely the same manner, the only difference being that split
rattan is employed instead of string.
The reader will notice the peculiar shape of the adze-edge, which is exactly that of the
incisor tooth of any rodent animal. Whether the maker intentionally copied the tooth is
doubtful, but that he has done so is evident.
Tools such as these are necessarily imperfect; yet with them the Maories patiently
executed the elaborate and really artistic designs which they once lavished on their
dwellings, their canoes, their weapons, and their tools. They could not even make a
walking-stick but they must needs cover it with carvings. There is in my collection a
remarkably fine example of such a walking-stick (see page 202), called in the Maori tongue
" toko-toko," which was presented to me by Stiverd Vores, Esq. As the reader may see
from the illustration, it is ornamented with six complete human figures, and a human face

202
NEW ZEALAND.
2
on the knob of the handle. The portions of the stick that come between the figures are
completely covered with carving, and the only plain surface is that which is intended to
be grasped by the hand.
The six figures are in three pairs, set back to back,
and those of each pair exactly resemble one another. A
distinct gradation is observed in them, the uppermost pair
having their faces most elaborately tattooed, the middle pair
being less ornamented, and the lowermost pair having a com-
paratively simple tattoo. In the position of the heads there
is also a distinction, which I believe to have some signification
known to the carver. The upper pair have the left hand laid
on the breast, and the right hand pressed to the lips; the
middle pair have the left hand still on the breast, and the right
fingers touching the throat; while the lower figures have both
hands clasped on the breast.
All the figures are separated, except at the backs of the
heads, the hips, and the heels, where they touch each other;
so that the labour expended on this stick has been very great.
WS
3
WE now take farewell of this interesting race-a race
which is fast waning away, and will soon perish altogether.
No New Zealander will ever sit on the broken arches of
London Bridge, and contemplate the ruins of St. Paul's. The
Maori is fast disappearing, and in a comparatively few years
it is certain that not a Maori of pure blood will be found in
the islands; and before a century has elapsed, even the charac-
teristic tattoo will be a remembrance of the past, of which
the only memorials will be the dried heads that have been
preserved in European museums. It is pitiful that such a
race should be passing away; but its decadence cannot be
arrested, and in a short time the Maories will be as completely
extinct as the people of the stone age, leaving nothing but
their manufactures as memorials of their existence. Such
memorials, therefore, ought to be sedulously preserved. Every
piece of genuine native carving that can be found in New
Zealand ought to be secured and brought to England, where
it can be preserved for future ages, and, with the isolated
specimens that are scattered in private houses throughout
the country, ought to be gathered together in some central
museum, where they can be accessible to all who interest
themselves in the grand science of anthropology.
5
TOKO-TOKO.
(From my Collection.)
AXE. (From my Collection.
POSITION AND DIMENSIONS OF NEW CALEDONIA-APPEARANCE AND DRESS OF THE NATIVES--THE
DANCING MASK---NATIVE ARCHITECTURE-SMOKE AND MOSQUITOES-WARFARE-CURIOUS WEAPONS
-THE SLING AND THE SPEAR-MODE OF THROWING THE SPEAR—THE OUNEP, OR “AMENTUM”
OF THE ANCIENTS-SHAPE OF THE CLUB-OBJECTS OF WAR-CANNIBALISM-THE KNIFE AND
FORK-DIET AND COOKERY IN GENERAL-THE NOUGUI SPIDER-MODE OF DRINKING-CHARACTER
mouth open and the eyes closed.
NEW CALEDONIA.
East of Australia is a tolerably large island known by the name of New Caledonia. It is
of no very great extent, but is inhabited by a people who deserve a short notice in these
pages.
The New Caledonians are nearly black in colour, and in general form and appearance
bear some resemblance to the aborigines of Tasmania. They are, however, better looking,
and wear altogether a less savage aspect, probably on account of the comparatively regular
supplies of food which they can obtain. They are of ordinary stature, but one man was.
seen who measured rather more than six feet in height. His form, however, was ill
proportioned. They wear scarcely any dress, the men having generally a single leaf
hanging from their girdles, or at the most a strip of soft bark answering the purpose of
drawers, while the adult women wear a narrow fringed girdle, which passes several times
round the waist.
Their hair is woolly and short, but at a distance many of them would be taken for
long-haired people, in consequence of a habit of making artificial tresses some two feet
in length, out of grass and the hair of a bat. Some of these appendages are so long
that they fall to the middle of the back. Round the head is sometimes tied a small
net with wide meshes, and the chiefs wear an odd sort of a hat. These hats are
cylindrical, and decorated with a large circular ornament at each side, a plume of feathers
at the top, and a long drooping tuft of grass and hair that hangs down the neck. The
bat forms no protection to the head, having no crown to it, and is only used as a mark
The natives also make a sort of mask, very ingeniously cut out of wood, having the
dome apertures which are made in the upper part of the mask. It is supposed that these
basks are employed in war, when the combatants desire to disguise themselves from their
opponents. This, however, is only a conjecture. I have little doubt that the wooden
mask described and figured by D'Entrecasteaux is nothing more than an ornament used,
OF THE NEW CALEDONIANS--AN INGENIOUS THEFT-THE KATA-THE ISLE OF PINES, AND ITS
INHABITANTS.
of rank.
204
NEW CALEDONIA
in the native dances. It is, in fact, the “momo,” which is described by more recent
travellers. When complete, the "momo" is decorated with plumes of feathers, long
tufts of hair, and a thick, coarse network, which does duty for a beard, and descends as
far as the knees of the wearer.
A mask made in a precisely similar manner is used by the natives of Vancouver's
Island, but is employed by them in their dances. One of these masks is in my collection,
and will be described in the course of the work.
Ear-ornaments of various kinds are in favour among the New Caledonians, and some
of the natives enlarge the hole in the lobe to such an extent that it forms a long loop,
the end of which falls on the shoulders. Occasionally, they try the elasticity of the ear
too much, and tear it completely through. Anything seems to be worn in the ears, and
when a New Caledonian cannot find a suitable ornament, he fills up the ear with a leaf
or a roll of bark. They do not tattoo themselves, but draw black lines across the breast
with charcoal, the lines being broad, and traced diagonally across the breast. Necklaces
of various kinds are worn, and these ornaments bear a certain resemblance to those of
New Guinea, consisting principally of a twisted string, to which is suspended a shell
or piece of bone, carved in a manner which the natives are pleased to consider as
ornamental.
Although by nature the men possess thick and stiff beards, these hirsute ornaments
are generally removed, the hair being pulled up by the roots by means of a pair of shells
used in lieu of tweezers.
Architecture among the New Caledonians is infinitely superior to that of Australia,
and in some respects almost equals that of New Zealand. The houses are conical in
şhape, and often reach from ten to eleven feet in height in the middle.
The principle on which the huts are built is perfectly simple. The native architect
begins by digging a hole in the ground, and planting in it a stout pole, some fifteen feet
in length, and nine or ten inches in circumference. A number of smaller poles or rafters
are set in the ground around the standard or central pole, their bases being planted in
the earth and their tips leaning against the standard. Smaller branches are interwoven
among the rafters, and the whole is rendered weather-tight by dried herbage lashed to
the walls. These simple walls are often several inches in thickness; and as the natives
spread thick mats on the floor, they are well sheltered from the weather.
The entrance is very small, never above three feet in height, and on occasion can be
closed with a rude door made of palm-branches. Some of the latter kind of huts have
regular door-posts, on which are carved rude imitations of the human face. A fire is
almost always kept burning inside the hut, not. so much for the sake of warmth or
for culinary purposes, as to form a defence against mosquitoes. Smoke, therefore, is
encouraged; and, though it may be the lesser of two evils, it forms a great drawback to
the comfort of Europeans, who can defy the mosquitoes by their clothes, and can protect
themselves at night by means of curtains.
The central post of the house is mostly decorated with shells, and carved at the top
into the shape of a human being.
Each house is usually surrounded with a fence some four or five feet in height, and
within the hut there is a curious piece of furniture which gives to the rude habitation
quite a civilized look. This is a wooden shelf, suspended by cords exactly like our
hanging bookshelves. It is hung about four feet from the ground, but as the cords are
very slight, it can support only a trifling weight. The native name for this shelf
is "paite."
We will now proceed from domestic to military life, and devote a small space to
warfare among the New Caledonians.
It is very remarkable that among these naked and peculiarly savage cannibals we
should find two of the weapons of war which were in greatest favour among the civilized
Romans of the classic times. These are the sling and the javelin, the latter being cast by
a peculiar arrangement of a thong, so that, in point of fact, the New Caledonian warrior
does not only sling the stone, but the spear also.

THE SLING.
205
We will take these weapons in order, the sling coming first, as being the simpler of
the two weapons.
The construction of the sling or “wendat," as the natives call it, is very simple, the
weapon being merely a doubled thong with a pouch in the middle, in which the stone is
placed. This pouch is made of two small cords laid side by side, and as the smooth
stone might slip out of it, the slinger always wets the missile in his mouth before placing
it in the pouch. The stones are cut out of a hard kind of steatite, which can take a
good polish. They are oval in shape, and are carefully ground down by friction, the
surface becoming very smooth in the process.
.
ST24
P1090
22
KAFEJEH
NEW CALEDONIANS DEFENDING THEIR COAST.
Thirty or forty of these stones are kept in a small net, which is fastened to the left
side of the slinger
. In the illustration one of the warriors is seen with his sling in his
hand, and the net filled with stones fastened to his side. When the slinger wishes to
hurl a stone, he does not waste time and strength by whirling the sling round and round,
but merely gives it one half turn in the air, and discharges the missile with exceeding force
and wonderful accuracy of aim. In consequence of only giving one half turn to the sling,
the stones can be hurled nearly as fast as they can be thrown by hand, and the weapon
is therefore an exceedingly formidable one in the open field when firearms are not
opposed to it.
We now come to the spear, or rather javelin.
This weapon is of very great length, some specimens measuring fourteen or fifteen
feet from butt to point; and unless the warrior were able to supplement the natural
206
NEW CALEDONIA.
strength of his arm by artificial means, he would not be able to throw the spear more
than a few yards. He has therefore invented an instrument by which he can hurl this
long and unwieldly weapon to a considerable distance. The principle on which this
instrument is formed is identical with that of the Australian throw-stick, but there is a
difference in the application. The Australian throw-stick is straight, rigid, and is applied
to the butt of the spear, whereas the implement used by the New Caledonian is flexible,
elastic, and applied to a spot a little behind the middle of the spear.
This instrument is ingeniously simple. It is nothing more than a plaited cord or
thong made of a mixture of cocoa-nut fibre and fish-skin. It is a foot or more in length,
and is furnished at one end with a knob, while the other is worked into a loop. This
elastic cord is called by the natives “ounep.” When the warrior desires to throw a spear,
he slips the loop over the forefinger of his right hand, and allows it to hang in readiness
for the spear. As soon as the time comes for the spear to be thrown, the man balances
the weapon for a moment so as to find the middle, and then casts the end of the thong
round it in a sailor's half-hitch, drawing it tight with his forefinger.
As long as pressure is thus kept upon the thong, it retains its hold of the spear; and
as soon as it is released, " the half-hitch” gives way and allows the spear to free itself.
The mode of throwing is therefore evident. The warrior holds the loop of the thong on
his forefinger, the rest of the hand grasping the spear. As he throws the weapon, he
loosens the hold of his hand, and so hurls the spear by means of the thong.
The classical reader will doubtless remember that this thong or "ounep" is precisely
the "amentum” of the ancients, but is actually superior in its construction and manipu-
lation. The amentum was simply a loop of cord or leather fastened to the shaft of the
javelin just behind the balance. When the warrior wished to throw a spear, he grasped
the shaft in his hand, inserted his fingers in the loop, and by means of the additional
leverage was able to throw a heavy weapon to a considerable distance. See, for example,
Ovid's Metamorphoses, xii. 321 :
Inserit amento digitos, nec plura locutus,
In juvenem torsit jaculum;"
in English, “He inserted his fingers into the amentum, and, without saying more, whirled
the dart at the youth.” Commentators have been extremely perplexed about this passage.
In the first place they were rather uncertain as to the meaning of the word “amentum,"
and in the second place, they could not see the force of the word “torsit,” i.e. whirled.
The reader will, however, see how perfectly appropriate is the term, the spear being fung
with a whirling movement as a stone from a sling. The same word is used by Virgil:
“Intendunt acres arcus, amentaque torquent.” Another writer also alludes to this
instrument:
“Amentum digitis tende prioribus,
Et totis jaculum dirige viribus ;
i.e. "Stretch the amentum with your first fingers, and aim the javelin with your full
strength.”
Ingenious as was the amentum of the ancients, the ounep is far superior to it. With
the ancients a separate amentum had to be fixed to each spear, while among the New
Caledonians only one ounep is required.
Besides these weapons, the club is much used, and great ingenuity is shown in its
manufacture. The shape and size of the clubs are extremely variable, and in some of
them the natives have exhibited a surprising amount of artistic skill, the curves being
singularly bold and flowing. One of these clubs, which is indeed a typical form, is in
my collection, and is figured in the illustration on the following page. The form of the
head is evidently taken from the beak of a bird, and, as the reader may see, the curves
are exceedingly bold and sweeping. It is rather more than three feet in length, and it
weighs almost exactly two pounds and a half.
War is in New Caledonia, as in New Zealand, the chief occupation of the men, The
first lesson that a child receives is fighting, and the idea is prevalent with him as long as
he lives. As soon as he is born, the boy is consecrated to the god of war, and a hard
CANNIBALISM.
207
black stone is laid on his breast, as a symbol that his heart must be as hard as a stone in
battle. Even the women take a share in the fighting, and, though they are not actual
combatants, they follow their relatives to the battle, in order to seize the bodies of slain
enemies, and drag them away to the cooking-oven. Strife is
always fomented by the priests from interested motives, inasmuch
as the hands of the slain are their perquisites, and among the
connoisseurs in cannibalism the palms of the hands are the most
delicate portions of the human body
Primarily the New Caledonians are cannibals because they
are warriors, the body of a dead enemy being always supposed to
be eaten by the victors. There is mostly a fight over the body
of a fallen warrior, the one party trying to drag it away to the
cooking-oven, and the other endeavouring to save it for burial
by themselves.
As a rule, however, the body is carried off by the women,
who have the task of cooking it. The preparation of the body
is quite a ceremonial, each part of it belonging by right to
certain individuals, and even the carving being regulated by
strict rules. A peculiar kind of knife is made of flat serpentine-
stone, oval in form, and about seven inches in length. Two holes
are bored on one side of it, by means of which it is fastened to
a wooden handle. This knife is called “nbouet."
With the nbouet the body is opened, and the whole of the
intestines are torn out by means of a fork made expressly for
the purpose. This fork is composed of two human armbones
placed side by side, about an inch apart, and fastened tightly
together. They are sharply pointed, and are very effectual in-
struments for the purpose. Sometimes the bodies are cut up for
cooking, but in many cases they are baked entire, the women
priding themselves in serving them up in a sitting posture,
furnished and dressed in full war costume.
Thus, then, we see that cannibalism is connected with war-
fare; but unfortunately it is not restricted to war. When
Captain D'Entrecasteaux went in search of La Pérouse, one of
the natives was seen eating a newly-roasted piece of meat. The
naturalist to the expedition immediately recognised it as being
part of the body of a child. The man who was eating it did not
attempt to deny the fact, but even pointed out on the body of a
little boy the part of the body which he was eating, and gave his
hearers to understand that the flesh of children was very good.
This cannibalism of New Caledonia explained some curious gestures which the natives
were fond of making. They used to be very familiar with their white visitors, feeling
their arms and legs, looking at each other with admiration, and then whistling and
smacking their lips loudly. În point of fact, they were admiring the well-fed limbs of
the white men, and anticipating to each other the delights of a feast upon the plump
Europeans.
As, however, flesh is but a luxury among the New Caledonians, and cannot be con-
sidered as an ordinary article of diet, the natives depend chiefly for their existence on
vegetable food. Roots of various kinds are eaten by them, as well as cocoa-nut and other
fruit; all the cooking, as well as the work in general
, being performed by the women.
Shell-fish are also much eaten, and are procured by the women. The large clam-shell is
found on the shores of the island, and supplies abundance of food; while the smaller
molluscs are mostly dug out of the sand by women, who frequently spend half a day up
to their waists in water,
Two very strange articles of diet are in use among the New Caledonians. The first is
& sort of spider, which spins large and thick nets in the woods, often incommoding
NEW CALEDONIAN CLUB.
(From my Collection.)
268
NEW CALEDONIA.
travellers by the number and strength of the silken cords. They are not eaten raw, but
cooked by being placed in a covered earthen jar, which is set on a brisk fire. The natives
call the spider by the name of “nougui.” It is grey above, the back being covered with a
fine silvery down, and below it is black.
The second article of diet is clay, of which the natives will consume a great amount.
The earth in question is a soft greenish steatite, which crumbles very easily, and has the
property of distending the stomach, and so allays the cravings of hunger, even though it
does not nourish the body. A well-distended stomach is one of the great luxuries of
a savage, and, in accordance with this idea, a man was seen to eat a piece of steatite twice
as large as his fist, even though he had just taken a full meal. Some of the natives have
been known to eat as much as two pounds of this substance. A similar propensity is
found both in Africa and America.
When they drink at a pool or river, they have an odd fashion of dipping the water
with their hands, and flinging it into their mouths, so that much more water is splashed
over their heads than enters their mouths.
With regard to the bodies of those who fall in war, and are rescued from the enemy,
many ceremonies are employed. According to Captain Head, in his “ Voyage of the
Fawn," they are “ brought home with loud lamentations, and buried with great wailing
and shrieking from the appointed mourners, who remain unclean often for several years
after burying a great chief
, and are subject to many strict observances. For weeks they
continue nightly to waken the forest echoes with their cries. After ten days have elapsed,
the grave is opened, and the head twisted off; and, again in this custom resembling the
Andaman islanders, the teeth are distributed as relics among the relatives, and the skull
preserved as a memorial by the nearest of kin, who daily goes through the form of offering
it food.
“The only exceptions are in the case of the remains of old wonen, whose teeth are
sown in the yam patches as a charm to produce good crops; their skulls set up upon
poles being deemed equally potent in this respect."
The general character of the New Caledonians seems to be tolerably good, and, in
spite of their evident longing after the flesh of their visitors, they are not on the whole
inhospitable. They are clever thieves, and are ingenious in robbery by means of an
accomplice. On one occasion, when a native was offering for sale a basket full of sling-
stones, and was chaffering about the price, an accomplice came quietly behind the white
man and uttered a loud yell in his ears. Naturally startled, he looked behind him, and
in a moment the man with whom he was trading snatched away the basket and the goods
offered in exchange, and ran away with them.
One of the officers was robbed of his cap and sword in an equally ingenious manner.
He had seated himself on the ground, and for better security had placed his sword under
him. Suddenly one of the natives snatched off his cap, and as he instinctively rose to
rescue it, another man picked up his sword and escaped with it. They even tried to steal
a ship’s boat, together with the property in it, and would not leave it until they were
attacked by a strong body of armed sailors.
They make very good canoes--as, indeed, is generally the case with islanders. The
largest canoes are mostly double, two boats being placed alongside of each other, and
connected by a platform. They have a single mast, which is stepped towards one end of
the compound vessel, and can sail with considerable swiftness, though they are not so
manageable as those of New Guinea, some of which are marvels of boat-building. They
can accommodate a considerable number of passengers, and have generally a fire burning
on the platform, which is protected from the heat by a thick layer of earth.
A rather remarkable custom prevails among them, which derives its chief interest
from the fact that it is practised in Northern Asia. This is the Kata, or scarf of felicity.
It is a little scarf, of white or red material ; and when two persons meet they exchange
their katas—a ceremony which is analogous to shaking hands among ourselves.
Whether these savages are the aborigines of the island is doubtful. If they be so,
they seem to have declined from the comparative civilization of their ancestors. This,
indeed, is their own opinion; and, in support of this theory, they point to the ruins which
TIIE ISLE OF PINES.
209
are still to be seen, and which tell of architecture far beyond the power of the present
natives. There are even the remains of an aqueduct eight miles in length, a piece of
engineering which would never have entered the head of the New Caledonian of the
present day. Perhaps these works of art may have been constructed by immigrants, who
bave since left them to perish; but, in any case, their presence in such a spot is most
remarkable.
THE ISLE OF PINES.
in ovens.
SOME thirty miles to the south-east of New Caledonia, and in fact forming part of
the same group, there is a small island, called by Captain Cook the Isle of Pines, in con-
sequence of the number of araucarias with which its hills are covered. The strait between
the Isle of Pines and New Caledonia Proper is nearly all shoal water, caused by the
numerous coral reefs.
In many respects the inhabitants of this island resemble those of New Caledonia.
They are not, however, so dark, and their features are tolerably good. They are cannibals
from choice, wrapping up the bodies of the dead in banana leaves, and then cooking them
Some years ago, they contrived to indulge their taste for human flesh at the
expense of their neighbours.
About 1840, it was found that sandal-wood grew on the island, and several vessels
proceeded thither for the sake of procuring this valuable product. At first they did so
with great risk, and lost many of their men from the onslaughts of the natives. After-
wards, however, a Sydney merchant set up an establishment for the collecting and storing
of sandal-wood and bêches-de-mer, and since that time the natives have become quite
peaceable.
In course of this transitional time between utter barbarism and commerce, they
learned by painful experience the power of fire-arms. As soon as they became accustomed
to trade, the first thing that they did was to procure a large stock of fire-arms, and to go
off with them to New Caledonia, where they landed, shot as many of the natives as they
could, and brought their bodies home for consumption. It is true that a constant feud
raged between the two islands, but the sudden acquisition of fire-arms gave the people of
the Isle of Pines a terrible advantage over their hereditary foes, and enabled them almost
to depopulate the south-eastern part of the island.
They care no more for dress than the New Caledonians, but are very fond of ornament,
the men appropriating all the best decorations, and leaving the women to take what they
can get. The men friz their hair out as much as possible, and wrap a thin scarf round it,
Or sometimes cut it short, leaving only a tuft on one side of the head. The women shave
off the whole of the hair, thus depriving themselves of their natural ornament, and ren-
dering themselves very unprepossessing to European eyes. The rough work is done by
them, the men reserving to themselves the noble occupations of war, fishing, house-
building, and canoe-making, the only real work which they do being yain-planting, after
the ground has been prepared by the women.
vr
VOL. II.
P
THE ANDAMAN
ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
CHAPTER I.
THE ANDAMAN AND NICOBAR ISLANDS.
POSITION OF THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS-ORIGIN OF THE NATIVES—THEIR ROVING HABITS AND LACK OF
CLOTHING- -THEIR HATRED OF STRANGERS-THE NATIVES AND THE STEAMER-APPEARANCE
OF THE WOMEN--THE ENORMOUS BOW AND SKILL OF THE MINCOPIE ARCHERS-VARIOUS MODES
OF FISHING EXCELLENCE OF THEIR CANOES, AND MODE OF MAKING THEM THE LONG PADDLES
THE SHIP'S CREW BEATEN BY THE MINCOPIE CANOE-MEN-CANNIBALISM NOT PRACTISED IN
THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS-INGENIOUS FIREPLACES AND METHOD OF COOKING-WANT OF ARCHI-
TECTURAL SKILL-EDUCATION OF THE CHILDREN, AND THEIR GAMES— POWERS OF SWIMMING
MATRIMONIAL ARRANGEMENTS-DEATH AND BURIAL--THE NICOBAR ISLANDS-APPEARANCE AND
COSTUME OF THE INHABITANTS—THE CROSS-BOW AND
THE CROSS-BOW AND ITS ARROW-A PRIMITIVE HAMMOCK-
TOMBS IN THE NICOBAR ISLANDS.
We will now pass to the westward, and travel gradually through the wonderful group of
islands which extends almost from Asia to America, and which is known by the general
title of Polynesia. One or two of them will have to be omitted for the present, so as not
to break the continuity of races, but will be described before we pass upwards through
America, from Tierra del Fuego to the Esquimaux.
In the Bay of Bengal, and not much to the eastward of India, is seen a group of
islands, named the Andamans. They are of considerable length, but very narrow, seldom
exceeding twenty miles in breadth, and are arranged very much after the fashion of the
New Zealand islands, though on a smaller scale. These islands exhibit a phenomenon
almost unparalleled in the history of the human race.
They lie close to India, a country in which a high state of civilization has been reached
many centuries ago. They are almost in the middle of the track which is traversed by
multitudes of ships, and yet their inhabitants are sunk in the deepest depths of savage
degradation. Even the regular visits made by the Chinese vessels to the Andaman coasts
,
for the
purpose of procuring the trepang, have had not the least effect upon them; and
they afford perhaps the most perfect example of savage life which the surface of the earth
can show
The origin of the Andamaners is a problem to anthropologists. They are small in
stature, the men being on an average but little above five feet in height, and the women
being still smaller. They are very dark, but have scarcely
anything except their colour
in common with the negro. They have neither the huge projecting jaws and cavernous
mouth of the true negro, nor his curiously-elongated heel; and though they are so
small
DISLIKE TO STRANGERS.
211
as almost to merit the name of pigmies, they are perfectly well formed. The hair, when
it is allowed to grow, is seen to be thick and bushy, and resembles that of the Papuans;
and it is the opinion of many competent judges that the Andamaners are the aborigines of
the Papuan race, who have never permitted contact with strangers, and have preserved
their own individuality intact.
In habits they are absolutely savage, their arts being limited to the manufacture of
canoes and weapons, architecture and agriculture being equally unknown. They possess
one of the chief characteristics of savage life in their roving disposition, never remaining
long in one spot, a stay of three or four days being considered a long visit to any place.
They have no laws, no religion, and no tribal distinctions. Marriage, as we understand
the word, is unknown to them; and there seem to be few restrictions of consanguinity, a
mother and her daughter being sometimes the wives of the same husband.
Clothing is entirely unknown to them; and when captives have been taken, they have
always found clothes to be an incumbrance to them, though they were pleased with gaudy
handkerchiefs tied round their heads. The only covering which they care for is one which
they share in common with many of the pachydermatous animals, and employ for
the same purpose. It is nothing more than a layer of mud, with which the natives plaster
themselves in the morning and evening, in order to defend themselves from the attacks of
the mosquitoes, sandflies, and other insect plagues.
Until the last few years our knowledge of the Andamaners has been almost nil, in
consequence of their hatred of strangers, and the determined opposition which they offer
to any foreigners landing on their shores. The very presence of a boat or a ship seems to
excite them to frenzy. In Captain Mouatt's valuable account of these islands is an
animated description of a scene which occurred off the coast.
The steamer, on rounding a point, came suddenly upon two groups of savages, who
were at first paralysed by fear at the sudden apparition of the unknown object, with its
columns of white steam roaring from the escape-pipe, its smoke, and its plashing paddles.
In a few moments they recovered from their surprise, and raised a simultaneous shout of
defiance. Two boats' crews were sent ashore, to the extreme anger of the Mincopies.
“A peculiar natural phenomenon rendered the scene still more striking and impressive
as the interval between the two parties, the savage and the civilized, was gradually
diminished by the onward motion of the boats. The spray as it rose in clouds from the
breakers dashing on the shore, reflecting the rays of the declining sun, magnified con-
siderably the slight figures of the natives, making massive and formidable giants of men
who were in reality little more than sable dwarfs. As the cutters neared that part of the
shore where they had stationed themselves, and they clearly perceived that we were
making preparations to land, their excitement was such that they appeared as if they had
suddenly become frantic.
“They seemed to lose that restraint and control which it is the pride of the savage to
exhibit in time of danger, and jumped and yelled like so many demons let loose from the
bottomless pit, or as if there had been a Bedlam in that locality, and they the most
unmanageable of its frantic inmates. Their manner was that of men determined and
formidable in the midst of all their excitement. They brandished their bows in our
direction; they menaced us with their arrows, said by common report--so often a liar-
to be poisoned; exhibiting by every possible contortion of savage pantomime their hostile
determination. To use a common vulgar expression of some of the seamen, they seemed
to have made up their minds to 'chaw us all up.' .
“The spear which he flourished incessantly was terminated by a bright, flat, pointed
head, which gleamed with flashes of light, as, circling rapidly in the air, it reflected
the
rays of the sun. Sometimes he would hold it aloft, poising it in his uplifted hand, as if
with the intention of hurling it with unerring and deadly aim at the first who dared to
approach the shore of his native island. At length, in a paroxysm of well-acted fury,
he dashed boldly into the water, boiling and seething round him as it broke in great
billows on the beach, and on the rocks by which it was defended, and, fixing an arrow in
his bow, he shot it off in the direction of the steamer, as if that were the arch enemy
that had provoked his bellicose fury.”
P 2

212
THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
The second party of natives, who turned out to be females, were as frightened as their
male friends were angry. After several failures in launching a canoe, they rushed in a
body to the jungle and hid themselves from the strangers. They exhibited the usual
characteristics of the people, a basket for fish doing duty for clothes, and a patch of red
ochre on their heads taking the place of hair. So repulsive were they in their appearance,
that the sailors declined to leave mirrors on the shore as presents for them, saying that
such hideous creatures ought not to be allowed to look at their own features.
2017
COAST SCENE ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
The weapons with which the Mincopie men threatened the strangers are really for-
midable, and before very long the exploring party learned to hold them in great respect.
The bows are sometimes six feet long and enormously powerful,—so powerful in fact
that the strongest sailors tried in vain to bend the weapons which the pigmy Mincopies
handled with such skilful ease.
The shape of the bow is very peculiar. Instead of being nearly cylindrical, largest
in the middle and tapering regularly to each end, it is nearly flat except at the handle,
on either side of which it becomes very broad. In fact, a good idea of it may be taken
from a flattened hour-glass, the channel in the middle being the handle. The shape of
these bows can be seen by reference to the illustration, in which a couple of men are
preparing to shoot.
The force and accuracy with which these tiny men can shoot are really wonderful.
They very seldom fail to hit their mark at any reasonable distance, and can make
tolerably sure of a man at sixty or seventy yards, so that the Mincopie bow is really a
far better weapon than the old “Brown Bess" musket ever was.
VARIOUS MODES OF FISHING.
213
One arrow that was shot at a boat's crew at a distance of sixty yards struck a hickory
oar, and knocked off a piece of wood as large as a man's hand.
These arrows are very neatly made. They are about three feet in length, and are
made of a reed by way of shaft, to the end of which is fastened a piece of hard wood in
order to give weight. Upon this tip is fixed the head, which is usually the barbed tail-
bone of the sting-ray, and sometimes, though not always, poisoned. Should this terrible
weapon enter the body, it cannot be removed without a severe operation, the sharp
brittle barbs being apt to snap off and remain in the wound if any force be used in
extracting the arrow.
Their consummate skill in the use of the bow is obtained by constant practice from
earliest infancy. As is the assagai to the Kaffir, the boomerang to the Australian, and the
lasso to the Guacho, so is the bow to the Andamaner. The first plaything that a Mincopie
boy sees is a miniature bow made for him by his father, and, as he advances in age, bows
of progressive strength are placed in his hands. Consequently, he is so familiarized with
the weapon that, by the time he is of full age, the pigmy Andamaner draws with graceful
ease a bow which seems made for a giant.
Numbers of the toy bows and arrows may be seen scattered about an encampment if
the natives are forced to leave it in a hurry, and their various sizes show the ages of the
children to whom they belonged. The education of the Mincopie archer is in fact almost
precisely like that of the old English bowmen, who, from constant practice in the art, and
being trained from childhood in the use of the bow, obtained such a mastery of the
weapon as made them the terror of Europe.
Being such skilful archers, they trust almost entirely to the bow and arrow, caring
little for any other weapon. Even the harpoon, with which they catch the larger fish, is
shot from the powerful bow. It is, in fact, a very large arrow, with a moveable head.
This head fits loosely into a hole at the end of the arrow, and is secured to the shaft by
a thong. It is a very remarkable fact that the bow and harpoon arrow of the Mincopies
are almost exactly like those which are used by the inhabitants of Vancouver's Island.
They are twice as large, but in shape almost identical, as will be seen when we come to
the north of America.
When they use the harpoon, a long and elastic cord is attached to it, one end of
which is retained by the archer. The cord is made from a fibre which has the useful
property of hardening by being soaked in water. For killing the fish when held with
the harpoon the Mincopies use smaller arrows, without barbs or moveable heads.
In the illustration the natives are seen engaged in their usual pursuits. In the fore-
ground a number of men are employed in fishing. They are very expert fishermen,
and use nets which are made from the same fibre that has been mentioned. For small
fish they make the nets of rather thin but very tough string, but for turtle and large
fish they make nets of cord as thick as a man's finger. One side of the net is held to
the bed of the sea by heavy stones laid on it, and the other is upheld by floats. The
men in the foreground have just caught a large fish in this net, and are holding the
struggling captive while a companion stuns it by a blow on the head.
In the background are seen a number of women searching for molluscs, a business
which occupies a considerable amount of their time. They always carry neat baskets, in
which to put the results of their industry, and each woman has generally a small net
fixed to a ħandle, like that which is used by butterfly collectors.
The centre of the illustration is occupied by two canoes. In nothing do the
Andamaners show their skill more than in canoe-making. Their bows and arrows are,
as we have seen, good specimens of savage manufacture, but in the making and manage-
ment of canoes they are simply unapproachable, even though their tools are of the rudest
possible description.
Furnished merely with a simple adze made of a stone fixed into a handle, the
Mincopie boat-maker searches the forest for a suitable tree, and after a week or ten days
succeeds in bringing it to the ground. The rest of the process is so well described by
Captain Mouatt,
that it must be given in his own words.
“The next operation is to round the trunk, a process which they perform with remark-
214
THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
:
able dexterity, it being almost impossible to conceive how, with the imperfect instruments
at their command, they execute their work with so much skill and neatness. Practice,
however, must render them, as well as others, perfect; and hence it is that in a short time
the rough and shapeless trunk begins to assume form and proportions; and, when the
process is finished, exhibits a finish and perfection that even a Chinese carpenter, by far
the most handy and ingenious of human 'chips,' would regard with a feeling of envy,
as a work of dexterity which it would be vain for him to attempt to imitate.
“As soon as the trunk has been rounded, they commence the operation of cutting and
chipping at it externally, until eventually the outlines of the elegant canoe begin to appear
from the shapeless mass of the knotted trunk, just as, by the skill of the statuary, the
beautiful figure gradually assumes its fair proportions in the block of marble. The shape
externally is generally finished with great care and elaboration before they proceed to
hollow it internally, the next process to which they direct their attention. The interior is
excavated in the same perfect and business-like manner, until the shell is no thicker than
the side of a deal bonnet-box, although it still preserves that strength which would enable
it to resist successfully the utmost force and violence of the waves, should it even be
assailed by a storm-a thing not at all probable, as, unless carried out to sea by some
accident, it is rare that the Andamaners venture far from the shore.
“The buoyancy of these boats, when they are well constructed and carefully finished,
is remarkable. They float lightly on the top of the waves, and, unless they have received
some injury, it is considered almost impossible to sink them. We sometimes made the
attempt, but never succeeded. We fired at them repeatedly when at Port Mouatt--which
may be regarded as a sort of Andaman Pembroke-yard, where a fleet of Mincopie men-
of-war were lying in every stage of preparation--but they still floated with as great ease
and buoyancy as ever. They would make excellent life-boats, such, we believe, as have
never yet been constructed by any of our most experienced boat-builders."
Near shore the boatmen paddle about with perfect ease in these fragile vessels, though
a European can hardly proceed twenty yards without being upset. When they go further
to sea they add a light outrigger to one side of the canve, and then venture forty or fifty
miles from land. They always, in such cases, take fire with them, which has the double
advantage of attracting the fish at night, and of cooking them when taken. Sometimes
a number of boats will remain all night at sea, and the effect of their fires and torches is
very picturesque when seen from the land.
The outrigger is certainly a new invention. The earlier travellers, who were always
minute enough in their accounts, did not mention the outrigger, and, as far as can be
seen, the idea has been borrowed from some Cingalese canoe which had got into a current
and been drifted towards the island.
The paddles are rather peculiar in their form, and, apparently, very ineffective, looking
something like long spoons with flattened bowls
, or, on a smaller scale, the “peels” with
which bakers take bread out of their ovens. The women are the paddle-makers, and the
implements vary from three to four feet long. They are cut from a very hard wood, and
the work of making them is necessarily laborious.
Imperfect as the canoe and paddles seem to be, they are in fact absolute marvels of
efficiency. The tiny Mincopies, furnished with these simple paddles, and seated in a canoe
cut by themselves out of a tree trunk, can beat with ease our best oarsmen. Captain
Mouatt got up several races between the Mincopies and his own prize crew in their
favourite boat. In point of fact there was never any race at all, the Andamaners having
it all their own way, and winning as they liked. The powerful, sweeping stroke of the
man-of-war's crew was beautiful to see, but the little Mincopies shot through, or rather
over, the water with such speed that the sailors were hopelessly beaten, although they
strained themselves so much that they felt the results of their exertions for some time
afterwards.
Slight, and almost as active as monkeys, the Mincopies ascend the tallest trees
with the like agility, applying the soles of their feet and the palms of their hands
to the trunk, and literally running up them. When they reach the branches, they
traverse them with as much ease and security as if they were on firm land. Indeed, their

THE OVEN TREE. .
215
powers of tree-climbing seem to be equal to those of the inhabitants of Dourga Strait,
of whom we shall presently read.
We now come to a question which has often been agitated, namely, the asserted
cannibalism of the Andamaners.
It is a question that every observant reader would be sure to ask himself, as the
Andamaners are just such a savage race as might be expected to feed habitually on human
bodies. Yet, though we find the comparatively civilized New Zealander sharing with the
savage New Caledonian the habit of eating human flesh, the Mincopie, who is infinitely
ki
ANDAMANERS COOKING A PIG.
below the New Zealander, and certainly not above the New Caledonian, is free from that
revolting practice. He undoubtedly has been known to eat human flesh, but only when
urged by extreme hunger to eat the flesh of man or to die; and in so doing he has but
set an example which has been followed by members of the most civilized countries.
That they are fierce and cruel towards foreigners is true enough, and it is also true
that the bodies of those whom they have killed have been found frightfully mutilated, the
flesh being almost pounded from the bones by the blows which have been showered upon
the senseless clay in the blind fury of the savage. But no attempt has been made to
remove any part of the body, and it was evident that the victors had not even entertained
the idea of eating it.
The food of the Andamaners is tolerably varied, and is prepared in a very simple and
A large tree is selected for this purpose, and fire is applied to it at the
so that by degrees a large hole is burned in it, the charred wood being scraped
away so as to form eventually a large hole. This is the Mincopie oven, and at the bottom
a heap of ashes, about three feet in depth, is always left. The fire smoulders away
ingenious oven.
bottom,
216
THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
gradually among the ashes, and never entirely goes out; so that whenever a native wishes
to cook his pig, turtle, or fish, he has only to blow up the smouldering embers, and in
a few moments he has fire sufficient for his purposes.
These oven-trees are very carefully preserved, the natives never cutting them down,
and always managing to prevent them from being entirely burned through. In the illus-
tration on the preceding page one of these trees is shown, with the fire burning in the
hollow, and the natives sitting round it. The Mincopies always contrive to have the open-
ing of the oven in such a direction that the rain cannot get into it and put out the fire.
Pigs have been mentioned as forming part of the Andamaners' food. These pigs are
small and black, with spare, hard bristles, that look like pieces of wire. They are
wonderfully active, and, according to Captain Mouatt, “ are the most curious and mis-
chievous little animals in creation. They have a leer that makes them look so many
Mephistopheles, who have chosen to assume that peculiar form, in many respects a very
appropriate one, for, if they are not so many little devils, they are certainly possessed
by them.
“At the time of our visit to the Cinque Islands, we turned out a dozen of them, and,
our unwonted appearance filling them with alarm, they ran off from us with the velocity
of an Indian express train, squeaking like mad. We set off and had a regular hunt after
them--a hunt that beats to chalks the most exciting scene of pig-sticking ever seen in
Bengal. After discharging their rifles, some of the hunters would probably find the pigs
between their legs, making them measure their length on the sand. The falls were made
with considerable violence, though they were not dangerous, for they only excited our
risible faculties; and as each one came down he was greeted with a loud and hearty burst
of laughter, as a sort of congratulation to him in his misfortune.”
The architecture of the Andamaners is very primitive. Four posts are stuck in the
ground in the form of a square, and the builder is quite indifferent as to their straightness.
Two of them are much longer than the others, so that when they are connected by sticks
a sloping roof is formed. Palm-leaves are then placed upon them, one lying over the
other in tile fashion, so that they form a protection from perpendicularly falling rain. A
number of these huts are generally erected in a circle, in some cleared space in the forest,
which is sheltered by large trees, and within a convenient distance of water. One or two
of these simple houses may be seen in the illustration.
Primitive as are these huts, some attempt is made at ornamenting them, the decorations
being characteristically the trophies of the chase. Skulls of pigs and turtles, bundles of
fish-bones, and similar articles are painted with stripes of red ochre, and hung to the roofs of
the huts. Ochre-painting, indeed, seems to be the only idea that the Andamaners have of
ornament, if perhaps we except a string which the dandies tie round the waist, having
a piece of bone or other glittering article hanging from it.
This ochre is in great request among the Mincopies, the women being especially fond
of it by way of a decoration of their heads. As has already been mentioned, they shave
the head completely, using, instead of a razor, a piece of flint chipped very thin, and having
a sharp edge. They are wonderfully adroit at making these primitive knives, which are
exactly like those of the stone age. The hair having been scraped off, a tolerably thick
plastering of red ochre is rubbed on the head, and the toilet of a Mincopie belle is
complete.
Not only is the ochre used for external application, but it is administered internally.
What is good for the outside, the Mincopie logically thinks will be equally good for the
inside. So, when he feels ill, he makes a sort of bolus of red ochre and turtle-oil, swallows
it, and thinks that he has cured himself. Wounds are dressed by binding certain leaves
upon them, and in many cases of internal pains, bruises, or swellings, scarification is
freely used. Certain individuals enjoy a sort of reputation for success in the treatment
of disease, and are much honoured by the less skilful.
It has already been mentioned that marriage is nothing more than taking a female
slave.
When a wiſe becomes a mother, the only treatment which she receives is, that after
the birth of her child she is plentifully rubbed with the red ochre and turtle-oil, and is
AMUSEMENTS OF THE CHILDREN.
217
expected to follow her usual occupations on the next day. The young child is soused
with cold water, poured out of one of the great bamboo vessels which the Mincopies
use, and is dried by rubbing with the hand. Like its parent, the child wears no
clothing; but if the party should be on their travels, and rain begin to fall, the mother
pulls a few leaves from the next tree, ties them together with a fibre of rattan, and
fastens them on the body of the child. This is the only clothing which an Andamaner
ever wears.
1
Children are never weaned, but continue to take their childish nourishment until the
mother is absolutely incapable of affording it. Both parents redeem much of their savage
nature by their affection for their children, the father being quite as loving a parent as the
mother-a trait which is often absent among savage tribes. The children reciprocate the
affection, so that, in spite of the absence of any definite home, there is a domestic character
about the family which could scarcely have been expected from such a race.
It has been already mentioned that the boys amuse themselves chiefly with small
bows and arrows, having these toys of a continually increasing size to suit their growth.
The girls are fond of disporting themselves by the sea-shore, and building sand houses for
the waves to knock down, precisely as is done by the civilized children of Europe. Their
great amusement is to build an enclosure with walls of sand, and to sit in it as if it were
a house of their own until the rising tide washes away the frail walls. Both sexes are
fond of swimming, and as soon as they can walk the little black children are seen running
into and out of the water, and, if they can pick some sheltered spot free from waves, they
dive and swim like so many ducks. A Hindoo, named Pooteeah, who was taken prisoner
by the Mincopies, and his life spared for some reason or other, states that they are such
excellent swimmers that several of them will dive together among the rocks, search for
fish in the crevices, and bring their struggling captives to shore. This statement was dis-
credited by those to whom it was made, as were several other of his accounts. As,
however, subsequent observations showed that he was right in many of the statements
which were at first disbelieved, it is possible that he was right in this case also.
This man, by the way, was furnished with two wives, mother and daughter, and, as he
was above the ordinary size, Captain Mouatt expresses some curiosity as to the appearance
of the progeny. He made his escape from the island before the birth of a child that one
of his wives was expecting, and, as the Mincopie mothers are remarkable for their affection
towards their children, it is likely that the little half-caste was allowed to live, and that a
new element may thus be introduced into the race.
They have more than once made use of their swimming powers in escaping from
captivity. Several instances have been known where Andamaners have been kept pri-
soners on board ship, and have seemed tolerably reconciled to their lot. As soon, however,
as the ship neared land, they contrived to escape for a moment from the eye of the sentry,
slipped overboard, and swam to land. They always dived as soon as they struck the
water, swam as far as they could without rising to the surface, and then, after taking a
single respiration, dived again, and so swam the greater part of the distance under water.
This mode of swimming was doubtless practised by them when trying to escape from the
arrows of an unfriendly party.
In Captain Syme's "Embassy to Ava” there is a curious account of two young
Mincopie girls who had been decoyed on board the ship. They were treated very kindly,
and soon learned that no harm would be done to them. “They suffered clothes to be put
on, but took them off again as soon as opportunity offered, and threw them away as
useless encumbrances. When their fears were over, they became cheerful, chattered with
freedom, and were inexpressibly diverted at the sight of their own persons in a mirror.
They were fond of singing, sometimes in a melancholy recitative, at others in a lively
key; and often danced about the deck with great agility, slapping the lower part of their
bodies with the back of their heels. Wine and spirituous liquors were disagreeable to
; no food seemed so palatable as fish, rice, and sugar. In a few weeks, having
recovered strength and become fat, from the more than half-famished state in which they
were brought on board, they began to think confinement irksome, and longed to regain
their native freedom.
218
THE NICOBAR ISLANDS.
1
“ In the middle of the night, when all but the watchman were asleep, they passed in
silence into the captain's cabin, jumped out of the stern windows into the sea, and swam
to an island half a mile distant, where it was in vain to pursue them, had there been any
such intention; but the object was to retain them by kindness, and not by compulsion, an
attempt that has failed on every trial. Hunger may (and these instances are rare) induce
them to put themselves into the power of strangers; but the moment that their want is
satisfied, nothing short of coercion can prevent them from returning to a way of life more
congenial to their savage nature.”
Like many other savage races, the Mincopies make a kind of festivity on each new
moon; and as soon as the thin crescent appears they salute it after their odd fashion, and
get up a dance. Their dances are rather grotesque, each performer jumping up and down,
and kicking himself violently with the sole of his foot, so as to produce a smart slapping
sound. This is the dance which is mentioned in the preceding account of the two
.captives
When a Mincopie dies, he is buried in a very simple manner. No lamentations are
made at the time; but the body is tied in a sitting position, with the head on the knees,
much after the fashion employed among the Bechuanas (see Vol. I.). It is then buried,
and allowed to decay, when the remains are dug up, and the bones distributed among the
relatives. The skull is the right of the widow, who ties it to a cord and hangs it round
her neck, where it remains for the rest of her life. This outward observance is, however,
all that is required of her, and is the only way in which she troubles herself to be faithful
to the memory of her dead husband.
It is rather strange that, though the Andamaners make no lamentations on the death
of a relative, they do not altogether dispense with these expressions of sorrow, but post-
pone them to the exhumation and distribution of the relics, when each one who gets a
bone howls over it for some time in honour of the dead.
THE NICOBAR ISLANDS.
IMMEDIATELY to the south of the Andaman Islands, and barely thirty miles distant,
lie the NICOBAR ISLANDS. The group consists of nine tolerably large islands, and several
of much smaller size. One of the large islands, called Great Nicobar, is twenty miles
long by eight wide, while Little Nicobar is barely half these dimensions.
The islands are singularly fertile, and abound in various kinds of vegetation, especially
in the cocoa-nut palm, not a specimen of which is to be found in the Andaman Islands.
This curious fact is accounted for by the character of the Andainaners, who have an
almost superstitious love for the cocoa-nut. If one of the nuts be washed ashore, it is
always broken up and eaten; and if perchance one of the fruit happens to escape the
sharp eyes of the natives and to germinate, its green feathery shoots are sure to attract
the attention of the first Mincopie who passes in that direction. A similar barrier to the
production of the cocoa-nut is found on the coast of Australia.
Although so close to the Andaman Islands, the inhabitants of Nicobar are very unlike
the Mincopies, being a fine tall race, and of a copper rather than a black hue. Unlike
the Mincopies
, the men are very fat, especially about the breast, so that at a little
distance they might easily be mistaken for women. Moreover, they wear the hair long,
and parted in the middle, which, to the eyes of a modern European, gives them a peculiar
effeminate look. They wear neither beard nor moustache, their features are ugly, and
their large mouths are stained a dark red from the juice of the betel-nut, which they are
continually chewing.
There is one distinction, however, which is apparent at a considerable distance.

CAPTAIN CAMPBELL'S ACCOUNT.
219
lieu of clothes, the men wear a strip of cloth, never more than two inches wide. This is
passed round the waist, under the legs in front, and tucked through itself behind, the end
being left as long as possible. The men place great value on the length of this tail, and
he is the best dressed man who wears it the longest. Some of the wealthy among them
have the tail dragging along the ground for several feet, like a European lady's train. If
possible, this tail is made of blue cloth, an article that is held in very high estimation by
the natives.
A SCENE IN THE NICOBAR ISLANDS.
The women are quite as ill-favoured as the men, and increase their natural ugliness
by shaving off all their hair. They do not wear tails like the men, but have a plaited
grass girdle, from which depends a soft fibrous fringe about a foot in depth.
The character of the Nicobarians is far gentler than that of the Mincopies, the latter
being proverbially fierce and cruel towards strangers, and the former soon learning to
welcome foreigners when they have made up their minds that no harm is intended them.
Captain Campbell
, to whom I am indebted for most of the information respecting these
natives, found them very agreeable and hospitable, ready to barter, and always welcoming
him to their houses.
220
THE NICOBAR ISLANDS.
the men,
After a short time, even the women and children, who had at first been scrupulously
concealed, after the manner of savages, came boldly forward, and were as hospitable as
On one occasion, while paying a visit to one of their huts, Captain Campbell
tried to make friends with one of the children, all of whom were terribly frightened at
the white face of their visitor. Finding that no response was made to his advances, he
pulled the child from his hiding-place, and held him for a little time, in spite of his
struggles. The mother made no opposition, but laughed heartily at the skirmish,
evidently feeling that no harm was intended towards her little one.
The native weapons of the Nicobarians are very curious. As the people are not of a
warlike character like the Mincopies, their weapons are used almost exclusively for killing
game. The most formidable is å tolerably large spear headed with iron, which is used
for killing hogs, and is thrown like the assagai of Southern Africa. They have also a
smaller javelin for fish-killing, and a number of many-pointed hand-spears for the same
purpose. The most remarkable of their weapons is a cross-bow, which is almost exactly
like that of the Fan tribe of Africa. It is not very powerful, and only propels a small
arrow. Its chief use is in killing birds.
Besides these weapons, every man carries a cutlass-blade from which the hilt has
been removed, and a handle roughly made by wrapping some six inches of the butt with
cocoa-nut fibre. It is intended not so much as a weapon as a tool, and with it the natives
cut down trees, carve their canoes, and perform similar operations.
The architecture of the Nicobarians is infinitely superior to that of the Mincopies,
and is precisely similar in character to that which is found among the inhabitants of New
Guinea, the home of the Papuan race.
The native architect begins by fixing a number of posts in the ground, and erecting
on them a platform of split bamboo. Over this platform he builds a roof shaped exactly
like a beehive, and his house is then complete. The bamboo platform is the floor of the
hut, and, being elastic as well as firm, serves also for a bed. To this but the native
ascends by a primitive sort of ladder, and passes into the chamber through a hole cut in
the floor. The sides of the hut are adorned with the skulls of hogs, intermixed with
spears, knives, bows, and arrows. The buts are kept peculiarly neat and clean.
A rather remarkable use is made of the hut. The open space between the floor and
the ground is far too valuable not to be utilized, as it affords a cool and airy shelter from
the sunbeams. Under this floor is suspended a primitive sort of hammock, which is a
board about six feet in length, slung by ropes. In, or rather on, this very uncomfortable
hammock the Nicobarian likes to lounge away his time, dozing throughout the hot hours
of the day, sipping palm wine at intervals, and smoking without cessation. In fact, we
seem to have got again among the inhabitants of Western Africa, so similar is the
character of the Nicobarian to that of the negro.
The canoes of the Nicobarians are not so beautifully formed as those of the Mincopies,
but are constructed on the same principle, being hollowed out of the trunks of trees, and
supported by a slight outrigger. They have a very high and ornamental prow, and are
propelled by short paddles. They are very light, and, when properly manned, skim over
the water at an astonishing pace. Some of them are nearly sixty feet in length, while
others are barely six or seven feet long, and only intended for one person.
The mode of burial is not in the least like that which is employed arnong the Min-
copies. When a man dies, the body is placed in a coffin, which is generally made from
a canoe. The canoe is cut in half, the body being laid in one moiety, and covered with
the other half. In order to supply the deceased with provisions for his journey to the
spirit-land, a pig is killed and placed in the coffin, together with a supply of yams and
cocoa-nuts. In case he should be attacked on his journey, a quantity of weapons, such as
bows, spears, and cutlasses, are placed in the coffin.
The body is buried in the middle of the village, and the spot marked by a stick, to
which is attached a small streamer. After some time, when the body has been consumed
by the earth, the coffin is dug up again. The deceased being now supposed to have com-
pleted his journey to his spirit-home, his bones are thrown into the bush, and the cutlasses
and other weapons distributed among his relatives.
NEW GUINEA.
CHAPTER I
TEE HOME OF THE PAPUAN RACE-DISTINGUISHING MARKS OF THE RACE-DERIVATION OF THE
NAME- GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE PAPUANS—THE SIGN OF PEACE -AN UNFORTUNATE MIS-
UNDERSTANDING-PRESS AND ORNAMENTS OF THE TRIBES OF DOURGA STRAIT-THEIR AGILITY
AMONG THE TREES—THE OUTANATA TRIBES-TATTOOING AND ORNAMENTS-ELABORATE ARCHI-
TECTURE-WEAPONS -THE DUST SIGNALS AND THEIR MEANING THEIR UNSUSPICIOUS NATURE
ABRAUW, THE CHIEF.
We now come to the very home and centre of the Papuan race.
New Guinea is a very large island, fourteen hundred miles in length, and, as far as has
been ascertained, containing some two hundred thousand geographical square miles. It is
separated from Australia only by Torres Strait, and, as we have seen, a certain amount of
intercourse has taken place between the Papuans of the south of New Guinea and the
natives who inhabit the north of Australia. Fertile in the vegetable kingdom, it possesses
one or two animals which have the greatest interest for the naturalist, such as the tree-
kangaroo, the crowned pigeon, and the bird of paradise. It is equally interesting to the
ethnologist as being the home of the Papuan race.
Taken as a race, they are very fine examples of savage humanity, tall, well-shaped, and
powerful.
They are remarkable for two physical peculiarities. The one is a roughness of the
skin
, and the other is the growth of the hair. The reader may remember that some of the
tribes of Southern Africa have the hair of the head growing in regular tufts or patches,
each about the size of a pea.
It is a remarkable fact that, in the Papuan race, the hair grows in similar patches,
but, instead of being short like that of the South African, it grows to a considerable
length, sometimes measuring eighteen inches from root to tip. The Papuans are very
proud of this natural ornament, and therefore will seldom cut it off ; but as, if left un-
trained, it would fall over the eyes, they have various modes of dressing it, but in most
cases manage to make it stand out at right angles from the head. Sometimes they take
the hair of each patch separately and screw it up into a ringlet. Sometimes they tease
out all the hairs with a wooden comb of four or five prongs, and, as the hair is very coarse
and stiff, it is soon induced to assume a mop-like shape, and to increase the apparent size
of the head to an enormous extent.
Indeed, the word Papua is derived from this peculiarity of the hair. In the Malay
language
, the word which signifies “ crisped” is pua-pua, which is easily contracted into
Even the hair of the face grows in similar patches, and so does that on the
breast of the man, and in the latter case the tufts are much further apart than on the
pa-pria.
head or face.
222
NEW GUINEA.
The colour of the Papuans is a very dark chocolate, sometimes inclining to black, but
having nothing in common with the deep shining black of the negro. Their features are
large and tolerably well made, though the nose is very broad at the wings, and the lips
wide. The nose, however, is not flat like that of the negro, but is prominent, rather
arched, and descends so low that when seen in front the tip nearly reaches the upper
lip. The natives seem to be perfectly aware of this peculiarity, and perpetuate it in their
carvings.
Although, taken as a whole, they are a fine race, there are many diversities among the
different tribes, and they may be divided into the large and small tribes. The former
are powerfully built, but more remarkable for strength than symmetry-broad-breasted
and deep-chested, but with legs not equal in strength to the upper parts of the body.
Their character has been variously given, some travellers describing them as gentle
and hospitable, while others decry them as fierce and treacherous. Suspicious of strangers
they certainly are, and with good reason, having suffered much from the ships that visited
their coasts. A misunderstanding may soon arise between savage and civilized people,
especially when neither understands the language of the other. An example of such
misunderstanding is given by Mr. Earle in his valuable work on the native races of the
Indian Archipelago. Lieutenant Modera, an officer in the Dutch navy, embarked with
several other gentlemen in the ship's boat, for the purpose of landing on the shore of
Dourga Strait, à passage between the mainland and Frederick Henry Island.
“When the boat had proceeded to within a musket-shot distance from them, the
natives, who were armed with bows, arrows, and lances, commenced making singular
gestures with their arms and legs. The native interpreter called out to them in a language
partly composed of Ceramese, and partly of a dialect spoken by a Papuan tribe dwelling
a little further to the north ; but his words were evidently quite unintelligible to them, as
they only answered with loud and wild yells. We endeavoured, for a long time without
success, to induce them to lay aside their weapons, but at length one of them was pre-
vailed upon to do so, and the others followed his example, on which we also laid down
our arms, keeping them, however, at hand.
“We now slowly approached each other, and the interpreter, dipping his hand into the
sea, sprinkled some of the water over the crown of his head as a sign of peaceful intentions.
This custom seems to be general among all the Papuan tribes, and in most cases their
peaceful intentions may be depended upon after having entered into this silent compact.
“This they seemed to understand, for two of them immediately did the same, on which
the interpreter jumped into the shallow water, and approached them with some looking-
glasses and strings of beads, which were received with loud laughter and yells. They now
began dancing in the water, making the interpreter join, and the party was soon in-
creased by other natives from the woods, who were attracted by the presents. Mr.
Hagenholtz also jumped into the shallow water and joined in the dance, and they soon
became so friendly as to come close round the boat ; indeed some of them were even
induced to get in.
Meanwhile their confidence increased, and they began to barter with their visitors,
exchanging their ornaments, and even their weapons, for beads, mirrors, and cloth. They
were very inquisitive about the strange objects which they saw in the boat, and, although
they handled everything freely, did not attempt to steal. One of thern took up a loaded
pistol
, but laid it down at once when the owner said it was tapu, or forbidden. Unfor-
tunately, a misunderstanding then took place, which destroyed all the amicable feeling
which had been established.
“ While all this was going on, they kept drawing the boat-unperceived, as they
thought-towards the beach, which determined us to return, as our stock of presents was
exhausted, and there seemed no probability of our inducing any of them to go on board
Shortly before this, Mr. Boers had ornamented a Papuan with a string of beads,
who, on receiving it, joined two of his countrymen that were standing a little distance off
with the arms that had been laid aside, but which they had been gradually getting together
again—a proceeding we had observed, but, trusting in the mutual confidence that had
been established, we did not much heed it.
with us.
AGILITY AMONG TREES.
223
" At the moment in which we were setting off the boat to return on board, this man
fixed an arrow in his bow, and took aim at Mr. Boers, who was sitting in the fore part of
the boat, on which the latter turned aside to take up his gun, but before he could do so
he received the arrow in his left thigh, which knocked him over, shouting, 'Fire! fire!
I am hit!' as he fell. The order was scarcely given before every one had hold of his arms
(which, as before stated, were kept at hand), and a general discharge put the natives to
flight, swimming and diving like ducks.
“Before they took to flight, however, they discharged several more arrows at our people,
one of which struck Mr. Hagenholtz in the right knee, another hit a sailor in the leg, while
a third pierced a sailor's hat, and remained sticking in it; and lastly, a Javanese had the
handkerchief shot off his head, but without receiving any personal injury.”
Three of the natives were severely wounded, if not killed, in this unfortunate affair,
which evidently arose, as Mr. Earle points out, from misunderstanding, and not from
deliberate treachery. Seeing the boats being pulled towards the ships while four of their
companions were on board, they probably thought that they were being carried off as
captives, as has so often been done along their coasts by the slavers. They could not be
expected to understand the difference between one white man and another, and evidently
mistook the Dutch sailors for slavers, who had come for the purpose of inveigling them into
the ships, where they could not be rescued.
The tribes of this part of the coast are not agreeable specimens of the Papuan race.
They are barely of the middle size, and lightly built. Their skin is decidedly black, and
they ornament their bodies with red ochre, paying especial attention to their faces, which
are made as scarlet as ochre can make them. The hair is deep black, and is worn in
various ways. Most of the men plait it in a number of tresses, which fall nearly on the
shoulders, while others confine it all into two tails, and several were seen with a curious
head-dress of rushes, the ends of which were firmly plaited among the hair. They are
à dirty set of people, and are subject to diseases of the skin, which give them a very
repulsive appearance.
Dress is not used by the men, who, however, wear plenty of ornaments. They mostly
have a belt made of plaited leaves or rushes, about five inches wide, and so long that, when
tied together behind, the ends hang down for a foot or so. Some of them adorn this belt
with a large white shell, placed exactly in the middle. Ear-rings of plaited rattan, neck-
laces, and bracelets, were worn by nearly all. Some of them had a very ingenious armlet,
several inches in width. It was made of plaited rattan, and fitted so tightly to the limb
that, when a native wished to take it off for sale, he was obliged to smear his arm with
mud, and have the ornament drawn off by another person.
Their principal weapons are bows, arrows, and spears, the latter being sometimes
tipped with the long and sharp claw of the tree-kangaroo.
The agility of these Papuans is really astonishing. Along the water's edge there
run wide belts of mangroves, which extend for many miles in length with scarcely a
break in them. The ground is a thick, deep, and soft mud, from which the mangrove-
mots spring in such numbers that no one could pass through them even at low-water
without the constant use of an axe, while at high-water all passage is utterly impossible.
As the natives, who are essentially maritime in their mode of life, have to cross this
several times daily in passing from their canoes to their houses, and vice versa, they
prefer doing so by means of the upper branches, among which they run and leap, by
tonstant practice from childhood, as easily as monkeys. There is really nothing very
extraordinary in this mode of progress, which can be learned by Europeans in a short
time, although they never can hope to attain the graceful ease with which the naked
avages pass among the boughs. In some places the mangroves grow so closely together
that to traverse them is a matter of perfect ease, and Mr. Earle remarks that he once saw
a file of marines, with shouldered arms, making their way thus over a mangrove swamp.
The familiarity of these people with the trees causes them to look upon a tree as a
atural fortress, and as soon as explorers succeeded in reaching the villages, the natives
invariably made off, and climbed into the trees that surrounded the villages.
Wild and savage as they are, the Papuans of Dourga Strait display some acquaintance
belt

224
NEW GUINEA.
with the luxuries of civilized life, and are inordinately fond of tobacco, the one luxury
that is common to the highest and lowest races of mankind.
Some travellers have stated that these Papuans are cannibals, and it is certain that
their gestures often favour such an opinion.
The Papuans of Dourga Strait are admirable canoe-men, and paddle with singular
skill and power. They always stand while paddling, a plan whereby they obtain a great
increase of power, though perhaps at the expense of muscular exertion. They give as
om
THE MONKEY MEN OF DOURGA STRAIT.
their chief reason for preferring the erect position, that it enables them to detect turtle
better than if they were sitting, and to watch them as they dive under water after being
wounded.
SKIRTING the coast of New Guinea and proceeding northwards from Dourga Strait
,
we come to the OUTANATA River, at the embouchure of which is a tribe that differs much
from those natives which have already been described. They are a finer and taller set of
men than those of Dourga Strait, and seem to have preserved many of their customs
intact since the time when Captain Cook visited them. Their skin is a very dark brown,
and is described as having a bluish tinge, and they are said to rub themselves with some
aromatic substance which causes them to diffuse an agreeable odour.
It is probable that the bluish gloss may be due to the same aromatic substance with
which the body is perfumed. Mr. Earle thinks that the odoriferous material in question
is the bark of the tree called the “ rosamala.” The blue tinge is never seen among
Papuan slaves, and this circunstance adds force to Mr. Earle's conjecture.
t
1
A REMARKABLE INSTRUMENT.
225
The features are rather large, especially the mouth, and the lips are thick. The
custom of filing the teeth to a sharp point prevails among this tribe, but is not universal.
The eyes are small, and the septum of the nose is always pierced so as to carry a piece of
white bone, a boar's tusk, or some similar ornament. The hair is thick, and, instead of
being trained into long tails like that of the Dourga Strait natives, it is plaited from the
forehead to the crown.
The men wear scarcely any real dress, many of them being entirely naked, and none
of them wearing more than a small piece of bark or a strip of coarse cloth made either
of cocoa-nut fibre or of split bamboo. They are, however, exceedingly fond of ornament,
and have all the savage love of tattooing, or rather scarifying, the body, which is done in
a way that reminds the observer of the same process among the Australians. The
scarifications project above the skin to the thickness of a finger, and the natives say that
this effect is produced by first cutting deeply into the flesh, and then applying heat to
the wounds. Anklets, bracelets, and other articles of savage finery are common, and
a man who does not wear an inch of clothing will pride himself on his boar's teeth
necklace, his bracelets of woven rattan, and his peaked rush cap.
The women always wear sorae amount of clothing, however small, the very fact of
possessing apparel of any kind being conventionally accepted as constituting raiment.
Their solitary garment consists of a small apron, about six inches square, made from the
cocoa-nut fibre.
It is rather remarkable that these people have the same habit of placing their new-
born children in hot sand, as has already been described when treating of the now extinct
Tasmanians. When the mother goes about her work, she carries the child by means of a
sort of sling made of leaves or the bark of a tree.
The architecture of the Outanatas is far superior to that of their brethren of Dourga
Strait. One of these houses, described by Lieutenant Modera, was at least a hundred
feet in length, though it was only five feet high and six wide, so that a man could not
stand upright in it. There were nineteen doors to this curious building, which was at
first mistaken for a row of separate huts. The floor is covered with white sand, and the
inhabitants generally seat themselves on mats. Each of these doors seemed to be
appropriated to a single family, and near the doors were placed the different fireplaces.
Over the roof a fishing-net had been spread to dry in the sun, while a number of
weapons were hung under the roof.
This house was built in a few days by the women and girls, and was placed near a
much larger building, which had been raised on piles.
The weapons of the Outanatas are spears, clubs, and the usual bow and arrows, which
form the staple of Polynesian arms.
The bows are about five feet in length, and are furnished with a string sometimes
made of bamboo and sometimes of rattan. The arrows are about four feet in length,
and made of cane or reed, to the end of which is attached a piece of hard wood, generally
that of the betel-tree. The tips are mostly simple, the wood being scraped to a sharp
point and hardened in the fire, but the more ambitious weapons are armed with barbs,
and furnished with a point made of bone. The teeth of the sawfish are often employed
for this purpose, and a few of the arrows are tipped with the kangaroo claw, as already
mentioned in the description of the Dourga Strait spear.
Beside these weapons, the natives carry a sort of axe made of stone lashed to a
wooden handle, but this ought rather to be considered as a tool than a weapon, although
it can be used in the latter capacity. With this simple instrument the Outanatas cut
down the trees, shape them into canoes, and perform the various pieces of carpentering
that are required in architecture.
The most remarkable part of an Outanata's equipment is an instrument which greatly
perplexed the earlier voyagers, and led them to believe that these natives were acquainted
with fire-arms. Captain Cook, who visited New Guinea in 1770, mentions that as soon
as he reached the shore and had left his boat, three natives, or “Indians," as he calls
them, rushed out of the wood, and that one of them threw out of his hand something
which “flew on one side of him and burnt exactly like powder, but made no report.
Q
VOL. II.

226
NEW GUINEA.
The two others hurled their spears at the travellers, who were in self-defence obliged to
use their fire-arms.
Not wishing to come to an engagement, they retired to the boat, and reached it just
in time, the natives appearing in considerable force. “As soon as we were aboard, we
rowed abreast of them, and their number then appeared to be between sixty and a
hundred. We took a view of them at our leisure. They made much the same appearance
as the New Hollanders, being nearly of the same stature, and having their hair short-
cropped. Like them they also were all stark naked, but we thought the colour of their
skin was not quite so dark; this, however, might be merely the effect of their being not
quite so dirty.
"All this time they were shouting defiance, and letting off their fires by four or five
at a time. What those fires were, or for what purpose intended, we could not imagine,
THE OUTANATAS, AND THEIR WEAPONS.
Those who discharged them had in their hands a short piece of stick-possibly a hollow
cane—which they swung sideways from them, and we immediately saw fire and smoke,
exactly resembling those of a musket, and of no longer duration.
This wonderful
phenomenon was observed from the ship, and the deception was so great that the people
on board thought they had fire-arms; and in the boat, if we had not been so near that
we must have heard the report, we should have thought they had been firing volleys."
The reader will doubtless remark here that the travellers were so accustomed to
associate fire with smoke that they believed themselves to have seen flashes of fire as
well as wreaths of smoke issue from the strange weapon. Many years afterwards,
Lieutenant Modera contrived to see and handle some of these implements, and found
that they were simply hollow bamboos, filled with a mixture of sand and wood-ashes,
which could be flung like smoke-wreaths from the tubes.
Some persons have thought that the natives used these tubes in imitation of fire-arms,
but the interpreters gave it as their opinion that they were employed as signals
, the
direction of the dust-cloud being indicative of the intention of the thrower. Others say
that the tubes are really weapons, made for the purpose of blinding their adversaries by
CONFIDING CHARACTER
227
finging sand in their eyes. I cannot agree with this last suggestion, because the other
weapons of the Outanatas show that the natives do not fight hand to hand like the New
Zealanders. I think that the interpreters were right in their statement that the tubes
are used for signalling, and this supposition is strengthened by the fact that the natives
of Australia do use smoke for the same purpose, as has already been described.
The canoes of the Outanatas are often of considerable size, measuring fifty or sixty
feet, and, although narrow in proportion to their length from stem to stern, containing a
great number of men. They are handsomely carved and adorned with paint, and both
ends are flat and broad. The rowers stand up when they use their paddles, which are
necessarily of considerable length, having long handles and oval blades slightly hollowed.
The narrowness of these canoes strengthens the opinion of several travellers, that the
Outanatas are really an inland tribe, descending the river in flotillas, and returning to
their inland home when the object of their expedition is accomplished.
They seem to be less suspicious than their countrymen of Dourga Strait, and have no
hesitation in meeting Europeans and exchanging their own manufactures for cloth, knives,
and glass bottles, the last mentioned objects being always favourite articles of barter with
Polynesian savages, who employ them when entire for holding liquids, and, if they should
unfortunately be broken, use the fragments for knives, lancets, points of weapons, and
similar purposes. Lieutenant Modera describes the appearance of one of their flotillas
as representing a perfect fair, the boats being laid closely together, and their decks
crowded with natives laden with articles for barter.
Unlike the Dourga Strait natives, those of the Outanata River had no objection to
come on board the European ships, and visited the vessels in great numbers. Even their
principal chief came on board frequently. On the first occasion he disguised his rank,
,
and merely came as an ordinary native, but he afterwards avowed himself, and came
freely on board in his own character. For convenience' sake he called himself Abrauw,
i.e. Abraham, a name by which he was well known for a considerable distance. He
offered no objection to going below and entering the captain's cabin, though his subjects
were rather uneasy at his absence, and shouted his name so perseveringly that he was
obliged every now and then to put his head out of the cabin-window. He had all the
regal power of concealing astonishment, and witnessed with utter imperturbability the
discharge of fire-arms, the ticking of watches, and examples of similar marvels. He did,
however, display a little interest in the musketry practice, which was directed at a suc-
cession of bottles slung from the yard-arm, but whether he was struck with the accuracy
of aim or with the needless destruction of valuable bottles is doubtful.
He seemed to be worthy of his position as chief, and was desirous of establishing a
European settlement near the mouth of the Outanata. Unfortunately, the river, althouglı
a noble stream, has a sandbar across the mouth which effectually prevents vessels of even
light draught from passing except at high water. The people in general were wonderfully
honest, not displaying the thievish propensities which cause the visits of many savage
tribes to be so troublesome. They even brought on board articles which had been acci-
dentally left on shore. They probably owe much of their superiority to their connexion
with the Malay Mohammedans, many of whom visit New Guinea as traders.
Ų 2
CHAPTER II.
THE ALFOëRS OR HARAFORAS-VARIOUS REPORTS RESPECTING THEM THEIR MODE OF GOVERN-
MENT-AN ALFOËRIAN DIVORCE COURT-TREPANG COLLECTING-DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY
FUNERAL RITES-TRIBES OF THE SOUTH-EASTERN COAST-A QUAINT DRUMMER-DRESS AND
ORNAMENT-THE TATTO0---THE FULL-DRESS PETTICOAT-HAIR DRESSING - EXCELLENCE OF
THEIR CANOES_AN INGENIOUS SAIL-HOW TO STOP A LEAK-THE PIG-PET-ARCHITECTURE
DEFENCE AGAINST VERMIN-HOUSES OF REDSCAR BAY-DREAD OF STEEL-TRIBES OF THE
NORTH-WEST COAST-THEIR CANOES -MODES OF FISHING- AQUATIC HOUSES-MODE OF GOVERN-
MENT-APPOINTMENT OF A NEW CHIEF-NEW GUINEA WEDDINGS—THE KARWAR, OR HOUSEHOLD
GOD-THE WAR-DANCE CEREMONIES AT FUNERALS.
WE must here give a short space to some tribes called by various names, such as
Haraforas, Alfouras, and Alfoërs, and supposed by many ethnologists to be a separate
family living in New Guinea and the neighbouring islands, but as distinct from the
generality of the inhabitants as the Bosjesman of Southern Africa from the Kaffir. .
This theory, however, has now been shown to be untenable, and it is now known that
the word Alfoërs, or Alforians, is applied by the tribes of the coast to those who live in the
interior. The word has a Portuguese origin, and, as Mr. Earle remarks, is applied to the
mountaineers of the interior, just as the Spaniards called the aborigines of America
“Indians," and the Mohammedan inhabitants of Salee and Mindano “Moros," or "Moors.”
Most of the accounts that have been received of the Alfoërs are not at all to be trusted.
They have been described as peculiarly disgusting and repulsive, ferocious, gloomy, living
in the depths of the forest, and murdering all, strangers who came in their way. In fact,
they have even a worse character than the Andamaners. It has been ascertained, however,
that these evil reports have originated from the coast tribes, who have a very strong
objection to allow foreigners to penetrate inland.
Their reason is obvious. The visits of the traders are exceedingly valuable, bringing
with them all kinds of tools, weapons, and ornaments, which constitute the wealth of the
savage. Having purchased these with articles which to themselves are comparatively
valueless, they can sell their superabundance to the inland Alfoërs, and make an enormous
profit on their bargain. If the white men were allowed to go inland and trade directly
with the natives, their profitable traffic would be broken up.
As far as can be ascertained, the Alfoërs are in much the same state as were the
Outanatas before they were visited by traders. Those who were seen were remarkable for
a certain stupidity of aspect, a taciturnness of disposition, and a slowness of movement,
which are not found among the Outanatas. As, however, they were slaves, it is more than
likely that these characteristics were the result of servitude.
Subsequently some discoveries were made among the Alfoërs, which entirely contra
dicted the reports of the coast tribes. They are certainly rough in their manners, and if
they take a dislike to a foreigner, or if he should perchance offend any of their prejudices,
they eject him from the district with more speed than ceremony ; taking care, however,
not to inflict personal damage, and refraining from confiscating his property.
SOCIAL CUSTOMS.
229
As far as can be ascertained from the slight intercourse which has been held with
these tribes, there is no regular form of government, the elders deciding disputes, and
their decisions being respected. They are an honest set of people, paying the greatest
regard to the rights of property; and being so scrupulous in this respect, that if any one
should even enter the house of an absent man he is called to account, and made to pay a
fine to the owner of the house. A similar law exists with regard to the women. If
a man should even touch, though accidentally, the wife of another, he makes himself liable
to a fine.
A curious example of this regulation is mentioned by Lieutenant Kolff. A man set
out in his canoe to fish, intending to return in a week; but being caught by contrary
winds, he was driven away from his own part of the coast, and was detained two months.
Unfortunately he had only left at home provisions for a week, and his wife, finding herself
without food, asked a neighbour to provide it for her. This he did, and as, day after day,
nothing was heard of the husband, the woman transferred her affections and herself to the
neighbour who had assisted her, and the pair went off to another island.
After two months had elapsed the husband came back, and, not finding his wife,
demanded her from her brothers, who were then bound to produce her. They set off in
search of the guilty couple, discovered them, and brought them back, when the injured
husband demanded an enormous sum by way of fine. The man said that he could not
possibly pay such a sumn if he were to work for the rest of his lifetime. The affair was-
eventually brought before the elders, who decided that the husband had done wrong in
leaving his wife so ill provided for, and that if he had supplied her with a sufficiency of
provisions the acquaintance between herself and her paramour would probably have been
avoided So they decreed that the man should pay a small fine, and advised the husband
to leave plenty of provisions at home when he next went out fishing.
The principal object for which the natives make these expeditions is the trepang, or
sea-slug (Holothuria), which is in great demand in China, and is purchased by traders
from the natives for the Chinese market. It is chiefly by means of the trepang that a man
procures a wife. As is the case among many savage tribes, a wife can only be obtained
by purchase, so that daughters are quite as valuable to their parents as sons. With the
Alfoërs, the marriage present must always consist of foreign valuables, such as elephants'
tusks, gongs, china dishes, cloth, and similar objects. These are obtained by exchanging
trepang with the traders.
When, therefore, a young man wants a wife, and has settled the amount of the
marriage-portion with the father, he goes off for a year on a hunting expedition. He
takes a canoe, and sails from island to island, catching as much trepang as possible, and
begging from all those whom he visits. At the end of the year he returns home, knowing
that by means of the protective law his house and property will be perfectly safe, and
presents himself to the father of the girl with the goods which he has obtained. It is
seldom that he is able to make up the entire amount at once, but he is allowed to pay by
instalments.
Property cannot be inherited, owing to a peculiar custom.
As soon as any one dies, his relations assemble, gather together all his valuables,
break them to pieces, and throw the fragments away. Even the precious brass gongs are
thus broken, the survivors thinking that no one may use anything belonging to the dead.
Large heaps of broken china, ivory, and metal are found on the outskirts of villages
that have existed for any long time, showing that many deaths must have occurred within
its limits.
The rest of the funeral ceremonies are curious, and are worthy of a brief description.
· When death is ascertained, notice is sent to all the relatives of the deceased, who often
are scattered widely apart, so that several days usually elapse before they can all assemble.
The body meanwhile is kept sprinkled witń lime, in order to retard decay as much as
possible, and aromatic resins are burned in the house to counteract any ill odour. As the
relatives come, they take their places in the house, and begin drinking. Before the traders
supplied them with arrack, they had a fermented liquor made by themselves from fruit.
They always offer the deceased a share of everything, putting a little food into the mouth
230
NEW GUINEA.
of the dead person, and pouring a little liquid between the senseless lips. Meanwhile the
women utter loud lamentations, gongs are beaten, and a stunning uproar is kept up until
the time of the funeral.
When the relatives have all assembled, a bier is provided, covered with cloth, the
quantity and quality of which accord with the wealth of the deceased; and the body is
then brought out in front of the house, and supported in a sitting position against a post.
The villagers then assemble, and a general feast takes place, a share of which is offered to
the deceased as before. Finding that he will neither eat nor drink, in spite of the solicita-
tions of his friends and companions, the body is carried into the woods, where it is placed
on a platform erected on four feet.
This being done, the concluding ceremony is left to the women. They remove all
their clothing, and then plant by the side of the platform a young sapling; this ceremony
being called the “casting away of the body," and considered as a symbol that the deceased
has done with his body, and thrown it from him.
PASSING more to the eastward of New Guinea, we come to some interesting nations
inhabiting Brumer's Island, and the neighbourhood. These islands are situate about
lat. 10° 45' S. and long. 150° 23' E.
Living as they do on a number of small islands, the largest being rather less than three
miles in width, the natives are necessarily maritime, passing from one island to another
in their admirably contrived vessels. They are accustomed to the visits of ships, and
boldly put off to meet them, taking no weapons, except for sale, and displaying the
greatest confidence in their visitors.
One of these natives caused great amusement by his imitation of the ship's drummer.
Some one gave him a large tin can, which he, being a musical genius, immediately converted
into a drum. At first he merely pounded it with his hands, but when the ship's drummer
was sent into the chains, and began to play upon his instrument, the man watched him for
a little time, and then began to imitate him in the most ludicrous manner, his antics and
grimaces being especially provocative of laughter. The effect of his buffoonery was
heightened by the manner in which he had adorned his face. He had blackened his
naturally dark features with charcoal, and had drawn a streak of white paint over each
eyebrow, and another under the chin to the cheek-bones.
The mode of salutation is rather ludicrous to a stranger, as it consists of pinching.
When they desire to salute any one, they pinch the tip of the nose with the finger and
thumb of the right hand, while with the left they pinch the middle of their stomachs,
accompanying this odd and complex gesture with the word “Magasûka." These natives
seem to be a hospitable people, for, after several of them had been received on board and
treated kindly, they returned on the following day, and brought with them a great quantity
of cooked yams, for which they refused payment.
The men wear nothing but a small strip of pandanus leaf, but the women have a dress
which in principle is exactly similar to the thong-aprons of Southern Africa. It consists
of a number of very narrow strips of pandanus leaf, reaching nearly to the knee. The
girls wear only a single row of these strips, but the women wear several layers of them,
one coming a little below the other, like flounces. In wet weather the uppermost petticoat
is taken from the waist and tied round the neck, so as to protect the shoulders from the
rain, which shoots off the leaf-strips as off a thatched roof.
On gala days a much handsomer petticoat is worn. This consists of much finer leaf-
strips than those which constitute the ordinary dress, and it is dyed of various colours.
Some of them which were seen by Mr. M'Gillivray were red and green, with bands of pale
yellow and pure white. The tufts of which they were composed were extremely light
and soft, and looked like very fine-twisted grass blades. Several of the women, by way of
finishing their toilet, had biackened their faces. This process, if it did not add to their
beauty, certainly did not detract from it, as their faces were originally so plain that the
black covering could not make them more ugly. The young men and lads formed a
curious contrast to the women in this respect, many of them being remarkable for their
good looks.
THE CATAMARAN.
231
The women usually, though not invariably, divide their hair into a vast number of little
tresses, and twist them up like the thrums of a mop, while the men tease out their stiff and
wiry locks as much as possible, and fix in them a slender stick, some two feet in length,
decorated with a little plume at the top, the base being cut into teeth and so used as a comb.
The inhabitants of Redscar Bay use a more elaborate system of tattooing than that
which has been described above. The men generally restrict themselves to certain portions
of the body, such as the breast, cheeks, forehead, and arms, and even on those spots the
tattooing is comparatively slight. But the women are so covered with blue patterns, that
there is hardly a portion of their bodies which has not been thus decorated. They have
various patterns, but the usual type is formed by double parallel lines, the intervals between
which are filled with smaller patterns, or with zigzag lines. As the dress of the women
consists merely of the leaf-strip petticoat, the patterns of the tattooing are very fully
displayed.
The hair of the men is dressed here after a rather singular fashion. It is shaved from
the forehead for some three inches, and the remainder is combed backwards to its full
length. A string is then tied round it, so as to confine it as closely as possible to the
head, leaving rather more than half its length to be frizzed into a mop-like bundle pro-
jecting from the crown.
Those who are especially careful of their personal appearance add an ornament which
is not unlike the pigtail of the last century. A tolerably large bunch of hair is gathered
together and tied into a long and straight tail, the end of which is decorated with some
ornament. In one case, a man had attached to his pigtail a bunch of dogs' teeth. The
mouths, naturally wide, are disfigured with the universal custom of chewing the betel-
leaf mixed with lime, which stains the lips of a dull brick-red, and makes the whole
mouth look as if it had been bleeding.
The hair is usually black, but some diversities of colour are often seen. Sometimes
it is black except the tips of each tress, where the hue becomes yellow or reddish, and
sometimes the whole of the hair is red. In all probability, this change of tint is produced
by artificial means, such as lime-water, the use of which is known in various parts of
New Guinea. Those who have the entire hair red have probably dyed it lately, while
those who have only the tips red have passed several months without dyeing it. There
is but little beard or moustache.
As far as can be judged from appearances, the women are treated better than is usually
the case among savages, and seem to be considered as equal with the men. They are
affectionate parents, as was proved by the fact that children were often brought by their
fathers to look at the ships.
The average stature of these natives was rather small, few exceeding five feet four
inches in height. They were very active, but not powerful, as was proved by testing their
strength against that of the ship's crew.
Allusion has already been made to their skill in boating. These natives possess various
canoes, some so small as only to hold, and by no means to accommodate, one person, while
others contain with ease fifty or sixty at once.
The commonest canoe is that which is popularly called a catamaran, and which is
more of a raft than a boat. It is formed of three planks lashed together with rattan.
The man sits, or rather kneels, a little behind the centre, and is able to propel this simple
vessel with great speed. Some of these catamarans are large enough to carry ten or twelve
persons, together with a cargo. Instead of being merely three planks, they consist of
three great logs of wood laid side by side, and lashed firmly together with rattan at their
ends, in the centre, and midway between the centre and each end. There is no particular
bow or stern, but the central log is longer than the others, so as to project at each end,
and is generally carved into rude patterns, and ornamented with red and white paint.
Of course the sea washes freely over this primitive vessel, so that the natives are
obliged to erect a small platform in the middle, on which they can place any goods that
might be damaged by wetting.
One of the smaller catamarans is shown in the foreground of the next illustration, and
just behind it is one of the large canoes with its sail struck. Such a canoe as this is about

232
NEW GUINEA.
twenty-five feet in length. It consists of two parts, the canoe proper and the outrigger.
The canoe proper is very curiously formed. It is cut from the trunk of a tree, and, in
spite of its length, is not more than eighteen or nineteen inches in extreme width. The
most curious part of its construction is, that the sides, after bulging out below, come
together above, so that the space between the gun wale is barely eight inches, so that there
is only just room for a man's legs to pass into the interior of the boat. A section of the
canoe would present an outline very much like that of the Greek Omega reversed,
ZELEN
CANOES OF NEW GUINEA.
thus—U. In order to preserve the gunwales from injury, a slight pole is lashed to them
throughout their entire length.
As is the case with the catamaran, both ends of the canoe are alike. They are gene-
rally raised well above the water, and are carved into the semblance of a snake's or turtle's
head, and decorated with paint, tufts of feathers, shells, and similar ornaments.
The outrigger is as long as the canoe, to which it is attached by a series of light poles
to the gunwale of the canoe itself. The method by which the outer ends of the poles are
fastened to the outrigger is very curious, and can be better understood by reference to the
illustration than by a description. Like the ends of the canoe, those of the outrigger poles
are fashioned into a snake-like form.
The natives can run along these poles to the outrigger with perfect safety, often
sitting upon it when the wind is high, so as to preserve the balance of the vessel
. In
many canoes, however, a slight platform is laid upon these poles, so as greatly to increase
the burthen-carrying space of the vessel; and a corresponding but smaller platform
projects from the opposite side of the canoe, On this platform several paddlers are
HOW TO STOP A LEAK.
233
manner.
stationed, finding it easier to work their long-handled paddles from the platform than
from the narrow space of the canoe' itself.
The sail is made of strips of palm-leaf, interlaced with each other. When it is not
required, the sail is struck and rolled up, so as to occupy as little room as possible, and
the mast can also be struck, like those of our sailing-barges while passing under a
bridge.
Two other kinds of New Guinea canoes are shown in the same illustration. These
canoes are not found in the same part of New Guinea, but, as the natives travel in them
for considerable distances, they have been brought together in the same illustration for the
convenience of comparison.
Beyond the large canoe is a smaller one, with a sail that is set in rather a curious
There is no mast, but the two edges of the sail are fastened to slight spars, and
when the native finds the wind to be favourable, he fixes the lower ends of these spars in
the canoe, and supports the upper ends by stays or ropes that were fore and aft. The
reader will notice the pointed end of the cylindrical outrigger. On the opposite side to
the outrigger is a slight platform made of planks. The platform itself is out of sight, but
the reader may see the heads and shoulders of the two men who are sitting on it.
This canoe is made near Redscar Point, and, except in the arrangement of the sail, is
somewhat similar to the vessels which are built at Brumer Island. The paddles are
between six and seven feet in length, and are rather clumsily formed, without any attempt
at ornament.
The canoe to the right of the illustration is the most curious of these vessels. The
body of the canoe is made out of the trunk of a tree, which is first shaped to a conical
form at each end, and then hollowed. Over the ends is firmly fixed a piece of wood,
several feet in length, so as to make the two ends into hollow cones into which the water
cannot force its way. The gunwale is raised about two feet by planks which box in
the opening of the canoe, and act as wash-boards, the seams being pitched and rendered
water-tight.
These particulars are mentioned because in general the natives of New Guinea are
singularly indifferent as to the amount of water which is taken in by their canoes, pro-
vided that they are not sunk. There is, for example, one kind of New Guinea canoe found
in Coral Haven, in which the gunwales are not connected at the stern, which is left open. .
The water would of course rush in, were it not that one of the crew sits in the opening,
forcing his body into it so as to render it temporarily water-tight. Even with this pre-
caution it is impossible to prevent some water from making its way between the body
of the man and the sides of the canoe, as it heels over by the force of the wind, and
in squally weather another of the crew is obliged to keep perpetually baling with a
large shelt.
The most curious part of the canoe which we are now examining is the sail, which,
clumsy as it looks, is a very great improvement on those which have been previously
described, inasmuch as it can be shifted and trimmed to suit the wind.
The mast, instead of being merely stuck upright when wanted, is permanently fixed,
but is so short that it causes no inconvenience when the sail is struck and the paddles
alone are employed. It is fixed, or “ stepped,” into a hole in a board at the bottom of the
canoe, and is lashed to a transverse spar that extends across the canoe from one gunwale
to the other. At the head of the mast is a stout projecting arm, through which is bored
a hole.
The sail is made by matting stretched between two slight spars, and when not wanted
it can be rolled up and laid up on the platform of the outrigger. The halyard, a rope by
which the sail is hauled to its place, is fixed to the middle of the sail, and passes through
the hole in the projecting arm of the mast-head. Ropes are fastened to each end, consti-
tuting the “ tack” and the “ sheet.” When the crew wish to put their canoe about, they
so in a very expeditious manner, merely letting go the ropes and hauling them in
again, so as to turn the sail and convert the sheet into the tack, and vice versa. As both
ends of the canoe are alike, the vessel at once obeys the new impulse, and goes off
in the required direction.
do

234
.
NEW GUINEA.
The canoe is steered with one special paddle some nine feet in length, of which the
oblong, rounded blade occupies half.
The inhabitants of the New Guinea coasts are remarkable for their skill in swimming
and diving. When H.M.S. Rattlesnake was off New Guinea, the anchor of one of the
boats caught in the coral, and
could not be dislodged. An old
man who was standing on the
beach saw that something was
wrong, and swam off to the boat.
He soon understood the case, and,
after diving several times, suc-
ceeded in clearing the anchor, a
feat for which he was rewarded
by an axe. He always dived feet
foremost, without an effort, and
remained under water for about
half a minute.
It is rather curious that the
love of pigs which is found
among the
New Zealanders
should be quite as strongly deve-
loped among the natives of New
Guinea. The girls and women
make great pets of them, and it is
not at all an uncommon event to
see a young girl tripping along in
all the graceful freedom of the
savage, holding a young pig in her
arms, and caressing and talking to
it as a European girl talks to her
doll, or to her pet lapdog. These
pigs are long - legged, black-
skinned, stiff-haired animals, not
at all agreeing with our ideas of a
pig's proper form.
The illustration exhibits this
pig-loving custom, and also shows
the style of dress used by the
women, the slender leaf-strips
forming a really graceful costume.
Some of the huts are seen in the
distance.
Many of the women employ a
kind of tattooing, though they do
not carry it to such an extent as
to disfigure themselves. The patterns, though elaborate, are very small and delicate, and
extend over a considerable portion of the body. The arms and front of the body display
a regular pattern, which is usually carried over the shoulder for a little way, but leaves
the back untouched. The most delicate pattern is reserved for the arm and waist, where
it looks like a delicate blue lace fitting tightly to the skin. The women are very proud of
this ornament, and are always gratified when a stranger expresses admiration of it. The
men occasionally use the tattoo, but in a comparatively scanty manner, confining the
patterns to a star or two on the breast. Now and then a man will have a double series of
stars and dots extending from the centre of the chest to the shoulders, but on an average
a native of this part of the country is not so much tattooed as an ordinary English sailor.
Y.
PAFLEGE
THE PIG PET.
lower portion of the sides, in order to exclude the wind.
ARCHITECTURE.
235
The architecture of this part of New Guinea differs from that of Dourga Strait in being
much more elaborate, but throughout New Guinea the style of house-building is so
similar that we will take a few examples as representatives of the whole group of
islands.
All the houses are elevated on posts like those of the Nicobar Islands, but have
several improvements in architecture.
The posts vary in number according to the size of the house, and about four feet from
the ground each post passes through a wide circular wooden disc, which serves as an
effectual barrier against the rats and snakes, which would otherwise take possession of
the dwellings. The posts are connected together at about five feet from the ground by
rafters, on which the floor is laid.
These rafters, or joists, support a row of poles laid horizontally side by side, and upon
them are laid crosswise a great number of slighter spars, thus forming a framework, on
which is fixed the floor itself, which consists of a number of thin planks taken from the
cocoa-nut tree. The supporting posts are about ten feet in total length, and are connected
at their tops by horizontal poles, on which a second or upper floor is fixed, precisely
similar to the principal floor, though much smaller. On this upper floor are kept the
weapons, implements, provisions, and similar articles, for which accommodation cannot
be found on the principal floor. A supply of water, for example, is generally kept in the
huts, a number of empty cocoa-nut shells being used in lieu of bottles, and closed at the
orifice by a plug of grass. In fact, they are identical in principle with the ostrich-egg
vessels of the South African savage, which have been already described in Vol. I.
Entrance is gained to the house by a square hole in the flooring, and the primitive
staircase by which the inhabitants ascend into their houses is equally simple and
effectual. It is necessary that the stairs-if we may use the term--should be so con-
structed, that while human beings can easily obtain access to the house, the rats and
other vermin shall be kept out. If an ordinary ladder or even a notched pole were fixed
to the house, the rats and snakes would be sure to climb up it and take possession of the
dwelling. The native architect, therefore, proceeds after a different fashion.
Immediately under the opening in the floor he fixes two stout posts in the ground,
leaving them to project rather more than three feet. The posts have forked heads, and
upon them is laid a transverse pole, which is firmly lashed to them. From this transverse
pole another pole is laid to the ground, so as to form an inclined plane up which the
inhabitants of the house can walk. It will now be seen, that if a man walks up the
inclined pole to the transverse one, he can pass along the latter in a stooping attitude
until he comes to the opening in the floor. He can then pass his body through the
opening and lift himself to the level of the floor, while the space which intervenes
between the horizontal post and the floor affords an effectual barrier against the rats and
other vermin.
The reader will better understand this description by comparing it with the illustration
on the following page, which represents three of these huts. That on the right is seen
from the end, and is represented as half finished, in order to show the structure of the
The sides and roof of the hut are formed of slight spars which are lashed together by
a framework, so as to form a support for the thatching. This is made of coarse grass
pulled up by the roots in large tufts, and covered with an outer layer of cocoa-nut leaves.
If the house be a large one, there is an entrance at each end, and another in the middle,
Çach being closed with neatly woven mats. Similar but coarser mats are fastened to the
interior.
Up to this point the architecture is identical throughout the island, but a divergence
takes place in the shape of the house itself, according to the locality. The usual form is
that which is represented in the illustration. Such a house as is there drawn is on the
average thirty feet in length, nine in width, and thirteen in total height, so that a space
of about three feet intervenes between the upper floor and the roof. The central figure
of the illustration shows the side view of a finished hut, and the left-hand figure shows
the end view of a similar dwelling.

236
NEW GUINEA.
In some places, however, such for example as Redscar Bay, the form of the houses
is different.
Instead of having the slender poles which form the framework of the walls bent
over in a curved form, they are arranged so as to make a lofty and sharply-pointed gable
roof. A house of this description, which measures thirty feet in length, will reach, on an
average, twenty-five feet in height. There is no distinction between the roof and walls
of the huts, except that the lower portion of the roof is covered with sheets of a bark-like
HUTS, NEW GUINEA.
substance, which is supposed to be the base of the cocoa-nut leaf flattened by pressure
.
The entrance or door of these huts is at one end, and is covered with a mat as has already
been mentioned. Access is obtained by a sloping pole resting on a short post.
Several
of these huts may be seen in the illustration on page 238. In some of these huts a
number of spears were seen in the interior, lashed along the sides, together with several
human skulls; but whether the latter were intended as ornaments, or whether they were
preserved in memorial of the dead owners, is not certain.
The people who inhabit Redscar Bay and its vicinity exhibited a curious mixture of
shyness and confidence. They came freely to the sands as they anchored in the bay, and
were very anxious to be admitted on board, peeping into the ports in the most inquisitive
manner, and holding up their weapons and implements for sale. They have in use a
rather remarkable arrow, with a head in the form of a pointed gouge or scoop.
One of these arrows is in my collection. The shaft is made in the usual manner
from a reed, and is weighted at one end with a piece of hard and heavy wood. Into
this wooden tip is cut a deep groove, into which slips the butt of the head. This is about
MODES OF FISHING.
237
eight inches in length, and is made of bamboo, the reed being nearly cut away so as to
leave a piece rather more than half an inch in width in the middle, and tapering gently
to one end so as to form a point, and abruptly to the other end in order to form a butt
which can be slipped into the wooden tip of the arrow.
Bamboo scoops of a similar description, but of a larger size, are used as knives, and
are sharpened by the simple process of biting off a piece of the edge. When Mr.
M'Gillivray visited New Guinea, he asked a native the use of the bamboo scoop; and
when he found that it was used as a knife, he produced his own knife, and, taking up a
piece of wood, he showed the superiority of steel over bamboo by cutting a stick
vigorously with it.
Strangely enough, instead of being gratified with the performance of the knife, the
man was so frightened that he pushed off his canoe, called his friends around him, and
explained to them the terrible deed that had been done. The knife was offered to him,
but he looked upon the proffered gift as an aggravation of the original offence, and
declined all overtures towards reconciliation. This aversion to steel was found to be
prevalent among the inhabitants of this part of New Guinea.
The bow by which these arrows are propelled is a very effective though clumsily-made
weapon. My own specimen is about six feet in length, and is made from some hard and
tough wood, apparently that of the cocoa-nut tree. It is very stiff, and requires a strong
arm to draw it. The string is a strip of rattan, like that which has already been
mentioned when treating of North Australia.
Passing to the north-west of the island, we find that their appearance and manners
are not very dissimilar from those which belong to their brethren of the southern coast.
Taking the Dory people as our type, we find that they often display good examples of
the high and narrow forehead of the Papuan family, and many of them have narrow and
arched noses, together with lips nearly as thiu as those of a European. Indeed, some of
these natives possess a cast of countenance which is so like that of a European that
several travellers have thought that there must have been some admixture of foreign
blood. Such, however, is not the case, these peculiarities belonging to the individual,
and not implying any foreign mixture.
The canoes of this part of the country are rather different from those of the southern
coast. The mast is made of three distinct spars, united at their tops.
Two of them are fastened to the side by pins passing through them, on which they
work backwards and forwards, as if on hinges. The third is not fastened to the vessel,
but its butt fits into a cavity from which it can be removed at pleasure. If, therefore,
the natives wish to use their paddles, all they have to do is to lift the foot of this spar
out of its socket, when the whole of the triple mast can be lowered on deck. When the
wind becomes favourable, and the sail is to be employed, the masts are raised again, the
butt of the third spar is stepped into its socket, and the triple mast is thus kept firmly
upright. A similar contrivance is now proposed for our ships of war, as these triple
masts made of three slight iron bars cannot be so easily shot away as the single and
solid mast.
The natives are very expert canoe-men, and are accustomed to the use of their vessels
from childhood. Even the small boys have their little canoes, which are so light that
they can be carried to and from the water without difficulty.
They excel as fishermen, being as expert in the water as on it. The trepang fishery is
energetically conducted by them, as it is by the sale of trepang to the merchants that they
obtain the greater part of the foreign luxuries on which they set so high a value. The
hawksbill turtle is captured principally for the sake of the shell, which is also pur-
chased by the traders, and, together with mother-of-pearl shell, is mostly sent to the
Chinese markets.
The mode of fishing with a net is much the same as on all these coasts. The net is
three or four feet in depth, and a hundred feet or more in length. The meshes are about
an inch in width. One edge is furnished with a row of flat pieces of light wood, which
act as floats, and along the other edge are fastened a number of perforated shells by way
of weights.

238
NEW GUINEA.
When the natives wish to use this net, they place it in a canoe, and look out for
a shoal of fish. As soon as a favourable opportunity is found, the canoe is taken to
seaward of the shoal, and let carefully into the water. Each end is taken in charge by
one or two men, who bring the net round the shoal in semicircular form, so as to enclose
the fish. These men gradually approach each other, while another man beats the water
with a pole, or flings stones into it, so as to frighten the fish into the enclosure. As soon
as the two ends of the net have been brought together, the canoe comes up, and the net,
with the fish hanging in its meshes, is hauled on board. They also use fish-traps, like
FISHING WITH A NET.
those which have been already described in the account of Australia, sinking them by
means of a stone, and raising them by a cord, to the end of which a bamboo buoy is
fastened.
They are tolerable smiths, and have a kind of bellows identical in principle with
those of savage Africa, but worked in a different manner. Instead of having a couple of
inflated skins, they have a pair of wide bamboo tubes, about four feet in length, the lower
ends of which are buried in the earth, and connected by means of channels with the hole
in which the fire is made. The pistons are formed of bunches of feathers tied to bamboos,
and the blower works them alternately up and down so as to produce a tolerably constant
blast. It is remarkable that the bellows of the Chinese itinerant jeweller are fitted with
feather pistons. It is most probable that these bellows have been borrowed from the
As to the actual working of the metal, it bears a curious similitude to that which is
more eastern islands.
A SLAVE-HOLDING PEOPLE.
239
employed in savage Africa. The anvil is generally a stone, unless the native smiths can
procure an iron “pig” or a piece of a broken anchor. They can work in silver and copper
as well as iron, melting the two former metals and running them into moulds, to be after-
wards beaten and worked into shape.
The architecture of these tribes is rather remarkable. Like the generality of houses
in New Guinea, the huts are raised on stakes in order to preserve them from vermin; but
those of the Dory people are similarly elevated in order to preserve them from water.
These natives have a curious predilection for building their huts on the sea-shore, and
place them below the level of low water. They begin this curious style of architecture by
building a long pier, or rather jetty, which extends far into the sea, and which keeps open
a communication between the house and the shore.
At the end of this jetty the hut itself is situated, and is made of boarded walls and a
thatched roof. Great as is the labour that is bestowed upon it, the house does not come
up to our ideas of comfort. In the first place, the floors are made of rough spars, placed
parallel to each other, but still far enough apart to cause some uneasiness, not to say
danger, to an unpractised walker.
A good specimen of a Dory house is about seventy feet long, twenty-five wide, and
fifteen high. Along the centre runs a tolerably wide passage, and at either side are a
number of rooms, separated from each other and from the passage by mats. At the end
next the sea there are no walls, but only a roof, so that a sort of verandah is formed,
under which the inhabitants spend much of their time when they are not actively
employed. Such a house as this is usually occupied by some forty or fifty individuals,
consisting of about twenty men, together with the wives and families of those who are
married. All cooking is carried on by the different families in their own chambers, each
of which is furnished with its own fireplace.
The dress of the Dory natives varies but little from that of other Papuans of New
Guinea. The men, however, often ornament their bodies with raised scars like those of
the Australians, and they are fond of tattooing their breasts and arms with figures of their
weapons._They are fond of ornaments, such as shells, twisted wire, and armlets of plaited
rattan. They ingeniously utilize the latter ornament by plaiting a very thick and strong
bracelet, and wearing it on the left wrist and fore-arm, so as to protect the wearer from
the recoil of the bowstring.
Though not a warlike people, they always go armed, carrying the invariable parang, or
chopper, which, as its very name imparts, is procured from the Malay tribes. These
parangs are chiefly made in Borneo, as we shall see when we come to treat of the Dyaks.
The Dory Papuans do not seem to fight, as do some savage tribes, for the mere love of
combat; the chief object of warfare being the capture of slaves, each of whom is valued
at fifty shillings.
This value is, however, a conventional term; and when a bargain is made with the
Dory people for so many slaves, in most cases the conventional money value is intended,
and not the actual slaves. In fact, the word “
In fact, the word “slaves" is used much as we use the word
"horses” in reckoning the power of a steam-engine, or “tons” in describing the capacity
of a ship. Perhaps the words “pony” and “monkey," of modern sporting slang, are better
illustrations.
Still
, slavery is rife among the Dory people, who sometimes make a raid into a district,
capture a village, and carry off the inhabitants into servitude. They do not, however,
treat their captives badly, but feed them well, and seem to consider them partly in the
light of domestic servants, and partly as available capital, or as a means of exchange when
any of their own friends are taken prisoners by hostile tribes.
The government of the Dory tribes is nominally a delegated chieftainship, but in
reality a sort of oligarchy. There is a certain dignitary, called the Sultan of Tidore,
under whose sway this part of the country is supposed to be, and from him the chief of
the Dory tribes receives his rank. When the chief dies, one of his relatives goes to
convey the news to the Sultan, taking with him a present of slaves and birds-of-paradise
is tokens of allegiance. This man is almost always appointed to the vacant place, and is
bound to pay a certain tribute of slaves, provisions, and war-canoes, the latter being
240
NEW GUINEA.
employed in collecting the Sultan's taxes. Should he fail to comply with these con-
ditions, his village would be attacked by the Sultan's fleet, and the whole district ransacked;
so that the position of chief has its anxieties as well as its privileges.
His authority is more nominal than real, for he decides nothing but unimportant
matters, leaving more weighty subjects to a council of elders, who, as a rule, administer
justice with impartiality. Their laws are really good and sensible, and, though lenient, are
based on the principle of the old Jewish law, the eye for the eye and the tooth for the
tooth.
Marriages are managed in a very simple manner, the bride and bridegroom sitting
opposite each other, in front of an idol, and the former giving the latter some betel-leaf
and tobacco. His acceptance of the present, aud taking the hand of the giver, constitute
the whole of the ceremony.
The idol which has been mentioned is called the Karwar, and is found in every house
except those which belong to Mohammedan natives. The Karwar is a wooden figure,
about eighteen inches in height, large-headed, wide-mouthed, and long-nosed—this pecu-
liarity of the Papuan face being exaggerated. It is represented as holding a shield, and
wearing a calico wrapper on the body, and a handkerchief on the head.
The Karwar plays an important part in the life of a Dory native. It is present at
his birth, takes part in his funeral, and, as we have seen, is witness to his marriage. In
all cases of perplexity the Karwar is consulted, the devotee stating his intentions, and
abandoning them if he should feel nervous, such a sensation being supposed to be the
Karwar's answer. There are plenty of fetishes, but these are only supplementary to the
Karwar.
Without going into the details of the various tribes which inhabit this part of the
earth, we will glance at a few of the most interesting customs.
These Papuans have a strong love for flowers, especially those which possess a powerful
scent. They twine such flowers in their hair, weave them into garlands for their necks,
and carry them in their bracelets and armlets.
They are fond of singing and music, and, as far as has been ascertained, are in the
habit of composing extempore songs, as well as singing those ditties which they know by
heart As for their musical instruments, they consist chiefly of the cylindrical drum, a
trumpet made of a triton shell, and a sort of Pandean pipe, composed of six or seven
reeds of different lengths lashed firmly together. There is also a wind instrument, which
is nothing but a bamboo tube some two feet in length.
Accompanied by these instruments, they perform their curious dances, one of which
has been well described by Mr. M'Gillivray. They advanced and retreated together by
sudden jerks, beating to quick or short time as required, and chanting an accompanying
song, the cadence rising and falling according to the action. The attitude was a singular
one—the back straight, chin protruded, knees bent in a crouching position, and the arms
advanced.
« On another occasion one of the same men exhibited himself before us in a war-
dance. In one hand he held a large wooden shield, nearly three feet in length, and rather
more than one in width, and in the other a formidable-looking weapon, two feet in length
--- a portion of the snout of the sword-fish, with long, sharp teeth projecting on each side.
Placing himself in a crouching attitude, with one hand covered by the shield, and holding
his weapon in a position to strike, he advanced rapidly in a succession of short bounds,
striking the inner side of his shield with his left knee at each jerk, causing the large
cowries hung round his waist and ankles to rattle violently. At the same time, with fierce
gestures, he loudly chanted a song of defiance. The remainder of the pantomime was
expressive of attack and defence, and exultation after victory.
“But a still more curious dance was one performed a few nights ago by a party of
natives who had left the ship after sunset, and landed abreast of the anchorage. On
seeing a number of lights along the beach, we at first thought they proceeded from a
fishing-party, but on looking through a night-glass the group was seen to consist of above
a dozen people, each carrying a blazing torch, and going through the movements of the
dance. At one time they extended rapidly into line, at another closed, dividing into

FUNERAL CEREMONIES.
241
two parties, advancing and retreating, crossing and recrossing, and mixing up with each
other.
“This continued for half an hour, and, it having apparently been got up for our amuse-
ment, a rocket was sent up for theirs, and a blue light burned, but the dancing had ceased,
and the lights disappeared.”
The accompanying illustration represents this wild and curious scene. In the foreground
are the dancers, each with his torch in his hand, and indulging in the grotesque move-
ments of the dance. To the left are seen the musicians, one playing on the bamboo pipe,
and the other beating the drum which has before been mentioned. One of these drums
is lying in the foreground. It is a hollow cylinder of palm-wood, about two feet in length
1901
DANCE BY TORCHLIGHT.
and four inches in diameter. One end is covered with lizard-skin, and along the side there
run longitudinal slits. The native name for this drum is “baiatu.”
The funeral ceremonies appear to differ according to the locality. Among the Dory
people, when a man dies, the body is rolled in white calico, and laid on its side in a grave,
its head resting on an earthenware dish. The weapons and ornaments of the dead man
are laid in the grave, which is then filled up, and a thatched roof erected over it.
Should the deceased be a head of a family, the Karwar is brought to perform its last
duties. When the man is buried, the Karwar is placed near the grave, and violently
execrated by all the mourners for allowing its charge to die. The thatched roof being
finished, the idol is laid upon it, and idol and roof are left to decay together. As is usual
with savage tribes, funeral feasts are held at the time of burial and for some days after-
wards, those which celebrate the deaths of chiefs being kept up for a whole month.
VOL. II.
R
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
THE AJITAS, OR AHITAS
POSITION AND DIMENSIONS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS THE MALAYS AND THE NEGRITOS OR
AJITAS RESEMBLANCE TO THE BOSJESMAN-THE BOW AND
AND POISON CD ARROWS-SKILL IN
ARCHERY-THE SAVAGE INSTINCT- MEETING A PARTY OF AJITAS--THEIR APPEARANCE, AND
CHIRPING SOUND OF THEIR LANGUAGE-CONCILIATING THE ABORIGINES-GOVERNMENT OF THE
AJITASTHEIR ACTIVITY IN HUNTING NOMADIC PROPENSITIES OF THE AJITAS-REVERENCE
FOR THE DEAD--A QUARREL, AND ITS CAUSE.
To the north-west of New Guinea lie several islands, which are grouped together under
the general name of Philippines. They consist of a considerable number of islands, of
which the northern island, called Luza, and the southern island, called Magindano, are
by far the largest.
The inhabitants of the Philippines are of two kinds; namely, the Malays and the
Negritos. The former are evidently not the aboriginal inhabitants, but have voyaged to
the islands in their canoes and formed a number of settlements. As in the course of
the work we shall see much of the Malay race, we will pass them by for the present, and
only notice the Negritos, or little negroes, so called by the Spanish on account of their
dark skins and small size.
This strange little race is mostly known by a name which is given in different forms.
By some writers it is spelt Ajitas, by some Ahitas, and by others Itas. Of these different
forms I select the first, which, by the way, is pronounced as if it were spelt Aheetas.
The Ajitas are quite as small as the Bosjesmans of Southern Africa, their average
height being four feet six inches. They are well shaped, and their skins, though of a very
dark hue, are not so black as those of the negro tribes. The features are tolerably good,
except that the nose is broad and rather flat, and that there is a marked deficiency of
chin. The hair is woolly, like that of other Papuans, and, as they do not know how to
dress it, they wear it in a sort of mop round the head. The eyes are remarkable for a
decided yellow tinge.
In common with other savages who lead an uncertain kind of life, fasting sometimes for
two days together, and then gorging themselves like wolves, they are apt to have their
limbs and projecting stomachs with a recurved back such as is the case with the
Bosjesman, the back being bent like the letter S. Their shape is in no way concealed by
their dress, which is nothing more than a wide belt of plaited bark fastened round the
waist.
In many respects there is a great similarity between the Bosjesman and the Ajita.
The latter live by the chase and by plunder, having no idea of agriculture. They always
go armed, their weapons being bamboo lances and bows and arrows, the latter being
CHARACTER AND DISPOSITION.
243
poisoned. The effect of the poison with which they are tipped is to produce an unex-
tinguishable thirst in the animal, which seeks the nearest water, drinks, and dies. As
soon as it is dead, the hunter cuts away the flesh from around the wound, as the poison
would otherwise communicate so bitter a taste to the whole carcase that the flesh could
not be eaten.
Their bows are but slight, as are their arrows, the poison doing the work of death,
and the depth of the wound being of no consequence. They are skilful archers, having
the bow and arrow in their hands from infancy, and practising at any object that may
take their attention. Both sexes use the bow, and the little boys and girls are fond of
wading along the banks of streams and shooting the fish.
Like the Bosjesman, the Ajita is always at feud with the other races that inhabit the
same country, and, small as he is, makes himself dreaded by reason of his poisoned
weapons. Sometimes Ajitas are taken prisoners, and are generally enslaved. As they
are light, active, and not bad-looking, they are often employed as servants by the
dignitaries of Manilla.
One of these people was in the household of an Archbishop of Manilla, and was
educated by him with great care. To all appearance he was thoroughly civilized, and at
last was ordained priest. But the instincts of his savage nature were too strong for him,
and the man escaped from his position and civilized society, threw off his garments, and
rejoined his savage relatives. Such instances are continually occurring, and it is almost
impossible to retain an Ajita in civilized society, no matter how well he may be treated,
or how young he may be when captured.
The habits of the Ajitas are essentially of a savage character, and, as a rule, travellers
in the Philippines are obliged to be very careful lest they should suddenly be set upon by
these dangerous little creatures. Sometimes, however, they can be gentle, and even
hospitable, and an instance of such conduct is related by M. de la Gironière, part of whose
narrative has been translated and quoted by Mr. Earle : “ We directed our course towards
the north, among mountains always covered with thick forests, and which, like those we
had just quitted, presented no traced route, excepting a few narrow.pathways beaten by
wild beasts. We advanced with caution, for we were now in the parts inhabited by the
Ajitas. At night we concealed our fires, and one of us always acted as sentinel, for what
we feared most was a surprise.
"One morning, while pursuing our way in silence, we heard before us a chorus of
squeaking tones, which had more resemblance to the cries of birds than to the human
voice. We kept on our ground, concealing our approach as much as possible with the
aid of the trees and brambles. All at once we perceived at a little distance about forty
savages, of all sexes and ages, who had absolutely the air of animals. They were on the
banks of a rivulet, surrounding a great fire. We made several steps in advance, and
presented the butt-end of our guns towards them. As soon as they perceived us, they
set up shrill cries and prepared to take to flight; but I made signs to them, by showing
them some packets of cigars, that we wished to offer them for their acceptance.
I had fortunately received at Binangonan all the instructions necessary for knowing
how to open a communication with them. As soon as they comprehended us, they
ranged themselves into a line, like men preparing for a review; this was the signal that
We might approach. We went up to them with our cigars in our hands, and I commenced
distributing them from one extremity of the line. It was very important that we should
make friends with them, and give each an equal share, according to their custom. The
distribution being over, an alliance was cemented, and peace concluded, when they
commenced smoking.
'A deer was hanging to a tree, from which the chief cut three large slices with a knife
of bamboo, and threw them on to the fire, and, drawing them out an instant afterwards,
presented a piece to each of us. The exterior was slightly burned and sprinkled with
ashes, but the interior was perfectly raw and bloody. It would not do, however, to show
repugnance I felt at making a repast scarcely better than that of a cannibal, for my
hosts would have been scandalized, and I wished to live in good correspondence with
them for some days. I therefore ate my piece of venison, which, after all, was not ill-
the
R 2

244
THE AJITAS.
flavoured, and my Indian having followed my example, our good repute was established,
and treason on their part no longer possible."
M. de la Gironière showed his wisdom in accommodating himself to circumstances,
and in sacrificing his own predilections in favour of expediency; and if all travellers had
acted in a similar manner, we should have known much more of savage manners and
customs than we do at the present time. After propitiating his little black hosts by tact
and kindness, he remained among them for some time, and by means of an interpreter,
whom he was fortunate enough to obtain, continued to procure a considerable amount of
information concerning a people of whom scarcely anything had been previously known
since their existence.
The Ajitas live in small tribes, consisting of some fifty or sixty individuals. They
have no fixed residence, but wander about the country according to the amount of
game
which they find. They have not the least notion of house-building, and in this respect
are even below the aborigines of Australia, and at night they crowd round the fire and
PAEHEHE
COOKING A WILD BOAR.
lie as close to it as possible. This fire is the central point of the tribe, the old people
and children assembling round it during the day while the adults are hunting for game;
and if the hunters should be able to bring in enough food to last for some days, they
remain round the fire until it is all consumed.
The illustration represents a party of Ajitas on their return from the chase. They
have shot a wild boar, and two of them are employed in cutting it up with their bamboo
knives, while others are waiting for the expected feast. A woman is standing near them,
carrying her child in her arms, and in the foreground are some of the bows and arrows
that have been used in the chase.
There seems to be no particular form of government among the Ajitas, who always
choose one of the oldest men to be the chief of each little tribe, and do not acknowledge
any principal chief or king. Age is respected among them, and in this point the Ajitas
show their superiority over many savage tribes.
The language of the Ajitas is said to resemble the chirping of birds rather than the
voice of mankind, but it must be remembered that the same was said of the Bosjesmen's
REVERENCE FOR THE DEAD.
245
language when European travellers first came among them. Any language which is
heard for the first time affects the ear unpleasantly, and even those of Europe are
generally stigmatized by foreigners as gabbling or grunting, according to the pitch of the
voice. Of the structure of the Ajitas' language nothing is yet known.
In one point they are superior to many savage people. A man has but one wife, and
both are faithful in the married state. When a young man wishes to marry, he asks the
consent of her parents, who, on a fixed day, send her into the woods alone before sunrise,
and after an hour the young man goes after her. If he can find her, and bring her back
before sunset, the marriage is acknowledged; but if he cannot succeed in his search, he
must yield all claims to her. It will be seen that the real choice lies with the girl, who
can always conceal herself if she dislikes the intending bridegroom, or, even if he did
find her, could refuse to come back with him until the stipulated time has passed.
The religion of the Ajitas seems to be, as far as can be ascertained on a subject from
which a savage always shrinks, a mere fetishism; any object, such as an oddiy-shaped
tree-trunk or stone, being worshipped for a day, and then forsaken in favour of some
other idol.
Any real reverence in the nature of the Ajitas seems to be given to the dead, whom
they hold in veneration. Year after year they will resort to the burial-places of their
friends for the purpose of laying betel-nut and tobacco upon the grave. Over each spot
where a warrior is buried his bow and arrows are hung, the Ajitas having an idea that
at night the man leaves his grave, and hunts until the morning. Owing to this reverence
for the dead, M, de la Gironière's expedition nearly came to a fatal termination. They
had succeeded in procuring a skeleton from the burial-place, when the theft was dis-
covered by the Ajitas, who at once set upon them, and fairly chased them out of their
country, the poisoned arrows proving to be weapons too formidable to be resisted,
especially when used by foes as active as monkeys, who could pour their arrows on their
foes, while they scarcely exposed an inch of their little dark bodies to the enemy.
It is owing to another form of this veneration for the dead that travellers have so
often come in collision with the Ajitas. When a warrior dies, his companions are bound
to take their weapons and roam through the country, for the purpose of killing the first
living thing that they meet, whether man or beast. As they pass along, they break the
boughs in a peculiar manner as warnings to others, for even one of their own tribe would
be sacrificed if he fell in their way. Travellers from other countries would either fail to
see, or, if they saw, to understand, the meaning of these little broken twigs, and in con-
sequence have been attacked by the Ajitas, not from any unfriendly feelings, but in
fulfilment of a national custom.
0
FIJI.
CHAPTER 1.
APPEARANCE AND DRESS OF THE FIJIANS.
66
POSITION OF THE FIJI ISLANDS-GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES—THEIR PECULIAR HAIR,
AND VARIOUS MODES OF DRESSING ITHAIR-DYES-THE FIJIAN MIRROR-WIG-MAKING — THE
AMBASSADOR AND HIS MESSAGE-THE FIJIAN TURBAN-WATERPROOF HEAD-DRESSES-DRESS
OF THE FIJIANSTHE MASI," AND METHOD OF WEARING IT-EAR-ORNAMENTS-NECKLACES
AND FLOWERS-TATTOOING AND PAINT-PATTERNS USED FOR THE FACE-DRESS OF THE WOMEN
THE ROUGHNESS OF THE SKIN AND USE OF PAINT
USE OF PAINT-HAIR-DRESSING-MAKING MASI AND
MODE OF PRODUCING PATTERNS—INGENTOTS MODE OF STENCILLING-THE WOMAN'S APRON, OR
LIKU," AND MODE OF WEARING IT.
To describe the inhabitants of all the multitudinous islands of Polynesia would be an
agreeable, but an impossible task, our space confining us within limits which may not be
transgressed. We will therefore pass at once to the large and important group of islands
which is popularly known by the name of FIJI.
This group of islands lies due south of New Zealand, and to the eastward of New
Guinea, so that they are just below the Equator. The collective names of the islands
has been variously given, such as Fiji, Beetee, Feegee, Fidge, Fidschi, Vihi, and Viti. Of
all these names, the first and the last are correct, the northern portion of the islands being
known as Fiji, and the southern as Viti. The reader must remember that these names
are pronounced as if written Feejee and Veetee.
The inhabitants of Fiji are a fine race of savages, tolerably well formed, and with
dark, though not black skin. Like other Papuans, they are remarkable for their thick,
bushy hair, which they dress in a singular variety of patterns. As the appearance and
costume of savage races are the first points which strike a stranger, we will at once
proceed to describe them.
The most conspicuous part of a Fijian's general appearance is his head-dress, in the
arrangement of which he gives the reins to his fancy, and invents the most extraordinary
variations of form and colour. Examples of the Fijian head-dress will be seen in most of
the illustrations. But as it would be tedious to describe them as they occur, I will
mention a few of the most prominent varieties.
The hair of the Papuan race is always stiff, wiry, and plentiful, and grows to a con-
siderable length; so that it necessarily assumes a bushy form if suffered to grow according
to its own will. The Fijian, however, thinks that nature is to be improved by art, and
HAIR-DRESSING.
247
accordingly lavishes all the resources of a somewhat artistic character on his hair. To
train the hair into any of the graceful and flowing methods which distinguish those soft-
haired races would be utterly impossible for a Fijian. He goes on quite the opposite
principle, and, true to real artistic feeling, tries to develop to the utmost those charac-
teristics which rightly belong to him, instead of endeavouring to produce effects which
would not be consonant with their surroundings.
The principle on which a Fijian coiffure is arranged is, that every hair is presumed
to grow naturally at right angles to the skin, and to stand out stitfly and boldly.
Supposing, then, that each hair could be induced to follow its own course, without
being entangled by others, it is evident that the whole head of hair would form a
large globular mass, surrounding the face. It is, therefore, the business of the Fijian
hair-dresser to accept this as the normal form of the hair, and to change or modify it as he
thinks best.
It is impossible to describe the various modes of Fijian hair-dressing better than has
been done by Mr. Williams, who resided in Fiji for thirteen years. “Most of the chiefs
have a hair-dresser, to whose care his master's hair is entrusted, often demanding daily
attention, and at certain stages of progress requiring several hours' labour each day.
During all this time, the operator's hands are tapu from touching his food, but not from
working in his garden.
“The hair is strong, and often quite wiry, and so dressed that it will retain the position
in which it is placed, even when projecting from the head a distance of six or eight
inches. One stranger, on seeing their performance in this department, exclaims, "What
astonishing wigs !' another thinks, 'Surely the beau idéal of hair-dressing must exist in
Fiji;' a third, Their heads surpass imagination.'” No wonder, then, that they defy
description.
“Whatever may be said about the appearance being unnatural, the best coiffures have
a surprising and almost geometrical accuracy of outline, combined with a round softness of
surface and uniformity of dye which display extraordinary care, and merit some praise.
They seem to be carved out of some solid substance, and are variously coloured. Jet
black, blue-black, ashy white, and several shades of red prevail. Among young people,
bright red and flaxen are in favour. Sometimes two or more colours meet on the same
head. Some heads are finished, both as to shape and colour, nearly like an English
counsellor's wig.
In some, the hair is a spherical mass of jet black hair, with a white roll in front, as
broad as the hand; or, in lieu of this, a white, oblong braid occupies the length of the
forehead, the black passing down on either side. In each case the black projects further
than the white hair. Some heads have all the ornamentation behind, consisting of a cord
of twisted coils, ending in tassels. In others, the cords give place to a large red roll or a
sandy projection falling on the neck. On one head, all the hair is of one uniform length,
but one-third in front is ashy or sandy, and the rest black, a sharply defined separation
dividing the two colours.
Not a few are so ingeniously grotesque as to appear as if done purposely to excite
laughter.
One has a large knot of fiery hair on his crown, all the rest of the head
being bald. Another has the most of his hair cut away, leaving three or four rows of
small clusters, as if his head were planted with small paint-brushes. A third has his
head bare, except where a black patch projects over each temple. One, two, or three
cords of twisted hair often fall from the right temple, a foot or eighteen inches long.
Some men wear a number of these braids so as to form a curtain at the back of the neck,
reaching from one ear to the other.
"A mode that requires great care has the hair wrought into distinct locks, radiating
from the head. Each lock is a perfect cone, about seven inches in length, having the
base outwards, so that the surface of the hair is marked out into a great number of small
circles, the ends being turned in, in each lock, towards the centre of the cone. In
another kindred style, the locks are pyramidal, the sides and angles of each being as
regular as though formed of wood. All round the head they look like square black
blocks, the upper tier projecting horizontally from the crown, and a flat space being
A

248
FIJI.
left at the top of the head. When the hair, however, is not more than four inches
long, this flat does not exist, but the surface consists of a regular succession of squares
or circles.
“The violent motions of the dance do not disturb these elaborate preparations, but
great care is taken to preserve them from the effects of the dew or rain."
Whenever the Fijian desires to know whether his head-dress is in proper order, he has
recourse to his mirror. This is not a portable, but a fixed article of manufacture, and is
necessarily situated in the open air. When the native sees a large tree with a sloping
trunk, he cuts in the upper part of the trunk several deep hollows, and arranges the
leaves of the tree so that the water from the foliage drips into them, and keeps them full
.
These are his mirrors, and by their aid he examines his hair, sees if the outline be quite
Wala
ke
(40M,
THE AMBASSADOR'S MESSAGE.
correct, and, if he be dissatisfied, arranges it with his long-handled comb, and then
replaces the comb in his mop of a head, carefully sticking it over one ear as a soldier
does his forage cap.
Not content with having the hair plaited and frizzed out as has already been
described, many of the Fijians wear great wigs over their own hair, thus increasing the
size of their heads to the most inordinate dimensions. The natives are excellent wig-
makers, and, as their object is not to imitate nature, but to produce as fantastic an effect
as possible, it is evident that the result of their labour is often very ludicrous. As is the
case with their own hair, they dye these wigs of various colours, red and white being the
favourite hues.
A “MEMORIA TECHNICA.”
249
Three examples of these curious head-dresses are shown in the illustration on the
previous page, which represents an ambassador delivering a message from his chief to some
man of consequence. Savages such as these have no idea of writing, but, lest they should
forget the various terms of their message, they have recourse to a simple memoria
technica, consisting of a bundle of sticks, no two being of the same length.
Each of these sticks answers to one of the terms of the message, which is repeated
once or twice to the ambassador, who reckons them over on his sticks. When he delivers
his message, he unties the bundle, selects the sticks in their order, and, laying them down
in succession, delivers the message without a mistake.
In the illustration, the principal figure represents the ambassador, the others being
his attendants. He has laid down several of the sticks, and is delivering the message
belonging to one of them, while he is holding the rest in his left hand. His head-dress is
of that remarkable kind which consists of a number of conical locks of hair-a fashion
which denotes a man of rank, as no other could afford to have such a coiffure kept in
order. The man seated next to the ambassador has his hair in two colours, the greater
part being dark and frizzed out from the head, while a couple of rolls of a lighter hue
pass over the forehead. The central figure exhibits a favourite mode of hair-dressing, in
which the hair is clipped very short, except in certain spots, in which it is allowed to
grow, so as to form a series of brush-like tufts.
Men of consequence mostly protect their enormous mops of hair by a sort of thin
turban, which is wrapped round them. The turban is made of a piece of very delicate
bark-cloth, or masi, nearly as thin as gauze, and perfectly white. It is sometimes six feet
in length, but varies according to the quantity of hair. It is twisted round the head in
different fashions, but is mostly fastened by a bow on the forehead, or on the top of the
head. Several examples of the turban will be seen in the course of the following pages.
Men of rank often wear the masi of such length that the ends fall down behind like
a scarf.
In order to preserve their hair from being displaced by rain, they use a waterproof
covering of their own invention. This is a young banana leaf, which is heated over a
fire, and then becomes as thin, transparent, and impervious to water as oiled silk. The
light turban offers no protection whatever, being soaked as easily as tissue paper, which
it somewhat resembles.
Material similar to that which is worn on the head is used for the dress. The masi
which is employed for this purpose is mostly from twenty to thirty feet in length, though
& wealthy man will sometimes wear a masi of nearly three hundred feet long. In this
case, it is made of very delicate material. It is put on in a very simple manner, part
being wound round the loins, and the rest passed under the legs and tucked into the belt,
so as to hang as low as the knees in front, and to fall as low as possible behind. A
wealthy man will often have his masi trailing far behind him like a train.
This is all the dress which a Fiji man needs. Clothing as a protection from the
weather is needless, owing to the geniality of the climate, and the masi is worn simply
as a matter of fashion. Ornaments are worn in great profusion, and are of the kinds
which seem dear to all savage races.
Ear-ornaments of portentous size are worn by the inhabitants of Fiji, some of them
stretching the lobe to such an extent that a man's two fists could be placed in the
opening. The Fijians also wear breast-ornaments, very similar in shape and appearance
to the large dibbi-dibbi which is worn by the Northern Australians, and has evidently
been borrowed from the Papuan race. Any glittering objects can be made into necklaces,
which often combine the most incongruous objects, such as European beads, bits of
tortoiseshell
, dogs' teeth, bats' jaws, and the like.
Flowers are plentifully worn by the Fijian, who keeps up a constant supply of these
natural ornaments
, weaving them into strings and chaplets, and passing them, like belts,
over one shoulder and under the other. In the illustration on page 265, which represents
payment of taxes, several girls are seen adorned with these garlands.
Tattooing is almost entirely confined to the women, and even in them is but little
seen, the greater part of the patterns being covered by the liku or fringe-apron. When
i
the
250
FIJI.
young, the women usually tattoo their fingers with lines and stars in order to make them
look ornamental as they present food to the chief, and, after they become mothers, they
add a blue patch at each corner of the mouth. The operation is a painful one, though
not so torturing as that which is employed in New Zealand, the pattern being made by
the punctures of a sharp-toothed instrument, and not by the edge of a chisel driven
completely through the skin.
Paint is used very largely, the three principal colours being black, white, and red.
With these three tints they contrive to produce a variety of effect on their faces, that is
only to be rivalled by the fancy displayed in their hair-dressing. Sometimes the face is
all scarlet with the exception of the nose, which is black, and sometimes the face is
divided like a quartered heraldic shield, and painted red and black, or white, red, and black
in the different quarterings. Some men will have one side of the face black and the
other white, while others paint their countenances black as far as the nose, and finish
them off with white.
Reversing the first-nientioned pattern, the Fijian dandy will occasionally paint his
face black and his nose red, or will have a black face, a white nose, a scarlet ring round
each eye, and a white crescent on the forehead. Sometimes he will wear a white face
covered with round scarlet spots like those on a toy horse; or will substitute for the
round spots a large patch on each cheek and another round the mouth, just like the face
of a theatrical clown.
Some very curious effects are produced by lines. A white face with a single broad
black stripe from the forehead to the chin has a very remarkable appearance, and so has
a face of which one side is painted longitudinally with black stripes on a white ground,
and the other half with transverse stripes of the same colours. A similar pattern is
sometimes produced with black upon red. Perhaps the oddest of all the patterns is
formed by painting the face white, and upon the white drawing a number of undulating
lines from the forehead downwards, the lines crossing each other so as to form a sort of
rippling network over the face.
So much for the dress of the men. That of the women is different in every way.
Though possessing the same kind of stiff, wiry, profuse hair as the men, they do not
trouble themselves to weave it into such fantastic designs, but mostly content themselves
with combing it out so as to project as far as possible on every side. Sometimes they
twist it into a series of locks, which are allowed to fall on the head merely at random,
like the thrums of a mop.
Paint is employed by them as by the men, though not with such profusion. Scarlet
seems to be their favourite colour in paint, and to this predilection Mr. Pickering was
indebted for opportunities of ascertaining by touch the peculiar roughness of the Papuan
skin. The Fijians, an essentially ceremonious and punctilious people, will not allow
themselves to be handled, and Mr. Pickering was rather perplexed as to the means of
ascertaining whether this roughness belonged to the race, or whether it were only a
peculiarity belonging to individuals. The love of scarlet paint here came to his assistance.
The vermilion prepared by European art was so much superior to the pigments of Fiji,
that the natives were only too glad to have so brilliant a colour put on their faces and
bodies. Accordingly men and women, old and young, pressed forward to have a little
vermilion rubbed on them, and the mothers, after having their own faces painted, held
out their infants to participate in the same benefit.
The native cloth, or masi, which has already been mentioned, is made from the inner
bark of the malo tree, and is manufactured in a simple and ingenious manner.
As at the present day English fabrics are largely imported into Fiji, and are rapidly
supplanting the delicate and becoming native manufactures, the art of making the masi
will soon become extinct in Fiji, as has been the case in other islands where Europeans
have gained a footing. I shall therefore devote a few lines to the description of its
manufacture.
The natives cut off the bark in long strips, and soak them in water for some time,
until the inner bark can be separated from the outer, an operation which is performed
with the edge of a shell. After it has been removed from the coarse outer bark, it is kept
THE MANUFACTURE OF MASI.
251
in water so as to preserve it in the necessary state of moisture; and when a sufficient
quantity is collected, the operation of beating it begins.
Masi is beaten upon a log of wood flattened on the upper surface, and so arranged as
to spring a little with the blows of the mallet. This tool does not resemble our mallet
with a handle and a head, but is simply a piece of wood about fourteen inches in length
and two in thickness, rounded at one end so as to orm a handle, and squared for the
remainder of its length. Three sides of this mallet, or iki, as it is called, are covered
with longitudinal grooves, while the fourth side is left plain. Those specimens that I
have seen have the sides not quite flat, but very slightly convex, perhaps by use, perhaps
rounded intentionally. A masi maker has several of these mallets, sometimes as many
as six or seven, each having some difference in the fluting, and with them she contrives to
produce a fabric that has all the effect of woven linens among ourselves, the pattern
being incorporated with the material.
There are in my collection several specimens of masi, one of which is singularly
beautiful. It is thin, snowy white, and soft as silk, and, even at a distance, must have
looked very graceful when wrapped round the dark body of a Fijian warrior. But it is
only on a closer examination that the real beauty of the fabric is displayed. Instead of
merely beating the masi after the usual fashion, so as to impress upon it the longitudinal
grooves of the mallet, the native manufacturer has contrived to change the position of
her mallet at every blow, so as to produce a zigzag pattern on the fabric, very much like
the well-known Greek pattern of European decorators. It is beautifully regular, and,
when the fabric is held up to the light, looks like the water-mark in paper.
The plasticity of the malo-bark is really wonderful. A strip of two inches in length
can be beaten to the width of eighteen inches, its length being slightly reduced as the
width increases. As the material is very thin and flimsy, a single piece being, when
beaten out, no thicker than tissue paper, two or more pieces are usually laid on each
other and beaten so as to form a single thickness, the natural gluten which this material
contains being sufficient to unite them as if they had been one piece.
Some specimens of their larger mantles, now in my collection, are as thick as stout
brown paper, and very much tougher, appearing both to the eye and the touch as if made
of leather.
When a large masi has to be made, many lengths of the bark are united to each other,
the ends being soaked in arrowroot starch, laid carefully over each other, and then sub-
jected to the mallet, which forces the two pieces of bark to unite as if they were one
substance, and does not exhibit the least trace of the junction. As I have already men-
tioned, some of these masis are of very great length. Mr. Williams measured one
which was for the use of the king on festival days, and found its length to be five
hundred and forty feet.
Many of the large, and at the same time thin masis, are used as mosquito curtains,
and in that case are decorated with patterns of dusky red and black. The patterns
generally commence at the centre, and are gradually extended towards the edges. The
mode of making these patterns is well described by Mr. Williams :-
“Upon a convex board, several feet long, are arranged parallel, at about a finger's
width apart
, thin straight strips of bamboo, à quarter of an inch wide; and by the side
of these, curved pieces, formed of the mid-rib of cocoa-nut leaflets, are arranged. Over
the board thus prepared the cloth is laid, and rubbed over with a dye obtained from the
lauci (Aleurites triloba). The cloth, of course, takes the dye upon those parts which
receive pressure, being supported by the strips beneath, and thus shows the same pattern
in the colour employed. A stronger preparation of the same dye, laid on with a sort of
brush, is used to divide the squares into oblong compartments, with large round or radiated
dots in the centre. The kesa, or dye, when good, dries bright.
“Blank borders, two or three feet wide, are still left on each side of the square, and to
elaborate the ornamentation of these so as to excite applause is the pride of every Fijian
lady. There is now an entire change of apparatus. The operator works on a plain
board ; the red dye gives place to a jet black; her pattern is now formed by a strip of
banana leaf placed on the upper surface of the cloth. Out of the leaf is cut the pattern,
252
FIJI.
not more than an inch long, which she wishes to print upon the border, and holds by her
first and middle finger, pressing it down with the thumb. Then, taking in her right hand
a soft pad of cloth steeped in dye, she rubs it firmly over the stencil, and a fair, sharp
figure is made.
The practised fingers of the women move quickly, but it is after all a tedious process.
In the work above described, the Lakemba women excel. On the island of Matuku
very pretty curtains are made, but the pattern is large, and covers the entire square, while
the spaces between the black lines are filled in with red and yellow."
We now pass to the liku, or fringed girdle of the women. This is made of various
materials, and much trouble is usually expended in its manufacture. The ordinary likus
are little more than a number of slight thongs fixed to a belt, and allowed to hang down
for several inches. When worn, it is passed round the waist and tied, not behind, but on
one side, and on festivals the bark cord by which it is fastened is allowed to hang so low
that it often trails on the ground as the wearer walks along.
BAJI::.
: 062/2140 14 21,JB,105.00
ப் பார்பா பாபம்
UUDA
Uu!
w
W!
COMMON LIKU, OR APRON.
(From my collection.
The thongs are made of the bark of a species of hibiscus, called by the natives vau,
and used for many purposes, of long flexible roots like that of the cascus grass, and of
different grasses. One kind of liku, which is rather fashionable, is made of a vegetable
parasite, called by the natives waloa. The thongs of this liku are not thicker than
packthread, and when fresh are as flexible as silk. In process of time, however,
they become brittle, and are apt to break. The colour of this material is deep glossy
black
There are in my collection two specimens of the liku, one of them being made of
the fashionable waloa. The other is the common liku, shown in the above illustra-
tion. It is made of split grass, the blades of which are more than three feet in length.
In order to make them into the garment they have been doubled, and the loops woven
into a narrow plaited belt of the same material.
The better kind of likus are, however, made with far greater care than is bestowed on
this article. There is but little difference in the thongs, the chief labour being bestowed
on the belt. In some cases the belt of the liku is four inches in width, and is plaited into
elegant patterns, plaiting being an art in which the natives excel.
THE LIKU AND ITS FASHIONS.
In general shape the liku never varies, being. worn by girls and women alike. As
long as a girl is unmarried, she wears a liku the fringe of which is not more than three
inches in depth, and the whole article is so scanty that when tied round the waist the
ends do not meet at the hips by several inches. As soon as the girl is married, she
changes her liku in token of her new rank, and wears a garment with a fringe that
reaches half-way to her knees, and which entirely surrounds the body. After she has
become a mother, she wears an apron which quite reaches to the knees, and sometimes
falls below them.
CHAPTER II.
MANUFACTURES.
MAT-MAKING- SAILS FOR THE CANOES-FLOOR MATS AND BEDDING ROPE AND STRING-SINNET AND
ITS VARIOUS USES—THE NETTING-NEEDLE AND MESH - FANS AND SUNSHADES-THE ORATOR'S
FLAPPER-BASKET-WORK-FIJIAN POTTERY, AND NATIVE ART-POTTERY RESTRICTED TO THE
WOMEN-THEIR SIMPLE TOOLS AND IMPERFECT MATERIALS-MODE OF FIRING THE VESSELS
GLAZING THE WATER-VESSELS-FIJIAN FISHERMAN— VARIOUS KINDS OF NETS, AND MODES
OF USING THEM -
THE TURTLE FISHERY-ABOLD DIVER-CONTRACTORS FOR TURTLE-
--MODES
>
OF CATCHING THE REPTILE-A HEAD OF TURTLE AND ITS VALUE-DANGERS OF THE
FISHERY-FIJIAN CANOES, AND MODE OF MANAGING THEM-BUILDING CANOESINGENIOUS
METHOD OF JOINING THE PLANKSTONGA CARPENTERS THE FIJIANS INFERIOR SAILORS TO
THE TONGANS- FIJIAN TRADERS.
Mats of various kinds are made by the women, and they display as much ingenuity in mat-
making as in the manufacture of masi. Mats are employed for many purposes.
The
sails of the Fijian canoes are always made of matting, which is woven in lengths and
then sewn together afterwards, just as is the case with our own canvas sails. The width
of the strips varies from two to four feet, and their length from three to a hundred yards
.
On an average, however, the usual length of these strips is twenty feet, that being the
ordinary length of a sail. Sail-mats are necessarily rather coarse, and are made from the
leaf of the cocoa-nut palm.
Then there are floor-mats, which are used as carpets in the houses. These vary in
size according to the dimensions of the house, but twenty feet by sixteen is a very
ordinary measurement. They are generally adorned with a border or pattern round the
edges, this border being about six inches wide, and often decorated with feathers and
scraps of any coloured material that can be procured. Mats of a similar character, but
much finer texture, are used as bedding; the best kind, which is called ono, being of a
very fine texture.
The native love of ornament is in no way better displayed than in their rope
and
string-making.
The best rope is formed from several strands of sinnet. This is a sort of plait made
from the fibre of the cocoa-nut. The fibre is carefully removed from the nut, baked, and
combed out like wool. Cordage is made by twisting sinnet together, and some of the
Fijian cords are nearly as thick as a cable, and possessed of extraordinary elasticity and
strength. The sinnet is used in a great variety of offices, houses being built and the
planks of the canoes tied together with this most useful material.
When made, the sinnet is made into great rolls, some of them being of gigantic
dimensions. Mr. Williams saw one which was twelve feet long, and nearly seven feet
in
diameter. These rolls are differently shaped, and each shape is known by its own name,
such as the double cone, the plain hank, the oval ball, the honeycomb ball, and the
variegated roll. These rolls are given as presents, and offered to the chiefs as tribute,
4.
THE SUNSHADE.
255
together with other property. In the large illustration on page 265, which represents
a tax-paying scene, one or two of these rolls are shown.
Sinnet is the favourite material for net-making, but as it is costly, nets are often con-
structed of the hibiscus bark. Another material is a sort of creeper named yaka, which
is steeped in water to dissolve the green matter, then scraped to clean the fibres, and,
lastly, twisted into string. It is remarkable that the netting needle and mesh are exactly
similar to those which are employed by ourselves, and the same may be said of the mesh
and needle of the Esquimaux.
The same ingenuity in plaiting which is expended in the making and rolling of sinnet
asserts itself in various other manufactures, such as basket and fan making. In the latter
art the Fijian excels, and, as the fan is almost as important to the Fijian as to the Japanese,
much play of fancy is exhibited in fan-making. Dissimilar as are these fans in shape,
there is always à sort of character about them which denotes their origin to a
practised eye.
The accompanying illustration represents a specimen in my collection, which is a very
good type of the Fijian fan. It is two feet in length, and rather more than a foot broad
in the widest part. The handle is made of cocoa-nut wood, and extends nearly to the
end of the fan, so as to form a support through its entire length. It is fastened to the
fan by double bands of the finest and most beautifully plaited sinnet. The material of
11
1
SUNSHADE OR FAN.
which the fan is composed is cocoa-nut leaf, divided into doubled strips about the third
of an inch in width near the base of the fan, and gradually decreasing towards its tip.
A
strong band of the same material runs round the edges of the fan, and the two ends of
this band are secured to the handle by the same sinnet as has been just mentioned.
Such a fan as this is employed rather as a sunshade or parasol than a fan, and is held
over the head when the owner happens to be seated in the sunshine. It is very light,
and is really a much more efficient implement than its appearance intimates.
The form of the fan is exceedingly variable. Sometimes they are triangular, with the
handle projecting from one of the angles, and sometimes they are square, but with the
handle passing diagonally across them. Various modifications of the battledore are in
much favour, and there is one form which almost exactly resembles that of the Japanese
handscreen.
It is rather remarkable that the aborigines of tropical America, such as the Caribs,
the Accowais, and the like, make fans of precisely similar material and structure, except
that the handle is not separately made of wood, but is formed from the ends of the leaf-
strips of which the implement is made.
The following illustration represents another curious article of manufacture which
is properly Fijian, but extends through several of the Polynesian group. It is the
256
FIJI.
THE ORATOR'S FLAPPER.
orator's flapper, which the native holds in his hand while he speaks in council. The
handle is carved into various patterns, and mostly, though not invariably, is terminated
by a rude representation of a couple of human figures seated back to back. Sometimes
the entire handle is covered with sinnet, plaited in the most delicate patterns, as none
but a Fijian can plait. The
tuft at the end is formed
of cocoa-nut fibre, which
has first been soaked in
water, next rolled round a
small twig, and then dried.
When it is unwound from
the stick, it has a crisp,
wrinkled appearance, very
like that of the Fijian's hair,
and is probably intended
to imitate it.
The figure
is drawn from one of the
specimens in my collection,
some of which have sinnet-
covered handles, and some
carved handles, while some
have the tuft black, and
others sandy red, just as is
the case with the hair of
the natives.
In their basket-making, the Fijians are equally lavish of their artistic
powers, weaving them in patterns of such elaborate intricacy as to put the
best European makers to shame, and then, as if not satisfied with the
amount of work bestowed upon them, covering all the edges with sinnet,
braided into really artistic patterns.
Indeed, the Fijians are born artists. Their work, although sometimes
grotesque, is always artistic, because always appropriate. They carry this
feeling of art into the material whose plasticity allows the greatest freedom of manipu-
lation; namely, earthenware. Some of the vessels which are intended for cooking are quite
plain, while others which are made for other purposes are of elegant shape, and covered
with ornaments. Mr. Williams suggests, with much probability, that the cooking-pots
are made in imitation of the cells of a species of black bee which inhabits the Fiji group
of islands.
Several specimens of Fijian pottery are in the British Museum, and the reader is
strongly advised to examine them, in order to see examples of intuitive art which are far
superior in outline and ornament to the generality of decorated earthenware in this
country. A conventional imitation of nature is the principle which is employed by the
Fijian potters, who find their chief patterns in flowers, leaves, and fruits, thus obtaining
the most graceful curves, joined to great certainty and precision of outline.
Rude as is the manipulation of the potter, and coarse as is the material, the design of
the vessel is sure to be bold and vigorous, putting to shame the feeble prettiness with
which we are too familiar in this country. Going to nature for their models, the Fijian
potters display a wonderful power, fertility, and originality of design. In any country,
an artist who really studies nature is sure to produce works that are fresh and original;
and in a country like Fiji, which is within the tropics, and in which the magnificent
vegetation of the tropics springs up in luxuriant profusion, it is likely that an artist,
however rude he may be, who studies in such a school, will produce works of genuine
merit.
The art of pottery is confined to the women, and is practically restricted to the wives
and daughters of fishermen. The material employed by them is a red or blue clay mixed
with sand, and their implements are merely an annular cushion, a flat stone, one or two
from doing mischief.
FISHING FOR TURTLE.
257
wooden scrapers, a round stone to hold against the inside of the vessel, and a sharp stick.
They have no wheel : and yet, in spite of such disadvantages, they contrive to produce
vessels so true in outline, that few persons, unless they were practically acquainted with
pottery, could believe that they were merely rounded by the eye.
The shapes of nearly all the vessels are very elegant, as is likely to be the case from
the models employed by the maker. They are often wonderfully elaborate specimens of
workmanship. Permanently covered vessels, with a hole in the lid, are very common,
and Mr. Williams saw one jar as large as a hogshead, that was furnished with
four openings for the purpose of filling and emptying it rapidly. The most remarkable
examples are the compound vessels, several being united together at the point where
they touch, and further connected by arched handles. In some cases, even the handles
are hollow, and have an opening at the top, so that the vessels can be filled or emptied
through them. This compound form has lately been copied by Europeans.
Considering the amount of labour and artistic skill which is given to pottery, it is a
pity that the natives are not better off for material and firing. The material is very
coarse, and the very imperfect mode of baking fails to give to the vessels the hard and
almost imperishable quality which distinguishes properly prepared earthenware.
After the vessels have been shaped, and the decorative patterns traced on them with
a sharp stick, they are placed on the ground close together, but not touching each other,
and covered with a quantity of dried leaves, grass, reeds, and similar materials. The
pile is then lighted, and when it has burned itself out the baking is supposed to be
finished. Those pots that are to be glazed are rubbed, while still hot, with kawri, the
same resin which has already been mentioned in the account of New Zealand.
As may be expected in an island population, the Fijians are expert fishermen, and
employ various means of securing their prey. Nets, weighted at one edge with shells and
floated at the other with pieces of light wood, are much used; and so are the hook, the
creel, and the weir. In some places a very remarkable net, or rather an imitation of a
net, called the rau, is used. To the long, flexible stems of creepers are fastened a quantity
of split cocoa-nut leaves, so as to make a fringe of considerable depth and very great
length, one of these raus sometimes measuring nearly ten thousand feet from one end to
the other.
When completed, the rau is taken out to sea and thrown into the water, the ends
being attached to canoes, which stretch it to a straight line. They then make for a small
bay, across which the rau can be drawn, and then capture all the fish by smaller nets
or spears. Sometimes they do not trouble themselves to return to the shore, but bring
the net round in a circle, the fish being so afraid of the leafy fringe that they avoid it,
and keep themselves in the middle of the toils.
The principal use of the net is, however, in turtle-fishing, a sport which may be
almost called an art. The turtle-fishers supply themselves with sinnet-nets, some ten
feet in width, and one or two hundred yards in length. While the turtle are feeding upon
the shore, the fishermen carry out the net and shoot it to seawards, so that when the
turtle returns to the sea after feeding, it is sure to be intercepted by the net, which has
large meshes, in order to entangle the flippers of the reptile.
When the fishermen feel that the turtle is fairly caught, they proceed to get it on
board, a task of very great difficulty and some danger, inasmuch as the turtle is in its
own element, and the men are obliged to dive and conduct their operations under water.
The most active diver tries to seize the end of one of the fore-flippers
, and pulls it
violently downwards, knowing that the instinctive desire to rid itself of the inconvenience
cause the reptile to rise. Of course the diver can only retain his hold for a limited
time
, but as soon as he rises to the surface for breath another takes his place. Should
the turtle be a vicious one, as is often the case, one of the divers grasps it across the
head, fixing his finger and thumb in the sockets of the eyes, so as to prevent the creature
Finding itself thus hampered, the turtle rises to the surface, when it is seized by the
other fishermen
who are in the canoe, hauled on board, and laid on its back, in which
will
VOL. II.
S
258
FIJI.
position it is utterly helpless. The successful fishermen then blow loud blasts of triumph
on their conch-shell trumpets, and bring their prize to land.
In consequence of the number of men who are employed in this pursuit, the men
almost invariably fish in parties, who are engaged by some individual. Sometimes they
are the servants of a chief, and fish on his account, all the captured turtles belonging to
him, but the fishermen always receiving a present of some kind when they have been
successful. Should the fishers be free men, they hire themselves, their nets, and canoe to
some one who will pay the regular price, for which they are bound to make ten expe-
ditions. Should they be entirely unsuccessful, they get nothing, but each time that they
bring a turtle ashore they receive a present from the hirer, who is obliged, after the
completion of the fishing, to give the men a handsome present. Sometimes several turtle
are taken in a single day; but the business is a very precarious one, even the best
fishermen returning day after day without catching a single turtle.
Some of the modes of catching the turtle are very ingenious. When the men have
no net, they chase the reptile as they best can, keeping the shadow of the sail just behind
it so as to frighten it, and keep it continually on the move. They will pursue it in this
way for a long time, until the creature is so exhausted that it can be captured by a few
divers without the aid of a net. When brought home, the turtles are kept in pens and
killed as wanted.
Although the flesh of the turtle is highly esteemed, and the green fat is appreciated
nearly as much as in England, the chief value of the turtle lies in its shell, the thirteen
plates of which are called a “head," and sold to the traders by weight. A"head"
weighing three pounds is a fair one, a head that weighs four pounds is exceptionally good,
while one that exceeds five pounds is hardly ever seen.
The dangers that beset
, the turtle-fishery are many. Chief among them is the shark,
which is very plentiful on these coasts, and which is equally fond of men and turtle, so
that when it sees a turtle entangled in the net it makes an attack, and is as likely to take
off the limb of one of the divers as to seize the reptile. Another fertile source of danger
lies in the structure of the coral reefs, which form the principal shores of these islands.
They are full of hollows and crannies, and it sometimes happens that a diver becomes
entangled in them, and is not able to extricate himself in time to save his life.
As the canoes return home after turtle-fishing, the women come down to the shore
and meet them. Should the expedition be successful, the men return with songs and
shouts of triumph, as if they were bringing home the bodies of slain foes, on which
occasion, as we shall presently see, a scene of horrid rejoicing takes place. Should they
be unsuccessful, they return in sad silence.
In the former case, the women welcome the successful fishermen with songs and
dances, and sometimes become rather rough in the exuberance of their delight. Mr.
Williams once witnessed an amusing scene, in which the women brought a quantity of
bitter oranges down to the shore, and when the fishermen were about to land, pelted them
so mercilessly that the men were in self-defence obliged to drive their aggressors off
the beach.
As the canoe has so often been mentioned in connexion with fishing, it will be now
described. In principle it resembles the form which prevails among the great Polynesian
group, though in detail it differs from many of the ordinary vessels. All the canoes
possess modifications of the outrigger, but the best example is the double canoe, where
two boats are placed side by side in such a manner that one of them acts as the outrigger
and the other as the canoe.
If the reader will refer to the illustration on the following page, he will be able to
understand the general appearance of this curious vessel.
The two canoes are covered over, so as to keep out the water, and are connected by a
platform which projects over the outer edges of both boats. Hatchways are cut through
the platform, so as to enable the sailors to pass into the interior of the canoes. In the
illustration a man is seen emerging from the hatch of the outer canoe. Upon this
platform is erected a sort of deck-house for the principal person on board, and on the top
of the deck-house is a platform, on which stands the captain of the vessel, so that he may
MANAGEMENT OF THE CANOE.
259
give his orders from this elevated position, like the captain of a steamboat on the paddle-
box or bridge. This position also enables him to trace the course of the turtle, if they
should be engaged in the profitable chase of that reptile.
The mode of managing the vessel is extremely ingenious.
The short mast works on a pivot at the foot, and can be slacked over to either end of
the vessel
. When the canoe is about to get under way, the long yard is drawn up to the
head of the mast, and the latter inclined, so that the mast, the yard, and the deck form a
triangle. The halyards are then made fast, and act as stays. When the vessel is wanted
www.
A
Plujului!
M
M
mislillllirita liiviliii
THC CANOE IN A BREEZE.
to
go about, the mast is slacked off to the other end, so that the stern becomes the bow,
the tack and the sheet change places, and away goes the vessel on the other course.
It will be seen that such a canoe sails equally well in either direction, and, therefore,
that it can be steered from either end. The rudder is a very large oar, some twenty feet
in length, of which the blade occupies eight, and is sixteen inches wide. The leverage of
şuch an oar is tremendous, and, in a stiff gale, several men are required to work it.
In order to relieve them in some degree, rudder-bands are used; but even with this
assistance the men have great difficulty in keeping the canoe to her course, and are
nearly sure to receive some very sharp blows in the side from the handle of the steering
var. Sometimes a sudden gust of wind, or a large wave, will bring round the rudder
with such violence that the handle strikes a man in the side and kills him. With all
these drawbacks, canoe-sailing is a favourite occupation with the Fijians, who are as
merry as possible while on board, singing songs to encourage the steersman, watching the
S 2
260
FIJI.
waves and giving notice of them, and adding to the joyous tumult by beating any drum
that they may happen to have on board. Even when the wind fails, and the canoe has
to be propelled by poling if she should be in shoal water, or hy sculling if she should be
too far out at sea for the poles, the crew do their work in gangs, which are relieved at
regular intervals, those who are resting singing songs and encouraging those who are
at work
Sculling one of these large canoes is rather heavy work, the great paddles being worked
from side to side in perfect unison, the men moving their feet in accordance with the
rhythm of their comrades' song. As many as eight sculls are sometimes employed at the
same time, should the canoe be a large one and the crew tolerably numerous. The
sculling oars pass through holes in the deck, an equal number being out fore and aft.
The mode of building these canoes is so ingenious that I will try to describe it, though
without a plentiful use of diagrams description is very difficult
.
Canoes of moderate size are cut out of single logs ; and in these there is nothing
particularly worthy of remark. But when the native ship-builder wishes to construct one
of the great war-canoes, he has to exercise all the skill of his craft.
Here it must be mentioned that the canoe-makers form a sort of clan of their own,
and have their own chief, who is always a man eminent for skill in his profession. The
experienced Fijians know the workmanship of these men as well as our artists know the
touch and style of a celebrated sculptor or painter, and contemplate both the man and his
workmanship with respectful admiration.
The first process in canoe-building is to lay the keel, which is made of several pieces
of wood carefully “scarfed” together; and upon it the planking is fixed, without requiring
ribs, as in our boats. The most ingenious part of boat-building is the way that the planks
are fastened, or rather tied together, without a vestige of the sinnet appearing on the
outside. Along the inside edge of each plank runs a bold flange, through which a number
of holes are bored downwards at regular distances, so that when two planks are placed
together the holes in the flanges exactly coincide, and a cord can be run through them.
When a plank has been made, and all the flange-holes bored, the edges are smeared
with a sort of white pitch, upon which is laid a strip of fine masi. This of course
covers the holes, which are reopened by means of a small fire-stick. The planks thus
prepared are called “vonos.” When the vono is ready, it is lifted to its place, and very
carefully adjusted, so that all the holes exactly coincide. The best and strongest sinnet is
next passed eight or ten times through the hole, drawn as tight as possible, and then tied.
It will be seen, therefore, that all the tying is done inside the vessel. In order to tighten
the sinnet still more, a number of little wedges are inserted under it in different direc-
tions, and are driven home with the mallet.
By this process the planks are brought so tightly together that, when the carpenter
comes to smooth off the outside of the vessel with his adze, he often has to look very
closely before he can see the line of junction. Caulking is therefore needless, the white
pitch and masi rendering the junction of the planks completely waterproof. The vonos
are by no means equal in size, some being twenty feet in length, while others are barely
thirty inches, but all are connected in exactly the same manner.
The gunwales, and other parts above the water-mark, do not require so much care, and
are fastened without flanges, à strip of wood or “bead” being laid upon the junction, and
the sinnet bands passing over and over it and drawn tight with wedges, and the holes
carefully caulked with fibre and pitch. When the canoe is completed, it is beautifully
finished off
, the whole of the outside being first carefully trimmed with the adze, and
then polished with pumice stone, so that it looks as if it were made of one piece
of wood..
Ornament is freely used in the best canoes, especially in the two projecting ends,
which are carved in patterns, and frequently inlaid with white shells belonging to the
genus Ovulum, or egg shells. This form of canoe has gradually superseded the more
clumsy forms that were once in use in Tonga and the neighbouring islands. The Tongans
often made voyages to Fiji, being better and bolder sailors, though their canoes were
inferior; and, having been struck with the superiority of Fijian boat-building, have by
AN UNSUCCESSFUL VENTURE.
261
degrees built their own vessels after Fijian models. Being also remarkably good
carpenters, they have taken to boat-building even in Fiji itself, and have in a great
measure ousted the native builders, being able to work better and quicker, and for
less pay.
In spite of their excellent canoes, and their skill in managing their vessels, the Fijians
are not bold sailors, and, according to Mr. Williams, "none have yet taken their canoes
beyond the boundaries of their own group.” He knew one old man named Toa-levu
(Great Fowl), who had a fancy that he could make a profitable trading expedition
westward, and who accordingly loaded his canoe with pottery and masi, and started off.
After two or three days, however, he became frightened, and made the best of his way
back again, only to become a standing warning to rash voyagers. Yet in waters which
they know the Fijians are excellent sailors, and the women appear to be as bold and
skilful as the men, assisting in steering, managing the sail, and even in the laborious task -
of sculling or poling.
Owing to their excellence in canoe-building, the Fijians carry on a brisk trade with
other islands, supplying them not only with the canoes, but with the masts, sails, sinnet,
and other nautical appliances, receiving in exchange the whales' teeth, shells, weapons, and
other valued commodities.
CHAPTER III.
GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL LIFE.
A NATIVE LEGEND-THE RAT-GOD, AND HIS MISHAPS ON A JOURNEY-EVASION OF A HUMILIATING
CUSTOM-MODERN CHANGES OF GOVERNMENT-—THE VARIOUS RANKS OF CHIEFS AND PEOPLE
THE SYSTEM OF VASU, OR NEPOTISM EXTRAORDINARY-— SINGULAR POWER OF THE VASU-THE
SYSTEM A HINDRANCE TO INDUSTRY-THE VASU AS AN AMBASSADOR-PAYMENT OF TAXES
PRESENTATION OF THE CANOE-TRIBUTE PAID IN KIND AND IN LABOUR-THE TENURE OF
LAND--A SINGULAR CUSTOM-ATTACHMENT TO THE SOIL-THE DISAPPOINTED PURCHASER-THE
FAMILY THE TYPE OF FIJIAN GOVERNMENT-CODE OF ETIQUETTE AMONG THE FIJIANS
THE COURT LANGUAGE-THE “TAMA," AND ITS MODIFICATIONS-MEETING A SUPERIOR-THE
BALE-MURI CUSTOM-THE POLITE NATIVE WHO DID NOT GET A MUSKET--HOW GREAT CHIEFS
VISIT EACH OTHER-ORATORY,
AND MODES OF GREETING-STRICTNESS OF THE CODE OF
ETIQUETTE—THE YOUNG CHIEF AND THE GUANA'S TAIL-A FIJIAN FEAST--THE VAST OVENS,
AND MODE OF MAKING THEM-PREPARATIONS FOR THE FEAST-ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE
BANQUET--VARIETY OF DISHES-MODE OF DRINKING-HOW TO OPEN A COCOA-NUT-CANNIBALISM
THE KING THAKOMBAUPRESUMED ORIGIN OF CANNIBALISM-NATIVE LEGEND-THE CANNIBAL
FORKS--OPPORTUNITIES FOR HUMAN SACRIFICES" TAKING DOWN THE MAST AN UNFORTU-
NATE MISTAKE,
OWING to the geographical nature of the Fiji group, which consists of seven groups of
islands, some of them very large and some very small, the mode of government has
never been monarchical, the country being ruled by a number of chiefs of greater or
less importance, according to the amount of territory over which their sway extended.
The various islands had in former days but little connexion with each other. At the
present time, more intercourse takes place, and in one instance the visit involves a
singular and ludicrous ceremonial.
One of the gods belonging to Somo-somo, named Ng-gurai, went to visit Mbau, a spot
on the eastern coast of Viti Lemi, one of the greater islands, and to pay his respects to the
god of that place. He was accompanied by a Vuna god named Vatu-Mundre, who gave
him a bamboo by way of a vessel, and undertook to guide him on his journey. Ng-gurai
then entered into the body of a rat, seated himself on the bamboo, and set off on his
journey. After they had sailed for some time, Ng-gurai lost his way, on account of
wanting to call at every island which he passed, and at last, just as he arrived on the
Mbau shore, he was washed off the bamboo and nearly drowned in the surf.
From this fate he was rescued by a Mbau woman, who took him into the chief's
house, and put him among the cooks on the hearth, where he sat shivering for four days.
Meanwhile, Vatu-Mundre arrived at his destination, and was received in royal manner
by the Mbau god, who tried in vain to induce him to become tributary to him.
After a proper interval, the Mbau god returned the visit of Vatu-Mundre, who had
craftily greased the path, so that when his visitor became animated, his feet slipped, and
he fell on his back. "Vatu-Mundre then took advantage of his situation, and forced his
visitor to become his tributary.
THE VASU.
263
In consequence of this affair, the Mbau people pay a homage to the natives of Vuna,
but indemnify themselves by exacting a most humiliating homage from the men of
Somo-sonio, though in fact Somo-somo is the acknowledged superior of Vuna.
Whenever a Somo-somo canoe goes to Mbau, the sail must be lowered at a certain
distance from shore, and the crew must paddle in a sitting position. To keep up the sail
or to paddle in the usual standing position would cost them their lives. As soon as they
come within hearing of the shore they have to shout the Tama, i.e. the reverential
salutation of an inferior to a superior, and to reiterate it at short intervals.
Arrived on shore, they are not allowed to enter a house, but are kept in the open air
for four days, during which time they are obliged to wear their worst dresses, move about
in a stooping attitude, and to say the Tama in a low and trembling voice, in imitation of
the shivering god-rat. After the four days have expired, they may enter houses and dress
in better clothes, but are still obliged to walk in a half-bent attitude. When a Mbau
man meets one of these crouching visitors, he cries out, “ Ho! Ho!” in a jeering manner,
and asks the Somo-somo man whether his god is yet at liberty. The unfortunate visitor
is then obliged to place his hand on his heart, stoop half-way to the ground, and say
humbly that Ng-gurai is allowed his liberty.
Naturally disliking this oppressive and humiliating custom, the people of Somo-somo
have of late years managed to evade it by means of foreign vessels. The custom of
lowering the sail and paddling while seated was not binding on people of other countries,
and so they contrived to visit Mbau on board of Tongan canoes, or, better still, English
ship-boats.
Of late years the government has assumed a feudal aspect, the chiefs of large districts
being considered as kings, and having under them a number of inferior chiefs who are
tributary to them, and bound to furnish men and arms when the king declares war.
According to Mr. Williams, the Fijians may be ranked under six distinct orders. First
come the kings, and next to them the chiefs of separate large islands or districts. Then
come the chiefs of towns, the priests, and the Mata-ni-vanuas, or aides-de-camp of the
great chiefs. Next to them come the chiefs of professions, such as canoe-building and
turtle-fishing, and with them are ranked any distinguished warriors of low birth. The
fifth rank includes all the commonalty, and the sixth consists of the slaves, who are
always captives.
As is often the case in countries where polygamy is practised, the law of descent
passes through the female line, the successor of the king or chief being always the son
of
a woman of high rank.
The oddest part of Fijian political economy is the system of Vasu, or nephewma
system which may be described as nepotism carried to the greatest possible extreme.
Mr. Williams's description of the Vasu is very curious. “ The word means a nephew, or
niece, but becomes a title of office in the case of the male, who in some localities has the
extraordinary privilege of appropriating whatever he chooses belonging to his uncle, or
those under his uncle's power.
"Vasus are of three kinds: the Vasu-taukei, the Vasu-levu, and the Vasu ;—the last is
& common name, belonging to any nephew whatever. Vasu-taukei is a term applied to
aby Vasu whose mother is a lady of the land in which he was born. The fact of Mbau
being at the head of Fijian rank gives the Queen of Mbau a pre-eminence over all Fijian
kdies, and her son a place nominally over all Vasus.
No material difference exists between the power of a Vasu-taukei and a Vasu-levu,
thich latter title is given to every Vasu born of a woman of rank, and having a first-
class chief for his father. A Vasu-taukei can claim anything belonging to a native of his
Rother's land, excepting the wives, home, and land of a chief. Vasus cannot be con-
idered apart from the civil polity of the group, forming, as they do, one of its integral
parts, and supplying the high-pressure power of Fijian despotism.
“In grasping at dominant influence, the chiefs have created a power which ever and
won turns round and grips them with no gentle hand. However high a chief may
kuk
, however powerful a king may be, if he has a nephew, he has a master
, one who
till not be content with the name, but who will exercise his prerogative to the full,
264
FIJI.
cases.
seizing whatever will take his fancy, regardless of its value or the owner's inconvenience
in its loss. Resistance is not to be thought of, and objection is only offered in extreme
A striking instance of the power of the Vasu occurred in the case of Thokonauto,
a Rewa chief, who, during a quarrel with an uncle, used the right of Vasu, and actually
supplied himself with ammunition from his enemy's stores.
Descending in the social scale, the Vasu is a hindrance to industry, few being
willing to labour unrewarded for another's benefit. One illustration will suffice. An
industrious uncle builds a canoe in which he has not made half-a-dozen trips, when an
idle nephew mounts the deck, sounds his trumpet-shell, and the blast announces to all
within hearing that the canoe has that instant changed masters."
The Vasu of a king is necessarily a personage of very great importance; and when he
acts as delegate for the king, he is invested for the time with royal dignity. He is sent,
for example, to other places to collect property, which is handed over to his king as
tribute; and were it not for a check which the king has over hin, he might be tempted
to enrich himself by exacting more from the people than they ought to give. In this
case, however, the Vasu is held amenable to the king, and, should he exceed his proper
powers, is heavily fined.
Taxes, to which reference is here made, are paid in a manner differing materially
from the mode adopted in more civilized countries. In Europe, for example, no one pays
a tax if he can possibly escape from it, and the visits of the tax-gatherer are looked upon
as periodical vexations. In Fiji the case is different. People take a pride in paying
taxes, and the days of payment are days of high festival.
On the appointed day the king prepares a great feast, and the people assemble in vast
multitudes with their goods, such as rolls of sinnet, masi, whales' teeth, reeds, women's
dresses—and often accompanied by their wearers-ornaments, weapons, and the like, and
present themselves in turn before the king. Each man is clad in his very best raiment,
is painted in the highest style of art, and displays the latest fashion in hair-dressing.
With songs and dances the people approach their monarch, and lay their presents
before him, returning to the banquet which he has prepared for them.
It is hardly possible to imagine a more animated scene than that which occurs when
the tribute from a distant place is taken to the king, especially if, as is often the case, a
valuable article, such as a large war-canoe, is presented as part of the tribute.
A fleet of canoes, containing several hundred people and great quantities of property,
makes its appearance off the coast, and is received with great hospitality, as well niay
be
the case. The king having seated himself on a large masi carpet, the principal chief of
the tribute-bearers comes before him, accompanied by his men bringing the presents
with them in proper ceremonial, the chief himself carrying, in the folds of his robe, a
whale's tooth, which is considered as the symbol of the canoe which is about to be
presented, and which is called by the same name as the canoe which it represents.
Approaching the king with the prescribed gestures, the chief kneels before him, and
first offers to his master all the property which has been deposited on the ground. He
then takes from the folds of his voluminous dress, which, as the reader may remember, is
often several hundred feet in length, the whale's tooth, and makes an appropriate speech.
He compliments the king on the prosperity which is enjoyed by all districts under his
sway, acknowledging their entire submission, and hoping that they may be allowed to live
in order to build canoes for him. As an earnest of this wish, he presents the king with
a new canoe, and, so saying, he gives the king the symbolical whale's tooth, calling it by
the name of the vessel
. On receiving the tooth, the king graciously gives them his
permission to live, whereupon all present clap their hands and shout, the cry of the
receivers being different from that which is employed by the givers.
In the following illustration one of these animated scenes is represented.
Nearly in the centre is the king seated on the masi carpet, having his back to the spec-
tator in order to show the mode in which the flowing robes of a great man are arranged.
In front of him kneels the chief of the tax-paying expedition, who is in the act of offering
to the king the symbolical whale's tooth. One or two similar teeth lie by his side, and
form a part of the present. In the distance is the flotilla of canoes, in which the tax-

PAYING THE TAXES.
265
paying party have come; and near the shore is the new war-canoe, which forms the chief
part of the offering.
Home
ALL
CH
lam
PRESENTATION OF THE CANOE.
In the foreground are seen the various articles of property which constitute taxes,
such as yams, rolls of cloth and sinnet, baskets, articles of dress, and young women, the
266
FIJI.
last being dressed in the finest of likus, and being decorated, not only with their ordinary
ornaments, but with wreaths and garlands of flowers. Behind the offering chief are his
followers, also kneeling as a mark of respect for the king; and on the left hand are the
spectators of the ceremony, in front of whom sit their chiefs and leading men.
Tribute is not only paid in property, but in labour, those who accompany the tax-
paying chief being required to give their labour for several weeks. They work in the
fields, they thatch houses, they help in canoe-building, they go on fishing expeditions,
and at the end of the stipulated time they receive a present, and return to their homes.
Should the king take it into his head to go and fetch the taxes himself, his visit
becomes terribly burdensome to those whom he honours with his presence. He will be
accompanied by some twenty or thirty canoes, manned by a thousand men or so, and all
those people have to be entertained by the chief whom he visits. It is true that he
always makes a present when he concludes his visit, but the present is entirely inadequate
to the cost of his entertainment.
The tenure of land is nearly as difficult a question in Fiji as in New Zealand. It is
difficult enough when discussed between natives, but when the matter is complicated by a
quarrel between natives and colonists, it becomes a very apple of discord. Neither party
can quite understand the other. The European colonist who buys land from a native
chief purchases, according to his ideas, a complete property in the land, and control over
it. The native who sells it has never conceived such an idea as the total alienation of
land, and, in consequence, if the purchaser should happen to leave any part of the land
unoccupied, the natives will build their houses upon it, and till it as before. Then, as in
process of time the proprietor wants to use his ground for his own purposes, the natives
refuse to be ejected, and there is a quarrel.
The state of the case is very well put by Dr. Pritchard : “Every inch of land in Fiji
has its owner. Every parcel or tract of ground has a name, and the boundaries are
defined and well-known. The proprietorship rests in families, the heads of families
being the representatives of the title. Every member of the family can use the lands
attaching to the family. Thus the heads of families are the nominal owners, the whole
family are the actual occupiers. The family land maintains the whole family, and the
members maintain the head of the family.
A chief holds his lands under precisely the same tenure, as head of his family, and
his personal rights attain only to the land pertaining to his family, in which right every
member of his family shares so far as on any portion of the land. But the chief is also
head of his tribe, and, as such, certain rights to the whole lands of the tribe appertain to
him. The tribe is a family, and the chief is the head of the family.
“ The families of a tribe maintain the chief. In war they give him their services, and
follow him to the fight. In peace they supply him with food. In this way, the whole
tribe attains a certain collective interest in all the lands held by each family, and every
parcel of land alienated contracts the source whence the collective tribal support of the
chief is drawn. From this complicated tenure it is clear that the alienation of land,
however large or small the tract, can be made valid only by the collective act of the
whole tribe, in the persons of the ruling chief and the heads of families. Random and
reckless land transactions under these circumstances would be simply another seizure of
Naboth's vineyard, for which the price of blood would inevitably have to be paid."
Another cause of misunderstanding lies in a peculiar attachment which the Fijian has
to the soil
. When he sells a piece of land, it is an understood thing between the buyer
and seller that the latter shall have the exclusive right of working on the ground, that
none but he shall be employed to till the ground, or build houses upon it. The white
settlers who understand the customs of the natives have accepted the condition, and find
that it answers tolerably well
. Those who are unacquainted with native ideas have often
suffered severely for their ignorance, and, when they have brought a gang of their own
workmen to put up a house on the newly-purchased land, have been fairly driven out by
armed parties of natives.
Mr. Pritchard narrates an amusing anecdote, which illustrates the working of this
principle. A missionary had purchased some land according to the code of laws which
tu
A TEDIOUS CODE OF ETIQUETTE.
267
had been agreed upon by the native chiefs and the colonists; all the natives who belonged
to the family having been consulted, and agreed to the purchase. As a matter of course,
they expected that the work of clearing the ground and building the house would be
given to them. Being ignorant of this custom, the purchaser took some of his own
people, but was immediately surrounded by a body of armed savages, who flourished
their clubs and spears, and frightened him so much that he retreated to his boat, and
made off. When he was well out of range, all those who had muskets fired them in the
direction of the boat, as if to show that their intention was not to kill but merely to
intimidate.
It will be seen from the foregoing passages, that the whole government of Fiji is a
repetition of one principle, namely, that of the family. The head of a family is the
nominal possessor of the land. All the members of the family use the land, and support
their head, as a return for the use of the land. Districts again are considered as families,
the chief being the head, and being supported by the district. The king, again, is con-
sidered as the father of all the chiefs, and the nominal owner of all the land in his
dominions, and he is therefore entitled to be supported by the taxation which has been
described Practically, however, he has no more right to land than any other head of
a family.
From the preceding observations the reader may see that a definite code of etiquette
prevails among the Fiji islands. Indeed, there is no part of the world where etiquette is
carried to a greater extent, or where it is more intimately interwoven with every
action of ordinary life. If, for example, one man meets another on a path, both having, as
usual, their clubs on their shoulders, as they approach each other they lower their clubs to
their knees, as a token that they are at peace, and pass on. Retaining the club on the
shoulder would be equivalent to a challenge to fight.
The leading characteristic of this code of etiquette is the reverence for the chief, a
reverence which is carried to such a pitch that in battle a chief sometimes comes out
unhurt simply because his opponents were so much awe-stricken by his rank that they
did not dare to strike him. Each superior therefore partakes of the chiefly character as
far as his inferiors are concerned, and expects the appropriate acknowledgments of rank.
This extraordinary reverence is carried so far that it has invented a language of
étiquette, no one with any pretensions to good breeding speaking in ordinary language of
a chief, of a chief's head or limbs, of a chief's dress, or indeed of any action performed by
a chief, but supplying a paraphrastic and hyperbolical phraseology, of which our own
court language is but a faint shadow. The Tama, which has before been mentioned, is
the right of a chief, and is therefore uttered by men of inferior rank, not only when they
meet the chief himself, but when they come within a certain distance of his village. So
elaborate is this code of ceremony that, discourteous as it might be to omit the Tama
when due, it would be thought doubly so to utter it on occasions when it was not
due. For example, the Tama is not used towards the close of the day, or when the chief
is either making a sail or watching a sail-maker at work; and if the Tama were uttered
on any such occasion, it would be resented as an insult.
Passing a superior on the wrong side, and sailing by his canoe on the outrigger side, are
considered as solecisms in manners, while passing behind a chief is so deadly an insult that
the man who dared do such a deed would run the risk of getting his brains knocked out on
the spot, or, if he were a rich man, would have to pay a very heavy fine, or "soro,
by way of compensation. The reason of this rule is evident enough. The Fijian is apt
to be treacherous, and when he attacks another always tries to take him unawares, and
steals on him, if possible, from behind. It is therefore a rule, that any one passing behind
a superior is looked upon as contemplating assassination, and makes himself liable to the
appropriate penalty
If a man should meet a chief, the inferior withdraws from the path, lays his club on
the ground, and crouches in a bent position until the great man has passed by. If, how-
ever, the two men should be of tolerably equal rank, the inferior merely stands aside,
bends his body slightly, and rubs the left arm with the right hand, or grasps his beard
and keeps his eyes fixed on the ground.
"
268
FIJI.
The act of giving anything to the chief, touching him or his dress, or anything above
his head, or receiving anything from him, or hearing a gracious message from him, is
accompanied by a gentle clapping of the hands. Standing in the presence of a chief is
not permitted. Any one who addresses him must kneel; and if they move about, must
either do so on their knees, or at least in a crouching attitude.
In some cases the code of etiquette is carried to an extreme which appears to us
exceedingly ludicrous. If a superior fall, or in any other way makes himself look
awkward, all his inferiors who are present immediately do the same thing, and expect a
fee as recognition of their politeness.
Mr. Williams narrates an amusing anecdote of this branch of etiquette, which is
called bale-muri (pronounced bahleh-mooree), i.e. follow in falling. “One day I came to
a long bridge formed of a single cocoa-nut tree, which was thrown across a rapid stream,
the opposite bank of which was two or three feet lower, so that the declivity was too
steep to be comfortable. The pole was also wet and slippery: and thus my crossing
safely was very doubtful.
“Just as I commenced the experiment, a heathen said with much animation, To-day
I shall have a musket.' I had, however, just then to heed my steps more than his words,
and so succeeded in reaching the other side safely. When I asked him why he spoke of
a musket, the man replied, "I felt certain you would fall in attempting to go over, and I
should have fallen after you (that is, appeared to be equally clumsy); and as the bridge is
high, the water rapid, and you a gentleman, you would not have thought of giving me
less than a musket. Ludicrous as this custom appears, it is based upon a true sense of
courtesy, a desire to spare the feelings of others.
When one person of rank visits another, a number of ceremonies are performed in
regular order. Should the visit be paid in a canoe, as is mostly the case, a herald is sent
a few days previously to give notice of his coming, so as to avoid taking the intended
host by surprise. As soon as the canoe comes in sight, a herald is sent out to inquire the
name and rank of the visitor, who is met on the shore by a deputation of petty chiefs
,
headed by one of the Matas, or aides-de-camp. If the visitor be a personage of very high
rank, the Matas will go ten miles to meet him.
As soon as the visitor and his retinue have reached the house of their entertainer, they
seat themselves, and the host, after clapping his hands gently in token of salutation,
welcomes them in a set form of words, such as “Come with peace the chief from
Mbau," or "Somo-somo," as the case may be.
A series of similar remarks is made by both parties, the main point being that Fijian
oratory is the driest and dullest of performances, always broken up into short sentences,
without any apparent connexion between them, and further hindered by the attitude of
courtesy which the speaker has to adopt. It is impossible for the finest orator in the world
to make an effective speech if he has to deliver it in a kneeling position, with his body
bent forward, his hands holding his beard, and his eyes directed to the ground. In some
parts of Fiji etiquette requires that the orator's back should be towards the chief whom
he is addressing. Nobody takes the trouble to listen to these speeches, or is expected to
do so, the chiefs often talking over indifferent matters while the proper number of
speeches are rehearsed.
The ceremonies on leave-taking are quite as long, as intricate, and as tedious;
when the speeches are over, the two great men salute each other after the fashion of their
country, by pressing their faces together, and drawing in the breath with a loud noise, as
if smelling each other. A chief of inferior rank salutes his superior's hand, and not
his face.
When the visitors start upon their return journey, the host accompanies them for a
part of the way, the distance being regulated by their relative rank. If they should have
come by sea, the proper etiquette is for the host to go on board, together with some of
his chief men, and to accompany his visitors to a certain distance from land, when they
all jump into the sea and swim ashore.
As is the case in all countries, whether savage or civilized, the code of etiquette is
rigidly enforced at meal-times. Even the greatest chief, if present at a banquet, behaves
and,
PREPARATIONS FOR A FEAST.
269
in as deferential a manner as the commonest man present. Though he may be in his
own dominions, and though he may hold absolute sway over every man and woman
within sight, he will not venture to taste a morsel of food until it has first been offered to
him. Many years ago one chief did so, and, in consequence, the Fijians have hated his
very name ever since.
So great would be the breach of manners by such a proceeding, that the life of the
offender would be endangered by it. On one occasion it did cost the chief his life. He
inadvertently ate a piece of cocoa-nut which had not been offered to him ; and this insult
so rankled in the mind of one of his officers, who was in attendance, that he ran away from
his own chief, and joined another who was at war with him. A battle took place, the
offending chief was worsted, and was running for his life, when he met the insulted
officer, and asked for his assistance. The man was inclined to give it, but the insult
could not be forgotten, and so, with an apology for the duty which he was called on to
perform, he knocked out his former master's brains with his club.
A still more astonishing instance of this feeling is mentioned by Mr. Williams. A
young chief and his father-in-law were about to dine together, and a baked guana was
provided for each. The guana is a lizard which has a long and slender tail. În passing
by his relative's guana, the young man accidentally broke off the end of its tail, which
would necessarily be rendered brittle by cooking. This was held to be so gross an insult,
that the offender paid for it with his life.
Etiquette is shown to its fullest extent when a king or principal chief gives a great
banquet. As with the New Zealanders, such a feast is contemplated for many months
previously; vegetables are planted expressly for it, and no one is allowed to kill pigs or
gather fruit, lest there should not be a sufficient quantity of provisions.
Just before the day of festival, the final preparations are made. Messages are sent to
all the neighbouring tribes, or rather to the chiefs, who communicate them to the people.
The turtle-fishers bestir themselves to get their nets and canoes in order, and, as soon
as they are ready, start off to sea. Yams and other root-crops are dug up, the ovens
made, and the fuel chopped and brought ready for use.
These ovens are of enormous size, as each is capable of cooking a number of pigs,
turtles, and vast quantities of vegetables. With all our skill in cooking, it is to be doubted
whether we are not excelled by the Fijians in the art of cooking large quantities of meat
at a time. The ovens are simply holes dug in the ground, some ten feet in depth and
fifteen feet or so in diameter.
The mode of cooking is very simple. A small fire is made at the bottom of the pit,
which is then filled with firewood, and as soon as the wood is thoroughly on fire, large
stones are placed on it. When the wood has all burned away, the pigs, turtles, and
vegetables are laid on the hot stones, some of which are introduced into the interior of
each animal, so that it may be the more thoroughly cooked. The oven is then filled up
with boughs and green leaves, and upon the leaves is placed a thick covering of earth.
The oven regulates its own time of cooking, for as soon as steam rises through the earthy
covering, the contents of the oven are known to be properly cooked.
For the two or three days preceding the feast
, all the people are full of activity.
They take a pride in the liberality of their chief, and each man brings as many pigs,
yams, turtles, and other kinds of food as he can manage to put together. The king him-
self takes the direction of affairs, his orders being communicated to the people by his
Matas, or aides-de-camp. Day and night go on the preparations, the pigs squealing as
are chased before being killed, the men hard at work at digging the ovens, some
loosening the earth with long pointed sticks, others carrying off the loosened soil in
baskets, while the flames that blaze from the completed ovens enable the workmen to
continue their labours throughout the night.
On these occasions the Fijians dispense with their ordinary feelings respecting cooking.
as in New Zealand, cooking is despised, and the word “cook” is used as a term of
reproach and derision. In consequence of this feeling, all cooking is performed by the
But on the eve of a great feast this feeling is laid aside, and every man helps to
cook the food. Even the king himself assists in feeding the ovens with fuel, arranging
they
In Fiji,
slaves.
270
FIJI.
the pigs, stirring the contents of the cooking-pots, and performing offices which, on the
following day, none but a slave will perform.
By the time that the cooking is completed, the various tribes have assembled, and the
ovens are then opened and the food taken out. It is then arranged in separate heaps, a
layer of cocoa-nut leaves being placed on the ground by way of dish. On the leaves are
placed a layer of cocoa-nuts, then come the yams and potatoes, then puddings, and at the
top of all several pigs. The quantity of provisions thus brought together is enormous.
Mr. Williams mentions that at one feast, at which he was present, two hundred men were
employed for nearly six hours in piling up the food. There were six heaps of food, and
among their contents were about fifty tons of cooked yams and potatoes, fifteen tons of
pudding, seventy turtles, and about two hundred tons of uncooked yams. There was one
pudding which measured twenty-one feet in circumference.
Profusion is the rule upon these occasions, and the more food that a chief produces,
the more honour he receives. One chief gained the honourable name of High Pork,
because he once provided such vast quantities of food that before it could be finished
decomposition had begun in the pork.
All being arranged, the distribution now begins, and is carried out with that precision
of etiquette which pervades all society in Fiji. The various tribes and their chiefs being
seated, the Tui-rara, or master of the ceremonies, orders the food to be divided into as
many portions as there are tribes, regulating the amount by the importance of the tribe.
He then takes the tribes in succession, and calls their names. As he calls each tribe, the
people return their thanks, and a number of young men are sent to fetch the food. This
goes on until the whole of the food has been given away, when a further distribution
takes place among the tribes, each village first taking a share and then each family
receiving its proper portion, which is handed to its head .
It is evident that the Tui-rara has no sinecure. He must possess the most intimate
knowledge of all the tribes, and the ranks of their respective chiefs, and must at the
same time be on the alert to distinguish any stranger that may make his appearance.
Should he be a foreigner, he is considered a chief
, and a chief's portion, i.e. a quantity
sufficient for twenty Fijians or sixty Englishmen, is sent to him. Of course he gives the
greater part away, but in so doing he acts the part of a chief. It is, in fact, the old story
of Benjamin's mess translated into Fijian.
The men always eat their food in the open air, but send the women's portion to the
houses to be eaten within doors.
The illustration on page 271 will give an idea of a Fijian feast. On the left hand
is seen the master of the ceremonies, calling the name of a tribe, and in the centre are
seen the young men running to fetch the food. In the foreground is the portion of their
tribe, consisting of pigs, yams, turtles, and so forth. In front of them are some of the
curious drums, which will be presently described, and in the distance are seen the
members of the different tribes, some eating, and others waiting for their portion. The
curious building in the background is one of the Bures, or temples, which will be
presently described.
From the preceding description it will be seen that the Fijians are not bad cooks, and
that the number of dishes which they produce is by no meaus small
. The variety of
the dishes is, however, much greater than has been mentioned. They eat many kinds of
fish, together with almost every living creature that they find in the coral reefs. Some
of their preparations very much resemble those to which we are accustomed in England.
For example, a sort of shrimp sandwich is made by putting a layer of shrimps between
two taro leaves. Several kinds of bread are known, and nearly thirty kinds of puddings.
Turtle-soup is in great favour, and so are various other soups.
The Fijians even make sauces to be eaten with various kinds of food, the sweet juice
of the sugar-cane being much used for this purpose. They also have a sort of an imita-
tion of tea, infusing sundry leaves and grasses in boiling water, and drinking it when it
becomes sufficiently cool. Most of their food is cooked; but, like ourselves, they prefer
some food in an uncooked state. Small fish, for example, are eaten alive, just as we eat
oysters.

CANNIBALISM.
271
They mostly drink water, or the milk of the cocoa-nut. To drink water in native
fashion is not very easy. They keep it in long bamboo tubes, so that when it is
raised to the lips the greatest care is required lest it should suddenly deluge the face
and body.
Cocoa-nuts are opened in rather a curious manner. A stout stick is sharpened at
both ends, and one end driven firmly into the ground. Taking the nut in both hands,
the native dashes it on the stick, which splits open the thick husk, and allows the nut to
be extracted. With a stone, or even with another cocoa-nut in case a stone should
not be at hand, the native hammers away round the pointed end, and contrives to
A FIJIAN FEAST.
knock off a small round lid, which is then removed, leaving a natural drinking-cup in
his hand.
We now come to the terrible subject of cannibalism, on which no more will be said
than is necessary to illustrate the character of the people.
The Fijians are even more devoted to cannibalism than the New Zealanders, and their
records are still more appalling. A New Zealander has sometimes the grace to feel
ashamed of mentioning the subject in the hearing of a European, whereas it is impos-
sible to make a Fijian really feel that in eating human flesh he has committed an
unworthy act. He sees, indeed, that the white men exhibit great disgust at cannibalism,
but in his heart he despises them for wasting such luxurious food as human flesh.
Even the Christianized natives have to be watched carefully lest they should be
272
FIJI.
-
SO.
tempted by old habits, and revert to the custom which they had promised to abjure. For
example, Thakombau, the King of Mbau, became a Christian, or at least pretended to do
He was not a particularly creditable convert. Some time after he had announced
himself to be a Christian, he went in his war-canoe to one of the districts under his sway.
He was received with the horribly barbarous ceremonial by which a very great chief
is honoured, conch-shell trumpets blowing before him, and the people shouting their songs
of welcome. Thus accompanied, he walked through a double row of living victims
men, women, and children of all ages suspended by their feet, and placed there to give
the king his choice. The hopeful convert was pleased to accept the offering, touching
with his club as he passed along those victims which seemed most to his taste.
The natives are clever enough at concealing the existence of cannibalism when they
find that it shocks the white men. A European cotton-grower, who had tried unsuc-
cessfully to introduce the culture of cotton into Fiji, found, after a tolerably long resi-
dence, that four or five human beings were killed and eaten weekly. There was plenty
of food in the place, pigs were numerous, and fish, fruit, and vegetables abundant. But
the people ate human bodies as often as they could get them, not from any superstitious
motive, but simply because they preferred human flesh to pork.
Many of the people actually take a pride in the number of human bodies which they
have eaten. One chief was looked upon with great respect on account of his feats of
cannibalism, and the people gave him a title of honour. They called him the Turtle-pond,
comparing his insatiable stomach to the pond in which turtles are kept; and so proud were
they of his deeds, that they even gave a name of honour to the bodies brought for his
consumption, calling them the “ Contents of the Turtle-pond." This man was accustomed
to eat a human body himself, suffering no one to share it with him. After his family
were grown up, he bethought himself of registering his unholy meals by placing a stone
on the ground as soon as he had finished the body. His son showed these stones to an
English clergyman, who counted them, and found that there were very nearly nine
hundred
One man gained a great name among his people by an act of peculiar atrocity. He
told his wife to build an oven, to fetch firewood for heating it, and to prepare a bamboo
knife. As soon as she had concluded her labours her husband killed her, and baked her
in the oven which her own hands had prepared, and afterwards ate her. Sometimes a
man has been known to take a victim, bind him hand and foot, cut slices from his arms
and legs, and eat them before his eyes. Indeed, the Fijians are so inordinately vain, that
they will do anything, no matter how horrible, in order to gain a name among their
people; and Dr. Pritchard, who knows them thoroughly, expresses his wonder that some
chief did not eat slices from his own limbs.
Cannibalism is engrained in the very nature of a Fijian, and extends through all
classes of society. It is true that there are some persons who have never eaten flesh, but
there is always a reason for it. Women, for example, are seldom permitted to eat
"bakolo,” as human flesh is termed, and there are a few men who have refrained from
cannibalism through superstition. Every Fijian has his special god, who is supposed to
have his residence in some animal. One god, for example, lives in a rat, as we have
already seen ; another in a shark; and so on. The worshipper of that god never eats the
animal in which his divinity resides; and as some gods are supposed to reside in human
bodies, their worshippers never eat the flesh of man.
According to the accounts of some of the older chiefs, whom we may believe or not,
as we like, there was once a time when cannibalism did not exist. Many years ago,
some strangers from a distant land were blown upon the shores of Fiji, and received
hospitably by the islanders, who incorporated them into their own tribes, and made much
of them. But, in process of time, these people became too powerful, killed the Fijian
chiefs, took their wives and property, and usurped their office.
In this emergency the people consulted the priests, who said that the Fijians had
brought their misfortunes upon themselves. They had allowed strangers to live, whereas
“Fiji for the Fijians " was the golden rule, and from that time every male stranger was to
be killed and eaten, and every woman taken as a wife.
THE BLACK LIST.
273
Only one people was free from this law. The Tongans, instead of being killed and
eaten, were always welcomed, and their visits encouraged, as they passed backwards and
forwards in their canoes, and brought with them fine mats and other articles for barter.
So much have these people intermingled, that in the eastern islands, which are nearest to
those of Tonga, there is a decided mixture of Tongan blood. With this exception, how-
ever, the Fijians went on the same principle as the Ephesians of Shakespeare-
6. If
any Syracusan born
Come to the bay of Ephesus, he dies;
save that, instead of merely putting to death those who came from one country, they only
excepted one country from the universal law.
The reader may remember that a sort of respect is paid to a human body used for
food. Educated people speak of it in the court language, and, instead of using any
vulgar term, such as a human body, they employ the metaphorical language, and call it
the “long pig." As a general rule, the vessels in which human flesh is cooked are
reserved expressly for that purpose, and both the vessel in which it is cooked and the
dish from which it is eaten are held as tapu.
So highly is "bakolo" honoured, that it is eaten, not with fingers, but with a fork,
and the implement in question is handed down from father to son, like the merais and
tikis of the New Zealander. These forks are quite unlike those which we use in England.
They mostly have four prongs, but these prongs, instead of being set in a line, are
generally arranged in a circle or triangle as the case may be. They are carved out of
some very hard wood, and, when they have become venerable by reason of age or of the
rank of their proprietor, they receive names of honour. For example, the cannibal chief
who ate nearly nine hundred human bodies had a fork which was named “Undro-undro,"
the title signifying a small person carrying a great burden. The fork was a small object,
but it had carried to the lips of its master the bodies of nearly nine hundred human
beings.
As the Fijians set such a valne on human flesh, it is to be expected that they will
invent a variety of excuses for obtaining it. For example, when a chief builds a house,
he kills at least one human victim to celebrate the event. If he builds a large war-canoe,
a series of sacrifices take place. A man is killed, for example, when the keel is laid, and,
if the chief be a very powerful one, he will kill a victim as each plank is fixed in its
place. Even when it is finished the slaughter is not over, as, in the first place, the planks
of the new vessel have to be washed with human blood, and, in the next, the launch
must be commemorated in the same way as the building. One chief gained some
notoriety by binding a number of men, and laying them side by side along the shore to
act as rollers over which the canoe was taken from the land into the sea. The weight of
the canoe killed the men, who were afterwards baked and eaten.
Even after the canoe is launched, excuses are found for carrying on the system of human
butchery. Whenever it touches at a place for the first time, a man must be sacrificed in
honour of taking down the mast, this being done to show that the vessel means to make
some stay at the place. If a chief should arrive in a new canoe, and keep up his mast,
the people understand the signal, and bring on board a newly-slain victim, so that the
mast may be taken down.
On one occasion, when a war-canoe had been built at Somo-somo, the missionaries
exerted themselves so successfully that the canoe was launched without the sacrifice of a
single life. Eventually, however, their well-intentioned interference rather increased
than diminished the number of victims. When the canoe arrived at Mbau, the chiefs
were so vexed that it had reached them unhonoured by human blood that they straight-
pay attacked a village, killed some fourteen or fifteen men, and ate them in order to do
bonour to the ceremony of taking down the mast.
Sometimes, in order to secure a victim whenever one is wanted, the chiefs pick out
secretly a certain number of men, and put them, so to speak, on the black list. Whenever
a sacrifice is needed, all the executioners have to do is to find out how many victims are
wanted, and then to go and kill the requisite number of the black-list men.
VOL. II.
T
274
FIJI.
Whole towns are sometimes put on the black list, a curious example of which custom
is given by Mr. Williams. Vakambua, chief of Mbau, thus doomed Tavua, and gave a
whale's tooth to a Nggara chief, that he might at a fitting time punish that place. Years
passed away, and a reconciliation took place between Mbau and Tavua, but, unhappily, the
Mbau chief failed to neutralize the engagement made with the Nggara. A day came when
human bodies were wanted, and the thoughts of those who held the tooth were turned
towards Tavua. They invited the people of that place to a friendly exchange of food,
and slew twenty-three of their unsuspecting victims.
“When the treacherous Nggarans had gratified their own appetites by pieces of the
flesh cut off and roasted on the spot, the bodies were taken to Vakambua, who was
greatly astonished, expressed much regret that such a slaughter should have grown out of
his carelessness, and then shared the bodies to be eaten.
The Fijian can seldom resist meat, and that he should resist“ bakolo" could not be
expected of him. In Mrs. Smythe's " Ten Months in the Fiji Islands,” an amusing
instance of this predilection is recorded. A white man had shot and carried off a pig
belonging to a Fijian, who, being a convert, went to a native teacher named Obadiah, and
asked him to go to the delinquent and remonstrate with him. The teacher put on his
black coat, went to the man's house, and with much earnestness pointed out to him the
iniquity of the deed, asking him how he would have liked it had a Fijian killed one of
his own pigs. The man listened very respectfully, and allowed the error of his ways,
acknowledging that the teacher had put the matter in a new light. But,' said he, the
pig is now dead, and we cannot bring it to life again. Shall we throw it out and let it
go to waste, or, as it is just baked, and you have not breakfasted, shall we not sit down,
and you will ask a blessing ?
"Obadiah, taken by surprise by Q-'s penitence, and the compliment paid to his
own clerical functions, and swayed perhaps a little by the irresistible love of all Fijians
for roast pork, bowed his head, and reverentially said a long prayer, after which the two
set heartily to work on the pig.” When the teacher went to the missionary to report lais
successful labours, he was quite astonished at being charged with complicity with
the thief.
CHAPTER IV.
WAR AND AMUSEMENTS.
WEAPONS OF
THE FIJIANS-THE SLING, AND MODE OF USING IT THE CLUB, AND ITS VARIOUS
MODIFICATIONS--GRADUAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE CLUB INTO THE PADDLE-MODE OF MAKING
THE CLUBS, AND PREPARATION OF THE TREES-ORNAMENTS OF THE CLUBS, AND THEIR NAMES
- FIJIAN SPEARS THEIR TERRIBLE BARBS_OBJECTS OF WAR-THE REVIEW THE FATE OF
THE BOASTER-INGENIOUS ENGINEERING CRUELTY TOWARDS PRISONERS - CONSECRATION OF
A WARRIOR, AND HIS NEW NAME-DOMESTIC LIFE-CEREMONIES AT BIRTH-TRAINING IN
REVENGEAMUSEMENTS VARIOUS GAMES RIRIKI-WOMEN AGAINST MEN-DANCES AND SONGS
-MARRIAGE FESTIVITIES-WEDDING
OF A CHIEF'S DAUGHTER_DOMESTIC DISCIPLINE-THE
KING'S STAFF- FESTIVITIES AT HOUSE-BUILDING-MODE OF THATCHING AND DECORATING THE
HOUSESA PRACTICAL JOKE.
In accordance with the plan on which this work has been arranged, Fijian warfare will
be described as it was before fire-arms were introduced, and had changed the ancient style
of warfare.
The original weapons of the Fijian are the club, the axe (which, by the way, is little
more than a modification of the club), the bow, the sling, and the spear. In most of
these weapons is exhibited the fancifully artistic nature of the manufacturers. The sling
is perhaps the only weapon from which ornament is almost wholly absent. Like the
corresponding weapon of the New Caledonians, it carries stones of tolerable weight and
great hardness, and, when wielded by a skilful hand, becomes no inefficient weapon even
against fire-arms themselves. A stone hurled from a Fijian sling has been known to
render a musket useless, the stone having struck the barrel, and bent and indented it as
much as would have been done by a bullet.
The chief weapon of the Fijian is the club, and upon this he lavishes all the artistic
power at his command, covering nearly the whole of it with the most intricate and
delicately executed carvings. Some clubs are straight, like thick cudgels, others are
Those which are knobbed at the end have an infinite variety in the knob, as we
shall presently see.
Some are more or less flattened, while there are some which are so
fat and so broad that it is not easy at first sight to determine whether they are clubs or
paddles. Some are so large that they require the whole exertion of a muscular man to
wield them, while others are so short that they are kept stuck in the girdle, and used as
missiles, precisely as the short knob-kerries are used by the South Africans. A Fijian
will often carry two or more of these clubs in his girdle.
Some of the most characteristic forms of Fijian clubs are given on the following page,
all being drawn from specimens in my collection. The right-hand figure represents a club,
and is evidently modified from a gnarled and knotted branch, and by comparing a number
of specimens together it is easy to trace the progress of manufacture. This form of club is
also to be found among the Papuans of New Guinea, the natives of the Outanata district
carrying it.
With the exception of the deep transverse cuts, there is no attempt at
curved.
T 2
276
FIJI.
ornament. It is tolerably heavy, though not very large, and requires two hands to be
wielded properly.
The central figure represents one of the paddle-like clubs which has just been
mentioned. The blade is not an inch in thickness in the middle, and it gradually slopes
off to either side, so as to form a tolerably sharp edge. With the exception of the handle,
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CLUBS.
it is entirely covered with carving; the dentated pattern, which seems common to nearly
all savage art, being very conspicuous
. It is extremely weighty, and, to a European,
appears a very awkward instrument, except perhaps that the broad blade might be
utilized as a shield.
On the left hand is seen a third club, which may be considered as a sort of inter-
mediate form between the other two. Like the last, it has a broad blade, but is evidently
a club and not a paddle. The blade is strengthened by a bold ridge running along the
centre. In order to show the mode in which it is flattened, a side view of the lower part
is shown at fig. 2, and a cross section of the blade is given at fig. 3. This kind of club is
modified in various ways, but is always made on the same principle, i.e. a round handle
ánd a flattened paddle-like end, sometimes nearly plain, as in the above-mentioned
specimens, and sometimes furnished with knobs, teeth, and spikes projecting from the
THE CLUB AND ITS VARIOUS FORMS.
277
sides. In some cases it assumes the shape of a crescent, and looks, indeed, much like a
cheese-knife very much magnified.
Another very characteristic shape is given in the left-hand figure of the engraving below.
As may be imagined from the illustration, it is very weighty, so that even to carry it
ALONG
ali
WARENZO
CLUBS.
about must be rather troublesome. It is covered with carvings in the most lavish
manner, and such value has been set by the manufacturer upon the weapon, that he has
even taken the trouble to invent different patterns for the opposite sides. In two of
these clubs the reader will observe that the dentated pattern is alternated with a sort of
feather-like carving, and so lavish of his work has he been that in the cylindrical club
which is shown on the right hand of the illustration, although he has divided the club by
fings, and carved each space with a different pattern, he has on several portions of his
Weapon changed the pattern as soon as he has drawn it half round the club.
The peculiar form of the left-hand club-is evidently due to the structure of the branch
rom which it was cut, the projecting portion being the base of another branch. Although
many specimens-my own among the number--the club has been carved from a great
278
FIJI.
the weapon.
log of solid wood, the form has evidently been borrowed from the junction of two
branches. The edge of the club is cut into slight teeth, and just within the edge are a
number of round holes, set in a line. A tolerably bold ridge runs along the head of the
club and follows its curve, and through this ridge are also bored a number of holes,
apparently for the purpose of attaching bunches of feathers, or other ornaments, to
The most characteristic club of Fiji is, however, that of which an example is given
in the central figure. It is made from the stem and part of the root of a young tree. In
this part of the world there are certain trees which grow in a manner which to us seems
very peculiar. As is the case with many trees, it sends a tap-root deeply into the earth,
and is further supported by a number of smaller roots which diverge from it on all sides,
and retain it in its upright position, just as a mast is upheld by the standing rigging.
While the tree is very young, it is drawn down nearly horizontally, and fixed in that
position, so as to be bent nearly at right angles close to the earth. When it has grown
to the thickness of a man's wrist, the top is.cut off and the roots dug out of the ground.
The tap-root is then scraped down to a point, and all the smaller roots are cut off
to within an inch and a half of the tap-root, so as to form a radiating mass of spikes,
which are sharpened, and thus present the appearance shown in the illustration.
Such a club as this is an exceedingly valuable weapon, and the greatest care is taken
in its manufacture. The spike at the end is scraped and rounded until it assumes a
perfectly regular shape, and is then polished until it shines like a well-rubbed piece of
mahogany. The radiating spikelets are each trimmed with the greatest nicety, so that, in
whatever direction the weapon is viewed, they all radiate with exact regularity.
The handle is polished as carefully as the lower spike, and in most cases is adorned
with elaborately carved patterns. In many clubs it is completely covered with black
and white sinnet made expressly for this purpose, and plaited in patterns as elaborate as
those which are carved. Some of the best clubs are further ornamented by having
scarlet feathers worked in with sinnet. There are, indeed, scarcely any bounds to the
decoration of clubs, many of which are inlaid with shell, or hog's tusks, or whales' teeth,
or even the teeth of men. These latter ornaments are chiefly reserved for the knobs of the
small missile club.
Beside these, there is an infinite variety of forms, some of the clubs exactly resembling
the steel maces of the days of chivalry, others being first squared and then cut into
pyramidal form, while others look just like enormous mushrooms. Some of them have
the handles completely covered with wicker-work ; but, as a rule, these highly ornamentai
weapons are not for use but for show, like the court sword of the present day.
Some of the names given to these clubs are highly suggestive. For example, one
was called " Weeping urges me to action," others “Disperser," " Smasher," and so forth.
Those which belong to well-known chiefs or distinguished warriors are used much as cards
among ourselves. If, for example, a great chief desires to pay a visit, he will send his
club as an intimation that the owner will follow. Or, if one chief asks another for aid
in war, the ordinary mode of showing that the application is favourably received is for
the latter to send his club by the ambassador who brought the message.
There is as great a variety of spears as of clubs. Spears are almost invariably of
great length, some measuring fourteen or fifteen feet in length. They are made from
hard wood, and are almost invariably armed with a series of barbs. In the manufacture
and arrangement of the barbs, the Fijians show wonderful ingenuity. Mostly, they are
not from the same piece of wood as the spear itself
, but in many weapons they are made
of other materials. The sharp tail-bone of the sting-ray is a favourite material, both for
the points and barbs of spears
, probably because it is very hard, and so brittle that it is
nearly sure to break off in the wound. Other barbs are made of a wood which has the
property of swelling up when moistened, and bursting in the wound, so that it can hardly
be extracted. Such spears as this are called by a very ominous title, “The priest is too
late.” Some of the spears are not only carved in various patterns, but have the heads
cut into a kind of bold open work pattern, which has a very elegant appearance, though
it must detract greatly from the strength of the weapon. One of the ordinary Fijian spears
SPEARS.
279
2
Head larger
Section
Hiriliblibli liturit
SPEARS.
280
FIJI.
is shown in the illustration, and is taken from specimens in my collection, in which there
are several others, but all of a similar character.
Many of the weapons have more than one point, a good example of which may be seen
in the illustration on the preceding page, which is taken from a specimen in my own col-
lection. The points are rather more than a yard in length, and are made of separate pieces
of wood, ingeniously dovetailed into the shaft of the spear, and held in their place by
lashings of sinnet. In my specimen, the manufacturer has been so lavish of his labour,
that he has not only woven the sinnet into elegant patterns, but has continued them
along the whole of the shaft, covering it with a sort of mixture of the zigzag and the
dentated patterns. There are also spears with several points, each point being barbed or
deeply serrated on the inside cap. These are not for war, but for fishing purposes. As
for the war in which these weapons are used, it is hardly deserving of the name.
When two chiefs have decided on going to war, messengers pass between them, and
both sides beat up recruits for their armies and offer gifts to the gods. Whales' teeth
and food form the chief part of these offerings, and the latter is often given in vast
quantities. Independent chiefs often take advantage of war to increase their property.
Such a chief, for example, though urged by both sides to join them, trims and hesitates,
and bides his time. One party will then send him a bribe, and as soon as the other party
hear of it, they send a larger bribe, in order to “press down” the former gift. The result
usually is, that the recipient keeps both bribes, and eventually declines to fight on
either side.
The forces are gathered by a series of reviews, held as the army marches. These
reviews form the great charm of war, as any amount of boasting may be done without
the slightest risk. Each warrior rushes up to the commanding chief
, brandishes his
weapons, and boasts of the great deeds which he is going to do; all the warriors being
in their very best, with bodies covered with black powder, so as to contrast with the
snow-white masi, and their faces painted as none but a Fijian can paint them, in
order to look as martial as possible.
The chief often ridicules the pretensions of these men, insinuating that they will be
more ready to run away than to fight; but this is only for the purpose of inciting them
to display their courage, and, by way of inducing them to fight well, large gifts are
promised to those who distinguish themselves in battle.
Sometimes a warrior, carried away by the excitement of the moment, boasts that he
will kill the enemy's chief, eat his flesh, and make a drinking-cup of his skull. This is
generally a very foolish proceeding. The menaced chief is sure to hear of it, and to
promise a large reward if the boaster be taken alive.
Should he be captured, his fate is certain. His hands are bound behind him, and a
large bundle of dried cocoa-nut leaves is fastened tightly across his shoulders, projecting
for several feet on either side. The ends of the leaves are then lighted, and the poor
wretch is left to die, the spectators laughing and jeering at him as lie runs about,
maddened by the torment. This punishment is called by a name which signifies
carrying fuel.
The party that are attacked usually retire into a native fort, the structure of which
often shows great engineering skill. The Fijians are very apt at selecting a spot which
is difficult of access, and fortifying it in such a manner that two or three men could hold
it against a thousand. Mr. Williams visited one of these forts, and found that the
approach to it was not without danger, even in time of peace. The only path to the fort
led through thick and tangled vegetation, and terminated on the edge of a precipice.
The entrance to the fort was on the face of the precipice, several yards from the end of
the path, and there was no mode of getting to it except by crawling along the perpen-
dicular rock by means of little holes in which the toes and fingers could be inserted.
When the natives cannot find a place of sạch natural strength, they have a way of
defending the entrance by a series of gates with traverses between them, so that any
enemies who forced the first gate were obliged to go for some distance through a narrow
passage, which was pierced with loop-holes, through which spears could be thrust and
arrows shot. Even if they succeeded in passing the second gate, a similar gauntlet had

MODE OF WARFARE.
281
to be run before they could reach the third. Thorny trees are in great request for the
outer defences of these forts, the bare-skinned natives greatly dreading the prickly walls,
which every year grow more dense and less penetrable.
Knowing the strength of the forts, the natives do not care about assaulting them,
and, as they advance to the walls, avail themselves of every cover. They then yell and
shout derisive taunts at the enemy, challenging them to come out and fight. Sometimes
the challenge is answered, a number of warriors issuing from the fort and each selecting
an adversary; often, however, as soon as the besiegers see their challenge answered, they
THE FATE OF THE BOASTER.
run away as fast as they can, the Fijian liking to come behind his enemy and knock him
on the head stealthily better than to oppose him in open fight.
Should a fort be taken, the slaughter is dreadful, and is nothing but a massacre, the
greater number being killed, and the rest reserved to be put to death by torture. One
favourite mode of torture is to stun the unhappy captive with a club, and to throw him
into a heated oven by way of bringing him back to his senses. The struggles of the
unfortunate man as the fierce heat restores him to consciousness are greeted with laughter
and jeers by the delighted spectators. Others are bound hand and foot and given to the
sons of chiefs as subjects on which they can try their skill at torturing.
As these expeditions are nearly always made in canoes, the return of the war party
is seen from a great distance, and all the population assemble on the beach to welcome
the victorious warriors, the women dancing and singing songs of triumph in honour of
the conquerors. A horrible scene then takes place, too horrible indeed to be described ;
the bodies of the dead are offered in the temples, the ovens are prepared, and for some
days unbridled licence reigns supreme.
282
.
FIJI.
In connexion with warfare must be mentioned a curious custom of giving a new
name to men who have killed any of the enemy during the campaign. Whether the
enemy be an armed warrior slain in fair fight, an unarmed man knocked down by stealth,
a woman, or even a little child, signifies nothing. The warrior has clubbed an enemy,
and has a right to his new name of honour. Should he have killed a chief, he takes the
name of his victim, and sometimes his own chief honours him by calling the man his
flag, his canoe, his comb, &c. Of the consecration ceremony, wherein the new name is
given, Mr. Williams once saw a very excellent example at Somo-somo, the subject of
consecration being a young chief.
“The king and leading men having taken their seats in the public square, fourteen
mats were brought and spread out, and upon these were placed a bale of cloth and two
whale's teeth. Near by was laid a sail mat, and on it several men's dresses. The young
chief now made his appearance, bearing in one hand a large pine-apple club, and in the
other a common reed, while his long train of masi dragged on the ground behind him.
“On his reaching the mats, an old man took the reed out of the hero's hand, and
despatched a youth to deposit it carefully in the temple of the war-god. The king then
ordered the young chief to stand upon the bale of cloth; and while he obeyed, a number
of women came into the square, bringing small dishes of turmeric mixed with oil, which
they placed before the youth, and retired with a song. The masi was now removed by
the chief himself, an attendant substituting one much larger in its stead. The king's
Mata (aide-de-camp) next selected several dishes of the coloured oil, and anointed the
warrior from the roots of the hair to his heels.
“At this stage of the proceedings one of the spectators stepped forward and exchanged
clubs with the anointed, and soon another did the same. Then one left him a gun in
place of the club, and many similar changes were effected, under a belief that the
weapons thus passing through his hands derived some virtue.
The mats were now removed, and a portion of them sent to the temple, some of the
turmeric being sent after them. The king and old men, followed by the young man and
two men sounding conches, now proceeded to the sea-side, where the anointed one passed
through the ancients to the water's edge, returned, while the king and those with him
counted one, two, three, four, five, and each then threw a stone into the sea. The whole
company now went back to the town with blasts of the trumpet-shells, and a peculiar
hooting of the men.
“Custom requires that a hut should be built, in which the anointed man and bis
companions may pass the next three nights, during which time the newly-named hero
must not lie down, but sleep as he sits; he must not change his masi, or remove the
turmeric, or enter a house in which there is a woman, until that period has elapsed. In
the case now described, the hut had not been built, and the young chief was permitted
to use the temple of the god of war instead.
During the three days he was on an incessant march, followed by half a score lads
reddened like himself. After three weeks he paid me a visit, on the first day of his
being permitted to enter a house in which there was a female. He informed me his
new name was Kuila, or Flag."
When a name of honour has thus been given to a man, the complimentary title of
Koroi, or consecrated, is prefixed to it.
The battles of the Fijians are not, as a rule, remarkable for the slaughter that takes
place. They are, in fact, little but a series of single combats. When a man falls, his friends
try to get him off the ground to save his life, if possible, or to be able to bury the body
if he should die; while the enemy use their best endeavours to secure the wounded man
in order to bake and eat him. No dishonour is attached to the fact of a slain man being
eaten. On the contrary, it is a proof of his courage, for none but those who die bravely
in battle are eaten in the feast which follows upon the victory, the bodies of slain cowards
being contemptuously thrown into the bush.
We now come to a more pleasing part of Fijian character, namely, the various
incidents of domestic life.
AMUSEMENTS.
283
As soon as the Fijian child comes into the world, it is taken from the mother, and
given to another woman for three days, during which time she lies at her ease. The first
clothing which the child receives is a thick coating of turmeric and oil, and the first
food which it knows is either the juice of sugar-cane or of cocoa-nut. A name is given
to the child as soon as possible after its birth, and these names are generally signifi-
cative of some event that has happened either to the child itself or to some member of
its family.
Though the Fijian children spend the great part of their time in the open air, and are
not untràmmelled by clothing, they are liable to a very unpleasant disease called the
thoko," which somewhat resembles the "yaws” of the negro tribes. The parents are
rather glad than sorry to see their children afflicted with this disease, as they believe that
it forms a necessary adjunct to infantile health, and that a child who escapes the thoko
is sure to be sickly and feeble when it grows up.
The Fijian child receives no training, unless encouragement of every bad passion may
be called by that name. Revenge is impressed upon the child's mind from its earliest
infancy, and most horrible are the means which are sometimes employed for this purpose.
In riper years the duty of revenge is kept always before his eyes. Should one man
insult another, the offended individual keeps himself constantly reminded of the offence
by placing some object in his sight, and not removing it until he has avenged himself.
Sometimes he will effect the same purpose by depriving himself of some luxury until
he has had his revenge. One man, for example, will plait his hair in a particular manner,
another will hang some article of dress in his house, while another will refuse to dance,
or to eat of some particular kind of food. One chief, for example, hung a roll of tobacco
on the roof of his house, with the intention of refusing to smoke until he had killed his
enemy and could smoke that tobacco over the dead body. Another refrained from
speaking, and would only answer by whistling.
The knowledge of this custom makes the Fijians a most nervous race. Should a
strange canoe appear off the coast, the inhabitants of the villages are all in a stir, some
escaping to the woods, and others concealing their food and other valuables in secret
storehouses. They do not like to walk alone in the evening. Mr. Williams mentions
that he has seen a whole company disperse at the lifting of a telescope, and, more than
once, when he was visited by natives and the door suddenly slammed with the wind, the
whole of his visitors rushed tumultuously out of the windows. On one occasion, a
number of men were dragging a large canoe into the sea, when one of them espied a
slight crack on one side. He whispered his discovery to the man next him, he to the
next, and so on, and in a few minutes every man had run away from the boat, fearing
lest the owner should charge him with having done the damage.
The amusements of the Fijians are rather more varied than is usually the case among
savages. Some of them are identical with many of our own children's games, such as
“hide and seek,” “blind man's buff,” and a sort of “hop, skip, and jump.” A sort of
"pitch and toss” is also in vogue, the substitute for pence being the flat, circular fruit
of a species of mimosa.
They have one game which bears some resemblance to that of the "kangaroo-rat” of
Australia, which has been described on page 41. The players have a reed about four feet
in length, at one end of which is an oval piece of hard and heavy wood some six inches
in length. This instrument is held between the thumb and middle finger, the end of the
forefinger being applied to its extremity. With a peculiar underhand jerk the player
drives it horizontally, so that it glides over the ground for a considerable distance, the
player who sends the missile farthest being the winner. In order that this favourite
game may be constantly played, each village has attached to it a long strip of smooth
sward, which is kept sedulously trimmed, so that the missile may skim along with as
little resistance as possible.
Then there is the swing. This is made much like the New Zealand swing, but is
used in a different manner. Instead of being held by the hands alone, the rope has a
loop at the end, into which the swinger inserts his foot. Sometimes, it has a large knot,
on which both feet can be supported. Drawing the rope to the top of a convenient bank,

284
FIJI.
the swinger grasps it with his hands, leaps in the air, places his foot in the loop, and goes
sweeping through an enormous arc, the radius of which often exceeds fifty feet.
In some cases the swing is fixed by the water side, and the more daring of the
per-
formers loosen their grasp at the proper moment, and are hurled through the air into
the water.
One favourite game, called Ririki, is played after the following fashion :-Close to the
water's edge is fixed a stout post, and on this is laid the trunk of a tall cocoa-nut tree, so
that its base rests on the ground, and the tip projects over the water. The game consists
THE GAM
OF RIRIKI.
in running at full speed up this inclined tree, and jumping into the water one after the
other, swimming ashore, and repeating the process. This is a very lively game, the
natives shouting and laughing the whole time, and plunging so rapidly in succession
that the water beneath the end of the inclined tree is white with foam.
The people are admirable swimmers, and, having been accustomed to swim as soon as
they could walk, disport themselves in the water with as much ease as on land. They
are fond of swimming out to sea in parties, and join in various aquatic games, such as
trying to push each other under water, diving, racing, and so forth.
Some of their sports are rather rough. They have one game which bears a certain
resemblance to snow-balling, except that the missiles are bitter oranges instead of snow-
balls. In some places they jerk stones at each other by means of elastic bamboos, and
do so with such force that considerable pain is caused when the missile strikes the
bare skin.
BETROTHAL AND MARRIAGE.
285
+
Sometimes a sort of mock battle takes place. When food is brought to the men,
the
women suddenly rush upon them, try to drive them away, and to seize the food. Rough
as the women may be, the men seldom retaliate, except by taking their assailants round
the waists and throwing them on the ground. Mr. Williams mentions one instance when
a woman actually shot a man dead with an arrow, turning the mock fight into a sad
reality. Several cases are known where the men have been so severely handled that they
have afterwards died of their wounds.
On certain occasions an amusing game is played by the young men. A thin earthen-
ware vessel is filled with water and suspended from a bough, and a number of young
men, with their eyes blindfolded, try to break the vessel by striking at it with long sticks.
Music and dancing are greatly studied among the Fijians, and any one who knows a
new dance is sure to earn plenty of goods by teaching it. Their musical instruments are
very poor, consisting of drums, pipes, and trumpets. The first-mentioned instruments
are nothing more than wooden cylinders, through one side of which a groove is cut about
an inch or so in width. The pipes are of two kinds ; namely, a sort of pandean pipe
made of several strips of bamboo fastened together, and the flute. This latter instrument
is played by placing the aperture close to one nostril, and breathing through it while the
other is stopped with the thumb of the left hand. The trumpets are merely conch-shells
blown through a hole in the side.
The dances are very carefully got up, and more resemble military movements than
dances, the similitude being increased by the martial array of the dancers, who are all
dressed as if for war, their faces painted with scarlet, their bodies powdered with black,
and their best clubs or spears in their hands. They execute intricate manæuvres,
marching in various figures, wheeling, halting, and stamping their feet in exact time to
the rhythm of the song and the beat of the drum. Sometimes several hundred men are
engaged in the dance, while the musicians are twenty or thirty in number.
The scene at one of these dances is very picturesque, but it wants the furious energy
which gives such fiery animation to the war-dance of the New Zealanders, the move-
ments, though correct in point of time, being comparatively dull and heavy. In order to
enliven it a little more, a professional buffoon is usually introduced upon the scene, who
performs sundry grotesque movements, and is usually applauded for his exertions.
Music and dancing are always used at the celebration of a marriage, and, as may be
imagined from the punctilious nature of the Fijian, there is no lack of ceremony on
the occasion.
Mostly, girls are betrothed when they are quite infants, no regard being paid to
disparity of age between themselves and their intended husbands. The form of betrothal
is rather curious, and consists in the mother of the child taking a small liku, or woman's
girdle, and presenting it to the man, who from that moment takes her daughter under his
protection until she is old enough to be married.
In those cases where a young man takes a liking to a young woman, he asks her of
her father, making at the same time a small present as a matter of form. Should the
application be successful, an interchange of presents then takes place between the friends
of both parties, and in a few days follows the ceremony called “warming," which consists
in conveying to the house of the bride some food prepared by the intended husband. In
most parts of Fiji, the bride has a complete holiday for four days, sitting quietly at home,
dressed in her finest apparel, and painted with turmeric and oil. At the expiration of the
four days, she is taken by a number of married women to the sea, where they all join in
fishing, and afterwards cook the fish that they have taken. The cooking being completed,
the bridegroom is sent for, and the betrothed couple eat together, each giving the other a
portion of food.
After this ceremony comes a period during which the bridegroom is employed in
building a house for his intended wife, and the girl undergoes the painful tattooing which
marks her as having taken her place among women. During this time, she remains
within the house so as to shield her complexion from the sun. The house being com-
pleted, all the friends of both families are gathered together, and a great feast takes place,
at which the givers make it a point of honour to be as lavish as possible. At the end of

286
FIJI.
this feast, the girl is formally handed over to her husband, and exchanges her narrow liku
for the broader garment befitting her new condition.
When the daughter of an important chief is married, her father always gives her a
number of female attendants, sometimes as many as twelve or fifteen accompanying the
bride to her home. They are placed under the charge of an elderly woman who acts as
their superintendent, and are called by a name which signifies a pet servant. There is
always a great scene at the departure of a bride to her home, all her relations and friends
crowding round her, and kissing her until she is nearly smothered by their caresses.
o
A FIJIAN WEDDING.
An interesting description of the presentation of a bride is given by Mr. Williams,
"She was brought in at the principal entrance by the king's aunt and a few matrons, and
then, led only by the old lady, approached the king. She was an interesting girl of
fifteen, glistening with oil, wearing a new liku, and a necklace of curved ivory points,
radiating from her neck, and turning upwards. The king then received from his aunt the
girl, with two whale's teeth, which she carried in her hand. When she was seated at his
feet, his majesty repeated a list of their gods, and finished by praying that the girl might
live, and bring forth male children.
"To her friends, two men who had come in at the back door, he gave a musket,
begging them not to think hardly of his having taken their child, as the step was connected
with the good of the land, in which their interests, as well as his own, were involved.
The musket, which was about equivalent to the necklace, the men received with bent
heads, muttering a short prayer, the close of which was exactly the same as they had
HOUSE-BUILDING.
287
offered for years, ' Death to Natawa. Tuikilakila then took off the girl's necklace and
kissed her. The gayest moment of her life, as far as dress was concerned, was past; and
I felt that the untying of that polished ornament from her neck was the first downward
step to a dreary future. Perhaps her forebodings were like mine, for she wept, and the
tears which glanced off her bosom and rested in distinct drops on her oily legs were seen
by the king, who said, 'Do not weep. Are you going to leave your own land? You are
but going a voyage, soon to return. Do not think it a hardship to go to Mbau. Here
you have to work hard; there you will rest. Here you fare indifferently; there you will
eat the best of food. Only do not weep to spoil yourself.' As he thus spoke, he played
with her curly locks, complimenting her on her face and figure. She reminded him of a
sister of hers, who had been taken to Mbau in years past.”
She had certainly reason for her tears, as the condition of Fijian wives is not a very
enviable one. As is the case with most countries in which polygamy is practised, the
wives are apt to be very jealous of each other, and to quarrel among themselves.
Generally, their squabbles are treated with contemptuous indifference by the husband as
long as they do not annoy him personally; but if he should feel himself angered, he
speedily checks the tunult by belabouring all parties alike with a very sufficient stick
which he keeps for the purpose. One chief had a cudgel as thick as a broomstick, in
which he seemed to take no little pride, having carved and inlaid it with ivory.
Women are not held in any great estimation, whether they be single or married. A
rather ludicrous example of the value set by Fijians upon women occurred in the course
of traffic between Europeans and natives. A chief had bargained with the captain of a
ship for a musket, the price of which was to be two pigs. The chief went off with his
musket, but could only find one pig. So he honourably kept his bargain by sending the
one pig and a young woman instead of the other.
In the description of the ceremonies attendant upon a wedding, mention was made of
the custom of building a house for the bride. The form of Fijian houses varies according
to the locality. In some places they are sharp-ridged and gabled, like those which have
already been described when treating of New Guinea. In others they are round, and in
others conical. Some are built on posts, and others simply on the ground.
As is the case throughout all Polynesia, the houses are made of a wooden framework
lashed together, and covered with a thatch of reeds. Many of these houses are of great
size, more than a hundred feet in length and about forty in width. A house that is
meant to endure for any length of time is made of a wood called by the natives vesi,
which is exactly similar to the greenheart of India, and a sort of sandal wood is also
used for the same purpose.
The walls are generally made of reeds arranged in three layers, the middle layer
being horizontal and the outer and inner layers perpendicular. They are tied or sewn
together with sinnet, and it is the Fijian architect's pride to weave the sinnet into elegant
patterns. Some men are celebrated for their skill in inserting and executing these
patterns, and go about from place to place as they are wanted. Even the posts that
support the edifice are often covered with reeds, bound together in the same ingenious
manner. The door is always a small one, probably for the same reason that induces a
Kaffir to make so low an entrance to his hut; namely, fear of enemies.
The thatch is sometimes of cocoa-nut or sugar-cane leaves, and sometimes of grass,
while in a few of the best houses both are used. The leaves are doubled over reeds and
sewn together, so as to form lengths of about five or six feet. Grass thatch is fixed
almost exactly as straw is used in England, being laid on the roof in bundles, and held
down by long mangrove branches, and tied firmly with rattan.
House-thatching is one of the most animated scenes that can be imagined. As soon
as the roof is finished, notice is given that the thatchers are wanted, and then straightway
assemble a gang of merry labourers, varying in number according to the size of the
house, as many as three hundred sometimes uniting to thatch a very large house. Some
bring the leaves and grass, others bind and sew them into the proper forn, and others
take them to the thatchers. Those who actually apply the reeds always arrange them-
selves in pairs on the roof, one outside and the other inside the building, so that they can

288
FIJI.
take the end of the lashing as it is pushed through the thatch by his comrade, draw it
tight, and return it to him.
The noise that arises from a large house during the process of thatching is almost
deafening. Naturally, the Fijian has a great genius for shouting, and on such occasions
he fairly outdoes himself. Some call for more grass, leaves, mangrove rods and rattans ;
others from below shout in reply to them. Those who bring the materials must needs
shout as they clamber to the roof, and every one throws in a few yells occasionally by
way of encouragement to his companions.
HOUSE-THATCHING.
The most characteristic part of a Fijian house is the ridge pole which runs along the
top of the roof. It projects at either end for a considerable distance, and in first-class
buildings is worked into a trumpet-like shape at the extremities. These projecting ends
are mostly blackened, and decorated with large white cowrie shells. A sort of cable
made of grass and bound with vine-stalks is generally laid on the ridge pole, and in
many cases is finished off with a row of tassels, and nearly covered with patterns worked
in sinnet.
Some, though not all, the houses have openings by way of windows, which can be
closed by means of mats fastened over them like curtains. Within the house, and nearly
in the centre, is the fireplace, which is sunk in the ground to a foot or so in depth, and
surrounded by a sort of fender made of hard wood. In very large houses, the fireplace
is ten or twelve feet square, and is covered by a wooden framework of several tiers, on
which cooking-pots and similar utensils can be kept. There is no chimney, nor even a
A PRACTICAL JOKE.
289
hole in the roof, so that all the smoke from the fireplace ascends to the roof, and finds its
way out through the thatch as it best can. In nearly every case the doorway is furnished
with a projecting roof.
In connexion with roof-thatching, a characteristic joke is recorded of the Mbau
people. The short missile club is called ula, and the act of hurling it is called ulaula.
The latter word, however, also signifies house-thatching. By way of a practical joke, the
people of Mbau sent to those of Tailevu, asking them to come and ulaula. The latter,
taking the word in its ordinary sense, accepted the invitation, and came, expecting the
usual scene of merriment, when, to their surprise, they were saluted by a volley of ulas
hurled at them by their entertainers.
The furniture of a Fijian house is simple. At one end is a raised daïs, on which the
master of the house sleeps by night and reclines by day. It is covered with mats, and
over it are hung the sheets of thin masi which are used as mosquito curtains. On this
daïs are generally one or two pillows. These implements are not unlike those of the
Kaffirs, being nothing more than cylindrical bars of wood supported on legs at either end.
Some of them are from four to five feet in length. This form of pillow is used on account
of the mop-like headdress of the natives, which would be pressed out of all shape were
it laid on an ordinary pillow.
On the hearth are several large earthenware cooking-pots, oval in shape, and each set
on three stones. As the quantity of food in them diminishes, they are gradually tilted,
so that when they contain but very little food they lie quite on their sides. Near the
hearth lies the thick concave board on which bread is kneaded, and close to the board are
the smooth round stones by which the operation of kneading is conducted. The small
hand-nets used for fishing are kept near the fire, together with the knives and other
implements used in preparing food. Several earthen water-jars are always placed near
the fire. They may be distinguished by their glazed surfaces, and are placed carefully
on a thick bed of grass. A few bamboo vessels containing salt and fresh water, are
generally placed near the larger jars. Round the foot of the wall are ranged a series of
bowls and jars, which contain the arrowroot and similar articles of food.
VOL. II.
U
CHAPTER V.
RELIGION AND FUNERAL RITES.
THE GODS AND THEIR ABODES-VISIT OF THE LAND CRAB FIJIAN PRIESTS AND THEIR INSIGNIA
CONSULTING THE DEITY--VARIOUS MODES OF DIVINATION-THE DIFFICULT PASSAGE TO HEAVEN
-NATIVE TEMPLES, THEIR STRUCTURE AND USES-FEASTS GIVEN TO THE GODS-SACRED
STONES-MURDER OF THE AGED AND SICK-A STRANGE MARK OF AFFECTION-PROVIDING THE
DEAD WITH ATTENDANTS-BURIAL OF A LIVING KING- A TERRIBLE SCENE VOYAGE TO THE
CEMETERY, AND THE FUNERAL-SIMILARITY BETWEEN THE CUSTOMS OF FIJI AND INDIA-MODE
OF MOURNING THE SUCCESSIVE RITES AFTER A FUNERAL-THE CUSTOM OF LOLOKU-TOMB OF
A CHIEF'S WIFE.
The religion, or rather the superstition, of the Fijians is much like that of other
polytheists. The people acknowledge vast numbers of gods of greater or lesser power ;
most, if not all, of which are symbolized under some natural form, such as a hawk, a tree,
or the like. Every Fijian considers himself under the protection of some especial god,
and, as has been stated, will not eat the animal which is his symbol.
An amusing instance of the reverence paid to the symbols of the gods occurred at
Tilioa. A very powerful god, who is worshipped at that place, resides in a land-crab, but,
as that crustacean is scarcely ever seen in the locality, there are but few opportunities of
paying the proper worship. Whenever any one saw a land-crab, he immediately ran to the
priest, and forth with the whole place was in a commotion. The people asseinbled to pay
their respects to their deity, and a number of cocoa-nuts were gathered, strung together,
and humbly presented to the crab-deity in order to propitiate him, and to induce him to
give them fair weather and a healthy season.
As to the particular doctrines of the Fijian religion, it is scarcely possible to learn
much about them. In the first place, the people know nothing, and the priests, who
know but little, dislike communicating their knowledge. Even the Christian converts
can seldom be induced to speak on the subject with any degree of truth.
The priests are known by their official insignia, which consist of an oval frontlet of
scarlet feathers, and a long-toothed comb made of separate pieces of wood ingeniously
fastened together. Several of these combs are in my collection, and are excellent
examples of the artistic capabilities of the makers. None of them are alike, the delicate
thread which fastens them together being woven in a singular variety of patterns. The
threads are nearly as fine as hairs, and an additional beauty is given to the pattern by
using alternately a deep black and a glittering yellow thread.
The priests communicate with their deities by throwing themselves into a sort of
ecstatic state, technically called “shaking," in which the whole body is convulsed, and
the utterances which come from the foaming lips are held to be the responses of the god.
A vivid idea of this mode of consulting a deity is given by Mr. Williams in the valuable
work to which reference has often been made.
CONSULTING THE ORACLE.
291
CUKKI
CCCC
PODuny
Un
“Nothing like regular worship or habitual reverence is found, and a principle of
fear seems the only motive for religious observances; and this is fully practised on by
the priests, through whom alone the people have access to the gods, when they wish to
present petitions affecting their social or individual interest. When matters of im-
portance are involved, the soro or offering consists of large quantities of food, together
with whales' teeth. In smaller affairs
a tooth, club, mat, or spear, is enough.
Young nuts covered with turmeric
powder formed the neanest offering
Ī have known. On one occasion,
when Tuikilakila asked the help of
the Somosomo gods in war, he built
the war-god a large new temple, and
presented a quantity of cooked food,
with sixty turtles, beside whales
teeth.
“Part of the offering the sigana
-is set apart for the deity, the rest
forming a feast of which all may
partake. The portion devoted to the
god is eaten by his priest and by old
men, but to youths and women it is
tapu.
“Strangers wishing to consult a
god cut a quantity of fire-wood for
the temple. Sometimes only a dish
of yams or a whale's tooth is pre-
sented. It is not absolutely neces-
sary for the transaction to take place
at a temple. I have known priests
to become inspired in a private
house or in the open air ; indeed,
in some parts of Fiji, the latter is
usually the case.
One who intends to consult the
oracle dresses and oils himself, and,
accompanied by a few others, goes
to the priest, who, we will suppose,
has been previously informed of the intended visit, and is lying near the sacred corner
getting ready his response. When the party arrives, he rises and sits so that his back is
near to the white cloth by which the god visits him, while the others occupy the opposite
side of the Buré. The principal person presents a whale's tooth, states the purpose of his
visit, and expresses a hope that the god will regard him with favour. Sometimes there is
placed before the priest a dish of scented oil with which he anoints himself, and then
receives the tooth, regarding it with deep and serious attention.
"Unbroken silence follows. The priest becomes absorbed in thought, and all eyes
watch him with unblinking steadiness. In a few minutes he trembles; slight distortions
are seen in his face, and twitching movements in his limbs. These increase to a violent
niuscular action, which spreads until the whole frame is strongly convulsed, and the man
shivers as with a strong ague-fit. In some islands this is accompanied with murmurs
and sobs, the veins are greatly enlarged, and the circulation of the blood quickened.
"The priest is now possessed by his god, and all his words and actions are considered
as no longer his own, but those of the deity who has entered into him. Shrill cries of
* Koi au! Koi au !' (It is I! It is I!') fill the air, and the god is supposed thus to notify
his approach. While giving the answer, the priest's eyes stand out and roll as if in a
frenzy ; his voice is unnatural, his face pale, his lips livid, his breathing depressed, and
PRIESTS' COMBS.
U 2
292
FIJI.
his entire appearance like that of a furious madman. The sweat runs from every pore,
and tears start from his strained eyes ; after which the symptoms gradually disappear.
The priest looks round with a vacant stare, and as the god says 'I depart,' announces his
actual departure by violently flinging himself down on the mat, or by suddenly striking
the ground with a club, when those at a distance are informed by blasts on the conch, or
the firing of a musket, that the deity has returned into the world of spirits.”
In many cases it is evident that the priests enact deliberate impositions, but it is also
certain that in many others they are completely under the dominion of frenzy, and that
they do not recollect afterwards the words which they uttered while in their delirious
state. “My own mind,” said one of them,“ departs from me, and then, when it is truly
gone, my god speaks by me."
Various modes of divination are employed by the Fijian priests.
They have, for example, divination by the leaf, by the reed, by the nut, and by water.
The leaf is tested by taking it between the front teeth and biting it. If it be completely
severed, the omen is good; if it hang together, even by a single fibre, the omen is
unfavourable. One priest had a very strange mode of divination by the leaf. He had
two magic leaves, which he placed on the sides of the applicant, and then left them. If
the leaf on the right side stung the skin, the omen was good; but if any plots or treacheries
were hatched, the leaf stung the man on the left side, and so warned him of the danger.
Another mode of divination by the leaf is to bite it, and judge by the flavour whether the
omen be adverse or the contrary.
The reed-test is managed as follows. A number of short reeds are cut, and laid in a
row on the ground, a name being given to each. The priest then holds his right foot over
each, and the response is given by the trembling of the foot.
The water-test is performed by holding the straightened arm slightly upwards, and
pouring a few drops of water on the wrist. If the water should run to the shoulder, the
response is favourable
should it fall off at the elbow, the answer is adverse.
The next test is performed by laying a cocoa-nut on a small surface and spinning it.
When it stops, the response is given by the direction in which the eye points.
According to Fijian notions, the passage to Buruto or heaven is a very difficult one,
except for great chiefs, and the only plan by which a man of inferior rank can hope to
obtain admission is by telling the god a lie, and proclaiming himself a chief with so much
apparent truthfulness that he is believed, and allowed to pass. Taking on his shoulder
his war-club and a whale's tooth, the Fijian spirit goes to the end of the world, where
grows a sacred pine, and throws the tooth at it. Should he miss it, he can go no further;
hut if he hit it, he travels on to a spot where he awaits the arrival of the women who
were murdered at his death.
Escorted by them, he proceeds until he is met and opposed by a god called Ravuyalo,
whom he fights with his club. Should he fail, he is killed and eaten by the god, and
there is an end of him. Should he conquer, he proceeds until he finds a canoe, into
which he gets, and is conveyed to the lofty spot where the chief god, Ndengei, lives.
Over the precipice extends the long steering-oar of the god's canoe. He is then asked
his name and rank, when he replies
with a circumstantial account of his grandeur and
magnificence, of the countries over which he has ruled, of the deeds which he did in war,
and of the devastation which he caused. He is then told to take his seat on the blade of
the oar. Should his story have been believed, he is conveyed to Buruto; but should
Ndengei disbelieve his story, the oar is tilted up, and he is hurled down the precipice
into the water below, whence he never emerges.
It has been mentioned that the spirit has to wait for the escort of his wives. This is
in order to prove that he is a married man, bachelors having no hope of admission into
Buruto. Should a wifeless man start on his journey, he is confronted by a goddess, called
the Great Woman, who has a special batred of bachelors, and, as soon as she sees one,
flies at him, and tries to tear him in pieces. Soinetimes she misses him in her eager-
ness; but, even in such a case, he has to deal with another god, who bides himself in
the spirit path, and, as the soul of the bachelor passes by, he springs on the wretched
being, and dashes him to atoms against a stone.

NATIVE TEMPLES.
293
The Burés or temples of the gods abound in Fiji, at least one Buré being found in
every village, and some of the villages having many of these buildings. They are made of
the same material as the houses, but with much more care. Instead of being merely
set on the ground, they are placed on the top of a mound of earth, sometimes only
slightly elevated, and sometimes twenty feet or more in height.
A BURÉ OR TEMPLE.
The natives think no labour too great for the decoration of a Buré, and it is in
those buildings that their marvellous skill in plaiting sinnet is best shown. Every beam,
post, and pillar is entirely covered with sinnet plaited into the most beautiful patterns,
black and red being the favourite colours; and even the reeds which line the window
frames, and fill up the interstices between the pillars, are hidden in the plaited sinnet
with which they are covered. So lavish are the natives of their work, that they are not
content with covering the pillar and reeds with sinnet-work, but they make large plaited
cords of the same material, and hang them in festoons from the eaves.
It has already been mentioned that the best houses have the ends of the ridge-poles
decorated with cowries, but those of the Buré are adorned with long strings of cowries that
294
FIJI.
sometimes reach the ground. Ordinary laths are thought too common to be used in thatch-
ing temples, and the beautifully-carved spears of warriors are employed instead of simple
wood. When the Buré is erected on a high mound, entrance is gained to it by means of
a very thick plank cut into notched steps.
Although the Burés are considered as temples, and dedicated to the god, they are
mostly used for secular purposes. Visitors from a distance are generally quartered in
them, and in many instances the principal men of the village make the Buré their
sleeping-place. Councils are held in the Burés, and entertainments are given in them, of
which the offerings to the god form a large part. Sometimes, as has been mentioned, a
chief who wishes to propitiate some deity offers a great quantity of food in his temple,
and this food is consumed in a general feast. A certain portion is dedicated to the god,
and may only be eaten by the priests and the old men, but the remainder may be eaten
by any one.
None of the food is left to perish, the Fijians having a convenient belief which com-
bines piety with self-indulgence. The god is supposed to be a great eater, but only to
consume the soul of the provisions, so that when food is cooked and offered, the god eats
the soul and the people the body. The chief god, Ndengei, used to be both greedy and
dainty in his demands for food. He sometimes ate two hundred hogs and a hundred
turtles at a single feast, and was continually insisting on human sacrifices. In order to
procure these, no respect was paid to persons, and so infatuated were the people that, to
keep up Ndengei's supplies of human food, chiefs were known to kill their own wives.
No regular worship is ever offered in the Burés, which, indeed, are often left to fall
into decay until some one desires to consult or propitiate the god, when the building is
repaired and cleaned for the occasion. As may be expected, during the building of the
Buré several human sacrifices are offered.
If the reader will refer to the drawing of the Bure on the preceding page, he will see
that in front of it are two oddly-shaped objects. These are examples of the sacred stones,
several of which are to be found in various parts of Fiji. They are considered as the
dwelling-place of certain gods, and are held to be either male or female, according to the
sex of the deity who inhabits them. Should the god be of the female sex, the fact is
known by a woman's apron or liku being tied round the stone. One such god is a very
useful one, because he hates mosquitoes, and keeps them away from the spot in which he
dwells. Food is prepared and offered to those sacred stones, the god, as usual, eating the
spirit of the food, and the priest and officers consuming its outward form.
We now come to the funeral ceremonies of Fiji, taking those of the chiefs as types
of the whole.
Among the Fijians a very singular superstition reigns. When men or women
become infirm with age, they are considered to have lived their full time on earth, and
preparations are made for their burial. So ingrained is this belief, that if a man finds
himself becoming feeble with age or disease, he requests his sons to strangle him, and
with this request they think themselves bound to comply. Indeed, if they think that he
is too slow in making the request, they suggest to him that he has lived long enough, and
ought to rest in the grave. Such conduct seems to imply that they are destitute
affection, but in reality it is their way of showing their love for their parent.
They are really a most affectionate race of people. A young chief has been seen to
sob with overpowering emotion at parting from his father for a short time, and yet, were
his parents to become ill or infirm, he would think it his duty to apply the fatal rope
with his own hands. To be strangled by one's children, or to be buried alive by them, is
considered the most honourable mode of death. The reason for this strange custom seems
to be that the Fijians believe the condition of the spirit in the next world to be exactly the
same as that of the individual when in life. Consequently, affectionate children are
unwilling to allow their parents to pass into the next world in an infirm state of body,
and therefore strangle them out of sheer kindness.
From a similar notion of kindness, they also strangle the favourite wives and atten-
dants of the dead chief, so as to provide him with the followers to whom he has been
A TERRIBLE SCENE.
295
accustomed. They also kill a powerful warrior, in order that he may go before his chief
through the passage into the spirit-land, and drive away the evil spirits who oppose the
progress of a new comer. These victims go by the name of “grass,” and are laid at the
bottom of the grave; the warrior painted and dressed for battle, with his favourite club
by his side, the women arranged in folds of the finest masi, and the servants with
their implements in their hands; so that the inhabitants of the spirit-world may see how
great a chief has come among them.
All their preparations are carried on in a quiet and orderly manner, the victims never
attempting to escape from their fate, but vying with each other for the honour of accom-
panying their chief. In some cases, when a chief has died young, his mother has insisted
on sharing his grave. So deeply do the Fijians feel the necessity for this sacrifice that
the custom has been a greater barrier against Christianity even than cannibalism or poly-
gamy, and even those natives who have been converted to Christianity are always uneasy
on the subject. On one occasion a Christian chief was shot, and by the same volley a
young man was killed. The Christian natives were delighted with the latter catastrophe,
inasmuch as it provided an attendant for their slain chief.
The scene which takes place when a great chief is expected to die has been described
by Mr. Williams with great power. The King of Somo-somo, a magnificent specimen of
the savage, was becoming infirm through age, and towards the middle of August 1845
was unable to do more than walk about a little :
“I visited him on the 21st, and was surprised to find him much better than he had
been two days before. On being told, therefore, on the 24th that the king was dead,
and that preparations were being made for his interment, I could scarcely credit the
report. The ominous word preparing urged me to hasten without delay to the scene of
action, but my utmost speed failed to bring me to Nasima—the king's house—in time.
The moment I entered it was evident that, as far as concerned two of the women, I was
too late to save their lives. The effect of that scene was overwhelming. Scores of
deliberate murderers in the very act surrounded me: yet there was no confusion, and,
except a word from him who presided, no noise, only an unearthly, horrid stillness.
Nature seemed to lend her aid and to deepen the dread effect; there was not a breath
stirring in the air, and the half-subdued light in that hall of death showed every object
with unusual distinctness.
“All was motionless as sculpture, and a strange feeling came upon me, as though I was
myself becoming a statue. To speak was impossible; I was unconscious that I breathed;
and involuntarily, or rather against my will, I sunk to the floor, assuming the cowering
posture of those who were actually engaged in murder. My arrival was during a hush,
just at the crisis of death, and to that strange silence must be attributed my emotions ;
and I was but too fanıiliar with murders of this kind, neither was there anything novel
in the apparatus employed. Occupying the centre of that large room were two groups,
the business of whom could not be mistaken.
“ All sat on the floor; the middle figure of each group being held in a sitting posture
by several females, and hidden by a large veil. On either side of each veiled figure was
a company of eight or ten strong men, one company hauling against the other on a white
cord which was passed twice round the neck of the doomed one, who thus in a few
minutes ceased to live. As my self-command was returning to me the group furthest
from me began to move; the men slackened their hold, and the attendant women removed
the large covering, making it into a couch for the victim.
“ As that veil was lifted some of the men beheld the distorted features of a mother
whom they had helped to murder, and smiled with satisfaction as the corpse was laid out
for decoration. Convulsion strongly on the part of the poor creature near me showed
that she still lived. She was a stout woman, and some of the executioners jocosely
invited those who sat near to have pity and help them. At length a woman said, 'She
is cold. The fatal cord fell, and as the covering was raised I saw dead the oldest wife
and unwearied attendant of the old king.”
Leaving the house of murder, Mr. Williams went to the hut of the deceased king,
determining to see his successor, and beg him to spare the lives of the intended victims.

296
FIJI.
To his horror and astonishment, he found that the king was still alive. He was lying on his
couch, very feeble, but perfectly conscious, every now and then placing his hand to his
side as he was racked by cough. The young king was full of grief. He embraced his
visitor with much emotion, saying, “See, the father of us two is dead.” It was useless to
dispute the point. The poor old king certainly did move, and speak, and eat; but,
according to the son's ideas, the movements were only mechanical, the spirit having left
the body.
So the preparations for his funeral went on. His chief wife and an assistant employed
themselves in covering his body with black powder, as if dressing him for the war-dance,
Here
BURIAL OF A LIVING KING.
and fastening upon his arms and legs a number of long strips of white masi, tied in
rosettes, with the ends streaming on the ground. They had already clad him in a new
masi of immense size, the white folds of which were wrapped round his feet. In place of
the usual masi turban, a scarlet handkerchief was bound on his hair with a circlet of
white cowrie-shells, and strings of the same shells decorated his arms, while round his
neck was an ivory necklace, made of long curved claw-like pieces of whale's teeth.
The reader may perhaps wonder that the chief wife of the king was suffered to live.
The fact was that the young king would not allow her to be killed, because no executioner
of sufficient rank could be found. She lamented her hard lot in being forbidden to accom-
pany her husband to the spirit-land, and begged to be strangled, but without success.
Presently the sound of two conch-shell trumpets was heard outside the house, this
being the official intimation that the old king was dead, and the new king was then
formally acknowledged by the chiefs who were present. He seemed overcome with grief,
MODE OF MOURNING.
297
and, gazing on the body of his father's attendant, he exclaimed, “ Alas, Moalevu! There
lies a woman truly wearied, not only in the day but in the night also the fire consumed
the fuel gathered by her hands. If we awoke in the still night, the sound of our feet
reached her ears, and, if spoken to harshly, she continued to labour only. Moalevu!
Alas, Moalevu!'
The bodies of the murdered women were then rolled up in mats, placed on a bier,
and carried out of the door, but the old king was taken through a breach made in the
wall of the house. The bodies were carried down to the seaside and placed in a canoe,
the king being on the deck, attended by his wife and the Mata, who fanned him and kept
off the insects.
When they arrived at Weilangi, the place of sepulture, they found the grave already
dug, and lined with mats. The bodies of the women were laid side by side in the grave, and
on them the dying king. The shell ornaments were then taken from him, and he was
entirely enveloped in mats, after which the earth was filled in, and thus he was buried
alive. The poor old man was even heard to cough after a quantity of earth had been
heaped on him.
This final scene is represented in the illustration on the preceding page. In the fore-
ground is seen the open grave, with the bodies of the murdered women lying in it as “grass.”
The still living king is being borne to the grave by the attendants, while his successor
sits mournfully surveying a scene which he knows will be re-enacted in his own case,
should he live to be old and infirm. Just above the grave are the rolls of fine mats with
which the body of the king is to be covered before the earth is filled in ; and in the
background appears the mast of the canoe which brought the party to the burial-ground.
The reader cannot but notice the resemblance between this Fijian custom of strangling
the wives and the well-known suttee of India. In both cases the women are the fore-
most to demand death, and for the same reason. Just as the Hindoo women arrange their
own funeral pile, and light it with their own hands, the Fijian woman helps to dig her
own grave, lines it with mats, and then seats herself in it.
The fact is, that the woman has positively no choice in the matter; a wife who
survives her husband is condemned to a life of neglect, suffering, and insult, so that the
short agony of immediate death is preferable to such a fate, especially as by yielding to
the national custom she believes that she shall secure a happy and honoured life in the
spirit-land. Moreover, her relatives are bound by custom to insist upon her death, as,
if they did not follow this custom, they would be accused of disrespect towards her
husband and his family, and would run the risk of being clubbed in revenge.
In consequence of this horrid custom, the population of Fiji has been greatly checked,
-for not only is there the direct sacrifice of life, but much indirect loss is occasioned.
Many of the murdered women are mothers, whose children die for want of maternal care,
so that, what with the perpetual feuds and continual murders, the custom of cannibalism,
the sacrifice of wives with their husbands, the strangling of the old or sick, and the death
of children by neglect, very few Fijians die from natural causes. Mr. Williams mentions
that in a class of nine children under his charge, the parents had all been murdered with
the exception of two, and these had been condemned to death, and only saved through
the exertions of the missionaries
After a king is buried, sundry ceremonies are observed. For twenty days or so, no
one eats until the evening, the people shave their heads either partially or entirely, and
the women cut off their fingers, which are inserted in split reeds, and stuck along the
eaves of the royal house. Those who are nearly related to the dead king show their grief
by refusing to wear their usual dress, and substituting rude garments of leaves. They
often deny themselves the luxury of a mat to lie upon, and pass their nights on the grave
of their friend. The coast is rendered tapu for a certain distance, no one being allowed to
fish until the proper time has elapsed, and the cocoa-nut trees are placed under a similar
restriction.
Various strange rites take place on certain days after the funeral. On the fourth day
the friends assemble, and celebrate the melancholy ceremony called the "jumping of
maggots," in which they symbolize the progress of corruption. Next evening is one of a
298
.
FIJI.
directly opposite character, called the “causing to laugh,” in which the immediate friends
and relatives of the dead are entertained with comic games. On the tenth day the women
have an amusing ceremony of their own. Arming themselves with whips, switches, or cords,
they fall upon every man whom they meet, without respect to age or rank, the greatest
chiefs only being exempt from this persecution. The men are not allowed to retaliate,
except by flinging mud at their assailants, and those who have witnessed the scene say
that nothing more ludicrous can be imagined than to see grave, elderly men running in
all directions, pursued by the women with their whips and switches.
The last ceremony is the completion of some special work begun in honour of the
dead. It may be the erection of a house, the making of a huge ball of sinnet, a great
bale of cloth, and, in any case, it bears the name of the person in whose honour it was
undertaken. Building large canoes is a favourite form of this custom, and, during the
whole time that the work is in progress, the canoe is put to sleep at night by the beating
of drums, and awakened every morning in a similar manner, when the carpenters come
to their work.
A curious ceremony is observed in Fiji when one of the principal chiefs has died. It
is called the loloku of the sail, and is a sort of signal of honour. Whenever a canoe
approaches the coast for the first time since the death of the chief, the vessel is obliged to
show the loloku. This is generally a long strip of masi tied to the head of the mast, and
as soon as the canoe touches the land, both the sail and masi are thrown into the water.
Sometimes, when the owner of the canoe is tolerably rich, he adds to the simple loloku a
whale's tooth, which is flung from the mast-head into the water, when the people dive
and scramble for it.
Should the chief perish at sea, or be killed in a warlike expedition, and be eaten by
his enemies, the loloku is shown as carefully as if he had been buried on shore, and his
relatives try to compensate him for his adverse fate, by killing an unusual number of
women as his attendants. Nearly twenty women have thus been sacrificed on the death
of a young chief who was drowned at sea.
The graves of chiefs and their wives are marked by tombs. These are sometimes
nothing but stones at the head and foot of the grave, or large cairns of stones piled on
the deceased. Sometimes they are roofs from three to six feet in height, decorated, after
Fijian custom, with patterns worked in sinnet.
One tomb, that of a chief's wife, was a very remarkable one. Her husband had a
large mound of earth thrown up, and faced with stones. On the top of the mound was a
double canoe, forty feet in length, held firmly in its place by being imbedded in earth.
Fine shingle was strewn on the deck, and mats were spread on the shingle for the recep-
tion of the body. Sand was then heaped over the canoe, and on the sand was laid the
body of a little child of whom the deceased woman had been very fond. Over all was
then built a large roof, made of mahogany, and adorned with white cowrie-shells.
THE
SOLOMON ISLANDS AND NEW HEBRIDES.
POSITION OF THE SOLOMON ISLANDS-REASON FOR THE NAME OF THE GROUP-CHARACTER OF THE
NATIVES CANNIBALISM-DRESS AND ORNAMENTS NEW IRELAND AND NEW BRITAIN-NOMAD
CHARACTER OF THE NATIVES-CAVE HOUSES-THE ADMIRALTY ISLANDS-DISTINGUISHING MARKS
OF THE CHIEFS, AND THEIR DOMINION OVER THE PEOPLE-THE BOUKA ISLANDS THE NEW
HEBRIDES—MODE OF GOVERNMENT, AND DIVERSITY OF LANGUAGE—THE INHABITANTS OF VATÉ
CURIOUS DRESS OF THE WOMEN-
WOMEN-ORNAMENTS OF THE HOUSES---TAUNA AND ERRUMANGA
TRADE IN SANDAL WOOD-ANEITEUM AND VANIKORO.
BETWEEN New Guinea and the Fiji group lie the Solomon (or Salomon Islands. They
were discovered, as far as we know, by Alvero de Mendana, who touched upon them in
the year 1567. Being desirous of inducing his countrymen, who held in those days the
chief place among sailors, to visit and colonize so fertile a land, he concocted a pious
fraud, and called the group by the name of Solomon Islands, as being the Ophir from
which Solomon's ships brought the vast quantities of gold with which he adorned the
Temple and his own palace.
His scheme failed, inasmuch as, when he again went in search of the islands, he could
not find them, the imperfect astronomical instruments of that day being far inferior to
those of the present time, by means of which a competent observer can tell within a few
yards his exact place on the earth.
The natives of the Solomon Islands are so fierce and treacherous, that comparatively
little has as yet been learned about them. They have displayed a great genius for lulling
voyagers into a fancied security, and then murdering and eating them ; so that the
Spaniards lost nothing by Mendana's inability to find the islands again. They contrived
lately to entrap a gentleman who visited their islands in his yacht, and murdered him
while he was on shore, shooting pigeons. They have committed so many murders on
seamen, and even captured so many vessels, that the greatest precautions are now taken.
by those who visit their shores.
Perhaps the reader may wonder that any one should take the trouble of visiting so
inhospitable a place; but the fact is that the hawk's-bill turtle, so valued as supplying
the tortoiseshell of commerce, is plentiful on the coasts, and captured by the natives, who
reserve the shell for barter with European ships.
When ships anchor off the coast, the natives put off in canoes; but only a certain
number are allowed to approach, the hammock nettings being triced up so as to prevent
the natives from boarding the vessel. Only the principal chief is allowed to come on
board, and through him the bargains are made. These are very tedious, as the natives,
will insist on haggling separately over each piece of tortoisesheil, instead of selling the
whole “ head” at once, as is done at other places. The usual articles of merchandise are
300
SOLOMON ISLANDS.
111
employed in the trade, such as glass bottles, beads, axes, cloth, knives, and similar
objects.
The natives are very dark, and may even be called black, with thick and crisp hair.
That they are cannibals has already been mentioned. They are such inordinate lovers of
human flesh that, according to the accounts of some travellers, which inay however have
been exaggerated they make it their customary diet. It is evident, however, that this
statement must be somewhat overdrawn, as no people inhabiting a limited country could
make human flesh the chief article of diet without gradual
exteriination. That they prefer it to all other food is likely
enough, and in this they only follow the example of the
Papuans. Mendana mentions that the chief of one of the
islands sent him a handsome present of a quarter of a boy,
and that he gave great offence to the natives by burying
instead of eating it.
They do certainly use great quantities of this horrible diet,
and one traveller mentions that, in visiting their houses, he
has seen human heads, legs, and arms hung from the rafters,
just as joints of meat are hung in a larder. The houses bear
token in other ways of the cannibalistic habits of the natives,
being ornamented with skulls and similar relics of bygone
feasts, together with other ornaments.
The Solomon Islanders are not handsome people, and do
not add to their beauty by their modes of adornment. Their
inveterate use of the betel-nut blackens their teeth, and their
faces are disfigured with streaks and patches of white paint,
which has a horribly ghastly appearance against the black skin.
They are fond of wearing numerous ornaments in their ears,
the lobes of which are perforated, and so distended that they
can wear in them circular blocks of wood nine inches in
circumference. Their chief ornament is, however, an armlet
made from a large shell found on the reefs. Shells of suffi-
cient size for this purpose are extremely rare, and are prized
even more than whales' teeth among the Fijians and neighbouring people. Wars are often
caused by a struggle for the possession of a single armlet ; while, in comparison with so
valuable an article, human life is looked upon as utterly worthless. Very great chiefs
and warriors wear several of these rings on their arms; but they do so with the full
knowledge that their finery is as perilous as it is valuable, and that they are likely to be
murdered merely for the sake of their ornaments.
The Solomon Islanders care little for clothing, their whole dress being simply a piece
of matting tied round the waist; and it is rather a remarkable fact that they pursue the
same art of staining the hair yellow, white, or red, or discharging all colour out of it, that
is practised by the Fijians.
Warlike as well as fierce, they possess a variety of weapons ; such as clubs of different
kinds, spears, bows and arrows. In order to guard themselves against the missile weapons,
they carry shields made of rushes, woven so thickly and tightly together that they are
able to resist the arrows and to render the spears almost harmless.
That they possess canoes may be inferred from the fact that they inhabit islands of
such diminutive size. These canoes are made in a most ingenious manner, and are con-
structed in a mode that gives a clue to the peculiar shape which is so often seen among
the islands of Polynesia. Both at the stem and stern the ends of the canoe are very much
raised. This structure is not only for ornament, though decoration is freely used in it,
but is principally intended for defence. When the crew attack an enemy, or are attacked,
they always take care to present the bow or stern of the canoe to the foe, and thus are in
a great measure protected by the raised ends.
As is the case with most of these oceanic peoples, the inhabitants of the Solomon
Islands profusely adorn the sides of their canoes with carvings, feathers, and inlayings
ANGAZ
IDOL.
RUNNING THE GAUNTLET.
301
For the last-mentioned purpose white shells are liberally used, and tortoiseshell is also
einployed. Sometimes these portions of the canoe are carved so as to resemble the human
face, the eyes being made of mother-of-pearl, the ears of tortoiseshell, and the chin
furnished with a long beard.
In one of these canoes Captain Bouganville found a great quantity of weapons and
implements, such as spears, bows and arrows, shields, and fishing-nets. The shape of the
shields was nearly oval, and the arrows were tipped with sharp fish-bones. Various
articles of food were also found in the boat, such as cocoa-nuts and other fruits, amoug
which was the somewhat startling object of a human jaw-bone partially cooked.
AMONG the same group of islands are New Ireland and New Britain, both of which,
by the way, seemed to have been named on the lucus a non lucendo principle, inasmuch
as it is scarcely possible to find any part of the world less like Ireland or Britain in
general than these little islands.
In their dress and ornaments the inhabitants differ but little from the Solomon
Islanders, except that the chiefs wear circular ornaments of pearl almost exactly like
the dibbi-dibbi of North Australia. Tortoiseshell is also used for the purpose.
These tribes seem to be continually on the move, the warriors being ordered by the
chiefs from stations much like our own regiments at home, and being accompanied by
their wives and families. In their various migrations the men are bound to look to the
interests of their families; and if they neglect to do so, the case is brought before a
council of chiefs, who investigate the matter. Should the accusation be proved, the
delinquent is condemned to run the gauntlet, a punishment which is inflicted in exactly
the same mode as has been employed in Europe.
All the inhabitants of the village, men, women, and children, are drawn up in a double
line, and each is furnished with a bundle of twigs bound together like the birches of
schools. The culprit is placed at one end of this line, and at a signal from the chief
he is obliged to run through it a certain number of times, receiving a blow from
every one as he passes. Sharp and severe as is this law, it shows no small amount
of political wisdom, and lifts the people in a degree from mere savage life. Among
ordinary savages the man is everything and the women and children nothing, and that
in these remote islands they should be placed under the protection of the government
shows a considerable advance towards civilization. There is, moreover, an ingenious
retributive justice in the mode of punishment. By deserting his family, the man throws
the burden of their maintenance on the community, and it is, therefore, thought only
fair that the punishment should also be left to the community.
The architecture of these people is good, and we shall presently see an example of it.
When a new village is to be built a large space is cleared, in the middle of which is
the council-house, a large circular edifice, supported on red pillars, and distinguished
by having on the roof a number of tall poles, each bearing on its point a human skull.
The floor is carpeted with fine mats, coloured with turmeric, and adorned with birds'
feathers woven into it.
The dwelling-houses are made in a very different manner. The native architect
begins by digging a large square hole in the ground some five feet deep, and over this
pit he erects the house, which is rather low, in consequence of the depth gained in
the basement. The thatch is of weeds, and is covered with a thick coating of clay,
which serves the double purpose of rendering the hut fire-proof and of keeping the
interior cool.
The
weapons of the warriors are much the same as those of the other islands, but
slings are also employed, and the spears are generally tipped with sharp flint. Like
most of the Papuans, the victorious party eat the enemies whom they kill in battle.
Owing to the character of these islanders, little is known of their religion. That
they have some form of worship is evident from the fact that they make great wooderi
idols, sometimes ten or more feet in height, and plant them in different parts of the
country. To these idols offerings of food are constantly made; and, as such offerings
are never taken away, the odour of decomposing figs, fowls, and fruit betrays the presence

302
SOLOMON ISLANDS.
of the idol at a great distance. In one of the islands, called Ysabel, the natives are
said to worship snakes, toads, and various reptiles.
The most eastward of this group, San Christoval, is about seventy miles long and
twenty wide. In the accompanying illustration is given a view taken in Makira har-
bour, in order to show the ingenious houses which the natives build for the protection
of their canoes. As may be seen, the house is capable of accumulating a considerable
number of the beautifully carved vessels, and is elaborately adorned, after the native
fashion, with idols in images, human skulls, tufts of feathers, and similar ornaments.
MONS
ANCS
CANOE HOUSE AT MAKIRA BAY.
The extremest of the group are those which are known by the name of the Admiralty
Islands.
The natives of these islands make use of a sort of obsidian, which they split into
fragments and use as we use steel. For example, they make razors of it, with which they
shave every part of their bodies excepting the head, on which the hair is allowed to grow,
and is tied up in a knot on the top of the head. The hair is often coloured with red
ochre and oil. They use the same material as heads to their spears, tying the head to
the shaft with plaited string coated with gum. The clothing of the Admiralty Islanders
is very simple, the women wearing a piece of matting tied round the waist, and the men
nothing but a large white shell. They have bracelets and armlets made of plaited fibre,
and belt of similar material round the waist. Some of them make their bracelets of
large sea-ear shells, grinding out the middle and rounding the edges; and ornaments
of a similar character are hung in the ears, which are often dragged down to such an
extent that the lower tips of the lobes almost rest on the shoulders. This enormous size
is attained at the cost of much trouble, an elastic hoop being constantly kept in the
aperture so as to keep it gradually distended. A few of the natives also have the septum
of the nose pierced, and hang upon it a string, to the end of which are fastened teeth.
The chiefs are distinguished by a double row of little shells on the forehead, and
seem to exercise considerable authority over their inferiors.
a
DESPOTISM OF THE CHIEFS.
303
When Captain D'Entrecasteaux visited the place, his boats approached the shore,
whereon a number of natives were collected, and the captain made signs of peace. A
chief, distinguished by the insignia of rank on his forehead, ordered one of the natives to
swim to the boats with some cocoa-nuts. “The fear of approaching persons of whose
intentions he was ignorant, made the islander, swimming and defenceless, hesitate a
moment. But the chief, who doubtless was little accustomed to have his will disobeyed,
did not allow him to reflect. Blows from a cudgel, which he held in his hand, imme-
diately succeeded his order, and enforced instant obedience.
“ By way of comforting the poor fellow, our people gave him some bits of red stuff, a
few nails, and a knife, with which he was greatly pleased. No sooner had he returned to
the island, than curiosity collected all the rest around him, every one wishing to see our
presents. Canoes were immediately launched, many natives took to the water and swam,
and in a short time there was a great concourse round our boats. We were surprised to
see that neither the force of the surf nor of the breakers discouraged them from the
attempt.
“ There was another chief distinguished by the same ornaments as he who has been
already mentioned, and also by the blows which he inflicted with his cudgel upon those
to whom he gave his orders.”
The canoes of these people are furnished with a double outrigger, only one touching
the water, and the other projecting at an equal distance on the opposite side. They are
connected by a platform, on which the commander stands when the sail is lowered and
laid on the second outrigger. When the sail is hoisted, he stands on the place where it
had been laid. Each outrigger projects about eight feet from the gunwale. The paddles
are about six feet in length, and are furnished with a broad blade, which is made
separately from the handle, and firmly lashed to it with cord.
The sail is made of matting, and about thirteen feet square. The mast is twenty feet
in height, and when the canoe is to be pushed to its full speed, the sail is hoisted
diagonally, with one angle projecting a yard above the top of the mast. When the
natives desire to go slowly, they only hoist a few feet of the sail, the rest of it lying in
the canoe; and by thus hoisting or lowering the sail they can regulate their speed much
as they like. When the sail is hoisted to its fullest extent, the canoe can beat the
swiftest sailing ships. The ordinary length of a canoe is about thirty-two feet, and the
extreme breadth is only twenty-six inches.
The Admiralty Islanders chew the pepper leaf, with the addition of lime, which they
keep in a little calabash, but do not seem to add the coca-nut. Only the chiefs appear
to practise this habit, probably on account of the difficulty of obtaining the proper
materials.
ONE of these islands, named BOUKA, was visited by Captain D'Entrecasteaux in 1792.
The natives are black, tall, powerful, and quite naked. The face is rather broad and flat,
the nose projects but little, the mouth is large, and the lips peculiarly thin.
They
pluck all the hair off the body, and only allow that of the head to grow, sometimes
powdering it with red chalk. Red and white paint are freely used on their bodies, and
their ears are pierced and loaded with large shells, which drag them nearly to the
shoulders. Round the waist they wear a cord which passes round the body several
times, and some of them have a custom of binding the upper arm in a similar manner,
placing some flat pieces of wood between the arm and the ligature.
These people are good canoe-men, and, when they man their large war canoes, exhibit
a discipline which is hardly to be expected among savages. Between every two paddlers
on each side stands a warrior armed with bow and arrows, while intermediate parties of
warriors stand with their faces towards the stern, so as to observe the enemy and fight
during a retreat. Two of the crew are told off to bale out the water, which beats
continually over the side of the canoe when the wind blows freshly.
The bow is remarkable for having the string coated with a sort of resinous substance
in order to preserve it, the middle of the cord being skilfully wrapped with bark to guard
it against injury from the knock of the arrow. The arrows are made of two pieces, the
30-44
NEW HEBRIDES.
head being shaped from a hard and heavy wood, and the shaft being a reed. The place
where they are joined is strengthened by a ligature of bark. The butt of the arrow is
wrapped in the same manner to prevent it from being split by the string. They use
these weapons with much skill, and, as was proved by Captain D'Entrecasteaux, are able
to kill birds with them.
The natives were ready to part with their weapons in exchange for red stuff, biscuits,
bottles, and other commodities, but were rather prone to cheat, agreeing to deliver a bow
for a handkerchief, and, when they had got the handkerchief, pretending that the bargain
was not made for a bow but for an arrow, The natives of Bouka Island, naked and
savage as they are, have some sort of civilization among themselves, as is evident from
the fact that they cultivate the cocoa-nut palm, large plantations of which useful tree
extend to the water-side along a great portion of the coast.
FOLLOWING the line of the Solomon Islands in a south-easterly direction, we come
upon another group of islands called the New HEBRIDES, extending for some four hundred
miles, and containing a considerable number of islands of various sizes. They are perhaps
best known from the fact that one of them, called Errumanga, was the place in which the
celebrated missionary, John Williams, met with his death. These islands attained
importance in a secular point of view from the fact that several of them produce sandal-
wood, and therefore attract to them a great number of trading vessels of different
countries, with whom a considerable commerce has been carried on.
The islands are mostly of a volcanic nature, and present the usual variations of such
localities, some parts being rough, craggy, and bare, while others are fertile and prolific to
a degree that can scarcely be conceived by those who have never seen tropical vegetation.
As is often the case with islands of no great size and divided from each other by
moderately wide channels, the tribes which inhabit them differ considerably in their
language and manners, and are in a chronic state of feud with each other. They are just
far enough apart to have but rare and infrequent intercourse with each other, and so
gradually diverge into different customs, and they are not far enough apart to isolate
them, and confer upon them a nationality.
We find this feeling in every one of the innumerable groups of islands which stud
the Pacific, and, as we shall soon see, it prevails even among those groups which preserve
the same language and customs. In fact, among the Polynesians there is that very feeling
of local jealousy which prevails even in civilized countries, and which is, though neces-
sarily more limited, far more rancorous than the feelings of enmity which prevail between
mighty nations.
One of the largest of these islands is VATÉ, sometimes called Sandwich Island. This
latter term should not be used, as it tends to cause confusion between a single island of
the New Hebrides and the great group of the Sandwich Islands, which are inhabited by
a totally different race of men.
To strangers Vaté is very unhealthy, but the causes which produce malaria also pro-
duce a wonderful fertility of vegetation. This island is about seventy miles in circum-
ference, and is remarkable for the thick growth of forests upon its lower limits, and of
verdure upon the higher portions which are not so well fitted for trees. The natives seem
to give some time and trouble to agriculture.
The inhabitants are black of skin, but tall and well-formed, and their dress in many
points reminds the observer of the costume of several African tribes. That of the men
consists of a broad belt or wrapper of matting wrought in patterns coloured with red,
white, and black. The hair is generally gathered up into a bunch at the top of the head,
stained yellow, and adorned with a plume of feathers.
As to ornaments, they are much like those which have already been mentioned as
belonging to the Solomon Islanders. The lobes of the ears are always much distended,
from the habit of wearing in them heavy ornaments cut from white shells, or similar
materials. The septum of the nose is mostly pierced, and the aperture filled with a white
stone. Raised scars are made in the arms and chest, and arranged in definite patterns.
Armlets made of shells are used by these islanders.

A CURIOUS ADORNMENT.
305
The women are equally well made with the men, and the general fashion of the dress
is much the same. They wear, however, a curious addition to the dress, which is
very
much like that of the Ovambo women of Africa. Passing round the waist is a belt some
seven inches wide, made of plaited fibre woven into neat patterns. From this belt
depends in front a square apron of no great size, and behind is attached a broad strip of
the same plaited matting as that
which faces the belt. It descends
half-way down the leg, and is
finished off with a fan-like fringe
of plaited grass, some eighteen
inches long, and of proportionate
width. The women, as well as the
men, practise the custom of making
raised scars on their bodies. They
differ from the men in the mode
of dressing the hair, keeping it
cut closely to the head instead of
allowing it to grow to its full
length and tying it up in a bunch.
The weapons of these islanders
are remarkable for the beauty of
their finish, the barbs of the
arrows being neatly carved, and
the junction of the head and shaft
being neatly ornamented with
plaited grass and feathers. Indeed,
the arrows have a curious re-
semblance to those made by some
of the tribes of tropical America:
Like the Solomon Islanders,
the inhabitants of the New He-
brides have large council-chambers
in their villages. Instead, how-
ever, of being circular, they are
generally made of considerable
length, sometimes measuring as
much as a hundred feet from one
end to the other. They are entirely
open on one side. For some reason
aunti
which seems rather obscure, they
are adorned with bones of various
animals, the particular species
from which they are taken not
MAN AND WOMAN OF VATÉ.
seeming to be of any consequence.
For example, in one of these
houses may be seen bunches of
bones taken indiscriminately from pigs, fowls, and fishes, while the shells of lobsters
and other crustacea are mixed with them. It is believed that human bones are not
used for this purpose.
A CURIOUS contrast to these tribes is presented by the inhabitants of another island
called TANNA, who are certainly inferior to those of Vaté in stature and general appear-
ance, and are thought to be so in point of intellect. They have a bad reputation, being
said to be treacherous and cruel. That they are also reputed to be cannibals is no matter
of wonder, inasmuch as they belong to the Papuan race. They are said to rival the Fans
of Africa in one respect, and to dig up the bodies of the buried dead, in order to eat them.
VOL. II.
AGA

306
NEW HEBRIDES.
The island is volcanic, and the subterranean fires seem to aid the already exuberant
vegetation of the tropics, which in Tanna attains a development that is almost incredible.
The inhabitants of Tanna are as black as those of Vaté, but seem to have no other
points of resemblance. The men appear to think that they are not black enough by
nature, for they have a way of daubing their sable countenances with black lead, and
painting upon the black groundwork sundry patterns in red ochre. The hair is frizzed
out after the ordinary Papuan type, and is dyed a reddish dun colour by means of lime.
.)
As to ERRUMANGA, it has kept up its traditional ferocity, and, not content with
murdering the first missionary who set his feet on their shores, the people many years
afterwards murdered another mis-
sionary and his wife. This second
murder was owing to the priests,
who persuaded the people that an
epidemic which had done much
damage among the natives was
caused by the missionaries from a
strange land. The ignorant people
readily believed this statement, and,
wild with the uncontrolled fury
of the savage, they murdered both
the accused persons. The deed
was scarcely done before the people
repented of it, and only the day
after the murder, when the bodies
were buried, the natives stood
round the grave overwhelmed with
grief, the most sincere mourner
being the chief of the district.
The murder of these people,
unfortunate as it may seem, really
paved the
way
for others to follow
in their footsteps; and, as is gene-
rally the case with persecution,
the cause only gained additional
strength by the attempts made to
repress it by main force.
At one time the inhabitants
were held in such dread that the
natives were not allowed to come
on board the ships, nor were the
Puthier
men permitted to land. A small
trade was carried on in sandal-
YOUNG MAN OF ANDITEUM.
wood, which the natives carried to
the boats by swimming through
the surf, and being necessarily
unarmed, could be allowed to make their bargains without suspicion of treachery.
Although, therefore, the savage nature of the inhabitants has occasionally broken out and
showed itself in bloodshed, the very fact that Europeans have been allowed to reside for
any time on the island shows a great improvement in the character of the natives.
AUCAS
THE northernmost island of the group is ANEITEUM, one of the islands which produce
sandal-wood in great plenty. The natural ferocity and suspicion of the natives have
been overcome by the judicious establishment and introduction of a factory, to which
the sandal-wood is taken by the natives, and from which it is sold to the ships, which
find here a store of this valuable wood always ready for them. The chief market for the

DISCOVERY OF RELICS.
307
wood is found in China, where it is cut into various articles of luxury with the customary
patience which characterises the artists of that country. The success of this factory
shows that the best way of dealing with savages is to treat them precisely as children
are treated, and to employ in all dealings with them an equal mixture of kindness and
firmness, making allowances for the different constitution of their minds and the influence
of savage habits upon their conduct; but at the same time to be firm almost to severity,
and never to permit an encroachment. The safest maxim in dealing with savages is
never to deceive and never to
trust.
THE inhabitants of MALICOLO
differ considerably from those of
the islands which have been men-
tioned. While the natives of Vaté
are tall and finely made, those
of Errumanga scarcely inferior to
them, and those of Tanna stout
and powerful, though compara-
tively short of stature, the in-
habitants of Malicolo are small,
ill-proportioned people, ugly of
face, and disfiguring themselves
by wearing a belt round the waist,
drawn so tight that it gives them
an hour-glass or waspish aspect.
The reader may perhaps be
aware that, in the year 1788, the
vessels Boussole and Astrolabe,com-
manded by the celebrated voyager
La Pérouse, disappeared, and
nothing more was heard of them.
He was last seen at Botany Bay,
where he had arrived from Tonga.
In 1791 an expedition, con-
sisting of two vessels, the Recherche
and the Espérance, was fitted out
under the command of Captain
D'Entrecasteaux, and sent out in
search of the missing vessels. The
expedition failed in its immediate
object, though in the course of the
WOMAN AND CHILD OF VANIKORO.
explorations some valuable dis-
coveries were made.
In 1792 D'Entrecasteaux's vessels got among the New Hebrides, and found them-
selves in the midst of coral reefs and shoals of which they knew nothing, and which
caused no small alarm. In consequence of the danger of these reefs, the captain did not
touch at all the islands which were seen, but contented himself with naming them, and
marking their places on a chart. As it turned out, one of these islands, VANIKORO, or
Recherche Island, as D'Entrecasteaux named it, was the place on which La Pérouse was
wrecked, so that the expedition actually passed within sight of the very spot which was
the object of their voyage. Indeed, D’Entrecasteaux practically completed the voyage
which "La Pérouse began, and his narrative furnishes a necessary supplement to that
of the voyager in search of whom he sailed. It was not until some forty years after-
wards that the relics were discovered which proved beyond a doubt that Vanikoro was
the place in which La Pérouse and his companions perished. Vanikoro is sometimes
called Pitt's Island.
x 2
TONGA
CHAPTER I.
GOVERNMENT AND SCALES OF RANK,
FRIENDLY RELATIONS BETWEEN TONGA AND FIJI-THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION-GENERAL APPEARANCE
OF THE TONGANS-THEIR DRESS- THE GNATOO, AND MODE OF WEARING IT-MAKING THE
GNATOO-BEATING, JOINING, AND PRINTING THE PIECES-THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN GNATOO
AND TAPPA-ORNAMENTS WORN BY THE TONGANS—WHALE'S TEETH, AND THE VALUE SET ON
THEM-FINOW AND THE TEETH-DISTINCTIONS OF RANK-SECULAR AND RELIGIOUS RANK-THE
TOOI-TONGA, HIS ORIGIN AND PRIVILEGES--THE VEACHI-THE HOW, OR KING, OFTEN INFERIOR
IN RANK TO MANY OF HIS CHIEFS--THE EGI, OR NOBLES—THE MATABOOLES, THEIR RANK
AND DUTIES--THE MO0AS, OR GENTRY; AND THE TOOAS, OR COMMON PEOPLE-MATRIMONIAL
ARRANGEMENTS BETWEEN PEOPLE OF DIFFERENT RANKS-TREATMENT OF WOMEN.
OUR readers may remember that, in the account of the Fiji Islands, it was mentioned
that there was one nation which was held by the Fijians as free from their usual custom
of killing and eating all visitors to their coast
. These people are the inhabitants of the
Tongan group, popularly known as the Friendly Islands. Owing to their courage in war
and superior intellect, they have performed towards the Fijians the same part that has
so often been played by more civilized people. On one or two occasions they found
the Fijian chiefs hard pressed by rebellion, took the part of their hosts, crushed the rebel
forces, and restored the chiefs to power.
A remarkable instance of this timely aid occurred as late as 1855. Thakombau, of
whom we have already heard, was in danger of losing his life and throne together
through a rebellion led by a chief named Mara. Fortunately, he had previously given
a magnificent canoe to the Tongan king, who sailed over, according to custom, accom-
panied with a large fleet, in order to receive the royal present with due honour. He
instantly led his forces against the rebels, stormed a fort called Kamba which was held
by them, took it, and utterly dispersed the enemy, Mara himself only escaping by running
over the sharp shells of the reef, thereby nearly cutting his feet to pieces, and swimming
to a neighbouring town on the coast.
After this exploit, the Tongan chief followed up his blow by sailing to the island of
Taviuni, where another rebellion was raging in consequence of the murder of the chief
by his sons. He put an end to this rebellion also, inquired which of the murdered
chief's other sons had the best claim to his father's rank, and installed him formally.
The vanquished rebels, finding that the Tongan leader was too strong for them, tried to
entrap him in an ambuscade, but only succeeded in murdering one of his chiefs. The
Tongans immediately landed on the island, and avenged the death of their friends in a

TONGAN ORGANIZATION.
309
most terrible manner. A large party of Tongan warriors was afterwards left under the
command of a chief named Maafu, a relation of the king, and by means of this force
the rebels were effectually suppressed.
As might be expected, the Tongans took advantage of their situation, and enacted over
again the fable of the deer, the horse, and the man. Some four hundred of them generally
remain in Fiji, and domineer over the natives much like armies of occupation in other
countries. A Tongan warrior has
not the least scruple in going to
a strange village, entering the
house that pleases him best, and
installing himself in the best place
with the simple words: “This
part of the house is mine." He
takes the best of the food, and, if
he builds a canoe, merely acts as
foreman, making the Fijians do all
the hard work. There is nothing
that the Tongans do, however,
which so much incenses the natives
as their careless habit of shaking
the bread-fruit trees in order to
procure the fruit, which ought
always to be gathered by hand.
It is said, and perhaps with
reason, that the Tongans contem-
plate the complete conquest of the
Fijian group; and from their ex-
perience, courage, and discipline,
and the fear which they have con-
trived to instil into the Fijians,
there is little doubt that the
attempt, if it were to be made;
would be a successful one. The
Fijian warrior fights on his own
account, each man separately,
while the Tongans act in unison;
so that the Fijians who have
fought against them compare them
to the gods, against whom it is
useless to struggle.
As may be gathered from these
particulars, the Tongans are a su-
perior race to the Fijian. They
are, indeed, a different people alto-
DAUGHTER OF TONGAN CHIEF.
gether; the Fijians belonging to
the Papuan rate, whereas the
Tongans belong to the Polynesian race, which does not possess the very crisp hair and
rough skin of the Papuans; and, as a rule, is much lighter in skin, the complexions
being often as white as that of many Europeans. They are, on the whole, a singularly
handsome set of people, the beauty not being limited to the men, as is the case with
so many savage tribes, but possessed equally, if not to a superior extent, by the
women.
The dress of both sexes is made of similar materials, but is differently arranged.
The fabric is called in the Tongan language "gnatoo,” and is almost identical with the
Fijian masi. It is made from the bark of the same tree, and is beaten out in very similar
fashion, except perhaps that the Tongan women are more particular than those of Fiji in
AVOAS
310 :
TONGA.
the care and delicacy with which they beat out the bark with their grooved mallets. The
gnatoo varies somewhat in quality according to the island in which it is made, that of
Vavau being considered as the finest.
In putting on the gnatoo, there is nearly as much diversity as in the arrangement of
a Scotch plaid, and the mode in which it is arranged serves to denote difference of rank.
The most fashionable mode, which is practised by the chiefs, is to wrap a portion of it
round the loins in such a manner that the folds allow fair play to the limbs, and then to
pass the remainder round the waist like a broad belt, and tuck the ends under the belt in
front of the body. The portion which forms the belt is so arranged that it can be loosened
at any moment and thrown over the head and shoulder. This is always done when the
wearer is obliged to be abroad in the night time.
The gnatoo of the men measures about eight feet in length, by six in width. Under
the gnatoo is a belt made of the same material.
Women have a larger piece of gnatoo than the men, and arrange it in folds which are
as graceful as those of antique art, and seem as likely to fall off the person. This, how-
ever, is never the case, and, even if the gnatoo were by any accident to slip, the women
wear under it a small mat or petticoat about a foot in depth.
As this gnatoo plays so important a part in the clothing of the Polynesians, its
manufacture will now be described, the account being taken from Mariner's valuable
history of the Tongans :-"A circular incision being made round the tree near the root
with a shell, deep enough to penetrate the bark, the tree is broken off at that point, which
its slenderness readily admits of. When a number of them are thus laid on the ground,
they are left in the sun a couple of days to become partially dry, so that the inner and
outer bark may be stripped off together, without danger of leaving any of the fibres
behind.
"The bark is then soaked in water for a day and a night, and scraped carefully with
shells for the purpose of removing the outer bark or epidermis, which is thrown away.
The inner bark is then rolled up lengthwise, and soaked in water for another day. It
now swells, becomes tougher, and more capable of being beaten out into a fine texture.
“Being thus far prepared, the operation of too-too, or beating, commences.
of the work is performed by means of a mallet a foot long and two inches thick, in the
form of a parallelopipedon, two opposite sides being grooved horizontally to the depth
and breadth of about a line, with intervals of a quarter of an inch.
“The bark, which is from two to three feet long, and one to three inches broad, is
then laid on a beam of wood about six feet long and nine inches in breadth and thickness,
which is supported about an inch from the ground by pieces of wood at each end, so as to
allow of a certain degree of vibration. Two or three women generally sit at the same
beam ; each places her bark transversely upon the beam immediately before her, and
while she beats with her right hand, with her left she moves it slowly to and fro, so
that every part becomes beaten alike. The grooved side of the mallet is used first, and
the smooth side afterwards.
They generally beat alternately, and early in the morning, when the air is calm and
still, the beating of gnatoo in all the plantations has a very pleasing effect. Some sounds
being near at hand, and others almost lost by the distance, some a little more acute, and
others more grave,-and all with remarkable regularity, produce a remarkable effect that
is very agreeable, and not a little heightened by the singing of the birds and the cheerful
influence of the scene. When one hand is fatigued, the mallet is dexterously transferred
to the other, without occasioning the smallest sensible delay.
“In the course of about half an hour, it is brought to a sufficient degree of thinness,
being so much spread laterally as to be now nearly square when unfolded; for it must be
observed that they double it several times during the
process, by which means it spreads
more equally and is prevented from breaking. The bark thus prepared is called fetagi,
and is mostly put aside till they have a sufficient quantity to go on at a future time with
the second part of the operation, which is called cocanga, or printing with coca.
“When this is to be done, a number employ themselves in gathering the berries of the
toe, the pulp of which serves for paste (but the mucilaginous substance of the mahoá root
This part
MANUFACTURE OF GNATOO.
311
is sometimes substituted for it); at the same time others are busy scraping off the soft
bark of the coca-tree and the tooi-tooi-tree, either of which, when wrung out without
water, yields a reddish-brown juice, to be used as a dye.
“The stamp is made of the dried leaves of the páoongo sewed together so as to be of
a sufficient size, and afterwards embroidered, according to various devices, with the wiry
fibre of the cocoa-nut husk. Making these stamps is another employment of the
women, and mostly women of rank. They are generally about two feet long, and a foot
and a half broad. They are tied on to the convex side of half cylinders of wood, usually
about six or eight feet long, to admit two or three similar operations to go on at the same
time.
The stamp being thus fixed, with the embroidered side uppermost, a piece of the
prepared bark is laid on it, and smeared over with a folded piece of gnatoo dipped in one
of the reddish-brown liquids before mentioned, so that the whole surface of the prepared
bark becomes stained, but particularly those parts raised by the design in the stamp.
Another piece of gnatoo is now laid upon it, but not quite so broad, which adheres by
virtue of the mucilaginous quality in the dye, and this in like manner is smeared over;
then a third in the same way.
“The substance is now three layers in thickness. Others are then added to increase
it in length and breadth by pasting the edges of these over the first, but not so as there
shall be in any place more than three folds, which is easily managed, as the margin of
one layer falls short of the margin of the one under it.
“During the whole process each layer is stamped separately, so that the pattern may
be said to exist in the very substance of the gnatoo; and when one portion is thus
printed to the size of the stamp, the material being moved farther on, the next portion,
either in length or breadth, becomes stamped, the pattern beginning close to the spot
where the other ended. Thus they go on printing and enlarging it to about six feet in
breadth, and generally about forty or fifty yards in length. It is then carefully folded up
and baked under ground, which causes the dye to become rather dark, and more firmly
fixed in the fibre; beside which it deprives it of a peculiar smoky smell which belongs to
“ When it has been thus exposed to heat for a few hours, it is spread out on a grass-
plat, or on the sand of the seashore, and the finishing operation of toogi-hea commences,
i.e. staining it in certain places with the juice of the hea, which constitutes a brilliant red
varnish. This is done in straight lines along those places where the edges of the printed
portions join each other, and serves to conceal the little irregularities there ; also in sundry
other places, in the form of round spots, about an inch and a quarter in diameter. After
this the gnatoo is exposed one night to the dew, and the next day, being dried in the sun,
it is packed up in bales to be used when required. When gnatoo is not printed or
stained, it is called tappa."
Various ornaments are worn by both sexes among the Tongans, among which may be
enumerated a kind of creeper, with flowers at intervals along the stem. This is passed
round the neck or the waist, and has a singularly graceful and becoming appearance. The
most valued ornament is, however, that which is made of the ivory of the whale's teeth,
so cut as to resemble in miniature the tooth itself. They are of different sizes, varying
from one inch to four inches in length, and strung together by a cord passing through a
hole bored in their thick ends.
These teeth are even more valued in Tonga than in Fiji, and a common man would
not dare to have one in his possession, knowing well that he would assuredly lose his life
on the very first occasion that offered the slightest opportunity of an accusation. Once
Finow, the King of Tonga, was told of a whale which had been stranded on a little island
inhabited only by a man and his wife. When Finow reached the place he found that the
teeth had been removed, and ordered the man and woman into custody on the charge of
stealing them. Both denied that they had more than two teeth, which they gave up,
whereupon the man was immediately killed with a club, and the woman threatened with
a similar fate. Under fear of this threat she produced two more teeth which she had
hidden, but, refusing to acknowledge that she knew of any others, met with the same
the coca.

312
TONGA.
fate as her husband. Many years afterwards the missing teeth were discovered, the
woman having buried them in the ground. This anecdote shows the value in which
whales' teeth are held, the king taking the trouble to go in person to claim them, and the
woman allowing herself to be killed rather than part with her treasures.
A good idea of the appearance of a Tongan woman of rank may be obtained from the
accompanying illustration, which represents the interior of a chier's house, and part of his
family.
Strasse
FDE1F7FBA
INTERIOR OF A TONGAN HOUSE.
In the foreground is one of the odd wooden pillows which are so much in vogue
throughout Polynesia; while one of the most conspicuous objects is a roll of narrow
matting, which is used for the purpose of surrounding men and women of high rank as
they sit on the floor. Within it is seated the chief's wife, in the graceful attitude adopted
by the Tongans, exhibiting the simple and really elegant folds of the gnatoo dress. The
reader will observe the apparent looseness with which the dress is put on, the folds lying
so loosely that they seem ready to slip every moment. They are, however, perfectly tight,
and there is not the least danger of their slipping.
Within doors the children never wear any clothing until they are two years old; but
when they go out, their parents always wrap round them a piece of gnatoo or tappa. The
natives are exceedingly fastidious about their dress, criticising every fold with minute
care, and spending a considerable time in arranging them. Even when bathing, they
always array themselves in a slight dress made for such occasions, going aside for the
purpose of exchanging the usual gnatoo for an apron of leaves or matting. So disrespectful
is utter nudity reckoned among the Tongans, that if a man be obliged to undress near the
spot where a chief is buried, the leaf apron is worn while the dress is changed.
We now come to the various divisions of rank in Tonga, and the mode of government.
Ranks may be divided into two distinct orders, namely, the religious and the civil. We
must take them in this order, because among the Tongans religious takes the precedence
of civil rank.
GRADATIONS OF RANK.
313
By far the greatest man in point of rank is the TOOI-TONGA. This word literally
signifies Chief of Tonga, and is given because the man who bears it is the greatest man in
Tonga, which is the chief of the whole group of islands. The word does not represent a
name, but à rank, the family name being Fatagehi, and the rank passes downwards by
legitimate descent. So great a man is the Tooi-tonga, that in his presence no man may
stand, but is obliged to sit down in the attitude of respect. Even the king is not exempt
from this law; and if he should happen to meet the Tooi-tonga, he would have to squat
down humbly until the great man had passed by.
The Tooi-tonga stands alone in many particulars, and, according to our ideas, he has
plenty of dignity, but very little comfort, leading a life somewhat like that of the spiritual
Emperor of Japan. He has certainly one advantage over his fellows : he does not undergo
the operation of tattooing, because there is no one of sufficiently high rank to draw the
blood of so sacred a personage. He is married after a manner peculiar to himself, is
buried in a peculiar manner, and is mourned in a peculiar manner. He is so sacred, that
in speaking of him another language is used, many phrases being reserved expressly for
the Tooi-tonga. These are probably relics of an ancient and nearly lost language, as is
the case with the incantations of the New Zealand priests.
The reason for this extraordinary veneration is, that the Tooi-tonga is supposed to be
a direct descendant of a chief god who was accustomed to visit the islands; but whether
his female ancestor was a goddess or' a native of earth is an open question with the
Tongans. In spite of all the veneration which is shown to him, the Tooi-tonga has very
little real power, and in this respect is far surpassed by the king, and equalled by many
of the nobles.
There is another chief, the VEACHI, who is also supposed to have a divine origin, and
is therefore held in higher veneration than any of the chiefs, but is inferior to the Tooi-
tonga. It is true that in his presence the king has to sit on the ground in the attitude of
humility, and that he is considered a being next in rank to the great Tooi-tonga himself;
but the other marks of veneration, such as a separate language, and different modes of
marriage, burial, and mourning, are not paid to him; and in power he is equalled by
many of the chiefs.
Next in rank, but at a very great distance, come the priests. These men receive their
name from their capability of being inspired by certain gods, and, except when actually
inspired, have no special rank, and are paid no honour except such as may belong to them
as private individuals. Mariner remarks that he never knew a case in which a priest was
a chief
. The king occasionally becomes inspired, because there is one god who cannot
speak except by the royal mouth ; but the king is not, in consequence, considered as a
priest. Neither are the Tooi-tonga and Veachi considered as priests, nor is there any
connexion between them and the priesthood.
Should, in an assembly, a priest become inspired, he is immediately held in the
highest veneration as long as the inspiration lasts, because a god is supposed to be speaking
through his lips. If, on such an occasion, the king should be present, he immediately
leaves his place, and sits humbly among the spectators. Even the great Tooi-tonga hinn-
self acts in the same manner, and, though the descendant of a god, he retires before the
actual presence of a divinity.
So much for the spiritual rank, and we now pass to the temporal rank.
The highest man in a secular point of view is the How, or king, who is the most
powerful of all the chiefs, and yet may be in point of rank inferior to the poorest of his
nobles, or EGIS. Rank is measured in Tonga by relationship to the Tooi-tonga or Veachi,
the relatives of the former being held superior to those of the latter. The consequence is,
that the king may meet a poor man who has scarcely any power, and yet who is so high
in rank above the king that the latter must sit down till his superior has passed. Should
he not do so, or should he by any accident touch anything that belonged to his superior,
the tapu would assume its sway, and he would not be permitted to feed himself with his
own hands until he had gone to his superior, and saluted him by touching his feet.
In consequence of these customs, the king avoids associating with nobles who are
his superior in rank, and they in their turn keep out of his way as far as possible, so as
314
TONGA.
not to humiliate him by making him sit while they stood. Originally, the king was a
descendant of the Tooi-tonga, and thus was equally high in spiritual and temporal rank.
But when the throne was usurped by other families, the king still retained the temporal
power, though he yielded in spiritual rank to others.
Next to the king come the EGIS, or nobles. These are all relations of the Tooi-tonga,
the Veachi, or the king, kinship to the king being held as conferring rank because he
holds the reins of power. Rank descends in Tonga, as in other Polynesian islands,
through the female line, so that all the children of an Egi woman possess the rank of
Egi, no matter who may be the father.
After the nobles come the MATABOOLES, or councillors, who are the companions and
advisers of the chiefs, and take their rank from that of the chief to whom they are
attached. They are always the heads of families, and are mostly men of mature age and
experience, so that their advice is highly valued. The eldest son of a Mataboole is carefully
trained to take his father's place when he dies, and is thoroughly versed in all the rites
and ceremonies, the administration of laws, and the many points of etiquette about which
the Tongans are so fastidious. He also learns all the traditionary records of his people,
and by the time that he is thirty years old or so is perfectly acquainted with his profes-
sion. But until his father dies he has no rank, and is merely one of the ordinary gentry,
who will now be described.
Last of all those who possess any rank are the gentry, or MOOAS. All the sons of
Matabooles are Mooas, and act as assistants of the Matabooles, aiding on great ceremonies
in managing the dances, distributing food, and so forth. Like their superiors, they attach
themselves to the service of some chief, and. derive their relative consequence from his
rank. - As a rule, the Mooas all profess some art, such as canoe-building, ivory-carving,
and superintending funeral rites, in which three occupations the Matabooles also take
part. They also preside over the makers of stone coffins, the makers of nets, the
fishermen, and the architects, and all these employments are hereditary.
Just as the children and brothers of Matabooles take the next lowest rank, that of
Mooa, so do those of Mooas take the next lowest rank, and are considered as Toons, or
plebeians. In this case, however, the eldest son of a Mooa assumes the rank of his father
after his death, and is therefore more respected than his brothers, who are regarded like
younger sons among ourselves. The Tooas do all the menial work, and act as cooks,
barbers, tattooers, club-carvers, and so forth. The two latter occupations, however, as
requiring artistic skill, are also practised by Mooas.
It will be seen from this brief sketch how elaborate, and yet how intelligible, is this
system of the Tongans, even when complicated with the double grades of spiritual and
temporal rank. This respect for rank is carried even into the privacy of home. If, for
example, an Egi woman marries a Mataboole, or a Mooa, she retains her original rank,
which is shared by all her children, so that both she and her children are superior to the
husband and father. He, on his part, has to play a double rôle. He is master in his
own house, and his wife submits to him as implicitly as if he were of the same rank as
herself. Yet he acknowledges the superior rank both of his wife and children, and, before
he even ventures to feed himself with his own hands, he goes through the ceremony of
touching the feet of his wife or either of his children, in order to free himself from
the tapu.
When the case is reversed, and a man of high rank marries a woman of an inferior
station, she does not rise to the rank of her husband, but retains her original station,
which is inherited by her children, who, together with herself, have to touch the feet of
the husband whenever they eat. They imagine that if they did not do so a terrible
sickness would consume them. When Mariner lived among the Tongans, he did not
trouble himself about the tapu, much to the horror of the natives, who expected that the
offended gods would wreak their vengeance on him. Finding that he suffered no harm,
they accounted for the phenomenon by the fact that he was a white man, and in consequence
had nothing to do with the gods of the Tongans.
In consequence of the strictness of this system, Finow, who was king when Mariner
lived among the Tongan islands, used to feel annoyed if even a child of superior rank were
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS.
315
brought near him, and used angrily to order it to be taken away. Such conduct, however
would not be thought right unless both parties were nearly equal in rank; and if, for
example, the Tooi-tonga's child had been brought near the king, he would at once have
done homage after the customary fashion.
Some very curious modifications of this custom prevail throughout Tongan society.
For example, any one may choose a foster-mother, even though his own mother be alive,
and he may choose her from any rank. Generally her rank is inferior to that of her
adopted son, but even this connexion between them does not earn for her any particular
respect. She would be much more honoured as an attendant of a young chief than as his
foster-mother.
So elaborate and yet simple a system implies a degree of refinement which we could
hardly expect among savages. In consonance with this refinement is the treatment of
women, who are by no means oppresssed and hard-worked slaves, as is the case with
most savage nations. Consequently the women possess a gentle freedom of demeanour
and grace of form which are never found among those people where women are merely
the drudges of the men. So long ago as 1777, Captain Cook noticed that the women
were much more delicately-formed than the men, that they were beautifully proportioned,
and that the hands were so small and soft that they would compare favourably with the
finest examples in Europe. Hard and constant labour, such as is usually the lot of savage
women, deteriorates the form greatly, as indeed we can see among ourselves, by comparing
together a high-bred lady and a field labourer. The two hardly seem to belong to the
same race, or scarcely to the same sex.
The Tongau women certainly do work, but they are not condemned to do it all, the
men taking the hard labour on themselves, and leaving the women the lighter tasks, such
as beating gnatoo, plaiting baskets, making crockery, and the like. At the great dances,
the women are not only allowed to be present, but assist in them, taking as important a
share as the men, and infusing into the dance a really cultivated grace which would not
exist without them.
The light-coloured hue of the skin, which has already been mentioned, is much more
common among the women than the men, for the reason that the better class of women
take more care of themselves than the men; and, though all classes live for the most part
in the open air, the wives and daughters of powerful and wealthy men are careful not to
expose themselves to the sun more than is absolutely necessary, so that many of them,
instead of being brown, are of a clear olive tint, the effect of which is singularly beautiful
when contrasted with their dark clustering hair
, their gnatoo garments, and the leaves
and flowers with which they adorn themselves, changing them several times daily.
Altogether, a Tongan chief looks, and is, a gentleman, and his wife a lady.
CHAPTER II.
WAR AND CEREMONIES.
NATURAL MILDNESS OF THE TONGANS --BOASTING DISCOURAGED WAR APPARENTLY LEARNED FROM
THE FIJIANS—-FINOW's SPEECH
TO HIS ,
SOLDIERS, AND A NEW DISCIPLINE--FATE OF THE
VANQUISHED-THE DROWNED CHIEFS-CEREMONIES -KAVA-DRINKING—STRICT CODE OF ETI-
QUETTE- PREPARATION OF THE KAVA-À GRACEFUL PERFORMANCE-DISTRIBUTION OF THE
KAVA--POINTS OF CEREMONY- & TONGAN PLANTATION- SETTING THE YAMS—CEREMONY OF
INACHI -THE POLE-BEARERS AND THEIR BURDEN-THE YAM PILLARS-LIFTING THE PIGS-
DISTRIBUTION OF PROVISIONS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE CEREMONY-—TOW-TOW, AND ITS OBJECT
-PRESENTATION OF THE OFFERING—A GRAND SCRAMBLE--BOXING AND WRESTLING MATCHES-
GOOD-HUMOURED COMBATANTS-FIGHTS WITH CLUBS—THE SAMOAN AND TONGAN RULES.
By nature the Tongans are gentle and kind-hearted, and present a most curious mixture
of mildness and courage. To judge by many traits of character, they might be stigmatized
as effeminate, while by others they are shown to possess real courage, not merely the
dashing and boastful bravery which is, when analysed, merely bravado, and which is only
maintained by the hope of gaining applause. The Tongan never boasts of his own courage,
nor applauds that of another. When he has performed a deed of arms which would set
a Fijian boasting for the rest of his life, he retires quietly into the background and says
nothing about it. His king or chief may acknowledge it if they like, but he will be silent
on the subject, and never refer to it.
For the same reason, he will not openly applaud a deed of arms done by one of his
fellows. He will regard the man with great respect, and show by his demeanour the
honour in which he holds him, but he will not speak openly on the subject. Mariner
relates an instance in which a young warrior named Hali Api Api, who seems to have
been the very model of a gentleman, performed a notable deed of arms, equally remark-
able for courage and high-minded generosity. During a council, the king called him out,
and publicly thanked him for his conduct
. The man blushed deeply, as if ashamed at this
public recognition of his services, saluted the king, and retired to his place without saying
à word. Neither did he afterwards refer either to his exploit or to the public recognition
of it.
One warrior actually declared that he would go up to a loaded cannon and throw his
spear into it. He fulfilled his promise to the letter. He ran up within ten or twelve
yards of the gun, and, as the match was applied, threw himself on the ground, so that the
shot passed over him. He then sprang up, and, in spite of the enemy's weapons, hurled
his spear at the cannon, and struck it in the muzzle. Having performed this feat, he
quietly retired, and was never heard to refer to so distinguished an act of courage, though
he was greatly respected for it by his countrymen.
We need not wonder that such men should establish a moral influence over the
boastful but not warlike Fijians, and that the small colony established in the Fiji group
should virtually be its masters. Two hundred years ago, the Tongan appears to have
MURDER OF PRISONERS.
317
.
been ignorant of weapons and warfare, and to have borrowed his first knowledge of both
from Fiji
. Consequently, the Tongan weapons are practically those of Fiji, modified
somewhat according to the taste of the makers, but evidently derived from the same
source. Captain Cook, who visited the islands in 1777, remarks that the few clubs and
spears which he saw among the Tongans were of Fiji manufacture, or at least made after
the Fiji pattern. Yet, by a sort of poetical justice, the Tongan has turned
the Fijian's weapons against himself, and, by his superior intellect and
adventurous courage, has overcome the ferocious people of whom he was
formerly in dread.
Since the introduction of fire-arms, the superiority of the Tongans has
made itself even more manifest, the Fijians having no idea of fighting
against men who did not run away when fired at, but rushed on in spite
of the weapons opposed to them.
It is possible that the Tongans may have learned this mode of fighting
from Mariner and his companions. When the king Finow was about to
make war upon a neighbouring island, he assembled the warriors and
made them an address, telling them that the system of warfare which
had been previously employed was a false one. He told them no longer
to advance or retreat according as they met with success or repulse, but to
press forward at all risks; and, even if a man saw the point of a spear at
his breast, he was not to flinch like a coward, but to press forward, and
at risk of his own life to kill his foe. He also instructed them in the art
of receiving the onset of the enemy with calmness, instead of indulging
in cries and gesticulations, telling them to seat themselves on the ground
as the enemy approached, as if perfectly unconcerned, and not to stir until
ordered, even if they threw spears or shot arrows. But as soon as they got
the word to advance they were to leap to their feet, and charge without
regard to consequences. The reader may remember that this is exactly
the strategy which was employed in Africa by the great Kaffir chief
Tchaka.
It may easily be imagined how such a course of conduct would
disconcert their opponents, and the Fijians in particular, with whom
boasting and challenging took the place of valour. Emboldened by the
apparent weakness of the enemy, they would come on in great glee,
expecting to make an easy conquest, and then, just when they raised the
shout of victory, they found themselves suddenly attacked with a disci-
plined fury which they had never been accustomed to meet, and were
consequently dispersed and almost annihilated before they could well
realize their position.
Though tolerably mild towards their captives, the Tongans sometimes
display an unexpected ferocity. On one occasion, some of Finow's
men surprised and captured four of the enemy, whom they imagined to
belong to a party who had annoyed them greatly by hanging on their
track and cutting off the stragglers.
At first they wished to take the prisoners home and make an example
of them, but the chief of the party suggested that they would have all the
trouble of guarding them, and proposed to decapitate them, and take
their heads home. One of them objected to the proposal on the ground
that they had no knives, but another man, fertile in expedients, picked up some oyster-
shells that were lying about, and suggested that they would answer the purpose.
It was in vain that the victims protested their innocence, and begged that at least
they might be clubbed before their heads were cut off. The conquerors coolly took off
their dresses to prevent them being stained with blood, and deliberately sawed off the
heads of the captives with their oyster-shells ; beginning at the back of the neck, and
working their way gradually round. The reason for this course of action seemed to be
twofold—first, that they thought they might spoil the heads by the club; and secondly,
SARI !
CLUB.
318
TONGA,
that as the heads must be cut off at all events, clubbing the captives beforehand was
taking needless trouble.
Indeed, the character of the Tongan presents a curious mixture of mildness and
cruelty, the latter being probably as much due to thoughtlessness as to ferocity. Once
when eighteen rebels had been captured, Finow ordered them to be drowned. This
punishment is inflicted by taking the prisoners out to sea, bound hand and foot, and
towing some worthless canoes. When they are far enough from land, the culprits are
transferred to the canoes, which are then scuttled, and left to sink. Care is taken that
the holes made in the canoes are small, so that they shall be as long as possible in sinking.
On that occasion, twelve of the prisoners begged to be clubbed instead of drowned,
and their request was granted. The young men divided the prisoners among themselves,
being anxious to take a lesson in clubbing a human being, which would serve them when
they came to make use of the club against an enemy. The twelve were, accordingly,
dispatched with the club, but the others, being tried warriors, scorned to ask a
favour, and were drowned. The leading chief among them employed the short time
which was left him in uttering maledictions against Finow and his chiefs, and even when
the water came up to his mouth, he threw back his head for the purpose of uttering
another curse.
We will now pass to a more pleasant subject, namely, the various ceremonies in which
the Tongan delights. Chief among these is the drinking of kava, which forms an im-
portant part of every public religious rite, and is often practised in private. Kava-drinking
is known throughout the greater part of Polynesia ; but as the best and fullest account of
it has been obtained from Mariner's residence in Tonga, a description of it has been
reserved for the present occasion. It must first be premised that the kava is made from
the root of a tree belonging to the pepper tribe, and known by the name of Piper methys-
ticum, i.e. the intoxicating pepper-tree. Disgusting as the preparation of the kava may
be to Europeans, it is held in such high estimation by the Polynesians that it is never
made or drunk without a complicated ceremony, which is the same whether the party be
a large or a small one.
The people being assembled, the man of highest rank takes his place under the eaves
of the house, sitting with his back to the house and his face towards the marly, or open
space in front, and having a Mataboole on either side of him. Next to these Matabooles,
who undertake the arrangement of the festival, sit the nobles or chiefs of highest rank,
and next to them the lower chiefs, and so forth. They are not, however, very particular
about the precise order in which they sit, distinctions of rank being marked by the order
in which they are served.
This is the business of the presiding Matabooles, and as the distinctions of rank are
most tenaciously observed, it is evident that the duties of a Mataboole are of a most difficult
nature, and can only be learned by long and constant practice. If the men sat according
to their rank, nothing would be easier than the task of serving them in order. But it
often happens that a man of high rank happens to come late, and, as he is too polite to
disturb those of lower rank who have already taken their places, he sits below them,
knowing that his rank will be recognised at the proper time.
It mostly happens, however, that when one of the presiding Matabooles sees a man
occupying a place much below that to which his rank entitles him, he makes some one
exchange places with him, or even turns out altogether a man who is seated in a high
place, and puts the chief into it.
The people thus gradually extend themselves into a ring, sometimes single, but often
several ranks deep when the party is a large one, every one of the members being a man
of some recognised rank. Behind those who form the bottom of the ring opposite the
presiding chief, sit the general public, who may be several thousand in number. It is a
remarkable fact, illustrating the rigid code of etiquette which prevails among the Tongans,
that no one can sit in the inner ring if a superior relative be also in it; and, no matter
how high may be his rank, he must leave his place, and sit in the outer circle, if his father
or any superior relative enters the inner ring.
MAKING THE KAVA.
319
This ring, which constitutes the essential kava party, is formed mostly of the sons of
chiefs and Matabooles, and it often happens that their fathers, even if they be chiefs of
the highest rank, will sit in the outer ring, rather than disturb its arrangements. Even
the son of the king often adopts this plan, and assists in preparing the kava like any of
the other young men.
Exactly opposite to the king is placed the kava-bowl, and behind it sits the man who
is to prepare the drink. On either side of him sits an assistant, one of whom carries a
fan wherewith to drive away the flies, and another takes charge of the water, which is
kept in cocoa-nut shells. The rank of the preparer is of no consequence. Sometimes he
is a Mooa or gentleman, and sometimes a mere cook ; but, whoever he may be, he is known
to be able to perform his difficult task with sufficient strength and elegance.
All being ready, one of the presiding Matabooles sends for the kava root, which is then
scraped quite clean and cut up into small pieces. These are handed to the young men or
even to the young women present, who masticate the root, contriving in some ingenious
way to keep it quite dry during the process. It is then wrapped in a leaf, and passed to
the preparer, who places it in the bowl, carefully lining the interior with the balls of
chewed root, so that the exact quantity can be seen.
When all the kava has been chewed and deposited, the preparer tilts the bowl towards
the presiding chief, who consults with his Matabooles, and if he thinks there is not enough,
orders the bowl to be covered over, and sends for more kava, which is treated as before.
Should he be satisfied, the preparer kneads all the kava together, and the Mataboole then
calls for water, which is poured into the bowl until he orders the man to stop. Next
comes the order to put in the fow. This is a bundle of very narrow strips of bark of a
tree belonging to the genus hibiscus, and it has been compared to the willow shavings
that are used in England to decorate fire-places in the summer-time. The assistant takes
a quantity of this material, and lays it on the water, spreading it carefully, so that it lies
equally on the surface of the liquid. Now begins the important part of the proceeding
which tests the powers of the preparer.
“In the first place, he extends his left hand to the farther side of the bowl, with his
fingers pointing downwards and the palm towards himself; he sinks that hand carefully
down the side of the bowl, carrying with it the edge of the fow; at the same time his
right hand is performing a similar operation at the side next to him, the fingers pointing
downwards and the palm presenting outwards. He does this slowly from side to side,
gradually descending deeper and deeper till his fingers meet each other at the bottom, so
that nearly the whole of the fibres of the root are by these means enclosed in the fow,
forming as it were a roll of above two feet in length lying along the bottom from side to
side, the edges of the fow meeting each other underneath.
“ He now carefully rolls it over, so that the edges overlapping each other, or rather
interiningling, come uppermost. He next doubles in the two ends and rolls it carefully
over again, endeavouring to reduce it to a narrower and firmer compass. He now brings
it cautiously out of the fluid, taking firm hold of it by the two ends, one in each hand (the
back of his hands being upwards), and raising it breast high with his arms considerably
extended, he brings his right hand towards his breast, moving it gradually onwards; and
whilst his left hand is coming round towards his right shoulder, his right hand partially
twisting the fow, lays the end which it holds upon the left elbow, so that the fow lies thus
extended upon that arm, one end being still grasped by the left hand.
“The right hand being at liberty is brought under the left fore-arm (which still
remains in the same situation), and carried outwardly towards the left elbow, that it may
again seize in that situation the end of the fow. The right hand then describes a bold
curve outwardly from the chest, whilst the left comes across the chest, describing a curve
nearer to him and in the opposite direction, till at length the left hand is extended from
him and the right hand approaches to the left shoulder, gradually twisting the fow by the
turn and flexures principally of that wrist : this double motion is then retraced, but in
such a way (the left wrist now principally acting) that the fow, instead of being un-
twisted, is still more twisted, and is at length again placed on the left arm, while he takes
a new and less constrained hold,

320
TONGA
0737.
THE KAVA PARTY.
“Thus the hands and arms perform a variety of curves of the most graceful de-
scription: the muscles both of the arms and chest are seen rising as they are called
into action, displaying what would be a fine and uncommon subject of study for the
DRINKING THE KAVA.
321
painter : for no combinations of animal action can develop the swell and play of the
muscles with more grace and better effect.
“ The degree of strength which he exerts when there is a large quantity is very great,
and the dexterity with which he accomplishes the whole never fails to excite the attention
and admiration of all present. Every tongue is mute, and every eye is upon him, watching
each motion of his arms as they describe the various curvilinear lines essential to the
success of the operation. Sometimes the fibres of the fow are heard to crack with the.
increasing tension, yet the mass is seen whole and entire, becoming more thin as it
becomes more twisted, while the infusion drains from it in a regularly decreasing quantity
till at length it denies a single drop.”
The illustration on the preceding page represents this portion of the ceremony. On the
right hand is seen the presiding chief seated under the eaves of the house, with a Mataboole
on either side of him, and just beyond him extends a portion of the inner ring. In
front of the chief sits the performer, who is wringing out the kava, and is just about to
change the grasp of his right hand, according to Mariner's description. On either side sit
his assistants, both of whom are engaged in fanning away the flies.
Near them lie the cocoa-nut shells from which the water has been poured. Beyond
the inner ring are seen the outer rings and the general population, who have come to
witness the ceremony and get their chance of a stray cup of kava or some food.
When the fow ceases to give out any more fluid, a second and third are used in the
same manner, so that not a particle of the root remains in the liquid. Should more fow
or water be wanted, an order is given, and twenty or thirty men rush off for it, going
and returning at full speed, as if running for their lives; and anything else that may
be wanted is fetched in the same manner.
While the operator is going through his task, those who are in the outer circle and
cannot properly see him occupy themselves in making cups from which the kava can
be drunk. These cups are made of the unexpanded leaves of the banana tree, cut up into
squares of about nine inches across. The cups are made in a most ingenious manner by
plaiting up the two ends and tying them with a fibre drawn from the stem of the leaf.
The Mataboole then orders provisions to be served out, which is done in an orderly manner.
To the general assembly this is the most interesting part of the ceremony, for they have
but little chance of getting any kava, and it is very likely that they will have a share of
food, as the regular kava drinkers never eat more than a morsel or two at these
entertainments.
The operator having done his part, now comes the test of the Mataboole’s efficiency.
The kava is to be distributed in precisely the proper order, a slip in this respect being
sure to give deep offence. Should a visitor of rank be present, he gets the first cup,
the presiding Mataboole the second, and the presiding chief the third. If, however,
the kava be given by one of the guests, the donor always has the first cup, unless
there should be a visitor of superior rank to himself, in which case the donor is ignored
altogether, only having the kava according to his rank. No person is allowed to have two
cups from the same bowl, but after all the inner circle and their relatives are served, the
remainder is given out to the people as far as it will go, and a second bowl is prepared.
It will be seen that, if the preparer be a man of low rank, he stands a chance of never
tasting the liquid which he has so skilfully prepared.
The second bowl is prepared in precisely the same way as the first, except that the
second presiding Mataboole gives the orders; and, if a third or fourth bowl be ordered,
they take the direction alternately. When the second bowl is prepared, the cups are
filled and handed round in exactly the same order as before, so that those of high rank
get three or four cups, and those of lower rank only one, or perhaps none at all.
It is a point of etiquette that no chief ever visits the kava party of an inferior chief,
as in that case the latter would be obliged to retire from the presidency and sit in the outer
ring. When the Tooi-tonga presides, no one presumes to sit within six feet of him; and
if perchance an inspired priest be present, he takes the presidency, and the greatest chief,
or even the king himself-is obliged to retire into the outer ring on such occasions. A
VOL. 'II.
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322
TONGA.
priest always presides at religious ceremonies, and the kava party is held in front of the
temple dedicated to the particular god which they are about to consult. But in some
cases a god has no priest, and in those cases he is supposed to preside in person, though
invisibly, the president's place being left vacant for him.
The reader will see from the foregoing account that kava is a luxury practically confined
to the higher classes. The great chiefs and Matabooles drink it every day, either as presi-
dents or members of the inner ring. Those of lower rank obtain it occasionally ; while the
Tooas seldom taste this luxury, except by taking the kava after it has been wrung by the
operator, and preparing it afresh.
As the reader will see, it is impossible to separate the secular and religious life of the
Tongans. They are inextricably woven together, and therefore must be described together.
There are a vast number of ceremonies in which these two elements are united, one or
USUWAGMA NUCKI
Z
TONGAN PLANTATION.
two of which will be described, by way of sample of the rest. The first is the festival of
Ináchi, a feast of firstfruits, a ceremony which in principle is found throughout the whole
earth, though the details necessarily differ. In the present case, the offering is made to
the Tooi-tonga, as being at once the descendant and representative of the gods.
About the latter end of July the ordinary yams are planted in the ground; but those
which are intended for the feast of Ináchi are of a different kind, coming to maturity
earlier, and are planted about a month sooner. In the accompanying illustration we
may see how the yams are set in the ground, and may get a good idea of a Tongan
plantation
In the centre of the foreground is the chief to whom the plantation belongs, accom-
THE FEAST OF INACHI.
323
panied by his little boy. As is usual with men of rank in Tonga, he bears in his hand a
short, many-barbed spear, which may either be used as a walking-staff or as a weapon.
The former is its normal use, but the chiefs sometimes find the advantage of having with
them a serviceable weapon. The point of the spear is frequently armed with the barbed
tail-bone of the sting-ray. When Finow captured by craft the rebel chief whose death
by drowning has already been described, his chief difficulty was the bone-tipped spear
which the chief always carried with him, and of which he was temporarily deprived by
a stratagem.
One of his labourers is talking to him, having in his hand the hoe with which he has
been making holes in the ground for the reception of the yams. Behind him are more
labourers, employed in cutting the yams in pieces, and planting them in the holes. Just
beyond the yam plantation is a piece of ground stocked with sugar-canes; and beyond
the sugar-canes is the house of the chief, known by the superiority of its architecture.
The house is built near the sea-shore, and close to the beach a canoe is seen hauled up on
its support.
The greater part of the illustration is occupied with the ingenious spiked fence within
which the storehouses and dwellings for the Tooas, or peasants, are placed. As may be
seen, it has no doors, but at intervals the fence is only half the usual height and without
spikes, and is crossed by means of stiles, two of which are given in the illustration, one to
show the exterior and the other the interior of the fence. Close to the further stile is a
young tree, surrounded with a fencing to the height of several feet, in order to guard it,
while growing, from the attacks of pigs and children.
The open shed is one of the peasants' houses, under which are seated a number of
women, employed in making mats; while some children are playing and fowls feeding by
them. Towards the further end of the enclosure is shown one of the storehouses.
As soon as the yams are ripe, the king sends a message to the Tooi-tonga, asking him
to fix a day for the ceremony, which is generally settled to be on the tenth day after the
request is made, so that time may be given for notice to be sent to all the islands. The
day before the ceremony of Ináchi, the yams are dug up and ornamented with scarlet
streamers made of the inner membrane of the pandanus leaf. These are in long and
narrow strips, and are woven spirally over the yams, first in one direction and then the
other, so as to produce a neat chequered pattern, and having the ends hanging loose.
All through the night is heard the sound of the conch shell, and until midnight the
men and women answer each other in a song, the men singing, “ Rest, doing no work,”
and the women responding, “ Thou shalt not work.” About midnight the song ceases ;
but it is resumed at daybreak, and continues until about eight A.M., accompanied with
plenty of conch-blowing. The prohibition of work is so imperative, that the people are
not even allowed to leave their houses, except for the purpose of assisting in the
ceremony.
At eight A.M. the ceremony of Ináchi really begins, the people crowding from different
parts of the Tooi-tonga's island towards the capital town, and canoes approaching in all
directions from other islands. All are in their very best, with new clothes and ribbons ;
while the men carry their most beautiful spears and clubs. Each party carries the yams
in baskets, which are taken to the marly, or large central space of the village, and there
laid down with great ceremony. In the marly are ready laid a number of poles, eight or
nine feet in length, and four inches in diameter, and upon them the men sling the yams,
only one yam being hung to the middle of each pole.
Meanwhile the great chiefs and Matabooles have gone to the grave of the last Tooi-
tonga, should it happen to be on the island, or, should he have been buried on another
island, the grave of any of his family answers the purpose. They sit there in a semicircle
before the grave, their heads bowed and their hands clasped, waiting for the procession,
which presently arrives.
First come two boys blowing conch shells, and advancing with a slow and solemn
step; and behind them come a vast number of men with the yarns. Each pole is carried
by two men, one at each end, and, as they walk, they sink at every step, as if overcome
with the weight of their burden. This is to signify that the yams are of such a size that
Y 2

324
TONGA.
the bearers can hardly carry them, and is a sort of symbolized thanksgiving to the gods
for so fine a prospect of harvest.
As the men come to the grave, they lay the poles and yams on it, and seat themselves
in order before the grave, so that they form a line between the chiefs and the yams.
This part of the ceremony is shown in the accompanying illustration. In the fore-
ground are seated the chiefs and Matabooles, with their clubs and
spears, while the
proces-
sion of pole-bearers is seen winding along from the far distance. Two of them have
already laid their yams and poles before the grave, and have seated themselves between
the grave and the circle of chiefs, while others are just depositing their burdens on the
same sacred spot. Standing by them are the two boys who headed the procession, still
blowing busily at their conch-shell trumpets. In the distance, and on the left hand of
the illustration, may be seen the people seated in numbers on the ground.
CEREMONY OF INÁCHI.
One of the Tooi-tonga's Matabooles then sits between the pole-bearers and the grave
and makes an oration, in which he gives thanks to the gods for their bounty, and asks
for a continuance of it to their offspring, the Tooi-tonga. He then retires to his former
place, the men take up their poles, and after marching several times round the grave, they
return to the marly and again deposit their loads, this time untying the yams from the
poles, but leaving the coloured streamers upon them.
Here the whole of the people seat themselves in a large circle, at which the Tooi-
tonga presides, even the king himself retiring, and sitting in the back ranks. Next
the remainder of the offerings are brought forward, consisting of mats, gnatoo, dried
fish, and various kinds of food. These are divided by one of the Tooi-tonga's Mata-
booles into four equal parts. One of these goes to the gods, and is at once taken
THE FUNERAL FEAST.
325
away by the servants of the different priests, and the remainder is shared by the Tooi-
tonga and the king, the latter, although of inferior rank, getting the larger portion, because
he has four times as many dependents to feed.
The proceedings are wound up with the kava-drinking which always accompanies
such ceremonies. While the infusion is being prepared, the presiding Mataboole makes a
speech to the people, explaining the rite that has just been concluded, and advising them
to pay due honour to the gods and their representative the Tooi-tonga.
WHEN this great potentate dies, there is a most extravagant feast, which often reduces
the people to a state of semi-starvation for a long time, and sometimes threatens an
actual famine. In such a case, the tapu is laid upon hoys, cocoa-nuts, and fowls for
seven or eight months, or even longer, during which time none but the great chiefs are
allowed to touch them. Two or three plantations are always exempted, so that there may
be a supply for the great chiefs and for the various religious ceremonies. At the
expiration of the stated period, if the crops look well, and the pigs and fowls have
increased in due proportion, the tapu is taken off with very great ceremony.
One of these ceremonies was seen by Mariner at the Hapai Islands, and a very
strange rite it turned out to be. It was held on two marlies, one belonging to the Tooi-
tonga and the other to the king. As if to compensate for the limited diet of the previous
month, food was piled in abundance. On the Tooi-tonga's marly were erected four
square hollow pillars, about four feet in diameter, and made of four poles connected with
matting. These were about fifty or sixty feet in height, and each of them was crowned
with a baked hog.
The king's marly, which was about a quarter of a mile from the other, was equally
well supplied with food, only in this case the yams were placed in wooden cars or sledges,
and nearly four hundred half-baked hogs were laid on the ground. The king having
arrived, and the signal given for beginning the proceedings, the young chiefs and warriors
tried successively to lift the largest hog, and at last, when all had failed, it was lifted by
two men and taken to the other marly. In the meantime the trial was going on with
the second hog, which, being also found too heavy for one man, was carried away by two
in like manner, and so on with the third, fourth, &c., the largest being carried away first,
and the least last.
“The second, third, fourth, &c., afforded more sport than the others, as being a nearer
counterbalance with a man's strength. Sometimes he had got it nearly upon his shoulder,
when his greasy burden slipped through his arms, and, in his endeavour to save it,
brought him down after it. It is an honour to attempt these things, and even the king
sometimes puts his hand to it.'
The next part of the proceedings was the carrying twenty of the largest hogs to the
late Tooi-tonga's grave, and leaving them there, while the rest, together with the other
provisions, were shared among the chiefs, who in their turn distributed them to their
followers, until every man in the island gets a piece of pork and yam. The four great
columns of yams were given, one to the king, another to the Tooi-tonga, the third to the
Veacchi and one or two of the very great chiefs, and the fourth to the gods. The
Tooi-tonga also took the cars of yams as a matter of tacit though unacknowledged right.
Kava-drinking, dancing, and wrestling concluded the ceremony; and as soon as the circle
broke up, the tapu was considered as annulled.
The twenty large hogs which were laid on the grave were left there for several days;
but as soon as they showed signs of putridity, they were cut up, and divided among all
who chose to apply for a share of the meat. By rights they belonged to the chiefs, but
as they were able to procure fresh pork for themselves, they preferred to forego their
right, and divide the tainted meat anong the people.
The ceremony of Mo'ee-mo'ee, or taking off the tapu contracted by touching a chief,
has already been mentioned. The tapu is even contracted by eating in the presence of a
superior relation; but there is a conventional way of getting rid of this tapu by simply
turning the back upon the superior, who is then considered as not being ceremonially in
the presence of the inferior. Should a man think that he may have contracted the tapu
>
326
TONGA.
unwittingly, he will not dare to feed himself until he has gone to some chief, whose foot
he takes and presses it against his stomach. This rite is called the Fota, or pressing.
Any chief can take away the the tapu contracted by touching an equal or inferior, but has
no power over that of a superior. Consequently, no one but himself can take away the
Tooi-tonga's tapu; and this proved so inconvenient that whenever the potentate went
from his house, he left behind him a consecrated bowl as his representative, and this was
held to be equally powerful in removing the tapu. The Veacchi adopted a similar plan.
It is a remarkable fact that kava is exempt from all tapu, so that if even the Tooi-tonga
has touched a piece of kava-root, the lowest cook may chew it.
THERE is a ceremony which in principle somewhat resembles that of Ináchi, though
it is conducted after a very different manner. Just as the Ináchi is an offering to the
gods in general through the Tooi-tonga, so is this ceremony, which is called the Tow-tow,
a special thanksgiving to Alo-Alo, the god of weather. It is begun in the early part of
November, when the yams are ripe, and is continued for some three months, at intervals
of eight or ten days.
All the islands of Tonga are divided into three distinct portions, namely, the northern
division, or Hahagi, the southern division, or Hihifo, and the middle division, or Mooa.
Each of these divisions has orders to prepare a certain amount of food, such as yams,
cocoa-nuts, and the like, and to bring them to the marly. The correct mode of doing so
is to bring them on sticks, so that each stick has upon it seven or eight yams, or a bunch
of plantains, or a quantity of bananas. If sugar-canes form part of the offering, they are
tied in bundles of three or four in each : and all the offerings, no matter what they may
be, are piled up in three great heaps, one being erected by the people of each district.
This being done, and a few preliminary matches of boxing and wrestling played, after
about three hours a small procession appears, composed of eight or ten men sent by
the priest of Alo-Alo, and accompanied by a young girl about eight or nine years old,
who represents the god's wife. She is always the daughter of a chief, and generally of
one of the highest chiefs, and, during the eighty days of the ceremony, she resides at the
temple of Alo-Alo. She has nothing particular to do, except presiding at one or two
feasts and kava-parties.
The men are all dressed in mats, and have green leaves tied round their necks. This
is the dress of humility and sorrow, and is employed in times of mourning for the dead
and supplication for mercy.
When they have arrived, they seat themselves in a line, having in front of them a
great drum, which is kept for this special purpose. They then offer their prayers to Alo-
Alo, begging for propitious weather and good crops, and after these prayers are concluded
two of the piles of provisions are carried off by the chiefs, and the third is set aside for the
gods. Suddenly the great drum is beaten, on which a general dash is made at the pile of
food, every one scrambling for the provisions, and getting as much as he can. There is
not the least order in the scramble, and the scene is a most exciting one, the yams being
torn from the sticks, and the sticks smashed to pieces, while the sugar-canes are broken
up into fragments. Thus the gods are fed vicariously,
The women keep prudently out of the way during this struggle, and stand aside to
watch the chief and concluding ceremony. This is nothing more than a general fight.
The inhabitants of the island arrange themselves in two divisions, one half fighting
against the other. All engage in this battle, the highest chiefs as well as the lowest
cooks taking part in it. There is no respect of persons, the king, or even the Tooi-tonga
himself, being assaulted without compunction, and handled as roughly as any of the
common people.
Severe as is the fighting, it is all conducted with the greatest good humour, and no
one displays a sign of ill-temper at the injury which he receives. If a man is knocked
down, he gets up with a smile; if his arm is broken, he retires from the battle and has it
set, but he never thinks of complaining. The same system is observed in the boxing and
wrestling matches of which the Tongans are so fond.
In wrestling matches, for example, it is not thought polite for any one man to
THE TOW-TOW.
327
challenge another; he ought to give a general challenge, by striking with the right hand the
bent elbow of the opposite arm. If the challenge be accepted, the antagonists meet very
leisurely, and take care to fasten tightly the gnatoo belt that surrounds the waist. They
grasp the belt with a hand on each side, and endeavour to throw their antagonist by
lifting him from the ground and flinging him on his back. The vanquished man rises
and retires to his place among the spectators without showing any displeasure. Only in
one case did Mariner know a man display ill-feeling at being beaten, and in that instance
the man, although a chief, was looked upon as an ill-bred fellow.
The victor seats himself on the ground for a few seconds, and then retires to his place,
his friends belonging to his own side singing, or rather chanting, a song of victory. After a
short time he again rises and offers another challenge, and if it be accepted by several
antagonists, he may select one from them. If they find that they are equally matched,
they leave off by mutual consent; and sometimes, if a man encounters a chief much
superior to him, he will generally yield out of respect to the other's rank. This only
takes place in single combat, not in the general fight of the Tow-tow festival.
Boxing is conducted on similar principles of fair play. The challenger proceeds into
the middle of the ring, holding one arm stretched out in front and the other behind, and
advances sideways, changing sides at every step. When the challenge is accepted, both
combatants wrap a piece of cord round their hands and proceed to blows, which are given
with great force and rapidity. When one is vanquished, he retires with apparent
unconcern to the ring, and sits to watch the combats of others, knowing that to be
vanquished is not considered a disgrace. When the victor returns to his people, they
welcome him, but do not sing the chant of victory unless he has knocked his antagonist
down. Falling is on these occasions considered as equivalent to being killed in real
battle, and, in consequence, the song of victory is not sung unless the antagonist has
fallen to the ground.
If a man be beaten in wrestling, he may not wrestle a second time in the same day,
though he may box, and vice versa.
In the ceremony of Tow-tow, these scrambling, boxing, and wrestling matches are
carried on every tenth day, and are repeated eight times, so as to make up the eighty
days of the festival. After each battle, those who have touched a superior chief come to
be relieved of the tapu which they have contracted by touching him. Even the Tooi-
tonga, whose nose has been flattened, his teeth knocked out, and his face pounded to a
jelly by a mere peasant, over whom he has supreme command of life and death, performs
the needful ceremony with perfect good-humour.
The illustration on page 328 represents the concluding scene of this ceremony. In
the foreground are seen the two contending parties, one of which is beginning to get the
victory over the other. In the centre of the illustration, and on the left, are the fragments.
of the food-piles, with a few men still scrambling for them, and in the distance the women
are seated under the trees, watching the progress of the fight.
Fighting is not confined to the men, but is practised also by the women, who on this
occasion lay aside the ordinary gentleness and mildness for which they are remarkable.
When Captain Cook visited Tonga, he was much surprised to see the girls step into the
ring and box with as much spirit and determination as had been shown by the men.
They do not, however, carry the combat to such extremes, and if one of them does not
speedily yield, the combatants are parted by the elder women. Even the merest children
box after a similar fashion, the little girls knocking each other about with hearty good-
will as long as they are allowed to fight.
On one occasion, Finow ordered that all the women who were seated as spectators
should engage in a general fight, after the manner of the men. They seemed nothing
loth, and all the women who lived on the north of the island fought against those who
lived on the south side. Nearly fifteen hundred women engaged on each side, and fought
with the greatest courage for more than an hour, both parties contending with such
determination that neither could gain a foot of ground; and at last Finow ordered them
to desist, seeing that several ankles had been sprained and limbs broken.
Beside boxing and wrestling matches, the Tongans have club-fights on great occasions.

328
TONGA.
As with the other matches, the combatants are divided into two parties, one being seated
opposite to the other, with a considerable space of ground between them.
When all is ready, a man jumps up, runs to the people of the opposite side, and sits
down in front of them, asking if any of them will fight him. As in the boxing and
wrestling matches, to challenge a particular opponent is bad manners. If the challenge
be accepted, the combatants walk to the middle of the ring, each attended by his second,
11
THE TOW-TOW.
and then settle whether they shall fight after the Tongan or Samoan manner. The former
mode does not allow a man to strike an antagonist after he is knocked down, but only to
flourish his club over him in token of victory. By the latter mode he is allowed to beat
the fallen man as long as he shows signs of life.
When the fight is over, the men on the side of the victor chant their song of triumph,
and the conqueror advances to the king, sits down before him in token of respect, and
then rises and returns to his own party. On one of these occasions, the young prince
fought no less than fourteen battles, and was victorious in every one of them.
CHAPTER III.
SICKNESS-BURIAL-GAMES.
SACRIFICE OF THE FINGER, AND MODE OF OPERATING--SACRIFICE OF CHILDREN-CONSULTING THE
GODS-MODES OF INSPIRATION-SACRIFICE OF WIVES-FINOW'S GOOD SENSE-SUPPOSED CAUSES
OF DEATH-FINOW'S FUNERAL-CUTTING THE HEAD-OPENING AND CLOSING THE VAULT
DRESSING THE GRAVE--APPOINTMENT OF A SUCCESSOR-CONCLUDING CEREMONIES-IDEAS OF
RELIGION-VARIOUS SPORTS AND GAMESRAT-SHOOTING AND BIRD-CATCHING-FINOW AND THE
DECOY-BIRD-BALL-PLAY-A DANGEROUS STAKE, AND HONOURABLE PAYMENT_THE LOVER's
CAVE, AND A NATIVE LEGEND,
As might be expected, various ceremonies take place with regard to sickness and burial
.
If any one is ill, the inferior relations cut off a joint of the little finger as an offering
to the gods. Sometimes a whole joint is taken off at once, but those who have many
superior relations remove only a portion, so that they may be able to offer the sacrifice
several times. In consequence of this superstition, there is scarcely a person in Tonga
who has not lost a considerable portion of the little finger of one or both hands.
The mode of amputating the finger is simple enough. It is laid upon a flat block of
wood, and the edge of a knife or axe, or even a sharp stone, placed on it. A smart blow
is given with a mallet, and the stump, which bleeds but little in consequence of the nature
of the operation, is held over the smoke of fresh grass, so as to check any after bleeding.
No application is made to it, and in a week or two it heals without trouble. The Tongans
do not seem to fear this operation, and even little children may be seen quarrelling with
each other for the honour of having it performed upon them.
Should the illness take an unfavourable turn, instead of a mere finger, a child is
offered to the gods by being strangled. For example, when Finow fell ill of the malady
from which he died, and was apparently sinking, his eldest son took a young child of the
king's from its mother's lap, strangled it, and offered it to the gods at various consecrated
houses. The people look with the greatest compassion on the poor little victim, but
think that it is right to sacrifice a little child who at present is useless to the community,
and may not live to be of service, so that they may obtain in exchange the life of a chief
who is needed by his people.
Such a sacrifice is sometimes made on other occasions, when the anger of some god
is to be averted. In Tonga there are several sacred places, in which to spill blood is a
sacrilege, so that they serve the purpose of cities of refuge. Once a chief named Palavali
was pursuing some men, who ran for refuge to the nearest sacred spot. One of them was
just getting over the fence, when Palavali, in the heat of the moment, struck him on the
head, so that he fell dead within the enclosure. As soon as he had done the deed he was
filled with fear, and reported what he had done to Finow, who consulted a priest. The
priest, becoming inspired, said that a child must be sacrificed to the gods, and the chiefs,
after holding a consultation, agreed that they should sacrifice a child of one of their own
number by a female attendant. Such children are always selected, for two reasons; firstly,
330
TONGA
because the child of a chief is held to be a worthy sacrifice, and secondly, because, as its
mother is of inferior rank, it could never live to be a chief.
The mother, knowing the custom, took alarm, and hid the child, but it was at last
found by the men who were sent to search for it. The rest must be told in Mariner's
words. "Its poor mother wanted to follow, but was held back by those about her.
hearing its mother's voice it began to cry, but when it arrived at the fatal place of
execution, it was pleased and delighted with the band of gnatoo that was put round its
neck, and, looking up in the face of the man who was about to destroy it, displayed in
its beautiful countenance a smile of ineffable pleasure.
“Such a sight inspired pity in the heart of every one; but adoration and fear of the
gods was a sentiment superior to any other, and its destroyer could not help exclaiming,
as he put on the fatal bandage, O yaooé chi vale !' (Poor little innocent !) Two men
then tightened the cord by pulling at each end, and the guiltless and unsuspecting
victim was soon relieved of its painful struggles. The body was then placed upon a
sort of hand-barrow, supported upon the shoulders of four men, and carried in a pro-
cession of priests, chiefs, and Matabooles clothed in mats, with wreaths of green leaves
round their necks.
“In this manner it was conveyed to various houses consecrated to different gods, before
each of which it was placed on the ground, all the company sitting behind it, except one
priest, who sat beside it, and prayed aloud to the god that he would be pleased to accept
of this sacrifice as an atonement for the heinous sacrilege committed, and that punish-
ment might accordingly be withheld from the people. After this was done before all
the consecrated houses in the fortress, the body was given up to its relations, to be buried
in the usual manner.”
This particular case had a strange termination. Four or five days after the sacrifice,
Palavali went on a foraging excursion at the head of a body of men who were not
tried soldiers, and met with a smaller body of real warriors. In a very short time
Palavali's men began to run, and it was in vain that he tried to rally them. At last, in
boldly facing the enemy to set his men an example, he received four spears in his body,
and fell. This sight angered his men so much that they charged the enemy, drove them
back, and rescued their dying chief. They were proceeding to draw out the spears, but
he told them that it would be useless, as the gods had doomed him for his sacrilege, and
he must die. His prognostication was correct, for he died half an hour after the battle.
When a priest is consulted on any subject-say, on the sickness of any one—a
carefully regulated ceremony is performed.
On the previous night a hog is killed and prepared, and taken to the place where the
priest lives, together with plantains, yams, and kava-root. Next day they all go to the
patient's house, and there seat themselves in order, the priest taking his place just
within the eaves, if the appointed spot be a house. Opposite to the priest is the kava-
bowl, and around him sit the Matabooles as usual; but on this occasion the chiefs
always mix with the people, or even sit behind them, thinking that such retiring and
humble behaviour is pleasing to the gods.
From the moment that all are seated, the god is supposed to take possession of the
priest, who sits silently with his hands clasped in front of him, his head bowed, and his
eyes bent on the ground. The kava being prepared, the required questions are put to him.
Sometimes he answers them at once, but very often he remains in silence until all the
provisions are eaten and the kava drunk. When he does speak, it is in a low, constrained
voice, generally above its natural pitch, the words being supposed to be the utterances of
the god through him without his volition. In some cases he is quite calm and quiet while
delivering his answers, but at others his face becomes inflamed, his eyes seem ready to
start from their sockets, tears pour from his eyes, and his words issue in broken sobs
This paroxysm lasts for some time, and then gradually subsides. As it is passing
away, he takes up a club which is placed near him for the purpose, gazes at it atten-
tively, and then looks round, apparently without seeing the object at which he looks-
“his eyes are open, but their sense is shut.” Suddenly he raises the club, and dashes it
and gasps.

CONSULTING A PRIEST.
331
violently on the ground, at which instant the god is supposed to leave his votary, who
immediately rises and leaves the place of honour, retiring to the back of the ring among
the people. The man of highest rank present then takes the place of honour, and more
kava is served.
When a priest is consulted on behalf of a sick person, the inspiration retains its hold
as long as the patient is in his presence, and in some cases the inspiration lasts for
several days. If one priest cannot find a cure, the patient is taken to another, and so on,
until he either recovers or dies.
The accompanying illustration represents a consultation of the priest respecting a
sick child. In the foreground are the provisions and the presents brought to the priest,
M
CONSULTING A PRIEST.
and in the centre is the kava-bowl. On the right is the priest, seated in a state of
inspiration, with crossed hands and bowed head, listening to the questions which are
being put by the Mataboole. The mother of the child is seen with the infant in her
arms, and around are members of her family, all wearing coarse mats instead of fine
gnatoo, and having around their necks the leaves which denote humility.
Other persons beside chiefs become inspired, generally by the spirits of those whom
they had known in life. The eldest son of Finow, who afterwards succeeded to the
throne, used to be inspired by a great chief who had been murdered by his father and
another chief. Mariner asked him what were his feelings on such occasions, and he
replied that he felt restless and uncomfortable, and all over in a glow of heat, and that his
mind did not seem to be his own. When asked how he knew the name of the spirit who
332
TONGA.
then visited him, he answered that he could not tell—he knew it intuitively, but could
give no explanation.
While Mariner was in the Tonga Islands, a young chief, remarkable for his beauty,
became inspired to such a degree that he fainted, and was taken to the house of a priest,
who told him that the spirit was that of a young woman who had died two years before,
and was now in Bolotoo, the Tonga heaven. She inspired him because she wished for
him as a husband in Bolotoo, and would soon take him there. The young chief acknow-
ledged the truth of the exposition, saying that for several nights he had been visited in
his sleep by a young woman, and had suspected that she was the person who inspired
him. Two days after he was taken ill and died. Mariner was present when the priest
gave his explanation of the illness.
Shortly before Mariner was at the Tonga Islands, a still graver form of human sacrifice
was practised than that of a child.
When the Tooi-tonga died, his chief widow was strangled on the day of the funeral,
and buried in the same grave with him, just as is the case in Fiji, whence, in all pro-
bability, the Tongans borrowed the practice. Comparatively short as was Mariner's stay,
two Tooi-tongas died; but in neither case was this terrible rite observed. In the one case
there happened to be no chief wife, all his wives being so equal in rank that neither of
them ruled the household; and, in consequence, a selection of a victim became impossible.
In the second case the chief wife was the daughter of Finow, who said openly, that if
the husband were to die first, his daughter should not be strangled, for that to destroy a
young and beautiful woman because her husband had died was inflicting a double loss
upon the community. As it happened, the Tooi-tonga did not die until after the elder
Finow was dead and had been succeeded by his son, who not only carried out his father's
wishes on that subject, but would not allow another Tooi-tonga to succeed; thus abolishing
the source of the only rank that was superior to him.
The Tooi-tonga being abolished, it necessarily follows that the ceremony of Ináchi was
abolished too, and but for the fact of Mariner's enforced residence in Tonga, this curious
and interesting ceremony would have passed away without being known to European
civilization.
Mariner was present at the wedding of Finow's daughter to the Tooi-tonga, and
describes it with some minuteness. It much resembled a Fijian wedding, except in the
costume of the bride, who was first copiously anointed with cocoa-nut oil scented with
sandal-wood, and then arrayed in a vast number of the finest Samoan mats, which were
wrapped round her in such quantities that her arms were stuck out almost horizontally
from her body, and her legs were so much trammelled that she could not sit down, but
had to rest in a bent attitude upon her attendants.
She was eighteen at the time. Had it not been for the good sense of Finow, Mariner
would have seen within a very short time her wedding, her murder, and her burial. The
technical name for the ceremony of strangling is Nawgía.
We now come naturally to the subject of funerals, and will take as a typical example
the funeral of the elder Finow.
Almost immediately after the death and burial of his favourite daughter, a child about
seven years of age, Finow fell ill, his malady having been increased by the exertions
which he made during the long ceremony of the funeral. It was on this occasion that he
ordered the women to box in general combat. On the evening of that day Finow retired
to a small house that had just been built for him, and was seized with a violent illness,
which almost deprived him of the power of speech, though not of intellect. He
evidently knew that his end was at hand, and continually muttered “My country! my
country !” evidently feeling that calamities might come on his land if he were suddenly
taken away.
A child was offered on behalf of him, which had already been selected, but, by the time
that the sacrificing party had come back to the house where the king lay, he had lost
both his speech and his consciousness, and in a few minutes the great and wise Finow
had departed this life. When his death was ascertained, a curious ceremony was per-
formed. The body was carried to the Tooi-tonga's house, and placed on the hole in which
FUNERAL OF FINOW.
:333
sorrow.
the cooks were accustomed to light their fires. This was a symbolical expression of
humility and submission to the gods, the cooking-place being so degraded a spot that
only the lowest Tooas would condescend to touch it.
Not only the king himself, but all those in his confidence, fully believed that his
death was caused by a god named Toobo Totai, to whom he had prayed in vain for his
daughter's recovery. In revenge for the negligence of the god, Finow had made arrange-
ments for killing his priest, and had been heard to say that if Toobo Totai did not change
his conduct, and exert himself a little more, his priest should not live long. Finow's
sudden death put a stop to this project, which was only known to one or two of his
immediate friends. It is not unlikely that the threatened priest may have heard of his
intended assassination, and saved himself by getting a dose of poison administered to Finow
at the funeral banquet.
Finow was right in his prognostications of trouble, for no sooner was his death known
than a number of the principal chiefs of different islands began to assemble their forces,
with the intention of seizing on the throne. His successor, however, inherited his father's
wisdom, and took such precautions that the attempt of the conspirators was quietly
foiled.
After the royal corpse was brought back from the Tooi-tonga's dwelling, it was laid
on bales of gnatoo in the large conical house, which was nearly filled with women, who
kept up a continual lamentation, led by his daughter, a beautiful girl of fifteen. Even by
night the lamentations went on, the house being lighted up with lamps made of cocoa-
nut shells half filled with cocoa-nut oil, which is only used on such occasions; and on the
following morning the people assembled on the marly to take part in the obsequies of
their late king, whom they both loved and feared. Indeed, among savage nations, there
is no love towards a chief who is not thoroughly feared.
By this time the faces of the principal mourners are scarcely recognisable, being swollen
and disfigured by the repeated blows which they had inflicted on themselves as signs of
The chiefs and Matabooles who were especially attached to the person or house-
hold of the deceased king proceeded to inflict even severer injuries upon themselves,
using the club, or shell, or a sharp stone; and running two or three at a time into the
open space, while they cut their heads with the clubs and shells so that the blood poured
down their bodies in streams as they did so, they uttered a sort of dirge, some specimens
of which have been given by Mariner. The following is his translation of the death-chant
and accompanying proceedings.
‘Finow, I know well your mind; you have departed to Bolotoo, and left your people,
under suspicion that I or some of those about you are unfaithful ; but where is the proof
of infidelity? where is a single instance of disrespect?' Then inflicting violent blows
and deep cuts in the head with a club, stone, or knife, would again exclaim at intervals,
* Is not this a proof of my fidelity ? does this not evince loyalty and attachment to the
memory of the departed warrior ?'
Then perhaps two or three would run on and
endeavour to seize the same club, saying with a furious tone of voice,' Behold, the land is
torn with strife, it is smitten to pieces, it is split by revolts; how my blood boils ; let us
haste and die!. I no longer wish to live : your death, Finow, shall be mine. . But why
did I wish hitherto to live? it was for you alone ; it was in your service and defence only
that I wish to breathe ; but now, alas ! the country is ruined. Peace and happiness are
at an end; your death has insured ours: henceforth war and destruction alone can
prosper.
These speeches were accompanied with a wild and frantic agitation of the body,
whilst the parties cut and bruised their heads every two or three words with the knife or
club they held in their hands. Others, somewhat more calm and moderate in their grief,
would parade up and down with rather a wild and agitated step, spinning and whirling
the club about, striking themselves with the edge of it two or three times violently upon
the top or back of the head, and then suddenly stopping and looking stedfastly at the
instrument spattered with blood, exclaim, 'Alas! my club, who could have said that you
would have done this kind office for me, and have enabled me thus to evince a testimony
of my respect for Finow? Never, no never, can you again tear open the brains of his
334
TONGA.
enemies. Alas ! what a great and mighty warrior_has fallen! Oh, Finow, cease
to suspect my loyalty; be convinced of my fidelity! But what absurdity am I talking !
if I had appeared treacherous in thy sight, I should have met the fate of those numerous
warriors who have fallen victims to your just revenge. But do not think, Finow, that I
reproach you ; no, I wish only to convince you of my innocence, for who that has
thoughts of harming his chiefs shall grow white-headed like me (an expression used by
some of the old men)? O cruel gods, to deprive us of our father, of our only hope, for
whom alone we wished to live. We have indeed other chiefs, but they are only chiefs
in rank, and not like you, alas! great and mighty in war.'”
Such were their sentiments and conduct on this mournful occasion. Some, more
violent than others, cut their heads to the skull with such strong and frequent blows,
that they caused themselves to reel, producing afterwards a temporary loss of reason. It
is difficult to say to what length this extravagance would have been carried, particularly
by one old man, if the prince had not ordered Mr. Mariner to go up and take away the
club from him, as well as two others that were engaged at the same time. It is customary
on such occasions, when a man takes a club from another, to use it himself in the same
way about his own head; but Mr. Mariner, being a foreigner, was not expected to do
this: he therefore went up, and, after some hesitation and struggle, secured the clubs one
after another, and returned with them to his seat, when, after a while, they were taken by
others, who used them in like manner.
The next proceeding was to place the body of the dead king in the grave, which was
at some distance from the place where those wild laments had been made. Having
arrived at the spot, a small house was speedily put together, the body was laid in it, and
the whole house was covered with coarse black gnatoo, the sign of mourning, which
passed over the top of the house, and hung from the eaves to the ground, so as entirely to
conceal it.
Here another set of lamentations took place, while a number of men were employed
in opening the grave. All great families bury their dead, not merely in the ground, but
in a solid vault, about eight feet long by six wide, and eight deep. It is made of six
enormous stones, the upper one, which forms the cover, being necessarily larger than the
others. For the convenience of raising it when required, the upper stone does not fit
quite closely upon the lower, some smaller stones being placed between them at one end.
After digging some ten feet deep, the men came to the vault, and, having cleared away
the earth, they passed a rope under the end of the stone cover, and by the united force of
nearly two hundred men raised it on end. Several bodies were already in the grave.
Two of them, which had been buried for full forty years, were dried and nearly perfect;
while others, which had not been buried nearly so long, were reduced to a few bones. In
some cases the vault is lined with the gnatoo on which the body rested, while in others it
becomes the property of the presiding Mataboole.
All being ready, the body of Finow was handed down into the vault, still lying on
the gnatoo, and the body of his daughter, at whose funeral he was seized with illness, was
buried by his side. The stone was then let down with a great shout, and the head-
cutting and maiming began afresh. The next ceremony was that of collecting sand for
the decoration of the grave.
The whole company formed themselves in single line, the women going first, and pro-
ceeded to the back of the island, singing loudly to warn stragglers of their presence. For
any one not actually engaged in a funeral to be seen on the road is held as so great an
insult that any ordinary man would lose his life. Even if the king himself saw a similar
procession advancing, he would hide himself until it had passed. Remaining on his feet,
though it might not actually cost him his life, would probably be so bitterly remembered
that he might lose his throne. As soon as the funeral party arrived at the place where
the sand was found, they all set to work at making baskets out of leaves, which they
suspended from sticks and carried on their shoulders. By the time that they reached the
grave, it was nearly filled up with earth, and the remainder was filled with sand, which
was carefully and neatly smoothed.
Next came a very curious custom, that of burning the cheeks. The mourners, clothed

THE NEW NAME.
335
in mats and green leaves, set fire to little rolls of bark, and pressed them against each cheek-
bone, so as to raise a circular blister. This is then rubbed with the juice of an astringent
berry, which causes the wound to bleed, and the blood is smeared over the cheeks. The
friction is repeated daily for twenty days, so that an indelible scar is the natural result.
The day after the burial a ceremony took place by which the young prince was installed
in his father's place, and invested with his father's name. Finow was the name of the
reigning family; but, according to custom, no one but the actual king was allowed to
bear it. Sometimes, as a mark of especial favour, he allowed it to be borne by a relation,
but always in conjunction with some other name. The name by which the young prince
had previously been called was Moegnagnongo.
THE CHALLENGE OVER THE GRAVE.
The ceremony was begun by a kava-party, at which the young prince presided. The
two first cups having been filled and drunk, the third was due to the president. The
Mataboole who directed the proceedings said, while all eyes were fixed on the prince,
“Give it to Finow," thus acknowledging him as the king of Tonga. The young king
displayed not the least emotion on being called by the new name, as that would have
been thought beneath his dignity, but took the cup as quietly as if he had been called by
the name of Finow all his life.
Rites similar to those which have been described went on for nineteen days, and on
the twentieth the concluding ceremony was performed. All the relations of the deceased
king, together with those who had taken part in the funeral, went to the back of the
island, and procured a great quantity of flat pebbles, mostly white, but having a few black
among them. These they carried to the grave, and strewed completely over the grave in
336
TONGA.
the form of an oval, each pebble being laid by the side of the other. The black pebbles
were laid upon the white ones.
Dances, wrestling matches, and head-cutting then took place, in which latter rite the
fishermen of the late king distinguished themselves in a very curious manner. Into each
cheek they thrust three arrows, the points of which passed into the mouth. The shafts of
the arrows were brought over the shoulders, and to each pair was tied another arrow
across the shoulders, so as to make a triangle. Equipped in this extraordinary manner,
they walked round the grave, and, not satisfied with this proof of their devotion to their
late master, they cut their heads with their paddles, and pinched up the skin of their
breasts, thrusting a spear through the fold. A grand wrestling match ended this com-
plicated series of ceremonies.
At the burial of one great chief, who was assassinated while walking with the king
(apparently with his connivance), a very curious variation of the ceremony took place.
As soon as the body had been lowered into the vault, one of the assassins, a man of
exceptional strength and stature, advanced towards the grave, and, brandishing his club,
avowed himself as the murderer, and challenged any friend of the deceased chief to
fight him. (See cut on preceding page.)
The challenge was not accepted, and, although one of the wives of the murdered man
did her best to arouse the family to vengeance, she could only succeed in inducing them
to erect a strong fortress, in which they hoped to bid defiance to Finow. The king, how-
ever, was too wise to allow such a standing menace to remain, started off with four
thousand warriors, and reduced the disaffected chiefs to obedience. In storming the fort,
the challenging chief distinguished himself by his deeds of arms. Though wounded in
the breast with a five-barbed spear, he broke off the shaft, scaled alone the enemy's
fortress, knocked out a man's brains with his club, and made good his escape. As he
retreated, however, he received another spear in his back, and died on the following day.
It is remarkable that in this battle nearly all the assassins perished.
The religious system of the Tongans is tolerably simple. They believe that there are
several orders of gods, just as there are several ranks of men. The principal gods are
self-existent and eternal ; but the second order of gods are the souls of deceased chiefs
and Matabooles. All of noble blood have souls, and take rank in Bolotoo, or Paradise, not
according to their moral merit, but according to the rank which they held in the world.
Matabooles become ministers to the gods, just as they were minişters the chiefs; but
they are not powerful enough to inspire priests. There is also a class of mischievous
gods, who are, fortunately, much less powerful than the benevolent deities.
As to the Mooas, or middle class, the learned are rather doubtful whether they go to
Bolotoo, or whether they have souls. But that the Tooas, or peasantry, have no souls,
there is not the slightest doubt, and that they can go to Bolotoo is therefore impossible.
With regard to Bolotoo, or Paradise, the Tongans l'elieve it to be an island somewhere
to the north-west of Tonga. It is a most beautiful place, full of the choicest fruits and
the most lovely flowers. Pigs are plentiful, and never die unless they are killed to supply
food for the gods, in which case another hog comes into existence to supply the place of
the one that was killed. So, when a fruit or a flower is plucked, another immediately
takes its place. These particulars are learned from some Tongan voyagers, who were
returning from Fiji, but were driven out of their reckoning by a storm. At last they were
blown to a lovely island, on which they succeeded in landing. There was abundance of
fruit, but their hands could not grasp it. They walked through the trunks of trees, and
through the walls of houses, as if they were mere shadows; while some of the inhabitants
walked through their own bodies in a similar manner. Then they found they were at
Bolotoo. The gods told them to go home at once, and promised them a favourable wind.
They reached Tonga in safety, but all died soon afterwards, the air of Bolotoo not suiting
mere mortals.
It has already been mentioned that the religious and secular lives of the Tongans are
so blended together that it is very difficult to separate them, and that even their amuse-
ments partake somewhat of the religious character. There are, however, one or two of
THE GAME OF FANNA-KALAI.
337
their
games which partake but slightly of this element, and which are yet characteristic
of the natives. One of these sports is called Fanna-kalai, and is a very ingenious mode
of bird-catching by means of decoys.
In order to practise this amusement, the sportsman furnishes himself with a bow and
arrows, goes into the woods, and there ensconces himself within a large wicker cage covered
with green leaves, so that the inmate may not be seen, but having plenty of openings
through which the arrows can be aimed. By his side he has a small cage, in which is
kept a hen bird, and on the top of the large cage the cock bird is tied by the leg. When
properly trained, these birds continue calling to each other, and thus attract numbers of
their own species, which fall victims to the arrows.
Well-trained birds are exceedingly valuable, and one chief has been known to make
war upon another for the sake of procuring an especially fine bird. Indeed, the Tongans
look on these birds much as sportsmen of the olden times looked on their falcons. To
each pair of birds there is a keeper, whose whole business it is to attend to and train
them. He is careful to teach the cock bird to flap its wings as it calls to its mate, and to
utter its notes loudly, so that they may be taken as a challenge to other birds to come
and fight him. The bird-keepers have almost unlimited powers, as nothing is allowed to
interfere with the welfare of their charge. Even when a famine visits a district, the birds
must not starve. The keeper forages for the birds, and if he sees a fine bunch of
plantains, he is allowed to put the tapu on it by sticking a reed in the tree, after which
the proprietor dares not touch the fruit which he has saved for himself and his family.
He may starve, but the birds must be fed.
As may be imagined, the keepers attend to their own interests as well as those of the
birds, and are great pests to the neighbourhood, fleecing the people without mercy. Now
and then they go a little too far in their insolence, and a complaint is laid against them,
in which case the man seldom escapes without a severe beating.
In order to show the enormous value of these birds, Mariner tells a story respecting
the elder Finow. The chief of Hihifo possessed a bird which he had himself trained,
and which was the best that ever was known. Finow heard of this bird, and sent a
commissioner to Hihifo in order to treat with the chief for the purchase of it. This the
owner declined to do, saying that not only had he an affection for the bird, which he had
himself trained, but he had sustained many wars made on him by neighbouring chiefs
who wanted to get the bird-many lives had been lost, and he felt his honour involved
in keeping it. However, he intrusted the ambassador with another pair of birds, very
nearly as good, and asked him to present them to Finow.
The king tried the birds next day, and was so delighted with their performance that
he was the more anxious to obtain the bird which was even superior to them. He
therefore prepared a present, which according to the Tongan ideas of that day was of
almost incalculable value, comprising, beside whales' teeth, gnatoo, kava, and other native
productions, several iron bolts, a quantity of beads, a looking-glass, a grindstone, and
some axes, all of which had been procured from Europe, and most of them from the
vessel in which Mariner had been wrecked. Seeing that Finow was determined to have
the bird, and that he would probably make war if again refused, the chief wisely accepted
the present, and sent the desired prize with a polite message.
As this sport is necessarily a very expensive one, it can only be practised by the king
and very great chiefs, even the lesser chiefs being unable to bear the cost. There is
another sport which is limited to chiefs and matabooles. This is Fanna-gooma, or rat-
shooting, and is conducted as follows. Two chiefs take the command of two parties
who intend to shoot rats, and arrange the preliminaries, i.e. settling the course which
they mean to take, the number of shooters on each side, and so forth. On the appointed
day, they go to some place which has been previously fixed upon, each being provided
with his bow and two arrows.
These arrows are six feet in length, and made of a reed headed with hard wood.
They are most beautifully made, the heads being smooth and polished with the greatest
care, and the junction of the head and shaft guarded with plaited sinnet. In some of
these weapons in my collection, the sinnet is scarcely broader than sewing-silk; and is
VOL. II.
Z
338
TONGA.
KELIAS
Italitat
figuglisi
BEBE
Saat
Teen
3
laid on with a perfection that is scarcely credible. After the sinnet is finished off, a
slight coating of transparent varnish is laid over its so as to bind the plait more firmly
together, and to give it an uniform polish.
In'some arrows there are several similar belts
of plaited sinnet. No feather is needed, as
they are never aimed at any distance, and
their great length is requisite to allow them
to go straight through the
bushes among which the
rats lurk.
The bow is about the
same length as the arrows,
and not very powerful, so
that the aim may not be
Birding,
disturbed by the effect of
enlarged
drawing it.
When they are ready
to start, a couple of
attendants are sent for-
ward, who take in their
mouths
roasted
Enlarged
itt:
Full length form
some
trerit it
نفقة انن
juni
iliتيات
!
Section
Section
of
Bout
Wilhetes
Binding
ilinitfflittiin
Bow String end of Arrow
BOW AND ARROWS.
From yny Collection.
VARIOUS AMUSEMENTS.
339
cocoa-nut, which they chew, and 'spit the fragments on either side of the path. If they
come to a cross-road, they plant in it an upright reed, by means of which a tapu is laid
on the path, in order to prevent any one from. passing along and disturbing the rats.
No one ever disregards this tapu. Even if one of the greatest chiefs come towards it,
he will stop at a distance and sit down until the sportsmen have passed, while an inferior
chief would to a certainty be clubbed for his insolence if he were to break the tapu.
When the party start, they arrange themselves in the following manner. They walk
in Indian file along the path, the leading chief of one party going first, followed by the
leading chief of the other side. Then come the men of next rank on either side, and so
on alternately. Except the leading man, no one may shoot at a rat that is in front of
him, though he may do so if it be on either side, or behind him. As soon as any one
has shot his arrow, he changes places with the man behind him, no matter whether the
shot be successful or not, so that each in turn has his chance of becoming the leading
man, and so getting a double chance of a rat. Every sportsman has an attendant who
follows the party, and, as soon as his master has discharged an arrow, picks it up and
returns it to him.
In order to attract their game, the sportsmen imitate the squeaking of a rat, which
often has the effect of bringing them out of their holes, and if a rat should run away
instead of waiting to be shot, one or two of them, with a sharp percussion of the tongue;
utter another sound, which has the effect of making the rat stop and sit up to listen.
The party that shoots ten rats first wins the game. Birds of any kind are counted
as rats.
These two sports are necessarily restricted to chiefs, on account of the expense in one
case and the power of the tapu in the other, but there is another which is played only
by chiefs and matabooles, being restricted to them by etiquette and not by necessity:
The two players-sit opposite each other, and one of them makes one of three move-
ments with his right hand, i.e. presenting the open palm, the closed fist; or the extended
forefinger. His antagonist endeavours to imitate the movements
, but if he can succeed
in making five without being imitated, he wins a point; and marks it by laying down a
little piece of stick. Should the antagonist be successful; he asks of the other player
what were the preceding movements, their order, and the reason for each of them. If
his opponent should fail to give the correct answer, he loses a point, but if he succeeds,
the game is continued.
The skill lies not in seeing and imitating the various movements, which are made so
rapidly that an inexperienced eye cannot detect one of them, but in remembering the
movements made by the antagonist, and in giving a feigned explanation of each. This
explanation must be made according to the laws of the game, and alters with every
variation in the order of the movements, so that considerable readiness and ingenuity are
needed in order to invent on the spur of the moment an, explanation : according to the
laws of the game. The chiefs are exceedingly fond of this game, and, while playing it;,
work themselves up to a wonderful pitch of excitement.
The lower orders play a game somewhat similar to this, except that no discussion
about the moves is allowable, and the intellectual element is therefore wanting.
There are many other games that are common to all ranks. One of these is called
Tolo. A piece of soft wood, nine inches in diameter, is fastened to the top of a post of
harder wood about five or six feet high, and the game consists in throwing a heavy spear so
that it shall stick in the soft wood. Six or eight persons play on each side, every player
being allowed three throws. Another game with spears somewhat resembles the djerid,
and consists in hurling blunted spears at each other
.
The Tongans are singularly dexterous of hand. They excel in ball play, and have a
game which consists in playing with five balls, which are thrown from one hand to the
other, so as to keep four balls always in the air. They sing a song at the same time, each
cadence coinciding with the transfer of the balls from one hand to the other, and for
every verse that they can finish without a mistake they score one point. They have also
a game very much resembling our cup and ball.
Another game in which dexterity of hand is needed is called Lafo. A. mat. is laid on
z 2
340
TONGA.
the ground, and the players throw beans on it, each trying to knock off those of his
antagonist. This game has a sort of celebrity from having been connected with one of
the few acts of cannibalism attributed to the Tongans. During a severe famine, two
daughters of a chief played a game of lafo with two young warriors. If the men won,
they were to have half the yam, but if they lost, they were still to have half the yan,
but were obliged to go out, kill an enemy, and divide his body with the girls. They lost
the game, ate their yam, and waited until night for the fulfilment of their promise.
After dark they stole out, and hid themselves near a fortress of the enemy. As they had
anticipated, in the early morning one of the men came out to fetch salt water, and passed
near the spot where they lay in ambush. They struck him down with their clubs, and
at the risk of their lives brought his body off to the spot where the girls lived. If in
any of these games there should be a dispute, the men settle it by an extemporized
wrestling match, and the women by spinning a cocoa-nut.
Being islanders, they are very familiar with the water, and practise the well-known
sport of surf-swimming. This sport will be described when we come to treat of the
Sandwich Islands. They have another aquatic sport peculiar to themselves. Two posts
are driven into the bed of the sea, about seventy yards apart, a spot being chosen where
the water is about ten feet deep. Each player takes in his hands a large stone, jumps
into the water by one post, and tries to carry it to the other post by running along the
bottom. The chief difficulty is to pursue a straight course, as at such a distance the
winning post is not visible through the water.
While Mr. Mariner was at the Tonga Islands, he took part in an amusement which
derived its origin from a love-legend.
He accompanied Finow to a small island called Hoonga, and, on walking down to the
sea-shore, he saw his companions bathing near a great rock, and was startled to find that
they one after the other dived into the water and did not come up again. Just as the
last was preparing to dive, he asked the meaning of this astonishing proceeding, and was
told to follow, and he would be taken to a place where he had never been before, and
where Finow and his matabooles were then assembled.
He then dived into the water, and Mr. Mariner followed him, guided by the light
reflected from his heels. Passing through an aperture in the base of the rock which has
just been mentioned, he rose to the surface of the water and found himself in a cavern.
At first he could see nothing, but he could distinguish the voices of Finow and his other
friends; and after a while became so accustomed to the dim light that he could just
manage to see that he was in a vast stalactitic cavern.
As the only light which entered it was reflected from the bottom of the water, and
exceedingly dim, he dived out again, wrapped up his loaded pistol in a quantity of gnatoo,
directed a servant to prepare a torch in the same manner, and dived back again. By
means of the pistol he lighted the torch, and probably for the first time since it was
formed, the cavern was illuminated. It was about forty feet wide and as many high, and
ran off at one side into two galleries. Its roof was covered with stalactites hanging in the
fantastic patterns which they are apt to assume. The story which was told him respecting
the discovery of this cavern is quite a romance of savage life.
Many years ago a young chief of Vavaoo discovered the cavern by accident, while
diving after turtles, but took care to keep the discovery to himself, as he thought he
should find it useful in case he was detected in a plot against the principal chief of the
island, a man of cruel and tyrannous disposition. Another chief had the same intentions,
and was organizing a revolt, when he was betrayed by one of his own followers, and con-
demned to be drowned, together with the whole of his family. It so happened that he
had a very beautiful daughter whom the young chief had long loved, but to whom he
dared not speak, knowing her to be betrothed to a man of higher rank than himself.
When, however, he found that her life was to be sacrificed, he contrived to make his
way to her in the evening, told her of the fate which was in reserve for her, and offered to
save her. The girl at once consented, and the two stole gently to the sea-side, where a
little canoe was drawn up On their way to Hoonga the young chief told the girl of this
place of retreat, and as soon as the day broke took her into the cavern.
He was not long

THE LOVERS' CAVE.
345
in finding out that the affection was mutual, but that the fact of her being betrothed to
another had caused her to avoid him.
She remained in this cavern for two months, during which her young husband brought
her the finest mats and gnatoo, the best food, and everything which constitutes Tongan
luxury. He was, however, forced to spend a considerable part of his time at Vavaoo, lest
THD LOVERS' CAVE.
the tyrannical chief should suspect him, and he was naturally anxious to take his wife to
some place where they could live together in safety.
Accordingly, he called together his subordinate chiefs and matabooles, and told them
to prepare for a voyage to the Fiji Islands, accompanied with their wives and families.
This expedition was kept secret lest the tyrant should put a stop to it. Just as they
started, one of the chiefs advised him to take a Tongan wife with him, but he declined to
do so, saying that he should find one by the way. They took his reply for a joke, and set
sail towards Hoonga. When they neared the shores of the island, he told his men to
wait while he went into the sea to fetch a wife, and, leaping into the sea from the side of
the canoe which was farthest from the shore, he dived and disappeared.
342
TONGA,
After waiting for a while the people began to be seriously alarmed, thinking that he
must have met with some accident, or that a shark had caught him. Suddenly, while
they were debating as to the best course to be pursued, he appeared on the surface of the
water, accompanied by a beautiful young female, whom he took into the canoe. At first
his people were terribly frightened, thinking that she was a goddess; but, when they
recognised her features, they took her for an apparition, believing that she had been
drowned together with the rest of her family.
The young chief arrived safely at the Fiji Islands, where he lived for two years; and
at the expiration of that time, hearing that the tyrant of Vavaoo was dead, he returned to
his native island, bringing with him his strangely-rescued wife.
The facts of this story show that the cave must have some opening which admits the
outer air, as otherwise no one could have lived in it so long. Even granting that the time
of the girls residence was exaggerated, Mr. Mariner found that the air was perfectly fresh
and sweet after Finow and his friends had remained in it for several hours, and a torch
had been burned in it besides.
The island in which this extraordinary cavern is found is rather venerated by the
Tongans as being the origin of their group of islands. Tongaloa, the god of arts and
inventions, let down a fishing-line from the sky into the sea, when he suddenly felt his
hook caught. He hauled up his line, thinking that from the resistance he had caught a
very large fish. It turned out, however, that the hook had got itself fixed in the bed of
the sea, and as the god continued to haul he drew up the Tonga islands. They would
have been much larger, only the line broke, and the islands were left imperfect.
Mr. Mariner learned that the hook by which the Tonga islands had been drawn from
the bed of the sea was kept in the custody of the Tooi-tonga, but had been burned,
together with the house, about thirty years before. It was about six inches long, and from
the description was one of the ordinary fishhooks of the country. Mariner asked why
it did not break when hauling up so enormous a weight, and was told that it was a god's
hook, and therefore could not break. Being asked how it happened that the line, which
was also the property of a god, broke, his interlocutor declined to pursue the subject any
further, saying that so he had been told, and that there was no necessity for further
inquiries.
SAMOA, OR THE NAVIGATORS' ISLANDS.
CHAPTER I.
POSITION OF THE GROUP, AND DERIVATION OF THE NAME-GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE PEOPLE
-THEIR CHARACTER FOR GENTLENESS, HOSPITALITY, HONESTY, AND COURTESY CARRYING A
MISSIONARY AND HIS FAMILY
FAMILY AFFECTION FOR CHILDREN DRESS OF THE SAMOANS THE
TATTOO A PARTIAL SUBSTITUTE FOR DRESS MODE OF TATTOOING TIME OCCUPIED IN COM-
PLETING THE OPERATION—THE FINE MATS OF SAMOA-WIG-MAKING_FEATHER HEAD-DRESSES
--DRESS OF THE WOMEN-DANCING COSTUME-ADVICE TO FAA-SAMOA—MODE OF DRESSING THY
HAIR-TREATMENT OF WOMENMODE OF MAKING CLOTH THE PROFESSIONAL AND HEREDITARY
MANUFACTURER
NORTH of the Tongan group, and a little to the eastward, lie the NAVIGATORS" ISLANDS,
more properly called by their native name of SAMOA, or HAMOA. The former of these
names was given to them by Bougainville, in consequence of the skilful seannanship of
the natives. There are eight islands comprehended in this group, the largest of which is
Savaii.
As is often the case among these island groups, no single king or head chief is
recognised, each island having its own ruler ; under whom are subordinate chiefs of different
ranks. This mode of government is so similar to that of the Tongans that we need not
expend any time upon it.
The Samoans are a fine race of people, much exceeding the English in average stature,
and peculiarly well made. "Their skin is smooth, soft, and a warm reddish brown in
colour, and the hair, though copious, possesses none of that woolliness which distinguishes
the hair of the Papuan races, but is long, straight, and, in a few cases, possesses a slight
Naturally there is but little beard, and the Samoan takes a pride in extirpating
every sign of a hair upon his chin. He is quiet, composed, and stately in manner, so
that in all things he presents a bold contrast to the black, harsh-skinned Fijian, with his
frizzed and woolly hair, his copious beard, and his quick, restless, suspicious manner.
Being savages, the Samoans have many of the imperfections which necessarily accom-
pany savage life, but at the same time they approach nearer to the “noble savage” of
the poet than most races of men. They are hospitable, affectionate, honest, and courteous,
and have well been described as a nation of gentlemen. Towards strangers they display
a liberality which contrasts greatly with the cruel and bloodthirsty customs of the
Papuan tribes. The Fijians, for example, do all in their power to repel strangers from
their shores, either driving them off, or killing and eating them. The Samoans, on the
contrary, welcome strangers, allot to them their best houses, give them the best food, and
make them feel that they are honoured guests.
wave.
344
SAMOA.
They are singularly affectionate in their disposition, and as parents are rather too fond
of their children. As a rule, a Samoan parent cannot bear to thwart a child, and allows
it to do what it likes. In consequence of this absence of discipline, many a child dies
through the mistaken kindness of its parents, who have allowed it to eat food that was
unsuitable to it, or to engage in games for which it had not sufficient strength.
The honesty of the Samoans is really wonderful. When a number of them were on
board of an English vessel, they scrupulously refrained from stealing. Property which
to them was equivalent to unbounded wealth lay within reach of their hands, but not
even a nail or a needle was touched. In one instance, an European vessel went ashore
on the rocks. The whole of its cargo was at the mercy of the Samoans, but not a man
went on board of the vessel, and the whole of the property was reserved for the rightful
owners. There are many civilized countries where the vessel would have been ransacked
within an hour of her striking on the rocks.
Once when a great chief, named Malietoa, went on board an English vessel, accom-
panied by a younger brother, he examined everything with great attention, but asked for
nothing, only requesting the white men to come on shore and visit him. This they did,
bringing with them a present of axes, mirrors, beads, knives, scissors, needles, and similar
articles. When the present was offered, Malietoa took up each article separately, laid it
on his head, and returned thanks for it, and after he had gone through the whole of the
present in detail, he made a complimentary speech, in which he thanked the donors for
the entire gift. His brother, to whom a similar present had been offered, at first refused
to take the basket, priceless as were its contents, but passed it on to his elder brother,
saying that he would take whatever his brother did not happen to want.
“At the close of this important and interesting interview, Malietoa informed his
people,
who had been gazing with wonder upon the novel proceedings, that a large quantity of
valuable property had been given to him, and that the English chiefs, to whom he was
indebted for it, would want something to eat on their return. For,' said he, there are no
pigs running about upon the sea, neither is there any bread-fruit growing there.' Upon
hearing this, the whole company instantly rose and scampered away; and in about an
hour they returned, bringing with them fifteen pigs of various sizes, with a large quantity
of bread-fruit, yams, and other vegetables, the whole of which the chief presented to us.
This extract, from the journal of Mr. Willians, the well-known missionary, gives a good
idea of the hospitable nature of the people.
Courtesy is, among the Samoans, reckoned as one of the duties of life. They address
each other by titles of honour, and it is considered as an essential point of etiquette
that, when one man addresses another, he uses a title rather higher than that to which
his interlocutor has any clairn. Should he be ignorant of the rank of the person whom
he addresses, he uses the term chief, as a safe one.
The earlier voyagers have all been struck with the Samoans, whose gentle demeanour,
perfect honesty, scrupulous cleanliness, graceful costume, gigantic stature, and polished
manners, made a strong impression upon them. When Messrs. Williams and Barth
visited these islands, they were received in the most hospitable manner. As they went
on shore, the former happened to mention that he was tired, when a young chief
addressed a few words to the people, and in a moment the visitor was lifted off the
ground by a number of gigantic young men, who seized him, “some by the legs, and
others by the arms, one placing his hand under my body, another, unable to obtain so
large a space, poking a finger against me; and thus, sprawling at full length upon their
extended arnis and hands, I was carried a distance of half a mile, and deposited safely in
the presence of the chief and his principal wife.”
Several children were on board, and were carried off by the natives in great glee. One
or two of them were missing for several hours, causing their parents great anxiety.
However, they were all brought back in safety, their absence being due merely to the
exuberant hospitality of the Samoans. The natives were so delighted at their good
fortune in having the charge of a white child that they could not make up their minds to
restore it to its parents, but took it home, killed and baked a pig and other food, feasted
the child to the fullest extent, and then, having kept it as long as they dared, restored it
TATTOOING.
345
to its parents. This anecdote carries out the statement already made, that the Samoans
are exceedingly fond of children. Mr. Pritchard mentions that on one occasion, when he
was witnessing a native dance, which is a performance requiring the greatest exertion, the
chief's wife sat as a spectator, with two fine twin children in her lap. The chief, engaged
as he was in the absorbing amusement of the dance, could not keep himself away from
his children, but every now and then left the dance to caress them. The mothe
The mothers nurse
their children for several years, and a child of five or six years old may often be seen to
pull away its younger brother or sister and take its place.
The dress of the Samoans varies considerably, according to the rank of the individual
and the occasion on which it is assumed. The usual dress of the men is a sort of small
apron, about a foot square, made of the green leaves of the Dracoena tree, but on occasions
of ceremony they generally wear a flowing robe called the lava-lava. This is made of
bark cloth, and is beautifully fine and soft, the Samoans excelling in such manufactures,
which will presently be described. This robe is gathered round the waist into folds, and
reaches down to the ankles.
Small as may be the ordinary dress of the Samoan men, they always seem to be fully
dressed, in consequence of the tattooing with which they are carefully decorated. Even
to European eyes the tattooing conveys the same impression, and has been mistaken for
a dress by some of the early voyagers, who described the people as being clothed from
the waist downward with fringed lace "made of a silken stuff, and artificially wrought.
The reader will remember that the New Zealanders tattoo no part of the body
except the hips, and that even in that case a semblance of dress is produced. The
Samoans tattoo the whole of the body from the hips to the knees, covering the skin so
completely with the pattern that it looks at a little distance exactly as if the man were
wearing a tight pair of ornamental drawers.
Even European eyes become so accustomed to the tattoo that they are rather shocked
at its absence; and, according to Mr. Pritchard, an untattooed Samoan does in truth
look unmanly, looks even naked, by the side of one who is tattooed. So completely is
this feeling realized by the natives that chiefs who have arrived at middle age frequently
undergo the process of tattooing a second time, in order to renew the patterns, as they
become dim and uncertain by lapse of years ; for, though indelible, the tattoo does fade
in the course of years, as I can testify from personal experience. When a very young
boy, I read of the custom of tattooing, and must needs try it on my own arm.
I did not
do much of it, but the whole arm swelled up to the shoulder, and was useless for some
time. At first the marks were bright blue, clear and well-defined, but now the blue is of
dull indigo, and the outline very undecided.
The production of this elaborate decoration is a work of considerable time, the
operation being, in the first place, too painful to be continued for any long time; and, in
the second, it is apt to cause so much disturbance in the general system that the result
would be fatal if the whole were executed at once. The operation is generally performed
in company, a number of young men keeping company with the son of the chief. When,
for example, a chief's son arrives at the proper age, i.e. about eighteen, all the lads of his
tribe assemble to partake with him of the tattoo, which is to transform them from boys
into men.
There is quite a ceremony, or rather a series of ceremonies, for the occasion. The
tattooer, or Matai, is a man of great influence, and his services have to be requested in
regular form, accompanied by a present of fine mats. His acceptance of the mats ratifies
the bargain, though no regular charge is made. On the appointed day, the lads and their
friends meet in a house set apart for the ceremony, and more mats are presented to the
Matai. Should the youth be wealthy, he sometimes gives a canoe. The friends of the
lads are also bound to supply provisions as long as the operation lasts.
The tools are simple enough, being a set of five "combs” and a little mallet. The
combs are made of human bone, and are an inch and a half in length, varying in width
from the eighth of an inch to an inch, and looking very much like little bone adzes with
the edges cut into a number of teeth. These blades are attached to handles about six
1

346
SAMOA.
inches in length. The pigment which is in introduced into the wounds is made from the
ashes of the cocoa-nut.
All being ready, the young chief lies on his face in front of the operator, and lays his
head in the lap of his sister or some other female relation, while three or four young
women hold his legs, and sing at the tops of their voices, in order to drown any groans or
cries that he may utter. This is done out of consideration for his reputation, as it is
thought unworthy of the state of manhood to utter a sound. Still the pain is so intense
that the lads often do utter groans, and now and then actually yell with the pain. In
films
TATTOOING-DAY IN SAMOA.
one or two instances they have been so utterly overcome with the agony that, after they
have been released they have not dared to submit themselves again to the operation, in
which case they are despised for life as cowards.
Having traced out his pattern, the operator begins his work, driving the teeth of the
comb through the skin by sharp and rapid taps of the mallet; there is an art even in
holding this instrument, the handle of which passes under the thumb and over the fore-
finger, and is used with wonderful rapidity and regularity. “The rapidity with which the
Matai works his fingers," writes Mr. Pritchard," the precision with which he moves the
instrument and punctures exactly the right spot, and the regularity of tapping with the
mallet, are astounding." By the side of the patient are placed several assistants, furnished
with strips of white masi, whose duty it is to wipe away the blood as it flows from the
punctures of the comb, and to leave the skin clear for the operator. Between every two
or three strokes the toothed end of the comb is dipped into the pigment, which is mixed
with water.
HEAD DRESSES.
347
The pattern is in its main elements alike throughout all the Samoan islands; but there
are usually slight variations which denote the island in which the man lives, and others
which mark the family to which he belongs. Sometimes, after a man has slain an enemy,
he will make an addition which corresponds to a grant of arms among ourselves. The
form of some animal is the ordinary pattern for such a badge of honour.
About an hour is occupied in executing a patch of tattoo not quite three inches square,
and when this is done, the lad rises and another takes his place. In a week or so, the
turn of the first lad comes round again, and so the process is continued for three or four
months, according to the number of the patients, not more than five being operated on in
a single day. When the pattern is about half completed, the Matai has another present ;
but the great payment is only made when the last finishing touch is put to the work.
Should the Matai feel dissatisfied with his fees, he will not go on with the work, and, as
an unfinished tattoo is thought to be most disgraceful, the friends of the youths get
together what property they can, and make up the deficiency.
During the time engaged in the operation, the patients look most miserable beings,
the wounded parts swollen and inflamed, and displaying as yet none of the elegant pattern
which has been traced on thein. The lads hobble about in all sorts of contorted attitudes,
fanning away the flies with flappers made of white masi, and doing all in their power to
alleviate the pain. At last, however, comes the reward of all their sufferings. As soon as
the wounds are healed, their friends get up a grand dance. As the costume of the male
dancers is nothing but the little apron of leaves which has been already mentioned, the
pattern of the tattooing is freely displayed; and the lads, now admitted among the men,
think themselves well repaid for their former sufferings by the honour and glory of being
ranked as men, and by the admiration of the opposite sex.
The illustration on the opposite page represents the process of tattooing. In the centre
is lying the patient with his head in his sister's lap, and his legs held by her companions,
who are singing, in order to cover his groans, should he utter any. Near him are two
assistants with their white masi cloths, and at his side kneels the operator, busily at work
with his mallet and comb. The little vessel of pigment is by his side. Ranged round
the wall of the house are the young men who are waiting their turn.
Painful as is the operation, and expensive as it is, involving not only the fees to the
operator, but a constant supply of provisions, all the lads look forward to it with the
greatest anxiety, knowing that they will never be considered as men unless they can show
a complete tattoo.
Both men and women wear mats, called in the native language "je-tonga." One
of these mats is in my collection, and is a beautiful piece of work. It is made of very
narrow strips of leaf scraped thin, each strip being about the fifteenth of an inch in width.
These are plaited together with beautiful regularity, and the whole is edged with a very
fine and almost silken fringe of the same material.
Some of these mats are decorated with the red feathers of the parrot tribe, and increase
in their value by age, being handed down to successive generations, and having legends
attached to them. My own specimen has been adorned in a way which doubtless was
very imposing to a Samoan eye, though not to that of an European. The native maker
had evidently treasured up some scraps of English calico, and some blue and yellow paper
such as is used for wrapping parcels. These treasures she has fastened to the mat, to
which they give a most ludicrous appearance.
Samoan chiefs, when full dressed for war or state, may be known at a great distance
by the splendid head-dress which they wear. In the first place, they increase the apparent
size of their heads by enormous wigs made of their own hair, which is suffered to grow
long for this express purpose. When it has attained sufficient length, it is cut off, and is
stained red, and frizzed out, until it assumes as large dimensions as the woolly head of a
Papuan. They also wear great plumes of feathers, sometimes towering to the height of
nearly two feet above their heads; so that the height of a Samoan chief, measured from
the top of his plume, is not far from nine feet.
One of these head-dresses in my.collection is made of a vast number of feathers, tied
by the stems in little bundles, and carefully arranged so that they shall droop evenly.
348
SAMOA.
There are about ten feathers in each bundle. These tufts are arranged closely together in
circles composed of leaf-stems and cocoa-nut fibre, and there are four of these circlets
placed one over the other, so that several hundred feather-tufts are employed for this single
dress. The maker has ingeniously, though ignorantly, copied the peacock, the egret, and
other birds which are furnished with trains. In them, the tail feathers are short and stiff,
so as to allow the long train of feathers to droop gracefully over them. In a similar
manner, the Samoan artificer has employed the shortest and stiffest feathers in the lower-
most circlet, while in the uppermost are placed the longest and most slender plumes.
The head-dress is really very handsome, and even when worn by a European gives a
most martial aspect to the countenance, especially when the war mat is worn, and the
huge Samoan club carried on the shoulder.
The dress of the women is made of the same material as that of the men, but
differently arranged. Their work costume is a petticoat of Dracaena leaves, but instead of
being, like that of the men, a mere short apron, it is much longer, and completely sur-
rounds the body. On occasions of state or ceremony, however, they wear lava-lavas of
siapo like those of the men, only put on rather differently, and of much larger size. A
woman of rank will often have this garment so long that it trails on the ground
far behind her.
Captain Hood, in describing an entertainment given in honour of the white visitors,
writes as follows. After the men had danced, "a number of girls entered, who went
through a somewhat similar set of evolutions, with infinite exactness and grace. It may
seem incredible to our fair sisters in England, that a young lady arranged in no other
garment but a mat tied round her waist should look handsomely dressed; but could they
see these Samoan belles enter the circle in their full evening costume, with their coronets
of nautilus shell and scarlet hibiscus, and their necklaces of red and yellow flowers, I
believe they would admit that their appearance is highly imposing
“Some wore beautifully plaited fine mats, which are so highly prized that they cost
more than a rich silk or satin dress. Others had white shaggy dresses, made from the inner
fibres of the hibiscus, the amplitude of which would satisfy the most extensive patronesses
of crinoline, and indulged in trains equalling in length that worn by those dames of England
in former days, while their carriage and air plainly showed that, whatever we might
think, they felt themselves superior beings.” To judge from the photographed portraits of
these Samoan beauties, Captain Hood is perfectly right; they not only look well dressed,
but, if anything, over dressed.
That this opinion was not a rare one is evident from Mr. Williams's account of Samoa,
which he visited more than thirty years before Captain Hood. The missionaries' wives
had endeavoured to persuade the Samoan women to wrap their abundant mantles over
the whole of the body, but without success. On the contrary, the Samoan belles in their
turn tried to convince the white visitors that it would be much better for them to
faa Samoa, i.e. to do in Samoa as the Samoans do. Garments that covered the whole of
the body might do well enough in the white woman's country, but when they came to Samoa
they ought to dress themselves like the Samoans, tie a shaggy mat round the waist,
coquettishly looped up on one side, and anoint themselves with scented oil and colour
themselves with turmeric; wear a flower on the head instead of a bonnet, and a neck-
lace of flowers by way of a bodice. Thus accoutred, they might faa-riaria, i.e. strut about
in the consciousness of being well dressed, and certain of admiration.
There is much to be said on both sides of the question.
The women wear their hair differently from the men, generally cutting it rather short,
and combing it back. It is then powdered with fine lime made of burning coal, which has
the effect of staining it of a reddish purple hue, which is thought to be the most fashion-
able colour. After this is done, a Samoan belle merely twists a wreath of scarlet hibiscus
flowers among the hair. In both sexes great pains are taken about the hair, and in order
to promote its growth in after years the head is kept shaved in childhood, the boys having
a single lock of hair on one side, and the girls one on either side.
There is a slight distinction of dressing the hair in the different islands of the
Samoan group. In some of them the women separate the hair into multitudinous ringlets,
CLOTH MANUFACTURE.
349
ach bound with cocoa-nut fibre, and cut square at the bottom, much like the ancient
Assyrian fashion. As if to carry out the resemblance still further, the men preserve their
beards, and dress them almost exactly like those of the figures on the Nineveh marbles.
In bodily form the women are by no means equal to the men, the latter being truly
magnificent specimens of humanity, while the former are rather short, and stoutly made,
with features that are pleasing in expression, but have otherwise little beauty. They are
as well treated as in Tonga, and are not expected to do hard work. In fact, the mien seem
to take a pride in assisting the weaker sex. Mr. Pritchard writes on this subject as
follows :–« We saw several women sitting quietly in their canoe, whilst their cavaliers
swain alongside, towing them through the surf, not because they are at all less at home in
the water than their husbands and brothers, as we saw this afternoon, when a large
number of girls were alongside, who were as often swimming about, laughing and talking,
for about half-an-hour at a time in the water, or sitting in their boats, which they are con-
stantly upsetting
When the husband of a Samoan wife dies, his widow is not sacrificed at his funeral,
but is usually taken by his brother, after the ancient Jewish custom. It is remarkable, by
the way, that many of the Mosaic laws still exist in full force among the Samoans. In
time of war no male captives are taken, all being killed. Their female relatives, whether
wives or sisters, are considered as the property of the victors, and mostly become their
wives. Thus it often happens that women are related to both sides, and, as they are by
courtesy allowed to visit their relatives, all the designs of one side are speedily told to the
other. So, whenever the principal chief prepares any plan of action, some of the women
who have relations on the opposite side, immediately go off and tell them about the
proposed movements. Still, the Samoans seem to make it a matter of honour not to take
advantage of this knowledge, and to allow the enemy to execute his movements without
interruption.
The women seen quite at their ease in warfare, and mostly accompany their husbands
to the wars, in order to supply them with necessaries, and to nurse them if they should be
wounded. Mr. Pritchard says that he has seen them in the heat of action, carrying water
to the wounded, and seeming to care less for the thickly-flying bullets than the warriors
themselves.
BEFORE passing to another subject, we will complete our notices of dress. The
reader may remember that on page 310 was given a full account of the various pro-
cesses by which the inner bark of the paper-mulberry is made into garments. The
Samoans employ the same method as the Tongans, but are even more careful in the manu-
facture of the cloth, which is in great request throughout many parts of Polynesia, and
can be recognised at once by a skilful eye.
The women are the sole manufacturers, and are wonderfully skilful and patient over
their work. In the first place, for the finest cloth they always employ very young trees,
not more than fourteen to fifteen months old, and only two or three inches in diameter.
They begin their work by cutting down the trees, peeling off the bark, and steeping it for
eight and forty hours in water, so as to enable the rough outer bark to be removed from
the thin and delicate inner bark. The well-known " bass,” with which gardeners tie up
flowers, is a familiar instance of “liber," or inner bark, procured from the lime tree. By
constant beating, this substance becomes greatly increased in width and reduced in thick-
ness, and, like gold leaf, it can be beaten out to almost any extent.
As the strips of bark are only ten or twelve inches wide, a number of them are united
by overlapping the edges and putting between them arrow-root dissolved in water. The
united pieces, while still wet, are again beaten, and after a while the two pieces become
incorporated into one, and all signs of the junction disappear.
When a piece of sufficient size is made, printing and staining are the next processes.
The dyes are generally of three kinds, red, brown, and yellow. The two first tints are
obtained from clays, and the third from the ever-useful turmeric. The women who make
and print the cloth do not prepare the dyes, that being a separate occupation, and in these
islands the different professions are strictly limited to certain families, just as is the case

350
SAMOA
with the castes in India. The printing is done on exactly the same principle that is
employed in rubbing brasses in this country.
The pattern is made by fastening the flexible ribs of the cocoa-nut leaf on a board.
When the ribs are quite hard and dry the cloth is stretched over them, and the dye rubbed
over it with a stiff brush, so that it only adheres to those parts of the cloth which press
against the raised pattern below. For patterns of a larger description a softer bark is
used, which holds a quantity of colour.
There are in my collection several specimens of Samoan bark cloth; one is very fine,
pure white, six feet long by two wide, and ornamented with a fine fringe all round it.
Will
CLOTH-MAKING.
Another is thicker and stronger, being made of four layers of bark, one placed upon the
other. In some places the junction has not been completed, and the different layers are
quite distinct. It measures rather more than seven feet in length and three feet ten
inches in width. It has a deep-coloured border about eighteen inches in width, composed
of a diamond pattern impressed upon a number of perpendicular parallel lines and dots.
This border is a light red in colour, and upon it are several circles of dark brown. Circles
of a similar kind are scattered over the uncoloured portion of the robe, which is of a
creamy yellow hue.
The third specimen is still thicker, and larger. It is seven feet square, and has been
completely covered on the outside with the clay pigment, which has been put on so thickly
as to make the fabric comparatively stiff. Two broad bands of deep black are drawn
across it so as to divide it into three equal portions, and in each division are four patterns
CLOTH PRINTING.
351
also drawn in black, very much resembling the “ broad arrow” used in the government
mark of England.
In the accompanying illustration' are shown the successive processes of converting the
bark into cloth. In the foreground and at the right hand are seen some women kneeling
in the stream, engaged in scraping the liber to free it from every particle of the outer bark.
One woman is examining a piece against the light, to see whether it is quite clean.
Behind them, and towards the lert centre of the illustration are more women, some of them
beating and scraping the bark with the square mallets which have been already described
when treating of Tonga; and another is busily employed in joining two pieces with arrow-
root. Just above them is another woman engaged in the more skilful part of the
manufacture, i.e. printing by rubbing dye over the cloth when laid on the pattern board,
and one or two of the boards themselves are given; in order to show the cocoa-nut leaf
pattern upon them: In the distance, the other women are seen hanging the still wet
cloth up to dry.
CLUB. POLYNESIA:
CHAPTER II.
WAR.
CAUSES OF WAR IN SAMOA THE MALO, AND STRUGGLES FOR ITS POSSESSION—THE CHIEF'S VEN-
GEANCE FIRE-ARMS PREVENTIVE OF WAR - SAMOAN WEAPONS THE CLUBS PATTERNS OF
CLUBS THROUGHOUT POLYNESIA
STRANGE MODE OF USING THE SPEAR
THE SHARK-TOOTH
GAUNTLETS - SUITS OF ARMOUR GETTING TOGETHER AN ARMY, AND MODE OF FIGHTING
UNPLEASANT POSITION OF NEUTRALS THE SEA-FIGHT - DISTINGUISHING PENNANTS THE
DEFIANCE BEFORE BATTLE TROPHIES OF WAR, AND ELATION OF THE VICTOR DISPOSAL OF
THE BODIES—THE HEAD-PILE--SINGLE COMBAT BETWEEN CHIEFS-SAMOAN LAW-PUNISHMENT
FOR MURDER AND LESSER OFFENCES CANNIBALISM -- NATIVE LAWYERS-THE PLAINTIFF DE-
FEATED WITH HIS OWN WEAPONS.
It was mentioned on page 349, that women when captured in war become the absolute
property of those who take them ; we will therefore devote a short space to warfare among
the Samoans, omitting those characteristics in which it resembles war among the other
Polynesian tribes, which have already been described.
The causes of war may mostly be reduced to four ; namely, the desire of political
supremacy, disputed succession to chieftainship, revenge for the murder of a chief, and
infringement of the strange marriage laws of the Samoans.
The first of these causes is always rankling. Each island is divided into several
districts, and when one begins to show signs of special prosperity, another is sure to take
umbrage at it and go to war in order to secure the “Malo,” or political supremacy. One
example of such a war occurred only a few years ago in the island of Apolo.
Manono, one of the three districts into which it is divided, held the supremacy, and
the chiefs felt indignant because another district, Aâna, was prospering under the teaching
of the missionaries. The chiefs of Manono therefore began to oppress Aâna by making
continual demands of property and food. Still, in spite of their exactions, the district
would persist in flourishing; it made and sold more cocoa-nut oil, and sold it for more
hatchets, calico, and other European treasures, than the other districts.
The Manono chiefs were naturally indignant that when they went to a subject
district they found it better cultivated and richer than their own, and construed the infe-
riority which they could not but feel into an intentional insult on the part of Aâna. So
they proclaimed the people of Aâna to be rebels, and made war against them.
Such a cause of war, absurd as it may be, and subversive of all real progress, is
intelligible, and to be explained by the petty jealousies of human nature, which is too
prone to feel itself personally hurt at the prosperity of another. Vengeance for a
murdered chief is intelligible, and so is a war for succession; but the last cause needs
some explanation.
By the laws of Samoa, a woman once a wife is always a wife, even though she may
be put away by her husband. The Samoan chiefs claim the right of marrying as many
wives as they choose, and putting them away as often as they like. Indeed, a man often
SPEARS AND CLUBS.
353
vi
marries a girl merely for the sake of her dower of mats and other property. But even
after he has put away a wife, he still considers her as his own chattel; and if any other
chief takes her to his house, war is at once declared
against him. It is a curious fact that the original
husband cares nothing about the morality of the wife
whom he has put away, but only for the insult offered
to himself by taking his property. Such cast-off wives
mostly attach themselves to the Fala-tele, or visiting
house, leading most immoral lives, and may do so with-
out incurring any resentment from their former husband.
But let them marry another, and vengeance immediately
follows the insult.
Before the introduction of fire-arms, the principal
weapons of Samoa were the spear and the club. The
older chiefs have a rooted objection to the musket, and,
like Hotspur's fop, have not been particularly willing to
take the field since that "villanous saltpetre" has come
into vogue. Muskets, say they, are weapons for boys;
clubs for men. They have some reason to complain
of the bullets, which, as they say, do not know chiefs,
because their towering head-dresses make them so con-
spicuous that they afford excellent marks to the enemy;
and if by chance one of their opponents should have even
a moderate notion of taking aim, their chance of coming
safely out of the battle would be a very small one.
The clubs used in Samoa are remarkable for the
excellence of their make, and the polish and finish with
which the native carver loves to ornament them. Some
of them are short, used for one hand, and made just like
the steel maces of European chivalry. Others are almost
exactly like the right-hand club figured on page 276.
The example which is given is drawn from a specimen
in my collection, and belonged to the same chief who
owned the war-mat and feather head-dress which have
been described. It is five feet in length, and very
heavy, so that none but a very powerful man can use
it. As it has seen much work, it has been battered
about, the wood of the head cracked, and the carving
defaced, I have therefore had it drawn as it was when
new.
As a rule the clubs of Tonga, Samoa, Fiji, and other
Polynesian groups can hardly be definitely referred to
any one of them. The commerce which passes between
them has caused an interchange of weapons as well as
of peaceful commodities, so that the two distinct races
which inhabit Fiji and the Tongan and Samoan group
use weapons which are almost identical. Thus the
serrated club which has just been mentioned is equally
used in New Guinea, Fiji, and Samoa, the pattern having
been found a convenient one, and so transmitted from
one island to the other.
The spears, again, have a great similitude, and are
armed with barbs, the best being tipped with the tail-
bone of the sting-ray. In former days, when a warrior
had pierced an enemy with his spear, he tried to lift him from the ground upon it; and
if he were unable to do so, he was generally assisted by several of his comrades, who all
VOL. II.
A A
CLUB
354
SAMOA.
thrust their spears into his body, lifted him in the air, and bore him aloft in triumph,
not caring whether he were alive or dead.
One weapon, however, seems to be peculiar to Samoa, and has been mentioned by
Mariner. It consists of a pair of gauntlets made of cocoa-nut fibre, on the inside of
which are fixed several rows of sharks' teeth, set edgewise. In fact, this weapon is made
exactly on the principle of the terrible “ tiger-claw” of India, and is intended for the
purpose of ripping up an adversary, the abdomen being the part that is always attacked,
both by the Samoan and the Hindoo.
One chief, who was of gigantic dimensions, even for a Samoan, always fought with
these terrible gauntlets. He used them, however, in a different manner, and disdained to
tear open the body of his antagonist. As all the points of the teeth are directed backwards,
it is impossible for any one who
is grasped by these gauntlets to
tear himself away. The gigantic
chief was accustomed to rush at
one of the enemy, seize him
with his gauntleted hand, fling
him on his face, place one foot
on the small of his back, grasp
him by the head, and bend him
forcibly upwards so as to break
his spine. This was his mode
of dealing with able-bodied men.
If, however, he seized a small
man, he merely threw the victim
across his knee, broke his back,
and flung his dying foe on the
ground. The illustration is taken
from a beautiful specimen in the
collection of the United Service
Museum.
In order to guard themselves against these weapons, the Samoan warriors gird them-
selves with a very broad and thick belt, made of cocoa-nut fibre, wide enough to reach
from the arm to the hip. It is not quite long enough to encircle the body, but is worn
mostly on the left side, that being the side most exposed to the enemy.
m
SENAS
re
SHARK-TOOTH GAUNTLETS.
ALLURE
TESO
SOOD
apsis
HHHHhdH
PERŽELISTE
29 维​宫​三​言
​yang
三民
​222
ܕܸܕܼܕܵܢܵܐ
123
N
BELT.
One of these belts, in my collection, is shown in the illustration. It is two feet nine
inches in length, so that when fastened round the waist it leaves a considerable portion
of the right side exposed. It is made by taking a number of plaited cords, and passing
them over two sticks, so that all the cords are parallel to each other. They are then
bound firmly together by strings of twisted fibre, which pass under and over each
alternately, and make a very strong armour, through which the dreaded sharks' teeth
cannot make their way.
THE VALUE OF DISCIPLINE.
355
Sometimes the Samoan warrior seems to have been mistrustful of the efficacy of
the belt, and to have feared the effects of the sharks' teeth on his naked arms and legs.
There is in the collection of the United Service Museum a complete suit of armour, most
ingeniously made out of fibre, and so formed as to cover the greater part of the body and
limbs. It is in two portions, the upper being
put on as a coat, and the lower as trousers.
By the side of the armour are two small
sketches, showing on an enlarged scale the
patterns of the plaiting.
There is no definite army among the
Samoans, each man being considered as a
soldier, and having his weapons always at
hand. He is liable at any time to be called
out by his chief, and, as a rule, he troubles
himself very little about the cause of the war,
only concerning himself to fight in the train
of his chief. The Samoans are a brave race,
and, if properly led and taught the veriest
rudiments of discipline, would make good
soldiers. As it is, however, no Samoan warrior
fights with the knowledge that his movements
are directed in accordance with a definite plan,
or that he will be supported by others. He
does not feel himself a simple unit among
many, but has to look out for himself, to select
his own adversary, to advance when he thinks
he can do so with advantage, to run away
when he feels himself getting into undue
peril.
Whenever a few Samoans have put them-
selves under the guidance of a white man,
they have always repelled their foes. In one
such case, twenty men drove off a body of
five hundred enemies, flushed with success
and bloodshed. Both parties were armed with
muskets, but the regular though insignificant volleys of the twenty men so com-
pletely disorganized the five hundred undisciplined foes, that the latter dared not attack
the little stone wall, five feet high and twenty-five yards long, behind which the defenders
were lying
Had the latter been left to their own devices, they would have fired all their pieces at
once, and been left with unloaded muskets at the mercy of their foes. But being taught
always to keep half their muskets loaded, they had always a volley ready for their enemies,
who were utterly discomfited at their reception, and at last were only too glad to escape
as they best could, with the loss of many men.
The position of a neutral is not at all a pleasant one in Samoa, as, in case either side
should appear to be likely to win the day, those of the losing side who happen to be
friendly with the unfortunate neutral make a point of stripping him of all his property,
to prevent it from falling into the hands of the enemy. Those Europeans who know the
native customs always erect barricades whenever war parties come near them, knowing
that they stand in equal danger from friends or foes.
When a chief decides on going to war, he calls out all the warriors in his district.
Though there is no real discipline of the soldiers, there is at all events some semblance of
order in their arrangement. Each town has its definite place, and the inhabitants would
resent any attempt on the part of another town to take the place which they consider as
The most honourable post is in front, and, though it is a post of danger, it is
so honourable that if a man belonging to any town privileged to lead the war were placed
SUIT OF ARMOUR.
their own.
A A 2
356
SAMOA.
in the rear, he would probably desert to the enemy. In fact, a vast amount of desertion
does take place, and by means of the deserters and the women, both parties know
tolerably well the designs of their antagonists. The idea of conceiving, maturing a plan,
keeping it secret, and then suddenly acting on it, seems never to have entered the mind
of the Samoan chiefs.
Though the vanguard is the post of danger as well as of honour, it is greatly coveted
for it is also the post of profit both in peace and war. The inhabitants of the privileged
towns claim the largest share at the feasts, and generally rule the district in which they
live. As all the Samoans dress much alike and speak the same language, they are obliged
to wear a sort of uniform, by which they shall know friends from foes. In the case of
warriors, the hair is dressed in some strange way, or a white shell is hung round the neck,
or a strip of cloth tied round the arm, these symbols being changed every three or four
days, in order to prevent the enemy from imitating them.
When canoes unite under one leader, they hang out symbols of a similar character,
such as bunches of leaves, strips of matting, or even a sort of flag made of native matting,
and having painted on it the rude figure of some animal, such as a pig, a dog, or a bird.
True to the independent nature of Samoan warriors, the two men who respectively
command the land and the sea forces never think of consulting together, and acting in
concert together, but each does what he thinks best on the spur of the moment. In the
case already mentioned, where twenty Aâna men repulsed five hundred of the Savaiis,
the latter might have been cut off to a man. While they were kept in check by the
twenty disciplined warriors, a fleet of Aâna canoes appeared off the shore; and, if the
commander had only landed his men, a most thorough example would have been made of
the invaders. But he had nothing to do with the land force, and so allowed the enemy
to escape without even attempting to stop them.
The student of anthropology always finds that human nature is much the same in
different parts of the earth, and that manners and customs wonderfully resemble each
other in principle, though they may be modified in detail by the accident of time and
place. It has already been mentioned that many of the Samoan laws are identical with
those given by Moses, though there is no possibility that any geographical connexion
could ever have taken place between Polynesia and Sinai.
Warfare is carried on at the present day in Samoa just as the Scriptures tell us it
used to be in Palestine and Syria, and as Homer tells us it was waged on the plains
of Troy. When two opposing bodies meet, the leaders challenge and abuse each other in
good set terms, each boasting of his own prowess, depreciating that of the adversary, and
threatening after he has killed his enemy to dishonour his corpse in some way. Thus,
we find that when David had accepted the challenge of Goliath, before they proceeded
to action they reviled each other, Goliath threatening to give David's flesh unto the “fowls
of the air and the beasts of the field,” and David retorting in almost the same words, but
adding that he would do the same by the bodies of the whole armỹ.
Thus, in the old Homeric story, where Ulysses flings his spear at Socus, he uses
almost exactly the same formula of words :-
“Ah, wretch ! no father shall thy corpse compose,
Thy dying eye no tender mother close ;
But hungry birds shall tear those balls away,
And hovering vultures scream around their prey.”
Thus, the Fijian warrior defies his enemy in words before he proceeds to blows,
threatening to bake and eat his body and make a drinking-cup of his skull. Thus, the
Samoan war-parties always think it necessary to pause and defy each other in words
before they proceed to blows. For example, when the Manono and Aâna men fought
in the struggle which has just been described, they exchanged threats and injurious
epithets wonderfully like the “winged words” of the Homeric warriors, the sentiment
being identical, though the iniagery is necessarily different.
"You banana-eating Manono men, be your throats consumed by Moso."
“Ye cocoa-nut-eating Aâna men, be your tongues wasted.”

A MUTUAL DEFIANCE.
357
Where is that Savaii pig that comes to his death?”
“Roast that Atua king who is about to die by my spear;" and so on ad infinitum.
These war-parties afford excellent opportunities of studying the dress and ornaments
of the Samoans. It is thought a point of honour with them, as with the American
Indians, to go into action in the fullest dress and decorated with every ornament that
WOO
EXCHANGE OF DEFIANCE
can be procured, so that the head-dress and general accoutrements of a chief when
engaged in war are sure to be the best examples that can be seen.
The proceedings that take place after a battle are well described by Mr. Pritchard.
“After a fight, the heads of the slain warriors are paraded in presence of the assembled
chiefs and people, when the heroes are individually thanked, and their general prowess
and daring publicly acknowledged. The excitement of the successful warrior is intense,
as he passes before the chiefs with his bleeding trophy, capering in the most fantastic
evolutions, with blackened face and oiled body, throwing his club high in the air, and
catching it behind his back or between his legs; sometimes himself carrying his dead
enemy's head, sometimes dancing round a comrade who carries it for him, all the while
shouting in his loudest voice,“Ou te mau tangata ! Ou te mau tangata !' ('I have my
man, I have my man!') ”
To a young Samoan this is the realization of his highest ambition, to be thus
publicly thanked by the chief for slaying an enemy in mortal combat, as he careers
before his comrades with the reeking head of his foe in one hand, and his club in
the other.
358
SAMOA.
Then, again, when the war is over, and he returns to his village, to hear his com-
panions rehearse the exploit, and the girls pronounce him 'toa,' i.e. brave; then it is you
see in their very perfection the complacent dignity and latent pride that lurk within that
brown-skinned islander. As he assumes an air of unconscious disregard of the praises
his deeds evoke, you see the sublime and the ludicrous neatly blending, when he turns to
the girls, and mildly exclaims, 'Funa mai si sului !' (Woman, hand me a cigar’.) This
modest little order is at once pretty and pert, dignified and careless, when it falls from
the lips of a hero or a beau. And proud is the girl who hands it to him ; she has but
one ambition then, to become his wife, even with the certainty of being cast off in less
than a month for another.
“After the heads have been paraded before the chiefs, they are piled up in the malae,
or open space in the centre of the town, the head of the greatest chief slain being placed
uppermost. If among the visitors there are any relatives of the slain, they claim the
heads and bury them, or send them back to the comrades of the deceased. The unclaimed
heads are buried together in the malae. Any bodies that may be recognised are also
buried by their friends, while those who have no relations among the visitors are left to
rot and make food for the dogs.
« The relations are careful to bury the bodies they identify, lest their spirits should
haunt them or wander about the field of battle, disconsolate and mournful, lamenting the
fate which left their bodies to rot or to be eaten by the dogs. I have often heard the
natives say, 'Hear that spirit moaning, I am cold! I am cold !' when a stormy night has
thrown its darkness and poured its torrents of rain and gusts of wind over the battle-
field. It was vain to tell them that the noise they heard was merely the creaking boughs
or the pelting rain; to them it was nothing else than the spirit of the unburied dead
enemy.
The feelings of vanity are so acute in a Samoan warrior that he will do almost any-
thing to procure applause at these meetings after a battle. One man who had failed to
kill an enemy was greatly annoyed with himself at having missed the public applause
which he had hoped to gain, and hit upon another mode of obtaining a sort of celebrity.
He cut off the great toes of a dead enemy whose head had already been taken, and with
these toes in his mouth paraded before the chiefs as if he had taken a head. Finding that
this novel act excited admiration, he became so excited that he ate the toes, even without
cooking them, in the presence of all the people.
Such an act as this might induce the reader to suppose that the Samoans, like many
Polynesians, are cannibals. In the ordinary sense of the word, they are not so.
After a
battle they will sometimes cook and eat a human body, but this is done as an act of
disgrace, and not as a gratification of the appetite. In one instance, a young woman whose
father had been killed in battle obtained a scalp that had belonged to the enemy. She
first burned it to ashes, then beat it to powder, and scattered the dust on the fire over
which she cooked her provisions.
After a decisive battle, the chiefs of the beaten side come humbly before their vic-
torious antagonists, carrying firewood, stones, and pieces of bamboo. They lay their
burdens before the principal chief, and prostrate themselves on the ground, lying there
in silence. Should, as is generally the case, the victors be willing to accept the submis-
sion, the prostrate chiefs are told to rise and return home; but if they should not be
satisfied, the men are clubbed where they lie, while the people whom they represent suffer
all the horrors of savage warfare.
The firewood, stones, and bamboo are considered as emblems of the utterly abject state
to which the bearers have been reduced. The stones, being the material with which the
native ovens are made, signify that those who deposit them at the feet of the victors give
themselves up to be baked and eaten by the conquerors. The firewood represents the
material with which the ovens are heated, and the bamboo serves as a double symbol. In
the first place, the knives with which the Samoans cut up their food were always made of
bamboo before the use of iron was introduced by Europeans; and in the second place, the
instruments by which torture was inflicted on prisoners by cruel captors were made of the
same material.
THE IFONGA.
359
When the conquered party are pardoned, they enter the house of the chief, kiss his
feet, and present him with fine mats, bark cloth, food, and similar property.
This ceremony is called Ifonga, and is sometimes employed on other occasions. For
example, during the war between Manono and Aâna, two of the most influential chiefs of
the latter party took umbrage at some slight, either real or fancied, and deserted to the
enemy. Desertion of this nature is quite a common event in Samoan warfare, inasmuch
as the chiefs are almost entirely independent of each other, and are bound together by the
slightest of ties. In fact, the condition of these islanders much resembles that of the
Scottish Highlanders in the old times, when it was hardly possible to wage a regular war
on account of the rival jealousies of the different chiefs, besides the internal dissensions
among the members of each clan.
Besides, as in the old Scottish clans, there is no discipline by which even the men are
bound together. Each man serves as long as he chooses, and no longer. If he thinks
himself slighted, or if his crops at home have to be got in, he has no hesitation in shoul-
dering his club, and going off to his own village; nor is there any law by which he can be
punished for so doing. In the war to which we are now alluding, a vast number of the
Savaii allies of Manono had gone off to their own plantations.
In order to carry out the principle of obtaining the Malo, or sovereignty, it was
necessary that the deserters should do homage to Manono, and be replaced in state in
their homes, which they were supposed to hold under Manono as vassals in charge. If
they could take possession without being attacked by the opposing party, they were
supposed to have asserted their rights.
Accordingly, a great ceremony was projected. The Manono chiefs recalled all the
allies who had escaped from the war, ostensibly to look after their plantations, but in
reality because they had a strong objection to bullets, and summoned them to bring the
produce of their plantations to a great “fono,” or discussion. Accordingly, they all came
back, allured by the prospect of the feast which accompanies such a "fono."
fono.” The two
deserting chiefs were introduced to the assembly, and went through the ceremony of
Ifonga as a matter of form. Next they had to be safely installed in their own villages.
With one of them this was a comparatively easy matter, as the whole district was deserted.
So the chief was taken there in triumph, escorted by thirty or forty canoes, and formally
installed in his own domains, as vassal to Manono, and therefore acknowledging the right
of Malo to belong to that district.
He had no followers with him, and in a day or two he left the place and returned to
Manono. Still, the transaction had been completed, the time during which he held his
domain not being of any importance. The reader may be glad to know that this chief
suffered the usual fate of renegades, being received at first with great ceremony and made
much of, and afterwards sinking into utter obscurity.
As to the other chief, there was a difficulty respecting the installation. It so hap-
pened that, he having been one of the most influential leaders, all the united forces
of the two districts, Aâna and Atua, were encamped in and about the place, and if
he had been taken there he would not only have been attacked, but the invading
party would probably have been repelled by the united forces of the other two districts.
So, after much deliberation, it was determined that he should be installed at a con-
venient season, but that the precise time for performing the ceremony need not for
the present be fixed upon.
Sometimes a couple of chiefs quarrel, and, instead of going to war, fight it out them-
selves with their clubs. They display great dexterity in fencing and guarding, as well as
striking, and are watched intently by the spectators. They are usually parted before they
do any serious harm to each other, because in case either were killed, or even seriously
injured, a war of vengeance would be the inevitable result.
1
COMPARATIVELY little is known of the native laws of Samoa, which, like all similar
institutions, are always on the change, and of late years have been almost forgotten by
reason of the presence of Europeans in the islands. We find, however, from several
travellers, especially from those who have lived among the Samoans as missionaries, that
360
SAMOA.
a tolerably well-defined code of laws is recognised, and administered by the chief and his
councillors.
Murder, for example, was punishable by death; and this was so well known that when
one man murdered another, he and all his family generally fled to another district, where
they were sure of protection. It was necessary that all the family should accompany the
murderer, because the relatives of the slain man might wreak their vengeance upon any
relation of the murderer. Practically, the punishment for murder resolved itself into a
heavy fine. The fugitive necessarily left behind him his plantations, his house, and other
property, all of which was seized by the chief. Sometimes the whole of the property was
confiscated, the house burned down, the plantation devastated, and a message sent to the
murderer that he might never return to his own village. Generally, however, this extreme
punishment was commuted for a heavy fine, part of which consisted in giving a feast to
the entire village.
Damaging a fruit-tree was held to be a crime deserving of heavy punishment; and so
was speaking disrespectfully to a chief, destroying a fence, or behaving rudely to strangers.
For several offences the Samoans had a curiously graduated scale of punishments. Some-
times, when the offence was a light one, the offender was sentenced to seat himself in
front of the chief and his council
, and take five bites of a cruelly pungent root. Some-
times he was obliged to toss and catch a certain number of times one of the prickly
sea-urchins, which are covered with slender spikes, as sharp as needles and as brittle as
glass. Sometimes he had to beat his head with sharp stones until his face was covered
with blood.
These punishments were usually inflicted, but there was a severe set of penalties for
graver offences. In some cases the offender was hung by the feet to the branch of a
tree, or stripped of all his clothes, and set in the burning rays of the mid-day sun.
One of the severest, as well as most degrading punishments consisted in taking a pole cut
from a very prickly tree, tying together the culprit's feet and hands, slinging him on the
pole as pigs are slung when they are being taken to the oven, and carrying him to the
house or village against which he had offended.
The degrading part of this punishment consisted in likening the offender to a pig
going to the oven. It is always held as a deep insult to a Samoan to compare him to
a pig; while the very idea of being baked in the oven is most repulsive to the feelings of
the people, who have the same contempt for any of the processes of cookery that prevails
throughout New Zealand, Fiji, and Tonga. So utterly humiliating is this punishment,
that when the culprit is laid helpless at the feet of those whom he has injured he is
almost invariably released and forgiven, the extreme degradation being accepted as an
atonement for almost any offence, no matter how heinous. This is the reason why the
ceremony of Ifonga is considered as so degrading.
Indeed, it is in consequence of this feeling that cannibalism is occasionally practised,
though, as has already been mentioned, it exists in a very modified form. Formerly, the
women always attended upon the warriors for the sake of obtaining the bodies of the
slain foes, which they dragged out of the field, and then cooked, by way of expressing the
utmost contempt for them. The priests used also to accompany the warriors, and pray to
the gods for success. They had good reason for wishing for victory, as their portion of
the food was only the hands of the slain warriors, and as long as the struggle lasted they
were not allowed to eat any other food except these hands. The priests of the losing side
have sometimes been obliged to fast for several days in succession.
When the body of a chief was carried off to the oven, great rejoicings were made, and
every one was expected to eat a piece of it, no matter how small
. On such occasions,
even the women and little children had a share, the question being frequently asked
whether all have tasted. Sometimes, when a captive has been taken alive, the Samoans
have been known to tie him up to a tree, dig a hole in front of him, line it with stones,
heat it before his eyes, and then throw him into it.
According to the accounts of the natives, wars were formerly much more common than
is now the case, the musket having almost driven the club and spear out of the field, and
rendering useless the strength and skill of the warriors, who prided themselves on their
AN ACTION FOR DAMAGES.
361
dexterity of handling their weapons. How well they fence with the club has already been
described, and that they were equally efficient in the use of the spear is evident from an
anecdote told by Mr. Williams.
A chief named Matetau had come on board an English vessel, and the captain, wishing
to test the skill of his visitor, painted on the foresail a ring about four or five inches in
diameter, and asked Matetau to throw his spear at it. The chief retired to the quarter-
deck, about eighty feet from the mark, poised his spear for a moment, and sent it through
the middle of the ring. Warriors thus skilful in the use of their weapons might well feel
indignant at the introduction of fire-arms, which equalize the weak and the strong, and
enable a mere boy only just tattooed to kill the greatest chief.
When cases are brought before the council for adjudication, both plaintiff and defen-
dant exhibit the greatest ingenuity in stating their case, and are wonderfully fertile in
inventing new arguments. The Samoan litigant is as slippery as an eel, and no sooner
has he found one post untenable than he has contrived to glide away from it and establish
himself in another. Mr. Pritchard gives a very amusing instance of this characteristic of
the Samoan.
The property of an English resident, who was popularly called “Monkey Jack,” had
been wantonly destroyed, and the injured man referred the case to the council. As at
that time two ships of war arrived, the matter was by common consent referred to the
senior officer, and the plaintiff, accompanied by his friends, proceeded to the spot. The
chiefs were convened, and, though they could not deny that the property had been de-
stroyed, they put forward a series of excuses for refusing to pay any indemnity.
Firstly, they said that the plaintiff had joined the enemy, and that they were therefore
entitled to wage war on him. This accusation being refuted, they shifted their ground
from the man to his wife, saying that she was related to the enemy, and that her
husband necessarily partook of the relationship. Fortunately, the woman happened to
be related equally to both sides, so that the defendants had to abandon that plea.
Their next count was, that the destruction of the property was accidental, and that
therefore the owner had no claim on them. As their own previous admissions contra-
dicted them, there was no difficulty in disposing of this allegation. Their next line of
defence was a very ludicrous one, and showed that they were nearly brought to bay. It
so happened that “Monkey Jack” was something of an armourer, and used to repair for
the natives the muskets which their rough hands had damaged. His opponents sud-
denly recollected this, and turned it to account, saying that his charges for repairs were so
much heavier to them than to the enemy, that in self-defence they had taken his property
in compensation. Evidence was brought that his charges were always the same to any
natives, no matter to which party they belonged, and so the defendants were again
beaten.
Like wise men, however, they had reserved their weightiest argument to the last. It
has already been mentioned that in time of war either party has no scruple in destroying
or confiscating the property of a friend, on the plea that it is better for them to have the
use of the property than for the enemy to take it. The defendants brought forward an
argument based on this custom, saying that they only acted in accordance with national
custom, and that they had destroyed the property of the plaintiff in order to keep it
out of the hands of the enemy.
This was by far the most formidable argument they could have employed, but “Monkey
Jack” was as clever as his opponents, and replied with crushing effect, that for several
weeks the opposite party had been able, if they had desired to do so, to destroy all his
property, but had refrained from touching it.
When the chiefs saw that they had met with men more skilful than themselves in
argument, they were sadly perplexed, and some of the younger chiefs hit on a mode by
which they thought that they might escape from paying the indemnity. They agreed
quietly to surround the spot where the captain and the consul were sitting, and suddenly
carry them off, and retain them as hostages until the indemnity should be given up.
Fortunately, Mr. Pritchard detected their plot, and contrived to slip back to the boats,
where he arranged a counter-plot.
362
SAMOA.
Before very long, the Samoans surrounded the place where the intended captives were
sitting, and, just as they were about to seize them, Mr. Pritchard called out to them, and
showed them that they were covered by the levelled muskets of the sailors and marines,
who had accompanied the captain and the consul to the spot. Knowing that, unlike them-
selves, the English warriors had an inconvenient habit of hitting when they fired, the
Samoan chiefs acknowledged themselves conquered, and agreed to pay the indemnity.
Another case, much more petty, was a very ludicrous one, the Samoan absolutely
granting himself to be defeated by the logic of his opponent.
There was a certain West Indian negro, who had taken up his residence in Samoa, and
had attained in a neighbouring tribe the rank of chief, together with the name of Paunga.
A native chief, named Toe-tangata (called, for brevity's sake, Toe), had a dog, which was
in the habit of stealing from Paunga's house. The latter had often complained to the
owner of the animal, but without success, and at last, as the dog continued to steal,
Paunga shot it
. Now in Samoa to insult a chief's dog is to insult the owner, and so Toe
considered himself to have been shot by Paunga.
The case was at last referred to the captain of an English man-of-war, but Paunga
refused to appear, saying that he was a Samoan chief, and not under the jurisdiction of a
foreigner. A file of armed marines was at once sent for Paunga, who ingeniously took
advantage of the proceeding, placing himself at their head, and telling the people that
they might now see that he was a chief among the white people as well as among natives,
and had his guard of honour, without which he would not have stirred out of the
house.
Both being before the captain, Toe made his complaint, and was instantly crushed by
Paunga's reply. He admitted that the property of a chief was identical with the owner.
Consequently, when Toe's dog ate Paunga's food, he, Toe, ate Paunga. Therefore, when
Paunga shot Toe in the person of his dog, he only balanced the account, and neither party
had grounds of complaint against the other.
CHAPTER III.
SAMOAN AMUSEMENTS-PIGEON-CATCHING THE DECOY BIRDS, AND MODE OF USING THEMTRAIN-
ING THE BIRDS FISHING : THE NET AND THE LINE DARING MODE OF SHARK-CATCHING
A BOLD FISHERMAN-CURIOUS ACCIDENTS TO THE DIVERS: THE SHARK AND THE CORAL-THE
BOAR HUNT—A DANGEROUS FOE—SAMOAN COOKERY—THE PALOLO-ITS CURIOUS APPEARANCE,
MODE OF CAPTURE, AND WAY OF COOKING IT MARRIAGE IN SAMOA - CEREMONIES IN THE
MARRIAGE OF A CHIEF-THE WEDDING FEAST AND DANCES-SAMOAN ARCHITECTURE-DIVISION
OF THE HOUSE BY 'MOSQUITO CURTAINS.
THE amusements of the Samoans are in many respects identical with those of other
Polynesians, and therefore only those will be described wherein is anything characteristic
of these islanders. One of the principal sports is pigeon-shooting, which is carried on in
certain parts of the wood expressly prepared for it. The principle on which the sport is
followed much resembles that of the rat-shooting practised by the Tongans. Several
chiefs agree to go off on a pigeon-catching expedition, and at the appointed time the
fowling-ground is cleared of bush, a large circle is marked out by stones, and just outside
the circle are made a number of ambushes, formed from leaves and branches, which are
cut fresh daily.
The sport is preluded by a drink of kava, and when this indispensable preliminary is
over, the chiefs repair to their stations, each having a net and a trained bird. The net is
small, and is fixed to the end of a bamboo, thirty or even forty feet in length. The bird
is perched on a stick near its master, and is attached to its perch by a string forty or fifty
yards in length.
At a given signal, the birds are thrown into the air, and, following the instructions
they have received, wheel round and round for some little time. The wild pigeons see
them from a distance, and, fancying from their movements that they are hovering over
food, fly to join them. As they wheel to and fro with the decoy birds, the chiefs raise
their nets and dexterously capture them. He who takes the greatest number of pigeons
wins the game, and receives from each of the other players a stake which has been
previously fixed upon. Generally the stakes consist of food or kava roots, and in such
cases the winner practically gains nothing but the honour of winning the game, as the
food is cooked and distributed by the winner to all his companions, and the kava is
converted into drink.
These bird-catching parties last for a very long time, the players sometimes remaining
on the spot for a month. Huts are consequently run up around the open space on which
the birds are flown.
The decoy birds are most carefully trained, the object of the trainer being to make
them rise at the word of command, fly to the end of the string, wheel round in graceful
circles for some time, and then return to the perch.
rn to the perch. When a bird will remain on the
wing for five minutes and return to its perch at its master's call, it is considered as having
been highly trained, and is held in great estimation. The natives may be often seen

364
SAMOA
engaged in training the birds in the open space in the centre of the village. The birds
are encouraged in their flight by a peculiar mode of jerking the string.
Fishing is a very favourite amusement with the Samoans, who
display a wonderful
amount of skill and often of courage in their sport. The latter quality is chiefly brought
into play when the natives are occupied in shark-fishing. Whenever a great feast is to
be held, the fishermen go off in search of sharks, the flesh of this fish being one of the
principal dainties of Samoa. The fishermen go off in canoes, each canoe being manned
by two or three fishermen, who are supplied with a strong rope, having a noose at one end
and a quantity of animal offal.
NM
TE
PIGEON-CATCHING.
Going to the edge of the lagoon, where the sharks lie under shelter of the rocks, the
men throw the offal overboard, for the double purpose of attracting and gorging the
sharks. They then peer into the water, and when one of the fishermen sees a shark
lazily stretching itself on the sand that lies under the overhanging rocks, he lets himself
very quietly into the sea, dives down with the rope in his hand, slips the noose over the
shark's tail, and rises to the surface. As soon as he gets into the boat, the men drag the
shark out of his retreat, and haul away until the creature's tail is raised out of the sea,
when it becomes nearly helpless. A sudden jerk brings it into the canoe, where it is
instantly killed.
Sometimes the shark lies in a deep submarine cave, with only its head out of the
opening. The Samoan fisherman, however, is not to be baffled by this attitude, but dives
down to the shark, and taps it gently on the head. The fish, replete with food, feels
annoyed at the interruption, and turns round, exposing as it does so its tail to the daring
fisherman, who slips the noose over it in a moment.
BOAR-HUNTING.
365
One young man, mentioned by Mr. Pritchard, was celebrated for his daring in this
sport. He disdained assistance, and used to go out alone in a little canoe, dropping bait
overboard in order to attract the sharks, and throwing his noosed rope over their tails. On
one occasion the rope broke, but the brave fellow had no idea of losing both shark and
rope. He leaped overboard among all the sharks, seized the rope, scrambled into his
canoe again, and, after a long and severe struggle, succeeded in killing his shark and
towing it ashore.
Sometimes the hook is used in shark-fishing. The fishermen bait a hook, carry it out
in a canoe in twelve feet or so of water, and bring the line back to land. Before very
long a shark is nearly sure to seize the bait; and when the fish is fairly hooked, several
men haul at the rope and drag the shark into shallow water, where it is allowed to flounce
about until it is exhausted, and is then killed without difficulty.
Such a sport as this is necessarily attended with much danger, but the Samoan fisher-
man is nearly as much at home in the water as the shark itself, and treats his dangerous
game with the same easy indifference which a Spanish matador displays towards a
furious bull
. Accidents certainly do happen in both cases, but they are the exception,
and not the rule.
Another of their amusements which is dangerous is pig-hunting. As the swine are
allowed to run loose in the woods, they have reverted to their wild modes of life, and are
sly, swift, active, and ferocious. It is thought a point of honour for a chief to challenge a
wild boar, and to receive no assistance except in case of extreme need. The hunter is
armed with his knife and tomahawk, or sometimes with a whale-spade, which makes a
very formidable weapon if the edges are kept sharp.
To kill one of the animals is no easy task. In the first place, a wild boar is so quick
that nothing but the greatest activity can save the hunter from its tusks; and were the
fight to take place on an open plain instead of among trees, behind which the hunter can
jump when hard pressed, the beast might probably get the better of the man. Then the
boar is wonderfully tenacious of life, and has a skin so tough that a sharp weapon and a
strong arm are needed to inflict a mortal wound. Even when the animal has fallen, and
is apparently dead, an experienced hunter always drives his knife into its throat, as
boars have an awkward way of suddenly reviving, leaping on their legs, and dashing
through their foes into the bush.
The sows are even more dangerous antagonists than the boars. They are, as a rule,
lighter, thinner, and more active, and, although they have no long tusks wherewith to rip
up their foes, they can bite as sharply and as quickly as wolves. Indeed, were it not for
the dogs, which are trained to boar-hunting, and are wonderfully courageous and skilful,
though very ugly and most unpromising to the eye, they would seldom be brought to bay.
Mr. Pritchard gives an account of an adventure of his own with a boar, which gives an
excellent idea of the ferocity, cunning, and activity of the animals. The boar had
actually received two rifle-bullets in his left shoulder, inflicting wounds which would
have disabled, if not killed, most animals, but seemed only to irritate the boar by
the pain.
“The fury of the beast was intense, with its two wounds and the worrying of the
dogs. He stood grinding his teeth and frothing at the mouth, looking first at one and
then at another of us, as if measuring an antagonist for fight. The chief suggested that
one of us should tackle him, while the others looked on without interfering. Of course
I had to claim the privilege to do so after such a challenge; though, in truth, this being
the first boar I had ever encountered, I felt as if I had somewhat rashly undertaken the
combat, for, even with his two wounds, I fancied he might possibly hold out longer than
myself, and, if I failed to kill him, the failure would be fine sport for my comrades, and
not soon forgotten in their jokes.
However, I stepped out in front of the infuriated beast, and no sooner was I there than
he was there too-quite promptly enough, I thought. He made a furious charge at me,
which I received with the butt end of my rifle, trying to throw him over on his wounded
side, but ineffectually. A second time he came at me, and a second time I checked him.
As he drew up for the third charge, his long bristles standing on end, grinding his tusks

366
SAMOA
and tossing the froth from his huge mouth, I drew my tomahawk. On he came, swifter
than ever; the tomahawk fell deep into the thick part of his neck, and my boy Atamu
did the rest with his long knife.
“It was rather hot work, for these boars have immense strength and no little dogged
pluck, and their skins are so tough that often a spear will break short off without leaving
even a mark where it struck.”
The same boar had previously forced the writer to employ rather a ludicrous manoeuvre.
He had fired at the shoulder of the animal, thinking that, if the bullet did not reach the
heart, it would at all events disable him. But the boar made at him almost as it received
TEMA
A BOAR HUNT IN SAMOA.
manner.
the shot, and sprang on him so quickly that he was forced to jump over its head on to its
back, and roll off towards the nearest tree. The smaller pigs are killed in a different
The dogs are trained to catch them by the ears, shoulders, and tail, so as to
check their progress, and when the hunters come up they place a stick across the animals
throat, and press it down on each side until the pig is dead.
When little pigs are killed in the bush, they are always cooked there in extemporary
ovens, and carried through the village in baskets, in order to make a greater show than
if they were merely carried in their uncooked state.
As to the cookery of the Samoans, there is little to distinguish it from that of the
Tongans and other Polynesians of the same race. They have a great abundance of dishes,
being able to produce almost as great a variety in that respect as the Fijians, and many
of their dishes are extremely palatable to a European. Vegetables form the staple of
A CURIOUS DISH.
367
the Samoan's food, and of those he has abundant choice. Putting aside those vegetables
which have been imported from Europe, he has yams, taro, bananas, bread-fruit, cocoa-
nuts, and plantains. Sometimes these are cooked separately and sometimes mixed, in
order to produce a compound more palatable to native taste. As a rule, the simpler
specimens of Samoan cookery please even the English palate, but when the native
cooks dress compound dishes the natives are generally the only persons who can
eat them.
For instance, there is nothing better in its way than the young cocoa-nut, which is
entirely different from the hard, indigestible state in which we see it in England. But
when the milk is poured out, its place supplied with salt water, and the contents allowed
to become putrid, the compound is offensive to more senses than one. Some of their
compounds are, however, excellent. Such is a sort of pudding made by pouring the juice
of cocoa-nuts over bananas, and baking them together. Even the very young kernel
of the cocoa-nut makes a very rich dish when baked. A very palatable pudding is
made of yams or tara scraped into thin shavings and baked together with the cocoa-
nut juice.
The strangest diet of the Samoans is the annelid called the Palolo (Palolo
viridis). Mr. Pritchard gives an excellent account of this curious being and the mode
of cooking it.
It appears only in certain strictly defined and very limited localities in each group
(i.e. in Fiji
, Tonga, and Samoa); a month earlier, about the first week in November, in
Samoa than in the two other groups. It rises directly from the bottom of the sea to the
surface, appearing first about four o'clock in the morning, and continuing to increase in
number, until about half an hour after sunrise, when it begins to dissolve, and gradually
disappears. By eight o'clock not a trace of the palolo remains in the sea. They look
just like so many worms, from an inch to a yard in length, showing every conceivable
colour as they wriggle about, and are soft to the touch.
“The time of their appearance is calculated by the old men of the various tribes, and
is known by the sun, moon, and stars having a particular bearing to each other. A
month before the great appearance, a few are found in each of the localities where they
rise. Parties go out in their canoes to watch for' this first appearance, for by it the
calculation as to the second and great appearance is verified.
“When that time comes, whole villages, men, women, and children, crowd the scene;
by two o'clock the sea is covered with canoes, the outriggers getting foul and breaking
adrift without distracting the attention, as by four o'clock all are busied scooping up the
palolos and pouring them into baskets made for the occasion. The noise and excitement
from four to six o'clock is something astonishing, and the scrambling most amusing.
And when, with canoes landed, the crowd disperses, the next thing is to prepare the
ovens to cook the palolos, which are merely wrapped in bread-fruit leaves. They are
sent round with much formality to friends at a distance, and sometimes kept three or
four weeks by being occasionally warmed in an oven.
“I never could muster courage to do more than merely taste them, so repulsive is
their very appearance as they roll and coil together, though Englishmen and even English
women there are who eat them, and professedly with a relish, for which I suppose one
cannot but accept their word. One lady in particular there is, as described by Dr.
Seeman, a 'strong-minded individual,' who eats palolo with a remarkable gusto. I think
she will not be deprived of her fancy dish by many of her visitors."
There has been much discussion about the palolo, many persons having doubted
whether it was ever an annelid, and believing the worms to be mere strings of spawn.
The question has, however, been settled, and there is an elaborate paper on the palolo in
the “Transactions of the Linnæan Society," vol. xxii. p. 237.
The worm is allied to the well-known Nereids, several species of which are so plen-
tiful on our own shores. It is flattish, about the sixth of an inch in width, and consists
of a vast number of segments. The entire specimen has never been secured, so delicate
and fragile is the creature, and it is with the greatest difficulty that a head can be
discovered. Among the specimeus first sent to the British Museum, not a single head
368
SAMOA.
could be found, and among a large bottle full of palolo collected expressly for sci-
entific purposes, only one head was discovered. The head is a little narrower than the
joints which compose the neck, and is furnished with two little eyes on the upper
surface, between which are placed three conical tentacles, of which the middle is the
longest.
The normal colour of the annelid is green, and it is remarkable for the regularly
dotted appearance of the back, one black dot being placed on the middle of each segment.
So regularly does the palolo make its appearance, that among the Fiji group the months
of October and November are known by the names of the Little Palolo and Great Palolo,
the former being the month in which the worm is first seen, and the second that in which
it makes its grand appearance.
MARRIAGES in Samoa are conducted much like those of Tonga, the latter group of
islands having borrowed many of the Samoan customs. It is thought rather below the
dignity of a chief to court a wife for himself, and that office is generally undertaken by
his friends, who praise him in the most unmeasured terms, and do all in their power to
induce the girl to yield. When her consent has been given, the chief sends property to
her father, and receives in return fine mats and other articles, this exchange being con-
sidered as the betrothal.
On the day of marriage, the bride, well anointed with oil, coloured with turmeric, and
dressed in large quantities of the finest mats, is placed in the malae, or open space in
the centre of the village, attended by her young friends, who are arrayed in all the
gorgeousness of savage finery, with wreaths of flowers and nautilus shells on their heads.
She is also accompanied by the two duennas who have had charge of her, and who
chant her praises and extol her virtue. The object of this public assembly is to prove
whether the girl be worthy to be the wife of a chief. Should the verdict be in her
favour, she is presented to the people as the chief's wife, and, amid their acclamations, is
taken into the house by her duennas and attendants. Should, as is very seldom the case,
the verdict be adverse, all the male members of her family, even her father and brothers,
rush on her with their clubs and kill her on the spot, in order to take away the disgrace
which she has brought on her house.
After the bride has been led away there is a grand dance. This differs somewhat
from the dances which are usually seen among the Polynesians. The spectators being
seated in a circle round a cleared space, and keeping up a monotonous chant, the men
first enter the circle, led by a young chief, and clothed merely in the little leaf apron, so
as to show off the tattoo to the best advantage. Their leader goes through a vast number
of steps, sometimes leaping high in the air, and sometimes executing movements of
a slower and more graceful character, while every step is watched and criticised as it
is danced by the leader and imitated by his followers. After the men have danced for
some time they retire, and a number of girls enter, who go through evolutions of a similar
character, and afterwards both men and women dance together.
THE houses of the Samoans are all built on the same model. They are very con-
servative in some of their ideas, and follow implicity the plan which was adopted by
the chief who, according to their traditions, first built a dwelling. At a distance, the
appearance of the house has been compared to a large mushroom.
The first process is, to make a large platform of rough stones, covered with gravel,
extending some twenty feet on every side beyond the walls of the house. In the centre
are planted three posts, standing about twenty-five feet out of the ground. Upon these
central posts are supported the rafters of the roof, one end of each rafter being fixed to
them, and the other end to the tops of short posts about four feet high, which form, or
rather which do duty for, the walls of the house. Real walls there are none, but at night
the space between the posts is closed by blinds made of plaited cocoa-nut leaves. The
whole framework of the roof is so made that it can be removed in several portions, and
occasionally a house is actually moved by sea, the roof being carried on three or four
canoes.
ARCHITECTURE.
369
The thatch is made of the leaves of the sugar-cane, nailed by the women to reeds
with spikes made of the ribs of the cocoa-nut leaves. About four thousand of these
prepared leaves are required for thatching a house, and they are lashed carefully with
cocoa-nut fibre.
The floor of the house is strewn with very fine gravel and covered with mats. There
are no separate chambers, but at night the house is divided into a number of sleeping-
places by means of the mosquito curtains which are attached to the central post, and let
down when required. It is a point of etiquette that all guests should be supplied with
clean mats. The pillow used in Samoa is just like that of Fiji, and is nothing more than
a stick supported on a foot at each end.
w
ADZE, MANGAIA. (See p. 373.)
(From my collection.)
The handle of this adze is painted with the pattern which is intended to be carved upon it.
VOL. II.
BB
HERVEY AND KINGSMILL ISLANDS.
ÞOSITION OF THE HERVEY ISLANDS FIERCE AND TREACHEROUS NATURE OF THE INHABITANTS -
THE CHIEF MOUROOA, AND HIS VISIT TO THE SHIP SKILL IN CARVING THEIR BEAUTIFUL
PADDLES AND CANOES THE MANGAIAN ADZE: ITS CARVED HANDLE AND STONE HEAD THE
MANY-BARBED SPEAR-THE CLUB AND SLING-THE FOUR RANKS IN BATTLE-FEROCITY OF THE
WOMEN-FEUDS AND THEIR CONSEQUENCES—A MANGAIAN HOUSE-FOOD: PROCURING AND COOK-
ING ITA RAT HUNT--IDOLS OF THE MANGAIANS. THE KINGSMILL ISLANDERS-LOCALITY AND
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE KINGSMILL ISLANDS APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES ARCHI-
TECTURE DRESS AND TATTOOING WARLIKE NATURE THE TERRIBLE WEAPONS OF THESE
ISLANDS—THE SWORD AND SPEAR-MODE OF GOVERNMENT—BURIAL OF A DEAD CHIEF.
EASTWARD of Samoa, and rather southward, lie the Hervey, or Cook's Islands. The
group includes seven islands, the principal of which is Rarotonga, an island between
thirty and forty miles in circumference. This island is remarkable for the lofty
mountains of the interior, and round it extends a large reef of coral. Some of the
islands are entirely coral, and all of them are surrounded by the dangerous coral reefs, at
which the coral "insects" are still working
In general appearance the people bear much resemblance to the Samoans, but seem to
be of a more warlike and ferocious character. Indeed, so quarrelsome and bloodthirsty
are the natives of this group, that when Mr. Williams visited Hervey's Island he found
that only sixty of the population survived, and a few years later they were reduced to
five men, three women, and some children, and these were on the point of fighting among
themselves, in order to ascertain which should be king.
One of the principal islands of this group, namely, Mangaia, was discovered by
Captain Cook in March 1777. The natives were very unwilling to come on board the
vessel, but at last two men put off in a canoe, their curiosity overcoming their terror.
The name of one of them was Mourooa, and he was distinguishable by a large scar on
his forehead, the result of a wound received in battle.
“Mourooa," writes Captain Cook, “was lusty and well-made, but not very tall. His
features were agreeable, and his disposition seemingly no less so, for he made several
droll gesticulations, which indicated both good-nature and a share of humour. He also
made others which seemed of a serious kind, and repeated some words with a devout air
before he ventured to lay hold of the rope at the ship's stern; which was probably to
recommend himself to the protection of some divinity.
“His colour was nearly of the same cast common to the most southern Europeans.
The other man was not so handsome. Both of them had strong, straight hair, of a jet
colour, tied together on the crown of the head with a bit of cloth. They wore such
girdles as we perceived about those on shore, and we found they wore a substance
made from the Morus papyrifera, in the same manner as at the other islands of this
THE CHIEF MOUROOA.
371
AESF
DET
ocean. It was glazed, like
the sort used by the natives
of the Friendly Islands, but
the cloth on their heads was
white, like that which is
found at Otaheite.
They had on a kind of
sandal made of a grassy sub-
stance interwoven, which we
also observed were worn by
those who stood upon the
beach, and, as we supposed,
intended to defend their feet
against the rough coral rock.
Their beards were long; and
the inside of their arms, from
the shoulder to the elbow,
and some other parts, were
punctured or tattooed, after
the manner of the inhabitants
of almost all the other islands
in the South Sea. The lobe
of their ears was pierced, or
rather slit, and to such a
length that one of them
stuck there a knife and some
beads which he had received
from us; and the same person
had twopolished pearl-shells
and a bunch of human hair
loosely twisted
hanging
about his neck, which was
the only ornament we ob-
served.”
After sometime, Mourooa
ventured on board the ship
but seemed very uneasy at
his position, his feelings of
curiosity being overcome by
those of alarm at finding
himself in so gigantica
vessel. He showed little
curiosity about the ship and
the various objects which it
contained, but the sight of
a goat entirely drove out
of his mind any emotion ex-
cept wonder, he never having
seen so large an animal.
He wanted to know what
bird it could be, and, as soon
as he could get ashore, he
was seen narrating to the
people the wonders which he
had seen on board the great
canoe.
Tui
In
AAAAA
AWARAWAWALA
IVETASValera
section.
TAMA?
AN
XXVX4A
WARNA
122
19.2
STAR
いやいや​いち​いい
​***
mom
PADDLES.
BB 2
372
THE HERVEY ISLANDS.
All the Hervey Islanders are gifted with a natural appreciation of art, and the
inhabitants of Mangaia seem to be pre-eminent in this respect. They lavish the most
minute and elaborate carving on various objects, the handles of tools and the paddles
seeming to be their favourite subjects. The beautiful paddles which are shown in the
preceding illustration are drawn from specimens in my own collection. That which
is shown in the first figure is nearly four feet in length, and the blade is eleven inches
wide in the broadest part
. The pattern is given as well as can be done, considering the
minute elaboration of the original. The opposite face of the blade is even more carefully
decorated, and perhaps with a more artistic design. The squared shaft of the paddle is
covered with carving, as is also the peculiarly-shaped handle.
Another paddle is made in a similar manner, except that the shaft is rounded instead
of squared, and decorated at the handle with a row of ornaments which seem to be
conventional imitations of the human face. The wood of which these paddles are made
is light, though strong and elastic; and, as the implement is sometimes used as a club, both
these last-mentioned characteristics are needed.
Captain Cook noticed the peculiar shape of these paddles, though he does not appear
to ve handled them, or to have examined them carefully. “The canoe they came in
(which was the only one we saw) was not above ten feet long and very narrow, but both
strong and neatly made. The fore-part had a board fastened over it and projecting out,
so as to prevent the sea from getting in on plunging ... but it had an upright stern about
five feet high, like some in New Zealand, and the upper part of this stern-post was forked.
The lower part of the canoe was of white wood, but the upper was black, and their
paddles made of wood of the same colour, not above three feet long, broad at one end
and blunted.”
Another paddle, a sketch of which is given in the right-hand figure on the preceding
page, was brought to England by the late Admiral Young, and presented to me by his
daughter
. It is not so large as the specimens which have been just described, but is the
most delicately carved specimen I have ever seen.
The wood of which it is made is a very rich dark brown, and takes a high polish, so
that the effect of the carving is peculiarly good. The blade is covered with a vast
number of stars, wonderfully well carved, seeing that the native maker had no com-
passes by which to take his measurement, and that his only tools were sharks' teeth and
bits of stone. The maker has spared no pains over this trophy of his skill, and, as if to
show his own fertility of invention, he has not covered the whole of the shaft with the
same pattern, as is the case with the two paddles that have just been described, but has
changed the pattern every few inches. I have also a much smaller and shorter paddle,
not quite three feet in length, which is made with equal care, but which is not intended
so much for use in propelling boats as for ornament in dancing.
The love of ornamentation is displayed in all their manufactures, which are decorated
in a manner equally elaborate and artistic. Even their drinking cups, which are made
from cocoa-nut shells, are covered with carved patterns of a nature similar to those of the
paddles.
The reader will remark that many Polynesians adorn with carving the handles of their
tools and weapons, examples of which have been given in the preceding pages. The
Hervey Islanders, however, leave no portion of the implement without carving, and in
many instances sacrifice utility to ornament. This is generally the case with the adze
handles, many of which are so extremely ornamental that it is not easy to see how they
can be useful.
The specimen which is figured on page 373 is a good example of such an adze. The
lower part of the handle is completely hollow, the native manufacturer having contrived
to cut away the wood through the intervals between the upright pillars. As these intervals
are not quite the third of an inch in width, the labour of removing the interior of the
handle must have been very great, and the work exceedingly tedious. Even with Euro-
pean tools it would be a difficult piece of workmanship, and its difficulty is greatly
enhanced by the fact that the native who carved it had nothing but a sharp stone or a
shark's tooth lashed to a handle by way of a knife. This particular specimen has been
INS
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THE MANGAIAN ADZE.
373
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in England for many years, and must have been made before the introduction of
European tools among the natives.
The head of the adze is made of stone, and is lashed to the handle in a way exactly
like that which is employed by the New Zealanders, except that it is far more elaborate.
As if desirous of giving himself as much trouble as possible, the maker has employed the
finest plaited sinnet, not wider than packthread and quite flat, and has laid it on the tool
in a manner so elaborate that to give a proper idea of it the artist must have occupied an
entire page with his drawing. Suffice it to say that the
accompanying illustration gives a good general idea of
the mode in which the head is lashed to the handle.
The sinnet is laid as regularly as if wound by machinery,
and the native artist has contrived to produce the most
extraordinary effects with it, throwing the various
portions into a simulated perspective, and making the
lashing look as if there were four distinct layers, one
above another.
Between the stone of the adze-head and the wood
of the handle is placed a piece of very strong tappa-
cloth, which seems to have been laid on while wet, so
that the bands of sinnet have pressed it well together,
and aided in strengthening the junction. The end of
this tappa is seen projecting on the upper part of the
head, just where it is joined to the handle. That such
an implement as this should have been intended for
use seems most unlikely, and I believe that it has only
been constructed as a sample of the maker's skill.
Sometimes adzes of a similar character are made, the
handles of which are from four to five feet long, and
carved with a pierced pattern throughout their entire
length, so that they could not have been intended for
hard work.
A similar elaborate ornamentation is found upon
the Hervey Islanders' spears, one of which is shown in
the illustration on the following page.
The spear, which is in my collection, is rather more
than ten feet in length, and beautifully made. The
shaft is very straight, very slender, and highly polished,
but without any carving; indeed, it is so slight that it
could not bear any pattern to be carved upon it. The
ornament is therefore confined to the many-barbed
head, which is a beautiful specimen of savage art.
By referring to the illustration, the reader will see
that just below the first set of barbs the wood of the
ADZE, MAGNIFIED.
spear swells into a slightly oval form. This portion
of the head is covered with carving, necessarily very
shallow, but sufficient for ornament. Between the various sets of barbs the spear is wrapped
with very narrow strips of some reed, which is highly polished and of a bright yellow
colour, so that the contrast between the dark wood of the barbs and the shining yellow
of the wrapping is very striking. In spite of the large size of the head, the spear is well
balanced, the length of the slender and elastic shaft acting as a counterpoise; and
altogether the weapon is as formidable as it is elegant.
Their clubs are ornamented in a similar manner. Mr. Williams describes one of a
very curious form. It was carved like the right-hand club on page 276, but was bent
nearly at right angles, rather beyond the junction of the handle with the head, and was
ornamented with a great bunch of long and slender feathers. Slings of great length and
power are used by these people.
INN
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374
THE HERVEY ISLANDS.
WITTCNTIITITIT
Head Larger.
TUNT
BETERI:
ELS
According to the accounts of this missionary, the inhabitants of
Mangaia can use their weapons with great skill and courage. They do
not try to hide behind trees and bushes, and take their foes by surprise,
but boldly meet them in the open field. When two parties meet, they
form themselves into four lines. The warriors who compose the first row
are armed with the long spears which have just been described, the second
rank carry clubs, the third are furnished with slings, and the fourth rank
is composed of the women, who carry additional weapons, in case the
men should be disarmed, together with a supply of small stones for the
slingers.
Sometimes the women take an active part in the fray. One young
chief told Mr. Williams that in one battle he was fiercely assailed by
the wife of his antagonist. He told her to desist, as he had not come
to fight with women. However, she would not listen to him, and
exclaiming, “ If you kill my husband, what shall I do?” flung a stone at
him, which struck him to the ground. Had it not been for the prompt
assistance of his own people, who came to the rescue, he would assuredly
have lost his life through this woman's fury.
The people are apt to be ferocious in battle, and Mr. Williams
mentions that several of his converts forgot the maxims of Christianity in
the excitement of battle, and killed their vanquished enemies in spite
of their entreaties for mercy. In all probability, these people were
carrying out some feeling of vengeance, according to the custom of these
islands.
Throughout the greater part of Polynesia the friends or relatives of
the murdered man are bound to avenge his death by killing the murderer,
if they can secure him, or at all events by killing one of his family. The
family of the victim then retaliate in their turn, so that when a man goes
into battle he mostly has a number of feuds on his hands. Like the
Corsican Vendetta, if such a feud cannot be carried out in a man's life-
time, he bequeaths it to his son, so that it may be carried on for any
number of generations,
This savage custom has stood greatly in the way of the missionaries.
They found no very great difficulty in persuading the people that to harbour
malice against another, who might be totally innocent, was exceedingly
wrong, and that they ought to abandon the feud. But the new converts
argued that it was very unfair to demand that they should abandon their
feuds against others while the feuds against themselves were still in
operation.
In their architecture the Mangaians display the same love of
carving which has already been mentioned. Mr. Williams thus describes
a building which had been erected for him, and which was large enough
to hold sixteen hundred persons :-
It was a fine building, of an oval shape, about one hundred and
twenty feet in length. The large posts which supported the roof (eight
in number), the ridge-pole, and the rafters were most beautifully carved,
and tastefully coloured with various native preparations.
“It is impossible, however, so to describe them as to enable the
reader to form a correct idea of their appearance, or of the taste and
ingenuity displayed in their execution. These posts were twenty-five feet
high, and from twelve to eighteen inches square, and when we considered
the tools with which the work was done, which were principally old
nails, pieces of iron hoop, and a few chisels, we were amazed both at
patience and skill of the carvers. The effect on entering the place was
very striking.”
Full length in proportion to head.
SPEAR.

MODE OF CATCHING FISH.
375
On the shores of this island fish appear to be less plentiful than is generally the case,
and the inhabitants are obliged to have resort to various modes of procuring and pre-
serving food. For example, when they have caught a large quantity of flying-fish, they
do not eat them at once, but dry them in wood-smoke, much as herrings are cured among
ourselves.
They have an ingenious method of catching these fish by night. The boatmen go out
in their double canoes, supplied with torches and large ring nets fastened to the end of
handles ten or twelve feet long. They stamp on their canoes so as to make a noise, which
THE BATTLE.
is communicated to the water and alarms the fish, and at the same time wave their
torches about. According to their instinct, the flying-fish dart out of the water towards
the light, and are easily captured in the nets.
Rats form a most valued portion of their diet. When the missionaries first visited
Mangaia, the natives were so fond of this food that they measured all other kinds of
diet by comparison with rats' flesh. Indeed, the flesh of these animals is far better than
is generally supposed. Several English ratcatchers have learned by practical experience
the value of rats flesh, which is said by those who have tried it to be equal to that
of the squirrel and better than that of the rabbit. The Mangaians caught the rats by
digging a hole in the ground, and throwing bait into it. When a sufficient number
had entered the hole, a net was thrown over the mouth of it, and the inmates easily
secured.
376
THE HERVEY ISLANDS.
In RAROTONGA, another island of this group, the rats swarmed in such nurnbers that
they were not only a nuisance, but an absolute pest; and, if it had not been for the pigs
which were introduced by the Europeans, and allowed to run wild, the rats would
probably have driven the natives out of their villages. At every meal one or two persons
were detailed for the sole purpose of keeping the rats from the provisions. When the
people sat down in their houses the rats ran over them, and when they lay down to rest
the rats had made a settlement in their beds.
At last warfare was declared against the rats, and a number of baskets were made to
contain the bodies of the slain, each basket being five or six feet in length. The inha-
bitants then armed themselves with sticks, and in an hour no less than thirty of these
great baskets were filled with dead rats. Even then no diminution seemed to have taken
place among these pests. Next, the missionaries tried the introduction of cats, and
with some success, but the most fortunate introduction that was made was that of the
pig. These animals were brought to Rarotonga for the purpose of supplying the sailors
with meat which should supersede the flesh of the rat, and the pigs repaid their intro-
ducers by eating every rat which came across them.
When the natives were converted to Christianity, they consulted the missionaries,
wishing to know whether the flesh of rats was unlawful food for Christians. They
evidently asked this question because they saw that their teachers abstained from these
animals.
The missionaries returned a very judicious answer to this question, by saying that in
their own country rats were not eaten, because the white men had a repugnance to them,
but that there was nothing unlawful in eating them, and that the Mangaians might do as
they pleased. The people were satisfied with this answer, and contented themselves with
passing a law that all Christians should catch and cook their rats on Saturdays, so as to
avoid working on the Sunday:
The idols of the Hervey Islanders are very odd-looking things, and would scarcely be
recognised as objects of worship. It might naturally be imagined that if these people
bestow such pains upon their weapons and implements, they would at least take equal
pains with their gods. Yet the gods of the Hervey Islanders are the rudest possible
specimens of native workmanship. They consist principally of a staff about sixteen or
seventeen feet in length, the upper part of which is carved into a rude representation of a
human head. On the staff are laid a few red feathers and a string of beads, which are
called the soul of the god. Round the staff and the beads is wrapped a vast quantity of
native cloth, so as to form a slightly conical roll about a yard in diameter, and ten
feet in length. One of these idols is placed at the bow of every canoe, and whenever
the natives are out on a fishing excursion they always make offerings to this strange
deity:
.

SISE
VILLAGE IN THE KINGSMILL ISLANDS.
THE KINGSMILL ISLAND S.
NORTH-WEST of the Samoans is a group known by the name of Kingsmill Islands. It
consists of about fifteen islands, all of coral, and all lying very low, so that they might
easily escape the attention of voyagers. As is always the case with coral islands, the
navigation among them is very dangerous. They are mostly very long in proportion
to their width, the largest of the group, called Taputeonea or Drummond Island, being
nearly forty miles in length, and in many places not a mile in width.
The inhabitants of these islands have a character for ferocity which is not often to be
found among this race of Polynesians, and are said to be lower in the human scale than
any
whom we have hitherto described. Those of one of the group, called Pitt Island, are said
to be less liable to this charge than any other, being quiet, peaceable, and not so per-
petually at war as is the case with the inhabitants of the other islands.
Their colour is approaching nearer to black than that of the inhabitants of Tonga and
Samoa, and the people are of more moderate stature than those of the latter
group
of
islands. They are well made and slender, and have black and glossy though rather fine
hair. The mouth is large, but has nothing of the negro character about it, and the teeth
are kept very white. The nose is mostly aquiline, and the hair of the beard and
moustache black, and by no means coarse.
It is rather remarkable that the people of Pitt Island are not only more quiet and
peaceable than their neighbours, but are also of a lighter hue, approaching in this respect
the naturally peaceful though courageous inhabitants of Tonga. Their faces are oval and
neatly rounded, and their features delicate. It may be that they have been modified by
378
THE KINGSMILL ISLANDS.
the mixture with the Samoans or Tongans, who have been blown out of their course by
gales, landed on the island, and gradually became absorbed in the community.
Architecture among the Kingsmill Islands is rather distinguished for strength and
massiveness than for beauty, the natives preferring to employ their artistic powers on
smaller objects, such as swords, spears, and similar articles. The houses vary much
in size and form according to their uses. For example, the ordinary dwelling-house
of the Kingsmill Islanders consists of two storeys, the upper part being used as a
sleeping-house, and the lower entirely open. In fact, the houses of the Kingsmill Islands
are exactly similar in principle to those of Nicobar, which have been described on page 219.
Some of the houses wherein the chiefs sit and talk among themselves and receive
visitors are mere sheds, being nothing more than roofs supported on poles. As is usually
the case in Polynesia, there is in every village a central council-house, in which the
people assemble on stated occasions. It is of enormous dimensions, having a lofty roof
thatched with leaves and lined with matting. Several examples of their houses may be
seen in the illustration, and the reader will see that the lower part affords a complete and
yet an airy refuge from the sun in the heat of the day, while the upper part, which is too
hot to be comfortable during the day-time, forms comfortable sleeping-rooms at night.
Dress varies much according to the particular island. Tattooing is practised by both
sexes, but the women are far less decorated than the men, the lines being very fine and
far apart. The men are tattooed at the age of twenty, the process being always left in the
hands of professional tattooers, who, as in other islands of Polynesia, are paid according to
the celebrity which they have attained, in some cases obtaining very large fees. They
dress chiefly in mats made of the paudanus leaf cut into narrow strips, and dyed brown
and yellow. These strips are plaited together in a very ingenious fashion so as to form
diamond or square patterns. A small cape, worn, in poncho fashion, with a slit in the
middle, through which the head passes, is worn over the neck, and a conical cap of
pandanus leaf is worn on the head.
The dress of the women consists of a petticoat of leaf-strips reaching from the waist
to the knees, and fastened by a thin rope, sometimes five or six hundred feet in length,
made of human hair. On the rope are strung at intervals beads made of cocoa-nut and
shells, ground so as to fit closely together, and strung alternately so as to form a contrast
between the white shell and the dark cocoa-nut.
It has already been mentioned that the Kingsmill Islanders are a warlike people.
War, indeed, seems to be their chief business, and indeed their whole thoughts appear
to be given to fighting. Even their principal amusement is of a combatant character.
There is nothing which delights the Kingsmill Islanders so much as cock-fighting, and
large groups of the people may be seen seated in a circle, eagerly watching the progress
of the combat which is taking place in the midstCock-fighting is largely practised in
many other countries, but is almost invariably accompanied by betting. The Malays, for
example, are passionately fond of the sport, and wager whole fortunes upon it. Betting,
however, has no charms for the Kingsmill Islander, whose martial soul is utterly absorbed
in the fight, and does not require the additional excitement of betting
This being the nature of the people, it is natural that their weapons should be of a
formidable character. They are indeed exactly suitable to the fierce and bloodthirsty
people by whom they are made. Instead of contenting himself with a club or a spear,
the Kingsmill Islander must needs arm his weapons with sharks' teeth, which cut like
so many lancets.
The spears and swords which are shown on the following pages are drawn from
specimens in my collection, and are admirable examples of these extraordinary weapons.
For want of a better word, we must use the name of sword for these weapons, as
they are constructed with edges, and are meant more for striking than thrusting. I have
often wondered that in none of these weapons that I have seen is the point tipped with
a sharp bone, such as that of the sting-ray, or even with a shark's tooth. Perhaps they
are formidable enough even for these ferocious islanders, as the reader may easily infer
by looking at the illustration. By the side of each figure is a specimen of the shark's
FORMIDABLE WEAPONS.
379
ZYWA
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CA
corre-
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tooth drawn on an enlarged scale, partly to show the nature
of the tooth itself, and partly to exhibit the principal
methods by which it is fastened in its place.
On referring to these illustrations, the reader will see
that the teeth are not merely sharply edged and pointed,
but that their edges are finely and regularly serrated, so
that their cutting power is greatly increased. Indeed, the
weapons armed with these teeth have such a facility of
inflicting wounds that they must be handled with the
greatest caution. I have cut myself more than once with
them, and visitors who insist upon handling them generally
suffer for their curiosity.
Although these teeth are fastened to the blade of the
weapon on the same
principle, the makers
vary the detail accord-
ing to their own con-
venience. In the
Shark's tooth.
weapon represented
in the first figure, a
slit runs along each
edge, into which the
bases of the teeth fit
rather tightly. A hole
is bored through the
tooth, and a
sponding one through
the edge of the sword,
and each tooth is fixed
in its place by a piece
of fine sinnet passed
repeatedly through the
holes, drawn tight, and
neatly finished off. A
plaited loop of broad
sinnet serves to sus-
pend the weapon round
the wrist, and a piece
of the hard, ivory-like
skate-skin holds it in
its place.
The next figure
shows a much more ela-
borate weapon, which,
instead of consisting of
a single piece, has one
central blade and three
auxiliary blades. More-
over, as the reader may
see by carefully ex-
amining the illustra-
tion, there
are four
rows of teeth instead
of two on each blade,
and the teeth are larger
and more deeply ser-
(From my collection.)
Section.
40:12
SWORDS.
380
THE KINGSMILL ISLANDS.
leech,
Shurká...
2
the
Enlarged piece
of Spear.
rated than those of the other weapon. In this case the maker
has most ingeniously contrived to spare himself the trouble
of making a fresh tie for every tooth, which, as upwards of two
hundred teeth are employed, would have been a very tedious
business.
Firstly, he has shaped the wooden blades with four bold ridges,
and cut a slight groove along each ridge, so as to keep the teeth
straight. Instead of troubling himself to bore holes in the
sword as well as in the tooth, he has laid along the edges of each
groove a strip of elastic wood obtained from the rib of the palm
leaf, which is as hard and elastic as whalebone. The sinnet has
then been passed through the holes in the teeth, and over all
them palm-leaf strips, so that one piece of sinnet serves to
fasten four teeth. As in the other case, the sinnet is exceedingly
fine, and is passed several times round the sword. It is observ-
able that in this weapon the teeth have been most carefully
selected and graduated, the largest and longest being near the
handle, and diminishing equally to the point, where they are
comparatively small.
The auxiliary blades diverge more than is shown in the
illustration, and it is hardly possible to imagine a more formidable
weapon, especially when employed against the naked skin of a
savage. In actual warfare the Kingsmill Islander has a mode
of protecting himself, which will be presently mentioned; but in
a sudden skirmish or a quarrel the sword would be used with
terrible effect. As may be inferred from its shape, it is not merely
used as a striking weapon, but is driven violently backwards and
forwards against the body of the antagonist, one or more of the
blades being sure to take effect somewhere.
The next sword has the teeth fixed exactly in the same manner
as those of the many-bladed sword, as may be seen by reference
to the single tooth, where is seen not only the tooth but the
strips of leaf-stem between which it is placed, and the mode
of fastening off the sinnet. The wooden blade of this weapon is
quite unlike that of the others, being marked with a rich black
graining, to which the glittering white teeth form an adınirable
contrast.
The last of these swords is remarkable for the cross-guard.
I cannot but think that the maker must have seen a European
sword with a cross-guard, and made his own in imitation of it.
Otherwise, without the least idea of the object of a guard, it is
not easy to see why he should have armed the guard with teeth,
especially in the centre, or where they come against the handle,
and must be quite ineffectual.
The Kingsmill Islanders do not restrict the sharks' teeth to
the swords, but also use them as armature to their spears.. One
of these spears, also in my collection, is fifteen feet in length, and
about as formidable a weapon as can well be imagined. It is
made of a very light wood, so that it may be wielded more easily,
and at the butt is nearly as thick as a man's wrist, tapering
gradually to the point. The butt is unarmed, and rounded for
about four feet, so as to act as a handle, but from this point to
the tip it is rather flattened, like the sword-blades, for the more
convenient reception of the teeth, which are fixed along each edge
nearly to the point of the weapon. The teeth are fastened by
means of the leaf-ribs. In order to render it a more dangerous
3
Section
Section
SHARK TOOTH SPEAR.
(From my collection.)
MODE OF GOVERNMENT,
381
Teeth in reserve.
看一看
​weapon,
it is furnished with three projections, also armed with teeth, and made exactly
like the auxiliary blades of the sword, though much smaller.
This remarkable spear is shown in the illustration on the preceding page, accompanied
by sections and a portion drawn on a larger scale, so as to show the mode of its construc-
tion Fig. 2 represents the method in which the teeth are fastened to the weapon by the
sinnet passing through the hole in the teeth and bound down by the cross loop under the
little strips of wood. At Fig. 3 is a section of the spear, showing the oval shape of the
weapon, and the mode in which the teeth are supported by the wooden strips at each
side. It is worthy of notice, that if the jaw of a saw-fish were to be cut through the
section would present a wonderfully similar appearance.
In order to show more clearly the source whence the natives obtain such vast numbers
of sharks' teeth, I have introduced a drawing of a shark's mouth, taken from a specimen
in
my collection. The reader will see that the jaws are furnished with row after row of
teeth, all lying upon each other,
except the outer teeth, and con-
structed so that when one tooth
is broken or falls out of the jaw,
another takes its place.
In the jaw which is here
figured, the teeth lie in five rows,
and altogether there are three
hundred of them --- largest to-
wards the middle of the jaw, and
becoming gradually smaller to-
wards the angles of the mouth.
The native, therefore, has no
difficulty either in procuring the
requisite number of teeth, or in
selecting them of the requisite
shape and dimensions.
That they may look more
imposing in battle, the chiefs
wear a cap made of the skin of
the diodon, or porcupine fish,
which, when inflated, is covered
with sharp spikes projecting in
every direction, and upon this cap is fixed a bunch of feathers. Both sexes fight in
battle, and both are killed indiscriminately, women and children being slaughtered as well
as the warriors.
The chiefs, of whom mention has just been made, are the principal persons in the
islands. With one exception, there is no chief who is looked upon as a king, ruling over
subordinate chiefs, each being independent of the other. Government is carried on by a
council of chiefs, the eldest taking the first place, and the others being reckoned by
seniority. To this council are referred crimes of great importance, while those of lesser
moment are left to be punished by the offended person and the relatives. The solitary
exception to the independence of the chiefs is in the three islands Apamama, Nanouki,
and Koria, which are governed by the chief of Apamama.
Each chief has a mark peculiar to himself, and when a stranger arrives, and can place
himself under the protection of a chief, he receives the mark of his protector. The
symbol is a very simple one, and consists of a patch on the forehead, made of some
coloured paint, and a stripe drawn down the middle of the face as far as the chin.
Next in rank to the chiefs come the land-holders, and the slaves form the third and
last division of the people.
In order to accommodate the council of chiefs and the people in their public
assemblies, there is in every village a central town-house, called the Mariapa. It is
built very much after the fashion of the Samoan houses, having an enormous arched roof,
wita
SHARK'S JAW.
382
THE KINGSMILL ISLANDS.
and the walls being composed of posts and matting. It might be thought from their
warlike and ferocious character that the Kingsmill Islanders were cannibals. Such,
however, is not the case. It is very true that in some instances portions of a human body
have been eaten. For example, if a celebrated warrior is killed, the victors sometimes
cook the body, and each eats a small portion of it. This however is done, not from any
predilection for human flesh, but from a feeling of revenge, and probably from some under-
Īying notion that those who partake of such food also add to themselves a portion of the
courage which once animated the body. Animated by the same spirit, they preserve
the skulls of such warriors, and use them as drinking-vessels.
The skulls of the dead are always preserved by their friends, provided that they have
died natural deaths, or their bodies been recovered in battle. The body is first laid out on
mats for eight days, being every day washed, oiled, and laid out in the sunshine at noon,
while the friends mourn, dance, and sing praises of the dead. The body is then buried
for a time, and lastly, the skull is removed, cleaned, oiled, and stowed away. Each family
preserve the skulls of their ancestors, and, occasionally, bring them out, oil them afresh,
wreath them with flowers, and set food before them. When a family change their
residence, they take the skulls with them.
In one portion of the Kingsmill group, Pitt Island, or Makin, there exists the most
extraordinary funeral ceremony in the world.
The body is washed, oiled, exposed to the sun, and wailed over, as already related.
But, after the first wailing, it is laid on a new mat spread over a great oblong plate or
tray made of tortoiseshell sewn together. A number of persons seat themselves opposite
each other on the floor of the house, and support the plate on their knees as long as they
are able. When they are tired, they are relieved by others, and thus the body is borne
by friends and relations for two years, the bearers relieving each other at intervals.
During this time a fire is kept burning in the house, and is never extinguished night
or day
After the two years have expired, the head is removed, and the skull cleaned and
preserved, as has been already mentioned, and not until that time are the bones wrapped
up in mats and buried. The place where the warriors have been interred is marked with
three stones.
THE MARQUESAS ISLANDS.
ORIGIN OF THE NAME
APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES
THEIR DRESS — THE ELABORATE TATTOO
OF THE MEN DIFFERENCE IN STATURE BETWEEN THE SEXES CARE OF COMPLEXION A
BLEACHING PROCESS — A MAN IN FULL DRESS MODES OF WEARING THE HAIR-THE CHIEF'S
NECKLACE CLOSE SHAVING PECULIAR HEAD-DRESS METHOD OF OBTAINING FEATHERS
ARCHITECTURE IN THE MARQUESAS-AMUSEMENTS-DANCING AND STILT-WALKING -THE AMPHI-
THEATRE OR PAHOOA-WAR--TROPHIES OF VICTORY MODE OF WARFARE DESTRUCTION OF
PROPERTY-ETIQUETTE OF WAR — REPLACING A PRISONER-CANOES AND FISHING-FLY-FISHING
IN THE MARQUESAS---BURIAL CUSTOMS.
We now come to that very interesting group of islands called the MARQUESAS, or MEN-
DANA ISLANDS. Both these names derive their origin from the Spanish navigator Mendâna,
who discovered them nearly two hundred years ago. The discoverer named them Los
Marquesas de Mendoça, in compliment to the then Viceroy of Peru, and by many suc-
ceeding voyagers the islands have been called by the name of their discoverer.
The character of the islands is rather peculiar, and very picturesque. They are craggy,
mountainous, and volcanic, having exceedingly lofty peaks in the centre, which look at a
distance as if they were the ruins of vast buildings. Being situated near the equator,
their temperature is warm, and, as at the same time they are well watered, the vegetation
is peculiarly luxuriant. Like most of the Polynesian Islands, the Marquesas are sur-
rounded with coral reefs; but these are not so large as is generally the case, so that,
although the navigation among them is not so difficult as in many islands, the ships do
not find that protection from storms which is afforded by the great coral reefs of other
islands,
The inhabitants are splendid specimens of humanity, the men being remarkable for
their gigantic size, great strength, and fine shape, which emulates those of the ancient
Greek statues. One of the chiefs was measured carefully, and was found to be six feet
eight inches in height, and said that he knew another chief who was at least a foot taller
than himself.
In general they wear but little raiment, a slight piece of bark-cloth round the waist
being the only garment which they think needful
, the place of clothing being supplied
by the tattoo. There are many nations where this decoration is worn; but there are no
people on the face of the earth who carry it out so fully as do the Marquesans, every
part of their bodies, even to the crown of the head and the fingers and toes, being covered
with the pattern. This extreme elaboration is only to be found in the men, the women
contenting themselves with a bracelet or two tattooed on their arms, and a few similar
ornaments here and there. A very interesting description of the tattooing of the Mar-
quesans is given in Langsdorff's “ Travels : "-

384
THE MARQUESAS ISLANDS.
“Sometimes a rich islander will, either from generosity, ostentation, or love to his
wife, make a feast in honour of her when she has a bracelet tattooed round her arm, or
perhaps her ear ornamented. A hog is then killed, and the friends of both sexes are
invited to partake of it, the occasion of the feast being made known to them. It is
expected that the same courtesy should be returned in case of the wife of any of the
guests being punctured. This is one of the few occasions on which women are allowed to
eat hog's flesh.
27
PILULEV?
TATTOOED CHIEFS.
"If, in a very dry year, bread-fruit, hogs, roots, and other provisions, become scarce,
any one who has a good stock of them (which commonly happens to the chief), in order
to distribute the stores, keeps open table for a certain time to an appointed number of
poor artists, who are bound to give in return some strokes of the tattoo to all who choose
to come for it. By virtue of a tapu, all these brethren are engaged to support each
other, if in future some happen to be in need while the others are in affluence.
"The same person may be a member of several of these societies; but, according to
what we could learn, a portion must always be given to the priest, or magician, as he is
called, even if he be not a member. In a time of scarcity, also, many of the people who

THE BLEACHING PROCESS.
385
have been tattooed in this way unite as an absolute troop of banditti, and share equally
among each other all that they can plunder or kill.
“ The figures with which the body is tattooed are chosen with great care, and appro-
priate ornaments are selected for the different parts. They consist partly of animals,
partly of other objects which have some reference to the manners and customs of the
islands; and every figure has here, as in the Friendly Islands, its particular name. Upon
an accurate examination, curved lines, diamonds, and other designs are often distin-
guishable between rows of punctures, which resemble very much the ornaments called
à la Grecque.
“ The most perfect symmetry is observed over the whole body. The head of a man is
tattooed in every part; the breast is commonly ornamented with a figure resembling a
shield; on the arms and thighs are strips
sometimes broader, sometimes narrower, in
such directions that these people might
be very well presumed to have studied
anatomy, and to be acquainted with the
course and dimensions of the muscles.
Upon the back is a large cross,
which begins at the neck and ends with
the last vertebra. In the front of the
thigh are often figures which seem in-
tended to represent the human face. On
each side of the calf of the leg is an oval
figure, which produces a very good effect.
The whole, in fact, displays much taste
and discrimination. Some of the tenderest
parts of the body—the eyelids, for ex-
ample—are the only parts not tattooed.”
As may be seen by the accompanying
illustration, even the hands are tattooed
with the same minute care that is be-
stowed on the body. Each finger has its
own pattern, so that the hand looks as if
enclosed in a very tight-fitting glove.
The reader will notice the great length of
MARQUESAS CHIEF'S HAND.
the nails. Among the Marquesans, as
among the Chinese, very long nails are esteemed as a mark of rank, being a proof
that the wearer is not obliged to do any hard work.
This elaborate ornamentation answers the purpose of dress, and is considered as such.
Indeed, it would be useless to undergo so much pain, and to pay the operator such costly
fees, if the tattooing were to be hidden by clothing. The men, therefore, wear nothing
but a slight cloth round their waists, and the women of rank a similar garment, with the
addition of a larger piece which they throw over their bodies to keep off the darkening
rays of the sun.
.
Few phenomena struck the earlier travellers more than the difference in appearance
and stature between the men and the women; and the same writer who has just been
quoted remarks more than once that it was difficult to believe that the undersized,
stumpy, awkward women could have been the parents of the magnificent, gigantic, and
graceful men. There is, however, a great distinction between the women of rank and
those of the lower orders. As was afterwards discovered, the better class of women, who for
some time kept themselves aloof from the strangers, being well developed, and of a fair
complexion, about which they were very careful, enveloped themselves in their bark
cloths, and never ventured into the sunshine without holding over their heads a bunch
of leaves by way of parasol.
So careful are they of their complexions, that if they find themselves getting sun-
burnt they have a mode of bleaching themselves again, which they adopt before all great
Z 엿
​VOL. II.
СС
386
THE MARQUESAS ISLANDS.
ceremonies, though at the cost of much time and trouble. They take the sap of three
trees, with which they anoint the whole body. The immediate effect of the mixture is to
dye the skin of a deep black. The pigment is allowed to remain on the skin for six days,
during which time the woman remains within the house. At the expiration of that time
she bathes, when all the black dye comes off, and the skin is left beautifully fair.
A woman who has just undergone this process, and who has dressed herself in all
her native finery, is a very striking object, her body being gracefully enveloped in bark
cloth, her hair adorned with flowers, and her fair skin almost without ornament except
upon the feet, hands, and arms, which appear as if she were wearing boots, gloves, and
bracelets.
The mode of tattooing is almost exactly like that of the Samoan islanders, except that
the “ comb” is made of the wing-bone of the tropic bird. The operation is always con-
ducted in certain houses belonging to the professional tattooers, who lay on these buildings
a tapu, which renders them inapproachable by women. As is the case in Samoa, the best
tattooers are men of great importance, and are paid highly for their services, a Marquesan
thinking that he is bound to be liberal towards a man to whom he is indebted for the
charms which he values so highly. These men gain their skill by practising on the lower
orders, who are too poor to pay for being tattooed, and who would rather wear a bad tattoo
than none at all. A considerable amount is generally exacted at each operation, which
lasts from three to six months; and so elaborate is the process, that a really complete
tattoo can hardly be finished until the man is thirty years old.
By the time that the last piece of tattoo is executed, the first generally begins to fade,
and if the man is rich enough he has the pattern renewed. Some men have been tattooed
three times, and, as the patterns cannot be made to coincide precisely with each other, the
result is that the whole skin becomes nearly as dark as that of a negro. In this state it
is greatly admired, not because the effect is agreeable to the eye, but because it is an
indubitable mark of wealth. The pigment used in the tattooing is the well-known
aleurita, or candle-nut, burned to a fine charcoal and mixed with water.
The ornaments worn by the men are more imposing than those of the women. In the
first place, they allow the hair to grow to a considerable length, and dispose of it in various
ways. For a number of years it is tied in a bunch on the top of the head; but when
the man is rich enough to be entirely tattooed, he shaves all the head with the exception
of a patch at each side, in order to allow the pattern of the tattoo to be extended over his
head. In such a case, the tuft of hair at each side is still suffered to grow long, but is
twisted into a conical form, so as to make a sort of horn projecting outwards over each
temple. Examples of this curious mode of wearing the hair may be seen in the illustration
on page 384.
Sometimes a man may be seen wearing the whole of his hair in curled ringlets. Such
men are cultivating a crop for sale, as the Marquesans are very fond of decorating with
these ringlets the handles of their spears and clubs, and of making them into ornamental
figures which are worn on the ankles. The most valued of these decorations are long
white human beards, which are grown for the express purpose, and sold at a very high
price. The purchaser uses them either as plumes for his head or as ornamental appendages
to his conch-shell trumpet. One of these beards is now always reckoned as equivalent in
value to a músket, and before fire-arms were introduced was estimated at an equally
high rate.
The ear ornaments of the Marquesan men are very curious. An univalve shell, of a
dead-white colour, is cut into a circular shape, and filled with a sort of cement made of
the resin and wood of the bread-fruit tree. Into this cement is pressed an ivory stem,
carved with figures in relief, so that the whole ornament looks like a very large white-
headed nail. The stem is passed through a hole in the lobe of the ear, so that the head of
the nail projects forward, as seen in the right-hand figure of the illustration on page 384.
The name of the ornament is “ taiana.”
Ornaments made of whales' teeth are as fashionable among the Marquesans as among the ,
Polynesians, and are worn by the chiefs suspended round their necks. Wooden ornanents
bleached white are also used, and others are cut from shells. One ornament of which
A PECULIAR HEAD-DRESS.
387
II
NECK ORNAMENT.
they are very fond is made from wood, wax, and seeds. It is in the form of a horseshoc,
the framework being made of wood, which is thickly covered with waxInto this are
pressed the pretty black and scarlet seeds of the Abrus precatorius, arranged in rows
radiating to the circumference. One of these ornaments is shown in the illustration, and
is drawn from a specimen in my collection. It measures eight inches in diameter, and is
slightly concave on the outside, and convex on the inside. Very great pains have been
taken in arranging the seeds; they are placed in a
regular series of double rows, the black portion of
each seed being pressed into the wax, so that only
the brilliant scarlet portion is visible. Upwards
of eight hundred beads have been used in making
this ornament, so that the trouble which is taken
by the natives is very great.
Some of the chiefs wear a very curious orna-
ment, which seems to take the place of the hair
which they shave from their own heads, and is
nothing more than a large bunch of hair cut from
the head of a wife. As a rule, the Marquesan
removes all hair from the body, except from the
head, only one or two of the very old men allowing
a few straggling hairs on the chin.
In Langsdorff's travels an amusing incident
occurred, illustrative of that feeling. In those
days, close shaving was the custom in Europe, so
that when the officers went on shore they were
(From my collection.)
found to have conformed to the fashion of the
islands. They were talking very amicably together, when suddenly a chief stared intently
into the face of one of the officers, and, with horror depicted in his features, rushed
forward, and grasped him tightly. The officer naturally thought that he was going to
be murdered; but the fact was, that the Marquesan had actually discovered a hair on his
face, and was going to pull it out with his shell tweezers.
When they wish to be considered as wearing full dress, the better class of men wear
a most elaborate cap, made of fibre, feathers, and shells. First, a broad fillet is plaited
from cocoa-nut fibre, so as to pass round the forehead, after the manner of a cap without
On the centre of this fillet is fixed a large plate of mother-oʻ-pearl, decorated
with carving. In the middle of this plate is fixed a smaller but similarly shaped plate
of tortoiseshell, and in the middle of that a still smaller disc of pearl shell. Some head-
dresses have three of these ornaments, as is the case with that which is figured in the
illustration on the following page.
In the fillet are also fastened a number of feathers, either from the tail of the cock
or from that of the tropic bird, so that when the fillet is bound on the forehead the
feathers will stand upright. The feathers of the tropic bird are greatly prized by the
natives, who use them for various ornaments, and display great ingenuity in procuring
them. Instead of killing the birds, and so stopping the supply of feathers, they steal upon
them when they are asleep, and dexterously twitch out the two long tail-feathers. “In
process of time the feathers grow again, and so the supply is kept up. I mention the
custom because it is contrary to the recklessness respecting the future which is usually
found among savages.
The houses of the Marquesans are rather peculiar, especially those of the better kind.
The native builder begins with making a platform of large stones, many of them being so
enormous than ten or twelve men are required to move them. This platform is from ten
to eleven feet high, and about thirty feet long by twelve wide. Upon this is erected the
house, which is built with the back very much higher than the front, so that the roof
slopes considerably, the back being perhaps twelve or more feet in height, and the front
only five feet. The door is naturally small, and no one can enter without stooping.
The walls at the end are no higher than that of the front, so that a considerable portion of
a crown.
CC 2

388
THE MARQUESAS ISLANDS.
each end is left open. As, however, the climate of the Marquesas is so equable, this is
rather an advantage than otherwise.
The interior of the house is divided into two portions, one of which is left bare, with
no covering to the stony floor, while the other part is considered as the dwelling-place,
and the floor is covered with mats. The walls are also covered with matting. Near
the back wall is the strangely-made family bed. Two horizontal poles are placed about
six feet apart, and a foot or so from the ground, and the space between them is filled with
dry grass covered with mats. The
sleepers lie on the mats, resting
the back of their heads on one
pole, and their feet on the other,
and pass the night in this posi-
tion, which seems to have been
invented for the purpose of making
the sleepers as uncomfortable as
possible. Round the walls are
hung the weapons and imple-
ments of the owner, such as
spears, clubs, stilts, drums, slings,
axes, and similar articles.
The houses are always placed
near trees, so that they may have
the advantage of shade.
The Marquesans have a cu-
rious custom of erecting small and
highly decorated buildings in
honour of the children of great
chiefs. These buildings are con-
sidered as acknowledgments of
the legitimacy of the children;
and if they were omitted, the
parents would consider them-
selves insulted. They are pro-
tected by tapu, and after they are
inade are not repaired, but allowed
to decay. Dr. Bennett, in his
Whaling Voyage round the
Globe,” thus describes these edi-
fices :
“This compliment had been
paid to Eutiti's daughter at Vait-
ahú, a few weeks before our arrival.
It consisted of two small huts,
neatly built with peeled hibiscus
rods, which were covered with
MARQUESAN CHIEF.
white tappa (bark cloth) and
stained cocoa-nut sinnet. The
interior was occupied by many of
the same rods arranged vertically, graduated in height, and entwined with bunches of
herbs. The face of the building was ornamented by a few boards, painted with mystic
figures in black and red.
“ The white and delicate appearance of the hibiscus rods, the fluttering pennants of fine
tappa, and the various gaudy hues employed, gave the entire edifice a fantastic and
imposing appearance. A low stone wall enclosed the two huts, and within its precincts
were several bundles of cocoa-nut leaves placed upright, and intended to represent the
tutelary deities of the spot. A striking edifice of the same description had been erected
ANGAZ

DANCING AND STILT-WALKING.
389
Front
Side
Length
6ft.1ºzin
For foot
in honour of Eutiti's son at Anamaihai,
the territory of his guardian. It differed
from that dedicated to his sister in being
placed on an elevated stone platform, as
well as in having a long wicker basket
placed at the entrance.”
In every village there is a sort of
amphitheatre, in which the dancing and
similar amusements are conducted. For
this purpose the natives choose a shel-
tered and level spot, surrounded on all
sides with rising banks. The middle of
the amphitheatre is carefully smoothed
and covered with mats, and the rising
banks serve as seats for the specta-
tors.
When a dance is to be performed, the
mats are laid afresh, and a large amount
of food is prepared. The spectators take
the food with them, and, seated on the
banks, remain there throughout the greater
part of the day. The dances are not very
graceful, consisting principally of jump-
ing, without moving from the same spot.
Various ornaments are used by the dan-
cers, the most curious of which are the
finger-rings, which are made of plaited
fibre, adorned with the long tail-feathers
of the tropic bird. When women dance
they are not allowed to wear clothing of
any description, and this for a curious
None dance except those whose
husbands or brothers have been killed in
war or taken prisoners, and the absence of
clothing is accepted as an expression of
sorrow on their part, and of vengeance on
the part of the spectators.
They have several other amusements,
which are conducted in this theatre, or
pahooa, as it is called, the chief among
them being races on stilts. The Marque-
sans are most accomplished stilt-walkers,
and go through performances which would
excite the envy of any professional acrobat.
One of the games in which they most
delight is a race on stilts, in which each
performer tries, not only to distance his
opponents, but to cross their course and
upset them. They are such adepts at this
pastime that they walk over the rough
stones of the house-platform with perfect
ease and security.
Figure enlarged
reason,
QMRSTIU 19
If the reader will refer to the portrait
the Marquesan chief, he will see that
the head is not only decorated with the
MARQUESAN STILTS.
(From the Christy collection.)
390
THE MARQUESAS ISLANDS.
feather fillet, but is also covered with a veil that falls on either side of the face. This
is a mark of war, and is worn when chiefs go into battle. The Marquesans do not
use the bow and arrow, but they throw spears, sling stones, and use clubs. The slings
are made of plaited grass, and are very powerful, often exceeding five feet in length,
and carrying stones of a considerable size. The spears are generally about ten feet
long, and the clubs are carved out of hard wood, which is made still harder by burying
the weapons for a considerable time in the mud.
They are fierce in war, and are never satisfied until they have gained a trophy
of victory. When a Marquesan kills an enemy, he cuts off the head of his fallen
antagonist, tears open the skull, and eats the brain. He then cleans the skull very
carefully, adorns it with tufts of bristles, and slings it by a cord to his girdle. When
he goes to battle again he always carries this trophy with him, partly on account of
the respect in which it is held by his comrades, and partly in order to strike awe
into the enemy by the sight of so redoubtable a warrior.
According to most travellers, the Marquesans are a quarrelsome people among
themselves, and much addicted to making raids in each other's districts. These districts are
generally divided from each other by natural boundaries, such as mountain-spurs and ridges,
many of which are of enormous height, and so steep and precipitous as to be almost
inaccessible. The worst part of their mode of warfare is not the cruelty exercised
on the vanquished warriors, but on the destruction to property, and the subsequent
distress inflicted on non-combatants.
When one chief intends to make war upon another, he tries to steal by night into the
district of his enemy, and silently damages all the bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees he can
find. The former are stripped of their bark, and, though their vitality is so great that
they are not absolutely killed by the injury, they bear no more fruit for five years, and
thus the whole population are deprived of an essential article of diet, and for a long time
are reduced to great straits for want of food.
The cocoa-nut trees are killed after a different manner. The destroyer walks up the
tree after the mode employed by these islanders; namely, by applying the palms of his
hands to either side of the trunk, and so ascending the tree in monkey fashion. He then
bruises with a stone the central shoot, or “cabbage” of the palm, and descends the tree,
knowing that it must soon die. The reason for the fatal nature of the injury is, that the
tree is an endogenous one, and consequently the destruction of the central bud involves
the death of the tree. Sometimes the tree is killed in another way, a sea-slug (bèche-de-
mer) being laid at the root of the “cabbage," and killing the tree as it decays.
Quarrelsome as they are, and cruel to the persons and property of the vanquished,
they have yet some slight etiquette in war, one rule of which is so curious that it must
be given in the relator's own words :-
" June 18.-Captain Riggs, of the General Gates
, just arrived from the Marquesas,
informs us that he has had a narrow escape of his life there.
“ At the island of Nukahiva, as he was attempting to go on shore, a native chief,
assisted by a posse of dependants, seized and carried him off, stripped him of his clothing,
and then presented him to the king, an infirm old man, who took him under his pro-
tection. That protection, however, could have little availed him, for the sovereign had
not power to set the prisoner at liberty unless a suitable ransom were paid for him.
“ The captors first demanded five muskets and five barrels of gunpowder, which being
agreed to, they rose in their violent extortion, and required more; and this also being
conceded, they still refused to liberate him unless their rapacity was still further gratified.
The captain then resolutely stood out, and insisted on being set at liberty, at the same
time having but small hopes of obtaining it, or any other issue of his captivity except to
be killed and eaten by these cannibals, some of whom had conspired to spear him, but
the king's authority restrained their violence.
“At length, however, the terms of ransom being settled, he was ordered to be released ;
but here an unexpected difficulty arose. The law of the land requires that whoever
captures another on board of a boat must, when the prisoner is at liberty, carry him
down to the water again, and reinstate him in the same situation as he was found. This

CANOES AND FISHING.
391
the cowardly and treacherous chief, who had readily acted the part of kidnapper, was
unwilling to do, lest he should be shot from the ship. The obligation, however, being
indispensable, he obtained the captive's assurance that no harm should be attempted
against him, and then performed the ungracious office. When Captain Riggs had reached
his vessel, the natives on the shore gave three hideous howls, which were returned by
three hearty cheers of the crew."
Finding that their captive had been so profitable to them, the natives tried boldly to take
the ship, and displayed equal ingenuity and daring in their attempt. On the same evening
a native was detected in trying to cut the cable, and was shot for his temerity. Finding
that an open assault of this kind was useless, the natives, who are wonderful divers,
swam off to the ship, carrying with them a rope, one end of which they fastened to the
rudder, well under the water, the other end being carried ashore. Fortunately this trick
AR LEDtr. a 200
22
MARQUESAN CANOE.
been seen,
was discovered in time to save the ship, and, had not the
rope
the natives
would have waited until the vessel weighed anchor, and then have dragged her ashore.
In the above narrative the Marquesans are described as cannibals. It is, however,
very doubtful whether they can be justly charged with this revolting custom.
THE canoes of the Marquesans are furnished with outriggers, after the custom of all
Polynesia, and are well-built and swift vessels. They have, besides the outrigger, a small
stage projecting over the stem, on which the steersman stands when the vessel is under
sail. The bow of the canoe is much turned up in front, probably for the purpose of acting
as a defence to the rowers, when advancing against an enemy. The mode in which the
outrigger is fastened to the canoe, and the sail is hoisted, may be seen by reference to the
preceding illustration, which represents the natives engaged in fishing.
They are very skilful in the fishing art, both with line and net. They have different
modes of using both these implements. When they fish with the line, they sometimes
bait the hook, pass the line over the side, and angle in the mode adopted in this country.
But when they fish for the albacore, they employ a totally different method, which bears
392
THE MARQUESAS ISLANDS.
some resemblance to fly-fishing, except that the bait is not made to represent an insect,
but a fish.
A very ingenious imitation of a flying-fish is made by cutting the shape of the fish
out of a mother-of-pearl shell, and inserting a long tuft of hog's bristles at either side to
represent the wing-fins, and another at the extremity to do duty for the tail. This is
armed with a hook, and fastened to one end of a line, the other end of which is attached
to the top of a long bamboo rod planted in the stern of the canoe. Sail is hoisted, and
the vessel is driven over the waves at full speed, the sham flying-fish leaping and bound-
ing through the air in a manner that wonderfully resembles the action of the living fish.
The albacore naturally takes the bait for a real fish, leaps at it, and is caught before it has
time to discover the imposition.
Net-fishing is carried on in several modes, but the most curious and perhaps the most
sportsmanlike plan is that which compels the fisherman to pursue his occupation under
water. He takes with him a hand-net and a stick about two feet in length, jumps into the
water, and dives among the coral, holding his net over the nooks and crevices with one
hand, while with the stick he drives the fish out of their hiding-places into the net.
By this mode of fishing great numbers are captured, but the fisherman is always
exposed to two dangers. In the first place, there is the chance that a shark may come up
unobserved, and carry off a limb, even if it does not kill the man. The Marquesans are
such excellent swimmers that they care little for a shark as long as they can see him, and
it is only when the terrible fish darts unexpectedly out of a hiding-place that they know
any real fear,
Sometimes a rather strange circumstance occasions the death of the diver. It has
already been mentioned that up to the time when a man can afford to have his head
tattooed he wears his hair very long, and tied up in a knot on the crown of his head.
Before going into the water, the natives untie the fillet, and allow the hair to float down
their backs. It has occasionally happened that a diver, who has thus prepared himself,
finds, when he tries to rise to the surface of the water, that his long floating hair
has become entangled in the branching coral; and, as he has already remained under
water nearly as long as his breath will last, he is sometimes drowned before he has
time to extricate himself.
When a Marquesan dies a natural death, his relatives make great preparation for
his funeral, including the usual accompaniment of feasting. They send for a “tana, ”
or priest, who makes a long oration over the corpse, which is then delivered to the
relatives, who have a long and disagreeable task before them. They first wash the body
thoroughly, and then rub it with cocoa-nut oil, laying it in the sun, and turning it
continually. Several times daily the corpse is newly anointed, until at last the combined
effects of the sun and oil reduce it to a mummy. It is then wrapped in cloth, laid
on a bier, and deposited in the cemetery.
Each district has its cemetery, or “morai,” which is adorned with gigantic human
figures carved in wood, and similar decorations. It is surrounded by a wall
, and held
in great respect by the inhabitants of its district. Unfortunately, the inhabitants of
other districts hold it in no respect at all, and, when war is declared, try to steal out
of the morai the body of any man of rank. When, therefore, war seems to be imminent,
the bodies are carried away and hidden, or sometimes buried. A similar custom prevails
in many parts of Polynesia, and Mr. Williams mentions an instance where a man climbed
an apparently inaccessible precipice with a corpse lashed to his back, placed the body
on a lofty shelf, and descended in safety.
:
NIUE, OR SAVAGE ISLAND.
REASON FOR THE NAME OF THE ISLAND-SINGULAR LEGEND
THE ISLAND--SINGULAR LEGEND-THE SAILOR AMONG THE SAVAGES
-APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES-A SAVAGE WAR-DANCE-MODE OF DRESSING THE HAIR
COSTUME OF THE MEN--A CURIOUS WEAPON-PRESUMED ORIGIN OF THE SAVAGE ISLANDERS-
DEFEAT OF THE TONGANS--CODE
-CODE OF LAWS AND PUNISHMENTSCANOE-MAKING--SAILING
NIUAN ARCHITECTURE-DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD.
BETWEEN the Hervey and the Tongan groups, there lies an island which was called by
Captain Cook “SAVAGE ÍSLAND,” on account of the behaviour of the natives, who not
only declined his overtures of peace, but attacked him “like so many wild boars.” The
native name of the island is Niue.
This ferocity of theirs is due to an ancient custom of putting to death all strangers
who land on their shores, a fate from which even their own people do not escape, if they
have been absent for any length of time. The history of this strange people has of late
years become better known, owing to the exertions of the missionaries, who have dis-
covered that fear rather than ferocity was the cause of this savage custom. They had an
idea that their island was naturally free from disease, and that all ailments were brought
by foreigners, and they in consequence had a law that all foreigners should be killed as
soon as they could be captured.
On one occasion a native teacher narrowly escaped death in consequence of his
absence. He was obliged to exert all his powers of eloquence to persuade his country-
men to spare him for a time, so that he might keep himself far away from their residence,
and purify himself by the healthy air of Niue.
When Mr. Williams visited the island, he contrived to induce two lads to go off with
him for the purpose of being instructed. They were at first very miserable on board,
and howled incessantly for the first few days, thinking that the white sailors were
cannibals and that they were only carried off to be fattened and eaten. Finding, how-
ever, that the sailors were eating pork, and not human flesh, they became reconciled to
their lot, and were even pleased at the prospect of seeing new lands. These lads were
taken to Raietea, and, having been educated for their task, were sent home again. Un-
fortunately, soon after their arrival
, an epidemic disease spread over the island, and the
natives, naturally attributing it to the two travellers, killed them both.
The first wbite man who landed there since the time of Cook met with a singular fate.
A ship was lying off the island, and bartering with the natives. Just as the ship got
under weigh, the master flung one of the sailors overboard among the savages, who took
him on shore, and held a great debate as to the course to be pursued. Some were for
keeping up the old custom, and killing him, but others argued that the man had not

394
THE NIUANS.
landed of his own free will, and that he ought not to be liable to the usual penalty, even
though salt-water was in his eye—this being the mark of a shipwreck.
After a vast amount of discussion they agreed to a compromise, put him into a
canoe, gave him a quantity of bananas and cocoa-nuts, and sent him out to sea. The
man contrived to slip on shore again without being seen, and, after hiding in caves
for some days, he succeeded in getting on board a whaler that was passing near the
island.
The appearance of the natives as they were before the missionaries came to them was
anything but prepossessing. Mr. Williams gives a graphic account of an old chief who
was induced, after much trouble, to come on board." His appearance was truly terrific.
He was about sixty years of age, his person tall, his cheek-bones raised and prominent,
and his countenance most forbidding. His whole body was smeared with charcoal, his
pano
DPMS
THE WAR-DANCE.
hair and beard were long and grey, and the latter, plaited and twisted together, hung from
his mouth like so many rat's tails. He wore no clothing except a narrow strip of
cloth round his loins, for the purpose of passing a spear through, or any other article he
might wish to carry.
“On reaching the deck, the old man was most frantic in his gesticulations, leaping
about from place to place, and using the most vociferous exclamations at everything he
saw. All attempts at conversation with him were entirely useless, as we could not
persuade him to stand still for a single second. Our natives attempted to clothe him, by
fastening round his person a piece of native cloth, but, tearing it off in a rage, he threw
A CURIOUS WEAPON.
395
it upon deck, and, stamping upon it, exclaimed, 'Am I a woman, that I should be encum-
bered with that stuff?'
“ He then proceeded to give us a specimen of a war-dance, which he commenced by
poising and quivering his spear, running to and fro, leaping and vociferating, as though
possessed by the spirit of wildness. Then he distorted his features most horribly by
extending his mouth, gnashing his teeth, and forcing his eyes almost out of their sockets.
At length he concluded this exhibition by thrusting the whole of his long grey beard
into his mouth, and gnawing it with the most savage vengeance. During the whole of
the performance he kept up a loud and hideous howl.”
These islanders do not use the tattoo, though they are fond of decorating their bodies
with paint. Those who come on board European vessels are delighted to be adorned
with streaks and spots of red and green paint, especially the latter, which is a novelty to
them, and for which they are willing to pay highly. At a little distance, they look much
as if they were suffering from some cutaneous disease, but a closer inspection shows that
their appearance is partly due to the salt of the sea crystallizing on their oiled bodies,
and partly to the multitudinous flies which settle upon them.
The hair is sometimes seen very short and sometimes very long, and this is the case
with both sexes. They allow it to grow to a considerable length, and when it is a foot or
eighteen inches long, they cut it off, and plait it into thin bands which are worn round
the waist. The men, prize these ornaments highly, and Captain Hood thinks that the
love-locks are exchanged, and are valued accordingly. The younger men do not wear
their beards, but the elders suffer them to grow to a great length, plait them, and adorn
them with pieces of oyster or clam shell. They know the art of colouring the hair a
yellowish-red by the application of lime.
As to dress, the men think it quite needless, and wear nothing but the belt round the
waist. Some, however, wear a very small apron, only ten or twelve inches square, and
this is considered rather in the light of ornament than of dress. They are of moderate
stature, rather under than over the middle height, thus forming a strong contrast to the
gigantic Marquesans and Samoans. The natural colour of the skin is a clear brown, and
their limbs are round and well shaped.
In weapons, they use the spear, the club, and the bow, all made well and neatly.
They do not seem to invade other islands, and their warfare is therefore waged mostly
among themselves. It seems rather strange that in an island only thirty miles in circum-
ference war should exist, but in Niue the usual Polynesian custom exists of dividing an
island into several districts, among which is perpetual feud.
They use a very curious weapon. On their island are a number of caves in the coral
limestone, similar in character to that which has been described in page 340, though not
approached in the same curious manner. From the roof hang vast numbers of stalac-
tites, from which water continually drops. Indeed, the natives owe their fresh water
almost entirely to these caves, and since the missionaries came to reside among them
have learned to collect it by digging wells in the caves, into which the water flows, and
so ensure a certain instead of a precarious supply. The floor of the caves is covered
with stalagmitic masses, and from these the natives make oval balls about the size of
cricket-balls, which they hurl from the hand with wonderful force and accuracy, not
using the sling, as is the case with so many Polynesian tribes. Specimens of these balls
are in the Christy collection.
These caves are evidently due to the character of the island, which is partly coral
and partly volcanic, the coral having been upheaved by volcanic force, leaving the surface
fissured and broken by the sudden violence of the shock. The native legend respecting
the origin of the island points to the same conclusion. They state that the island was
raised to its present elevation by two of their ancestors, named Hananaki and Fao, who
swam there from Tonga, and found the island only just above the waves. They stamped
twice upon it, the first stamp elevating the island to its present height, and the second
clothing it with trees and plants. They made wives for themselves out of the Ti tree,
and so the island became peopled. We may easily see in this tradition a record of the
two facts that the island was elevated suddenly from the sea, and that the inhabitants are
396
THE NIUANS.
not aborigines, but emigrants from some other part of Polynesia, probably from Tonga.
Though they believe themselves to be derived from this origin, they have been subject
to invasion from the restless and daring Tongans, whom they repulsed by an ingenious
stratagem. The Tongans, possessed of far better weapons and better disciplined than the
Niue islanders, and being equally courageous, were rapidly completing the conquest
of the island, when the natives took advantage of the peculiar formation of their
country.
The reader will remember that Niue is rocky, and covered with deep and narrow
clefts, the result of the upheaval which elevated the island above the sea. Across one of
these the Niuans laid small branches, which they covered with banana and cocoa-nut
leaves, and then strewed over all a slight covering of earth, which they arranged so as to
look exactly like the surrounding soil. They then executed a sham retreat, and slipped
round to the further side of the chasm, so that the Tongans, flushed with victory, rushed
on their retreating enemies with yells of triumph, and a great number of the foremost
and best warriors were hurled down to the bottom of the cavern. Before the survivors
could recover from their surprise, an attack was made upon them in overwhelming
numbers, and of the whole Tongan expedition not a man escaped alive.
It was formerly thought that the Niuans were cannibals, but, as far as can be ascer-
tained, the natives have never eaten human flesh. They do not even care for animal food
of any kind; and, though at the present time they have pigs in abundance, they use them
almost entirely for the market to European ships, contenting themselves with bananas,
yams, taro, and fish. Strangely enough, they have not imported into Niue the custom of
kava-drinking, and they stand almost alone in their non-use of tobacco.
Polygamy is still practised among the inhabitants of Niue, though it is fast dying out
under the influence of the missionaries, who have further conferred a vast boon on the
people by their discouragement of infanticide, which at one time prevailed to a terrible
extent. The mere check which they have placed on this custom has already raised the
number of the population by more than three hundred-a considerable increase when
the small size of the island is taken into consideration.
Even before the missionaries came, a tolerably comprehensive and just code of laws
was in existence, so that the Niuans were in reality much less savage than many of their
neighbours, and the missionaries had a better ground to work on than in other islands of
more promising aspect. Their standard of morality was much higher than is usually the
case among savages, infidelity among women being severely punished. So great was their
horror of this crime that illegitimate children were always thrown into the sea until the
missionaries taught the people that, though the parents might be liable to punishment,
the innocent children ought not to suffer.
Their punishment consisted generally in deprivation of food. For example, for some
offences, the criminal was tied to a post, and allowed no food except bitter and acrid
fruits, while for more serious offences he is lashed hand and foot to a bamboo for a con-
siderable length of time, only sufficient food being given to save him from actually dying
of starvation. For these punishments the missionaries have induced the natives to sub-
stitute forced labour in well-sinking, road-making, and other useful works.
The Niuans are good canoe-makers, constructing their vessels very neatly, and
ornamenting them with devices in shells and mother-of-pearl. They manage these canoes
well, and as a rule are excellent swimmers. There are, however, some families living in
the interior of the island who, although they can be barely four miles from the sea, have
never visited it, and are greatly despised by their neighbours because they can neither
swim nor sail a canoe.
The native architecture is not particularly good, but it has been much improved by
the instructions of the Samoan teachers, who have instructed the Niuans in their own
mode of building houses, upon which the Niuans have engrafted their own mode of
adornment, so that altogether the effect of a modern Niuan house is quaint, and at the
same time artistic. The natives seem to be wonderfully quick at learning, and have even
acquired the use of the pen, so that a Niuan can now be scarcely better pleased than by
the gift of a pencil and a supply of white paper. .
DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD.
397
Nothing shows the wonderful advance that these people have made more than the
fact that they have not only utterly discarded their old habit of murdering foreigners, but
that they display the greatest eagerness to be taken as sailors on board European ships.
They contrive to smuggle themselves on board without the knowledge of the captain and
crew; and whereas in former times it was scarcely possible to induce a Ninan to venture
on board a European ship, the difficulty is now, to find a mode of keeping them out of
the vessels.
The method of disposing of the dead is twofold. When one mode is followed, the
body is laid on a bier and left in the woods until all the flesh has decayed, when the
bones are removed to the family burying-place, which is usually a cave in the limestone
rock. When the other method is employed, the body is laid in a canoe, and sent adrift
in the sea to go wherever the wind and tides will carry it.
THE SOCIETY ISLANDS.
CHAPTER 1.
APPEARANCE, DRESS, AND SOCIAL CUSTOMS.
DISCOVERY OF THE ISLANDS, AND REASONS FOR THEIR NAMES THE ISLAND OF TAHITI OR
OTAHEITE-CONFORMATION AND CLIMATE OF TAHITI-THEIR EFFECT UPON THE INHABITANTS
EFFEMINATE APPEARANCE OF THE MEN, AND BEAUTY OF THE WOMEN-SOCIAL CONDITION
OF THE SEXES GENERAL MODE OF LIFE IN TAHITI SEPARATE TABLES FOR THE MEN AND
WOMEN-POMARÉ'S CRUCIAL TEST, AND ITS RESULTS UPON IDOLATRY-DRESS OF THE SOCIETY
ISLANDERS-MODES OF WEARING THE HAIR-TATTOOING IN TAHITI-MEANS EMPLOYED BY THE
MISSIONARIES TO ABOLISH THE PRACTICE-HOSPITALITY OF THE TAHITANS-MODE OF MAKING
PRESENTS-SOCIAL USE OF PRESENTS THE BAKED PIG AND THE CLOTH-DISTINCTIONS OF
RANKREASON FOR OMAI'S FAILURE
FAILURE_EXTERNAL INDICATIONS OF RANK-DEPORTMENT OF
TAHITANS TOWARDS THEIR SOVEREIGNAMUSEMENTS OF THE TAHITANS-THEIR SONGS AND
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS-SURF RIDING-BOXING AND WRESTLING MATCHES.
This interesting group of islands was originally discovered in 1605 by De Quiros, and
has derived the name of the Society Islands from the liberality of the Royal Society,
which, in 1767, sent an expedition under Captain Cook for the purpose of observing the
transit of Venus over the sun. There are many islands of this group, the best known of
which is TAHITI, or OTAHEITE, as the word was given in Cook's Voyages. This island
forms one of a portion of the group which is distinguished by the name of the Georgian
Islands, in honour of George III.
Tahiti is singularly picturesque when viewed from the sea, in consequence of its
mountainous character, the island being so filled with lofty peaks and crags that the only
way of reaching the interior is by following the courses of the valleys. Sometimes the
rocks shoot up into sharp and spire-like peaks, sometimes they run for miles in perpen-
dicular precipices, several thousand feet in height; sometimes they are scarped and
angular like gigantic fortresses, sometimes they are cleft into ravines of terrible depth,
and sometimes they are scooped out into hollows like the craters of extinct volcanoes.
Down these craggy steeps dash torrents that fertilize the soil, and so equably genial is
the temperature that every shelf and ledge is covered with luxuriant foliage and gorgeous
flowers. Tahiti indeed, as has been well said, is the gem of the Pacific. Our business,
however, lies not so much with the island as with its inhabitants-not the semi-civilized
people of the present day, but the uncivilized people of 1769, when Captain Cook visited
them. In the following description, we will take Tahiti as the typical island of the
Society group, merely introducing the lesser islands by way of illustration of the manners
and customs which pervaded the whole group.
SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE SEXES.
399
In consequence of the superior fertility of Tahiti, and the consequent supply of food
without the need of labour, the Tahitans are more plump and rounded of form than are
the inhabitants of most other Polynesian islands. In the case of the men, the fair skin
and plump rounded forms give them an effeminate appearance, and the earlier voyagers
have all noticed the strong contrast between the dark, nervous, and muscular frames of
the Tongan men, and the fair, smooth limbs and bodies of the Tahitans. The men, too,
wear their hair long, and, if it were not that they permit the beard to grow to some length,
they would well deserve the epithet of effeminate.
Not only is this smoothness and fairness one of their distinguishing marks, but they
also are characterised by a sort of languor in their movements and timidity in their
carriage, very unlike the demeanour of the bold and warlike Tongans and Samoans.
“This observation," writes Captain Cook, “is fully verified in their boxing and wrestling,
which may be called little better than the feeble efforts of children, if compared to the
vigour with which those exercises are performed at the Friendly Islands.”
They are so careful of their complexion that when they think their skins are becoming
darkened by exposure to the sun, they have a mode of bleaching themselves. Captain
Cook merely mentions that they remain within doors for a month or two, wear great
quantities of clothing, and eat nothing but bread-fruit, this diet being supposed by them to
have a strong bleaching power. It is probable, however, that besides the diet and the con-
finement within the house, they also employ some preparation similar to that which is
used by the Marquesan women under similar circumstances.
The Tahitans place such reliance on the effect of food on complexion, that they believe
themselves to change the hue of their skins several times in the year, owing to the kind
of food on which, owing to the change of season, they are obliged to live. They do not,
however, like many nations, think that corpulence is a mark of rank and wealth.
That fairness of skin and roundness of form which detract from the manly beauty of
the male sex only add to the feminine charms of the women, who are far more beautiful
even than those of Tonga, while they infinitely surpass the short, thickset women of the
Marquesans. A Tahitan woman would be reckoned beautiful even among Europeans,
the skin being fairer than that of many a Spanish girl, and the large full eyes and rich
hair having a fascination peculiar to themselves, a charm which many travellers have
endeavoured to describe, and all, according to their own statements, have failed to convey
in words.
Yet the lot of the Tongan women is far superior to that of the Tahitan. As we have
already seen, the woman of Tonga is by no means the mere slave of the despotic husband,
but is often his true helpmeet and best adviser. Among the Tahitans, however, we find
that the effeminate, smooth-limbed, long-haired, fair-skinned man, who would not abide
the charge of a Tongan boy, is a very tyrant at home, having no idea that women can be
anything but chattels, and beating his wives, his dogs, or his pigs, with equal disregard of
their feelings.
The women are not allowed to eat of various kinds of food, as they would offend the
gods by so doing, and it is a remarkable coincidence that the gods do not permit the
women to eat exactly those articles of food which the man likes best, such, for example,
as turtle, and certain kinds of fish and plantain.
Neither are the women allowed to eat with their husbands, but take their meals in a
separate part of the house. This prohibition is the more galling because, in a well-to-do
Tahitan's family, eating goes on all day with very short intervals. The family breakfast at
eight, and have a first dinner or luncheon at eleven. . Thus invigorated, they are able to
wait until two, when they take their first dinner. This is followed by a second dinner
at five and supper at eight, after which they retire to rest. But as it is manifestly
impossible to go without food for twelve hours, they awake at two, take another meal, or
rere-supper," and sleep again until daybreak.
As to the turtle, à certain sort of sanctity is attached to it. When one of these
reptiles is caught, it is always sent to the king, who, however, does not cook so sacred a
creature in his own house, but sends it to the temple, where it is offered to the idol. It.
is cooked in the marae, or sacred enclosure, and, after a portion has been taken by the
400
THE TAHITANS.
priest for the idol, the remainder is sent back to the king. Unless this offering were made,
the offender would immediately suffer from the vengeance of the offended god.
This custom was exploded by Pomaré about 1820. The king had long believed that
the idols were nothing more than images, and that the gods were but human inventions,
and determined to try the subject by a crucial test. He waited until his subjects had.
caught a turtle, and sent it to him according to the custom of the island. Instead of sending
it to the marae, he had the turtle taken to his own kitchen and cooked there. It was
then served up, and his whole household sat down with him to partake of it. No one,
however, except the king had the courage to eat a mouthful, and even Pomaré himself was
in a state of nervous trepidation, and had very little appetite when he came to apply his
test. However, he was a man of great moral courage, and though he could not eat much
of the royal dainty, he ate enough to bring down upon him the wrath of the god.
Finding that no harm happened to him, he convened an assembly of the chiefs, and
narrated the whole of the circumstances, telling them they were free to act as they liked,
but that for his part he abjured idolatry from that time. The consequence was, that of
their own accord the people voluntarily abandoned their idols, and either gave them to
the missionaries, used them as seats, or put them in the fire with which food is cooked,
the last proceeding being the very depth of degradation.
One of these raids on the idols was conducted after a very curious manner.
When the converts had reached the temple in which were deposited the idols which
they had so long worshipped, their hearts failed them, and not a man dared enter the
house and lay his hands on the sacred images. They bethought themselves, however, of
trying the effect of fire-arms, with which they were furnished, and, in the presence of the
terrified population, made ready to fire upon the idols. After calling upon the images,
warning them that they were about to be fired upon, and calling upon them to avenge
themselves if they could, they fired a volley into the house. Finding that no harm
ensued, they advanced more boldly, and burned down the temple together with its
occupants.
À curious instance of courage similar to that of Pomaré occurred at the island of
Rurutu. A native teacher recommended at a public assembly that a feast should be
held, and that the king, his chiefs, his people, and their wives should together partake of
turtle and pork, both these articles of diet being prohibited to women in Rurutu. The
test was accepted, and the party assembled, having by a curious coincidence selected
ignorantly a piece of ground sacred to Oro, the vengeful god of war. That any one should
eat on so sacred a spot would have been sufficient to draw upon the delinquents the full
terrors of Oro's anger; but that men and women should eat together on the spot, and that
women should absolutely eat both turtle and pork, were enormities almost too great
to be conceived.
The feast took place, and, as writes Mr. Bennett, “when the Rurutuans saw that,
they said, 'No doubt they will die for this trespass on the sacred ground,' and looked
earnestly, expecting some one to have swollen or fallen down dead suddenly ; but after
they had looked for a considerable time and saw no one come, they changed their minds,
and said, 'Surely theirs is the truth ; but perhaps the god will come in the night and kill
them: we will wait and see.'
“One man actually went in the night to the wife of the chief Auüra, who also ate a
part of a hog or turtle on the sacred spot, and said, 'Are you still alive ? When the
morning arrived, and the Rurutuans found that no harm had happened to any of them,
they became exceedingly disgusted at their having been deceived so long by the evil
spirit.”
LIKE many other Polynesians, the Tahitans are of fair complexions, and very well
made. Both men and women are good-looking, and many of the latter may be called
beautiful, their graceful robe of bark-cloth, and the flowers with which they love to
entwine their hair setting off their charms in an admirable manner. It is rather strange,
by the way, that the women of Eimeo, one of this group, are very inferior to those of the
other islands, being darker, of lower stature, and not so graceful, and, as Captain Cook
MODES OF WEARING THE HAIR.
101
remarked, if a handsome woman were seen at Eimeo, she was sure to have come from
another island.
The men dress in rather a variable manner. All wear the primitive garment of
Polynesia, namely, a piece of bark-cloth passed round the waist, then through the legs,
and the end tucked into the girdle. Over this garment many wear a sort of mantle
made of finer cloth, gathered neatly round the waist, and sometimes flowing over their
shoulders; while others wear the tiputa, or tibita, a garment made in poncho fashion, with
a hole in the middle through which the head passes, and hanging down in front and
behind, but open at the sides. This garment is found in a very great number of Polynesian
islands, the material and the form varying according to the locality. The bark-cloth is
made exactly after the fashion employed in Tonga and Samoa.
Both sexes usually cut their hair short, and sometimes crop it so closely at the crown
of the head that it looks as if shaven. They anoint their locks freely with scented cocoa-
nut oil, or with a resinous gum, which gives it a moist and glossy appearance, and causes
it to retain the shape into which it is twisted. Beside the flowers worn in the hair
and ears, and the garlands twisted round the head, the women wear a very elegant
and striking ornament. They take the very young stipe of the cocoa-nut palm, peel
it into long strips, and dry it
. When properly prepared, it is of a glossy, pure white,
looking much like white satin ribbon, and is worn twisted into rosettes and similar
ornaments.
The normal colour of the hair is mostly black, but in some cases it takes a lighter and
reddish hue. In children it is often light, but assumes a dark hue in the course of a few
years.
The Tahitans think that the shape of the head is much improved by being flattened
at the back. Accordingly, the mothers have a way of supporting their children during
infancy by the heels and back of the head, and, as they think that the shape of the nose
can be improved by art, they continually squeeze and press it with the hand while it is
tender and plastic.
Tattooing was once much esteemed, and the operation was performed by means of a
comb and mallet, as has been described when treating of Samoa. Professional artists
executed the tattoo, and were accustomed to travel about the islands, remaining for some
months at each spot, and being paid highly for each lad whom they decorated. The face
was almost invariably left untouched; the bust, legs, arms, and even hands being covered
with the graceful patterns. The women also employed the same decoration, but in a less
degree, wearing the tattoo mostly on the arms, ankles, and feet, the latter being tattooed
nearly half-way to the knees, so that at a little distance the woman looked as if she were
wearing boots or socks fitting tightly to the skin. The missionaries, however, discouraged
the tattoo, which by degrees came to be accepted as a mark of a revolutionary spirit, and
rendered the offender liable to punishment.
Mr. Bennett mentions two instances where old men were tattooed on the face as
well as the body, one of them being a man who had been the high priest of the god
Oro, the Polynesian Mars, who was worshipped with every accessory, of bloodshed and
cruelty. This deity, together with other objects of Tahitan worship, will be presently
described.
The means that were employed to put an end to the practice of tattooing were of a
very severe and rather despotic character. It was found that ordinary punishments were
of little avail in checking a practice so much in consonance with the feelings and habits of
the natives. Even after they had submitted themselves to the laws which the white
colonists introduced, they could scarcely bring themselves to obey the edict which forbade
• the tattoo, and evaded it on every possible pretext. They would even voyage to another
island, nominally on mercantile affairs, but in reality for the purpose of being tattooed
while out of the reach of the white men and their laws.
As to the punishment which ensued, the delinquents cared little about it—the allotted
task of road-making or well-digging was completed in time, whereas the decoration of the
tattoo lasted throughout life. After trying to check the practice by various penal laws,
the new legislators hit upon a plan described by themselves as merely disfiguring the
VOL. II.
D D

402
THE TAHITANS.
pattern made by the tattoo. Dr. Bennett, however, uses more forcible terms.
« The
ancient practice of tattooing the skin is gradually declining amongst the Society Islanders
generally. The missionaries have been much opposed to the custom, and among the
laws framed for these islands was one which made tattooing criminal; but this has
since been repealed, or continues in force only in the islands of Huahine, Raiatea, and
Tahaa.
“When viewed in connexion with the habits of the natives, tattooing is not, certainly,
so innocent a display of savage finery as most Europeans imagine it to be; nevertheless,
we felt much regret, not unmingled with indignation, when we beheld, in the house of
the royal chief of Raiatea, a native woman of naturally agreeable features, disfigured by
an extensive patch of charcoal imbedded in her cheek—a punishment inflicted
upon
her
PRESENTING THE CLOTH.
by the judges for having slightly tattooed herself. While we were regarding this spectacle
a second female showed us her band, which afforded a similar instance of judicial
severity.”
The various figures employed by the Tahitans have each a separate name, and these
figures are imprinted not only upon the skin, but upon the bark-cloth garments of
both sexes.
The Tahitans are naturally a hospitable people, and have invented a complete code of
etiquette for making presents, the most curious of which is that which is employed in
giving bark-cloth. Captain Cook's description of this custom is very interesting. "I
went with Otoo to his father's house, where I found some people employed in dress-
ing two girls with a prodigious quantity of fine cloth, after a very singular fashion.
PRESENTING THE PIG.
403
The one end of each piece of cloth, of which there were a good many, was held up over
the heads of the girls, while the remainder was wrapped round their bodies, under the
arm-pits. Then the upper ends were let fall, and hung down in folds to the ground, one
over the other, so as to bear some resemblance to a circular hoop-petticoat.
Afterward, round the outside of all were wrapped several pieces of differently-
coloured cloth, which considerably increased the size, so that it was not less than five or
six yards in circuit, and the weight of this singular attire was as much as the poor girls
could support. To each were hung two taames or breast-plates, by way of enlivening the
whole, and giving it a picturesque appearance. Thus equipped, they were conducted on
board the ship, together with several hogs and a quantity of fruit, which, with the cloth,
was a present to me from Otoo's father.
Persons of either sex, dressed in this manner, are called atee, but I believe it is never
practised except when large presents of cloth are to be made. At least, I never saw
it practised on any other occasion; nor, indeed, had I ever such a present before; but
both Captain Clarke and I had cloth given to us afterward, thus wrapped round the
bearers.
These cloths are mostly put on the bearers by laying the end of the cloth on the
ground. The girl then lies down on the end of the piece, holds it tightly to her body,
and rolls over and over, until she has wound herself up in all the cloth that she is
intended to present. When the bearers are taken into the presence of the chief to whom
the offering is made, they reverse the process, and unroll themselves, by revolving on the
floor in the contrary direction.
Food is presented in another way. The donor sends his servants with the hogs, bread-
fruit, and other provisions, to the house of the person to whom the present is made. They
do not enter the house, but simply spread leaves on the ground, lay the provisions on
them, and then return to their master. The donor then enters the house, and calls upon
his friend to come out and look at the present that has been brought for him. The latter
signifies his acceptance by ordering his servants to carry the food within his house, but
utters no thanks.
In most of these cases, it is expected that a present of equal value should be returned,
and, if the recipient should be a wealthy man, he would be thought rather shabby if his
return present were not rather inore valuable
. In consequence of this theory, Captain
Cook found that when he purchased provisions he got them much more cheaply than
when they were presented to him.
In these islands is found the widely-spread practice of selecting friends from strangers.
When a ship arrives, each of the officers and crew is selected by a native as his particular
friend, and during the time of the vessel's stay is placed under his charge. Every day,
the “apoa" or friend will come on board with his present of cooked bread-fruit and other
provisions; and should his visitor go on shore, he takes care that all possible necessaries,
and even luxuries, shall be provided for him. It is assumed that when the visitor departs
he will in his turn make a present; but there have been many instances where the
natives have been so grateful for some kindness that they have refused to accept anything
in return for their hospitality.
One very graceful mode of giving presents is by offering them in the name of a child.
In this case, whenever provisions are sent, they are always accompanied by the child,
who is supposed to present them, and to whom all returns are made.
There is a custom-once very prevalent, but now become nearly if not wholly
extinct—which is evidently based on the same principle. When a man is in want of
something which he cannot obtain, such as a new house, or a quantity of cloth, he bakes
a pig, and sends it by his friends to all the population of the place. The bearers offer
the pig, and mention at the same time the needs of the owner. All those who partake of
it, even though they eat but a mouthful, thereby bind themselves to share in assisting the
petitioner, either in bụilding the house or in making the cloth.
Mr. Bennett mentions one instance, where a map wanted thirty-six yards of cloth, and
sent a pig after the usual fashion. No one, however, would touch it, and the poor man
would have gone without his cloth had not the queen taken compassion on him. She
DD 2
404
THE TAHITANS.
ordered the bearers to leave the pig in her house, thereby assuming to herself alone the
task of providing the cloth. A number of women who saw the proceeding, felt rather
ashamed
that the queen should be left to perform the task alone, so they went into the
house, ate the pig, and made the desired cloth.
Among the Society Islands, the distinctions of rank are jealously insisted upon, and
no one can command any respect unless he be in the possession of some acknowledged
rank. Ignorance of this characteristic was the real cause of Omai's failure. Most of my
readers are aware that this man, the first Polynesian who had ever visited England, was
a native of Raietea, one of the Society Islands, and that he was brought to England for
the purpose of being educated, so that he might act as a missionary both of Christianity
and civilization in his native country.
In Captain Cook's third voyage, Omai was taken back again, after he had been loaded
with presents of various kinds. It was found, however, that all that he really cared for was
the possession of weapons, especially fire-arms, by means of which he might make himself
master of the island. He had several muskets and pistols, together with ammunition,
but Captain Cook remarked in his journal that he fancied Omai would be happier without
the fire-arms than with them, and expresses a doubt whether he would not have been
happier still if he had never been removed from his island.
The result justified these anticipations. No one, except the lower orders, would have
anything to do with a man of no rank, and the nobles, who led public opinion, would
not even look at him as he paraded up and down, clad in the suit of armour which had
been presented to him with more generosity than prudence. In fact, they felt that his
possession of all these treasures was a slight upon themselves, and the natural result was,
That Omai was soon fleeced of all his property, and speedily sank back again into his
original barbarism and idolatry.
Tenacious as they are of their rank, the Tahitan nobles show but few external marks
of it. Even at the present day, although they have obtained considerable wealth from
trade, and though implicit deference is paid to them by their own people, the chiefs, as a
rule, dress and fare no better than the generality of their subjects. The fact is, that every
person's rank is so well known, that there is no necessity for indicating it by outward show
or luxurious habits, which would only serve to bring upon them the contemptuous epithet
of fahié, or conceited:
In illustration of this principle, Mr. Bennett remarks in his “Whaling Voyage round
the Globe,” that it was “usual to see the Queen Aimata clad in a loose cotton gown, bare-
headed and bare-footed, mingling with natives of every class. Her meals, too, are equally
unostentations, the bread-fruit, poë, cocoa-nuts, and baked pig, intended for her food,
being placed on a layer of fresh leaves spread on the ground; while the partaking party
display, by the use of their fingers, a thorough contempt for the modern innovation of
knives and forks, in the use of which, however, they are perfectly well versed." This
visit to Tahiti was made in 1834.
Nothing, perhaps, shows the innate respect for rank more than the conduct of the
Tahitans towards their queen. Personally she was not in the least respected, nor indeed
did she deserve respect. Being the only daughter of Pomaré II., and deriving from her
birth the title of Pomaré Vahine, by which she was better known than by the name of
Aimata, she became queen in 1827, on the death of her infant brother. Her conduct as
queen was at first of the most unqueenly kind. She resisted to the utmost the attempts that
were being made to improve the moral condition of the people, and did her best, both by
precept and example, to bring back the state of unrestrained licentiousness which had
reigned through the land. Yet, in spite of her conduct, the respect for her rank was in
no way diminished, and, as has been seen, she could be on familiar terms with the lowest
of her subjects without derogating from her dignity.
The amusements of the Tahitans are much like those of other Polynesians, and therefore
need but little description. The Tahitans are fond of singing, and possess good voices and
ears, so that they have been apt pupils in European music
. As a rule, however, they
prefer singing the air, or at most a first and second, the more elaborate movements of
SURF RIDING.
405
concerted music scarcely pleasing them. They excel in keeping time, and exhibit this
capacity not only in their songs but in their dances. The native mode of singing is not
pleasing to an English ear, being of a monotonous character, nasal in tone, and full of
abrupt transitions from the highest to the lowest notes.
The native songs are mostly on two subjects, namely, love and war, the former pre-
dominating, as is likely to be the case from the quiet and peaceable character of the
people. Sometimes their songs assume a more patriotic cast, and set forth the praises of
their island home, the beauty of its scenery, and the fertility of its soil. The singers
are usually women, whose sweet voices render pleasing even the nasal intonations. The
men sing but seldom, and when they do exert their voices, they almost invariably use the
harsh native mode of vocalization.
Their musical instruments are but few. They have of course the drum, with which
they accompany their songs and dances, not by beating it violently after the African style
of drumming, but gently tapping it with the fingers. The drums are of different sizes,
and are all cylindrical
, and very long in proportion to their diameter. Like many other
uncivilized people, they display a great fondness for the Jews' harp, partly because it is
easy to play, and partly because it reproduces to some extent the peculiar intervals of
savage music.
The chief native instrument that is capable of producing different notes is a sort of
flageolet or “hoe,” which produces a low, deep tone, something like the “drone” of the
bag-pipe. The native musician can tune his instrument in a very simple manner. The
mouth-piece is split longitudinally, so that the pieces vibrate like those of any “reed
instrument. Surrounding the mouth-piece is a ring of soft wood, and by pushing this
forward, or driving it back, the performer can tune his instrument with some nicety,
the former movement producing a sharp, and the latter a graver tone,
The hoe is seldom played alone, and is generally used as an accompaniment to the
native dances. The performers, after tuning their instruments, sit in a circle, pressed
closely together, and, bending forward so that their heads are bowed over their knees,
play in admirable time, though as much praise can scarcely be given to the melody.
Following the instincts of the savage nature, the Tahitans are passionately fond of
cock-fighting, and amusements of a similar character. Some of them are of a more
harmless character. 'One of the most manly and graceful of these amusements closely
resembles the surf-swimming of the Sandwich Islanders, and is thus described by
Captain Cook :
Neither were they strangers to the soothing effects produced by particular sorts of
motion, which in some cases seem to allay any perturbation of mind with as much
success as music. Of this I met with a remarkable instance. For on walking one day
about Matavai Point, where our tents were erected, I saw a man paddling in a small
canoe so swiftly, and looking about with such eagerness on each side, as to command all
my attention.
“At first I imagined that he had stolen something from one of the ships, and was
pursued, but on waiting patiently saw him repeat his amusement. He went out from the
shore till he was near the place where the swell begins to take its rise ; and watching its
first motion very attentively, paddled before it with great quickness till he found that it
overtook him, and had acquired sufficient force to carry his canoe before it without pass-
ing underneath. He then sat motionless, and was carried along at the same swift rate as
the wave, till it landed him upon the beach, when he started out, emptied his canoe, and
went in search of another swell.
“I could not help concluding that this man felt the most supreme pleasure while he
was driven on so fast and so smoothly by the sea, especially as, though the tents and
ships were so near, he did not seem in the least to envy, or even to take any notice
of the crowds of his countrymen collected to view them as objects which were rare
and curious.
During my stay, two or three of the natives came up, who seemed to share his
felicity, and always called out when there was an appearance of a favourable swell, as
he sometimes missed it by his back being turned and looking about for it. By this
CC
406
THE TAHITANS.
I understood that this exercise, which is called chorooe, was frequent amongst them,
and they have probably more amusements of this sort, which afforded them at least as
much pleasure as skating, which is the only one of ours with whose effects I could
compare it.”
Like the Tongans and Samoans, these people are fond of boxing and wrestling
matches, not only as spectators, but actors. They do not, however, enter into them with
the spirit and courage displayed by the more hardy islanders, and there is little doubt
that a boxer or wrestler of Tonga would scarcely be able to find a worthy opponent in the
Society Islands.
Of these two sports, the Society Islanders much prefer wrestling, boxing being thought
rather too rough an amusement, and being apt to leave unpleasant marks on the face of
the vanquished combatant. Wrestling, however, is much more common, and is conducted
after the following manner.
The intending combatants first go to the temples of their special gods, and lay offer-
ings before them, asking for their assistance in the approaching struggle. They then pro-
ceeded to the spot selected for the sports, which had always a smooth surface, sometimes
covered with grass and sometimes with sand.
and sometimes with sand. A circle of thirty or forty feet in diameter
was left clear for the competitors, and around it sat the spectators, the inhabitants of the
island or district on one side, and the visitors on the other. All being ready, the com-
batants enter the arena, wearing nothing but the simple girdle, and mostly having well
anointed their bodies and limbs with cocoa-nut oil. The mode of challenge and wrestling
has been so well described by Mr. Ellis that I prefer to give his own words :-
“The fame of a celebrated wrestler was usually spread throughout the islands, and
those who were considered good wrestlers, priding themselves on their strength or skill,
were desirous of engaging only with those they regarded as their equals. Hence when a
chief was expected in whose train were any distinguished wrestlers, those among the
adherents of the chief by whom the party were to be entertained who wished to engage,
were accustomed to send a challenge previous to their arrival.
If this, which was called tipaopao, had been the case, when they entered the ring
they closed at once without ceremony. But if no such arrangement had been made,
the wrestlers of one party, or perhaps their champion, walked round and across the
ring, having the left arm bent with the hand on the breast, and, striking the right
hand violently against the left, and the left against the side, produced a loud hollow
sound, which was challenging any one to a trial of skill. The strokes on the arm
were sometimes so violent as not only to bruise the flesh, but to cause the blood to
gush out.
" When the challenge was accepted the antagonists closed, and the most intense
interest was manifested by the parties to which they respectively belonged. They grasped
each other by the shoulders, and exerted all their strength and art each to throw his rival.
This was all that was requisite; and although they generally grappled with each other,
this was not necessary according to the rules of the garne.
“Mape, a stout and rather active though not a large man, who was often in my house
at Eimeo, was a famous wrestler. He was seen in the ring once with a remarkably tall
heavy man, who was his antagonist; they had grappled and separated, when Mape
walked carelessly towards his rival, and on approaching him, instead of stretching out his
arms as was expected, he ran the crown of his head with all his might against the temple
of his antagonist, and laid him flat on the earth.
“The most perfect silence was observed during the struggle, but as soon as one was
thrown the scene was instantly changed; the vanquished was scarcely stretched on the
sand when a shout of exultation arose from the victor's friends. Their drums struck
up; the women and children danced in triunph over the fallen wrestler, and sung in
derision of the opposite party. These were neither silent nor unmoved spectators, but
immediately commenced a most deafening noise, partly in honour of their own clan or
tribe, but chiefly to neutralize the triumph of the victors. It is not easy to imagine the
scenes that must often have been presented at one of these wrestling-matches, when not
less than four or five thousand persons, dressed in their best apparel, and exhibiting every
WRESTLING MATCHES.
407
variety of costume and brilliancy of colour, were under the influence of excitement. One
party were drumming, dancing, and singing, in all the pride of victory and the menace of
defiance; while, to increase the din and confusion, the other party were equally vociferous
in reciting the achievements of the vanquished, or predicting the shortness of his rival's
triumph. When the contest was at an end, victor and vanquished once more repaired to
the idol temple, and renewed their offerings of young plantain trees.
Although wrestling was practised principally by the men, it was not confined to
them. Often when they had done, the women contended, sometimes with each other,
and occasionally with men. Persons of the highest rank often engaged in this sport;
and the sister of the queen has been seen wearing nearly the same clothing the wrestlers
wore, covered all over with sand, and wrestling with a young chief in the midst of the
ring, round which thousands of the queen's subjects were assembled.”
CHAPTER II.
RELIGION.
RELIGION OF THE SOCIETY ISLANDS-THEIR IDOLS-PARALLEL BETWEEN THE IDOLATRY OF MODERN
POLYNESIA AND ANCIENT SYRIA-ORO, THE GOD OF WAR — EXTENT OF HIS WORSHIP LEGEND
OF A SHELL-ORO'S MARAE, OR TEMPLE--THE HUMAN SACRIFICE--HIRO, THE GOD OF THIEVES--
HIS WORSHIP AND APOTHEOSIS--TANE, THE CHIEF GOD OF HUAHINE--HIS MARAE AND HIS BED—
DRESSING TANE THE TREES AROUND HIS MARAE-HIS UNFORTUNATE TAIL-HIS HIGH PRIEST
AN INGENIOUS EVASION—TANE'S HALF-WAY HOUSE-TANE AVERSE TO BLOODSHED, BUT NEED-
ING THE SACRIFICE OF LIFE-TANE'S STONE CANOE—THE SHARK-GOD, AND HIS WATER TEMPLE
-APOTHEOSIS OF LIVING MAN--SINGULAR PERFORMANCES OF THE INSPIRED PRIESTS
MOVABLE SHRINES.
A
We now come to the somewhat complicated subject of the religious belief of the Society
Islanders. It is not an easy subject, involving, as it does, a great variety of national
customs, including the all-pervading tapu, the burial of the dead, and the human sacrifices
which accompany a funeral or are offered on great occasions. We will begin with a brief
account of the religious system of these islanders, as far as it is possible to reduce to a
system a subject so obscure in itself, and so little understood by the first travellers, who
alone would be likely to witness and gain information about the various religious
ceremonies.
As might be expected from these islanders, their religion is pure idolatry, or rather, it
consists in the worship of certain images which are conventionally accepted as visible
representatives of the invisible deities. The idols are of two different kinds, the one
being rude imitations of the human figure, and the other, certain combinations of cloth,
sinnet, and feathers, rolled round sticks, not having the slightest similitude to the human
form, or being recognisable as idols except by those who understand their signification.
The human figures are held as being inferior to other idols, and are considered in much
the same light as the Lares and Penates of the ancient Romans. They are called by the
name of Tu, and are supposed to belong to some particular family which is taken under
their protection.
The other gods are, in the ideas of the natives, possessed of far more extensive
powers, sometimes being supposed to watch over particular districts, or even particular
islands. There are gods of the valleys and gods of the hills, exactly as we read was the
belief of the Syrians nearly three thousand years ago : when Ahab had repulsed Ben-
hadad, “the servants of the king of Syria said unto him, Their gods are gods of the
bills, therefore they were stronger than we; but let us fight against them in the plain, and
surely we shall be stronger than they." (1 Kings xx. 23.)
Fully believing in the protection which these deities are able to extend over their
worshippers, it is no matter of wonder that the latter consider that they have a right to
the good offices of their gods, and complain bitterly when anything goes wrong with
them. So, if a god has been worshipped in some locality, and the ground becomes
barren, or the cocoa-nut trees do not produce their full amount of fruit, or the district is
LEGEND OF A SHELL.
409
devastated by war, the people think that their god is not doing his duty by them, and so
they depose him, and take another in his place.
Although these gods are in a manner limited in their scope, many of them are
acknowledged throughout the whole of the group of islands; and the chief, because
the most dreaded, of them is Oro, the god of war.
This terrible deity is held in the greatest awe by his worshippers, and at one time was
feared throughout the whole of the islands. His name was associated with sundry
localities, and with many objects, so that his dreaded name was continually in the mouth
of the people. There was even a small species of scallop shell which was held in such
fear that not a native would dare to touch it. It was called tupe (pronounced toopen),
and was said to be the special property of Oro. When a man died, and was to be con-
verted into a spirit, the body had to be entirely consumed. This was done by Oro, who
scraped the flesh from the bones with a tupe shell
, and thus ate the body.
The subsequent career of the spirit was rather peculiar. After issuing from Oro in
its new form, it betook itself to a great lake in Raiatea, round which is a belt of trees,
which from some cause are quite flat at the top, presenting a level surface like a leafy
platform. On this place the newly-enfranchised spirits danced and feasted, and after they
had passed through that stage of their existence, they were transformed into cockroaches.
In Huahine there was an enormous marae, or sacred enclosure, dedicated to Oro. It
was a hundred and fifty-six feet long by eighteen wide, and was built by a fence made
of flat slabs of coral-rock placed on their edges, and the intervals between them filled in
with earth. One of these blocks of stone measured nine feet by ten, so that the labour
of cutting them and conveying them to such a distance from the sea must have been
enormous.
On this platform a smaller one was erected, so as to leave a space of about four feet in
width, and within this upper story were laid the bones of the many victims that had
been slain in the worship of the god. The temple itself, called Fare no Oro, or the House
of Oro, was quite a small building, eight feet long by six wide, and a little beyond this
was the square stone on which the priest stood when aboạt to offer a sacrifice, a higher
stone behind it answering as a seat whereon the priest might rest himself when wearied.
Small as was this house, it had been the scene of many human sacrifices, and even its
erection cost a number of lives, every post having been driven into the ground through a
human body. Besides these victims, others had been sacrificed on many occasions,
fourteen of whom were enumerated by an old man who had once officiated as the priest
of Oro.
When the chief of the island became converted to Christianity, this man tried to
conceal the idol which he had so long worshipped, and to save it from destruction, and
hid it in a hole in the rock. The chief, however, very rightly feared that if the idol were
allowed to remain its worship might revive, and accordingly insisted upon its
destruction.
Beside the priest who offered the sacrifice, Oro had another officer, whose special duty
it was to kill the victims. He was officially termed the Mau-buna, or Pig-owner, a
human body killed for sacrifice being named a "long pig.” When the victim was pointed
out to him, the mau-buna, having a round stone concealed in his hand, found an oppor-
tunity of getting behind him, and, with a single blow, struck him senseless to the
ground, where the murder was completed. He then packed the body in a basket of
cocoa-nut leaves, and delivered it to the priest.
Next to Oro was Hiro, the Polynesian Mercury, or god of thieves.
He was
originally a man, but was elevated to the society of the gods in consequence of his won-
derful deeds on earth, the chief of which seems to have been his daring in taking the
image of Oro and flinging it to the ground with impunity.
The worship of Hiro extended through all ranks, from the highest chief to the lowest
cook, and his votaries always asked for his help when they went on a plundering expe-
dition, and promised him a share of the spoil
. This promise they always performed, but
as they were careful not to define the amount of booty which was to belong to the god,
they contrived practically to have it all to themselves. For example, a thief would go
410
THE TAHITANS.
out pig-stealing, and promise Hiro a share of the stolen pork. Accordingly, if he had
been successful, he would take home his ill-gotten booty, bake it, break off an inch of the
tail, and go with it to the shrine of Hiro, where he would offer it with as much ceremony
as if it had been half the pig, and at the same time beg the god not to divulge the theft
of a votary who had kept his promise.
The natives are quite dexterous enough in the thieving way to be worthy of the pro-
tection of this god, having the most ingenious modes of stealing the goods of another.
For example, if the objects are small, a hook is fastened to the end of a long bamboo, and
the coveted article is slily withdrawn by the actual thief while a confederate directs the
attention of the victim elsewhere. Sometimes the hook is tied to a line, and the thief
literally angles for the property.
The apotheosis of Hiro was a very remarkable one. After his life of theft, rapine, and
murder, in which he did not spare even the temples of the gods, and had, as we have
seen, the hardihood to fling Oro's image on the floor, and roll on it as if he had conquered
Oro in wrestling, he was thought to have been so superhumanly wicked that he
must have been a god. Accordingly, his skull was placed in a huge marae which he
himself had erected, while his hair was put into an image of Oro, and both buried
together, this act constituting the apotheosis. When Messrs. Bennett and Tyerman were
at the Society Islands, this skull was still in existence, but it disappeared, together with
the idols and other relics of the old religions.
The next god is Tane (pronounced tahneh), who was worshipped over a consider-
able range of country, and was in one or two islands considered as their supreme god.
Such was the case with Huahine, in which Tane had a marae or malae of gigantic dimen-
sions. I may here remark that in most Polynesian dialects the letters r and I are inter-
changeable, so that marae and malae are, in fact, the same word.
This marae is a hundred and twenty-four feet in length by sixteen in breadth, and is
composed, like the marae of Oro, of two stories, the last being nearly ten feet in height,
and built of coral blocks, some of which are ten feet in width, and correspondingly long and
thick, so that their weight is enormous. As the marae is about a hundred yards from the
shore, a prodigious amount of labour must have been expended in getting these huge
stones out of the sea and fixing them in their places. The upper story is barely a yard
in height, and has at each end an upright stone six feet high.
In the middle of the principal part is the idol's bed, which he occupies once annually,
and in which he ought to feel comfortable, as it is twenty-four feet long by thirteen wide.
It is built, like the marae, of stone and earth, and is only eighteen inches high. This
is a very ancient structure, as is shown by the trees that surround and spread their
arms over it. Near the bed is a small house about twelve feet by six, in which rests
the god Tane, together with lesser gods, each of whom is set over a district.
Tane himself-burned in 1817—was carved out of a great block of wood, and was
about as large as a tall man. He was not remarkable for an elegant shape, having no
neck and no legs, the body terminating in a cone. The head was furnished with apolo-
gies for eyes, mouth, nose, and ears, and the whole was covered with sinnet
Once in every year, Tane had a new dress, and was invested with great solemnity.
He was brought out of his house by his priest and laid on his bed, having four lesser
gods on either side of him. The chiefs of the district stood each in front of his own god,
and the priests stood round Tane as being the great god of them all.. The old garments
were then removed, and examination made into the interior of the idol, which was hollow,
and contained various objects, such as scarlet feathers, beads, bracelets, and other
valuables. Those that began to look shabby were removed, and others inserted to take
their place, and the idols were then invested in their new robes.
Meanwhile, a vast amount of kava was prepared—the natives saying that it was equal
in cubic measure to the marae—and a scene of drunken debauch took place, lasting
for several days, even the priests being so intoxicated that they were unable to stand
while performing their duties, but had to chant their incantations while lying on the
ground. At the expiration of the three days a special god called Moorai was produced
and stripped, and, as soon as his garments were removed, violent rain-showers fell,

DRESSING THE IDOLS.
411
Sunny
ملانیاندنه
PIN
002
وا
DRESSING THE IDOLS.
as a signal for all the idols to be removed to their respective houses. The greatest
care was taken that no woman should witness this ceremony, and if a female of any age
had been detected coming within a certain distance of the marae, she would be at once
killed, and even her father, husband, or brother, would have been among the first
to strike her down.
412
THE TAHITANS.
The trees which decorated this marae are the banyans (Ficus Indica), one of which is
described by Mr. Bennett as being seventy feet in girth at the principal stem, and
throwing out vast horizontal branches, each of which is supported by a root which looks
more like the trunk than the root of a tree. More than forty of these we counted,
standing like a family of earth-born giants about their enormous parent. A circle drawn
round all these auxiliary stems measured a hundred and thirty-two feet in circumference,
while a circle embracing the utmost verge of their lateral ramification was not less than
four hundred and twenty feet.
“The upper stories (if such we may call them) of this multiform tree presented
yet more singular combination of interesting and intertwisting boughs, like Gothic
arches, circles, and colonnades, propped as by magic in mid-air. These were occasionally
massy or light, and everywhere richly embellished with foliage, through which the
flickering sunshine gleamed in long rays that lost themselves in the immensity of
the interior labyrinth, or danced in bright spots upon the ground black with the shadows
of hundreds of branches, rising tier above tier, and spreading range above range, aloft and
around.”
This tree was one of the places in which the bodies of human beings were offered,
being packed in leaf baskets and hung to the branches. One branch, which was hugely
thick and strong, and ran horizontally at a small height from the ground, was pointed
out as the principal gibbet, on which human sacrifices, thousands in number, have been
offered century after century.
Tane, all powerful though he was, laboured under one disadvantage. He had a very
long tail, and whenever he wished to leave his house, rise into the air, and dart through
the sky on some errand of mischief, he was restrained by his long tail, which was sure to
become entangled in some object, which from that time became sacred to the god. For
example, the magnificent tree which has just been described was several times the means
of detaining Tane on earth, and the several branches round which his tail was twisted
became tapu at once. On one side of his house there was a large stone, which had
become sacred in consequence of having arrested the flight of the god.
This idea of the long and streaming tail has evidently been derived from meteors and
comets, which are supposed to be the gods passing through the air, and whenever a native
saw one of them, he always threw off his upper garments, and raised a shout in honour
of the passing god. Mr. Bennett suggests that the permanent tail attached to Tane is in
all probability a commemoration of some very magnificent comet with a tail measuring
eighty or ninety degrees in length.
So sacred was the idol that everything which was touched by it became tapu, and
might not be touched by profane hands. There was only one man who was allowed to
carry it, and he was called from his office, “Te amo attua,” i.e. the god-bearer. His task
was not an easy one, and his office, though it caused him to be viewed with nearly as
much reverence as the god of whom he was the special servant, must have deprived him
of many comforts. The god-bearer was not even allowed to climb a cocoa-nut tree,
because, if he did so, the tree would be so sacred that no one might ascend it after him;
indeed, every action of his life was fenced about with some similar restriction. He
could not marry, as, in the first place, no woman could be deserving of the honour, and,
in the second place, he would be defiled and unfitted for his office if he were to take any
woman to wife.
A celibate life does not seem to us to entail such self-denial as seems to be implied by
the prominence given to the celibacy of the god-bearer, who appears to have been the only
bachelor in the whole group of islands. But among most savage nations a man's wealth
and consequence are regulated by the number of his wives, who do all the work of the
household, and in fact keep their husband in idleness.
The house in which the god lived was a small hut elevated on posts twenty feet high,
and there were no means of access except by climbing one of these posts. The god-
bearer, therefore, had no easy task in climbing up these posts with the great wooden
image fastened to his back.
În the illustration we see the chief priest of Tane--the god-bearer—ascending the

TANE'S HALF-WAY HOUSE.
413
pole of the sacred house, with the unwieldy idol slung on his back. A gust of wind has
risen, and has wafted Tane's long tail into the air, so that it has been entangled in a
neighbouring tree. One of the principal priests is running to ascend the tree and free the
god's tail, and from that time the tree will be tapu, and no one of lower rank than the
priest who freed the tail will be allowed to ascend the tree.
Sometimes Tane paid a visit to a marae at some distance, and when he did so, his
bearer was naturally fatigued with the weight of his burden. It was, however, thought
TANE RETURNING HOME.
derogatory to the character of the god to say that his bearer could by any possibility be
tired of carrying him, and so, by an ingenious evasion, the god himself was thought to be
fatigued with the journey, and was laid to rest for a while on a flat stone about half a mile
from the sacred tree. This stone was tapu to women, and if a woman had sat upon it, or
even touched it with her finger, she would have been at once killed.
The stone was not a large one, being only four feet long, one foot broad, and nine
inches thick. It is a singular fact that this sacred stone, which had so often been the
witness of idolatrous rites, should also have witnessed the destruction of the idol to whom
it was consecrated. After Christianity had been fairly established in the island, the chief
414
THE TAHITANS.
men who adhered to the worship of Tane made war upon the Christians, who repelled
them, so that they were obliged to bring out their idol and lay him on the sacred stone.
The two bodies of warriors met face to face close to the idol, and the struggle was about
to commence when the chief of the Christians made a speech to the enemy, laying before
them the distinctions between idolatry and Christianity, and recommended peace instead
of war.
His voice prevailed, and those who came to fight against the Christians renounced
their idols, and, as a proof of their sincerity, they built a large fire on the spot, threw
Tane into it, and then held a great feast, at which the men and women ate together.
They then proceeded to Tane's house, burned it down, and dismantled his great marae.
The feathers attached to these idols and placed within their hollow bodies are mostly
the two long tail-feathers of the tropic bird, white and broad towards the base, and narrow
and scarlet for the remainder of their length. When the gods are newly dressed, it is
considered a meritorious act for any one to present fresh feathers in lieu of those which
have been deteriorated by age. After the old garments are unrolled, the feathers are
placed inside the image, and a corresponding number of old feathers taken out and
presented to the devotee, who values them beyond all things, as partaking of the sanctity
which surrounds the original idol. These feathers are then carefully wrapped with sinnet,
so as to cover them with the exception of a little portion of both ends, and they are then
laid before the idol, while the priest recites a prayer, in which he beseeches the god to
transfer his sanctity to these feathers, which from that moment become minor gods.
The happy devotee has already provided himself with bamboo tubes, in each of which
he places one of the feathers, and from which he never takes them except to pray to
them. Sometimes he has a smaller idol made, and places the feathers within it; but, in
this case, he has to take the new idol to be laid before the original one, so that the transfer
of sanctity may be guaranteed to them. This mode of honouring the sacred feathers is
usually employed when the devotee has enjoyed some piece of good fortune after he has
received them, and in mast cases he not only encloses them in a new idol, but builds a
small temple in which that idol lives.
Formerly, when animals were brought to be sacrificed to Tane, no blood was shed, but
they were laid upon a stone and strangled by pressing their necks between two sticks.
Food of all kinds was presented to him, part of which he was supposed to consume
himself, part was taken by the priests, and the remainder was consumed by the
worshippers. All first-fruits went to Tane, a peasant being supposed to offer him two of
the earliest fruits, while a raatira or gentleman offered ten, and the chiefs still more,
according to their rank and wealth.
Not very far from the sacred stone was a marae containing a very sacred object, no
less, in fact, than a piece of Tane's own canoe. According to the people, it was a very
miraculous canoe, for it was made of stone, and yet floated as well as if it were made of
wood. In proof of this statement, they placed the fragment in water, where it floated, as it
was likely to do, being nothing more than a piece of pumice-stone. No one knew where
the stone had been obtained, but they said that there were more pieces in different parts
of the island.
Besides the idol-gods, there are gods which are symbolised by living creatures, of which
the shark is the chief
, being worshipped for the same reason that crocodiles and venomous
serpents are worshipped in some parts of the world, viz. on account of its destructive
powers. Mr. Bennett saw a large marae which had been consecrated to a shark-god on
account of a miraculous event which was said to have happened some time previously.
In one particular spot the ground begun to shake and tremble, and, as the people were
flying in terror, the ground opened, and a huge shark forced his head through the cleft
in the soii.
The formation of the maraes has already been mentioned. Some time before Mr.
Bennett arrived at the place, a shark had contrived to force its way through the sand into
the marae, which was situated on the shore of the lagoon. The water flowed in with
the fish, and the natives, feeling delighted that their god had actually come to take pos-
session of his temple, blocked up the passage by which he had entered, cleared out the
A SINGULAR PERFORMANCE.
415
marae, and kept the shark in it for the rest of his life, feeding him abundantly with fish
and meat.
Indeed, in one bay the sharks were regularly fed by the priests, and the consequence
was that they became quite familiar, and would swim to the beach to be fed with fish
and pork. They would also accompany the canoes, knowing well that the natives
always threw overboard some of the fish which they had caught, for the sake of pro-
pitiating the shark-gods. The latter, however, were so little sensible of the kindness
bestowed upon them, that had one of their worshippers fallen overboard they would have
eaten him, in spite of all his propitiatory offerings.
Sometimes a living man has been elected to the rank of a god, and worshipped as
such during his lifetime. This was done at Raiatea, the king, Tamatoa, having been
reckoned among the gods by means of a series of ceremonies which might have been very
appropriate in assigning him a place among the very worst and vilest of demons, but
were singularly unsuitable to an apotheosis. After this ceremony, the king was consulted
as an oracle, prayers and sacrifices were offered to him, and he was treated as reverently
as if he had been Tane himself.
It is a most remarkable fact that Tamatoa became a Christian in his later life, and
afforded most valuable information respecting the religious belief of the Society
Islanders. He corroborated, as having been an eye-witness, the accounts that have been
given of the astonishing deeds done by the heathen priests while in a state of inspiration.
They have been seen to dash their hands against the ground with such violence that they
imbedded the whole arm up to the shoulder. Captain Henry, the son of one of the mis-
sionaries, states that he has seen one of these priests plunge his arm into the solid earth
as if it were water, and that he would perform the feat on any ground wherever he
chanced to be.
“The infuriated priest, on that occasion, foamed at the mouth, distorted his eyeballs,
convulsed his limbs, and uttered the most hideous shrieks and howlings. After he had
seemingly buried his arm like a spear stuck suddenly in the ground, he held it there for a
considerable time; then, drawing it out uninjured, he rushed towards the shore, and,
laying hold upon a large canoe, which ordinarily required three or four men to launch, he
shoved it before him with apparent ease, and sent it adrift.
He afterwards threw himself into the sea, wallowed about in it, and kept his head
under water for a long time. When this act of the tragical pantomime was finished, he
sat among the waves, and delivered his prophecies in very figurative and hyperbolical
language, at the same time sufficiently ambiguous to be fulfilled in one of two senses,
whatever might happen."
Portable shrines of the gods were once used in the Society Islands, but so complete
and rapid has been the demolition of everything connected with idolatry, that Mr.
Bennett, who was eye-witness of many idolatrous practices, was only able to procure one
specimen, which is now in the museum of the London Missionary Society.
In form it resembles a house, with sloping roof, and is about a yard in length. It is
supported on four short legs, and underneath there is a round hole through which the
idol was passed into its shrine, a door exactly fitting and closing the aperture. The idol
which was in this shrine represented a female god greatly venerated by the people,
because she was so very mischievous, and had killed thousands of people, gaining frorn
her bloodthirsty propensities the name of Tii Vahine, or Queen Tii. The idol is a horribly
repulsive example of the ugliness with which savages invariably invest their deities.
The shrine, with the idol within it, was hidden in a rock-cave by priests of Tii
Vahine when idolatry was overthrown by Christianity, and was not discovered for a
considerable time, when it was brought from its place of concealment and sold.
CHAPTER III.
HISTORY, WAR, FUNERALS, AND LEGENDS.
THE PRIESTS THE HISTORIANS OF THE SOCIETY ISLANDS-THE MARO, OR KING'S ROBE, AND ITS
HISTORICAL VALUE-THE HEREDITARY TITLE OF THE KING-THE KING'S BEARERS--ARCHI-
TECTURE IN THE SOCIETY ISLANDS-TAHITAN WARFARE-RETENTIVE MEMORY, AND ITS USE IN
WAR-BEHAVIOUR OF THE VICTORS TOWARDS THE VANQUISHED NAVAL BATTLES AND
MANOEUVRESMILITARY ETIQUETTE-HUMAN SACRIFICE BEFORE BATTLES--CAPTAIN Coor's
ACCOUNT OF THE CEREMONY-FUNERALS AMONG THE TAHITANS-EMBALMING OF A CHIEF'S
BODY-STRANGE DRESS OF THE CHIEF MOURNER-THE AREOI SOCIETY, AND THE INFLUENCE
WHICH IT EXERTED ON THIS GROUP OF ISLANDS-LEGENDARY TALES OF THE AREOIS,
The priests performed the office of historians as well as of hierophants, every chief of
consequence having in his household at least one of these men, who made it his business
to chant on all great occasions the most important events which had happened in the
country, and especially those which affected the family of his patron. Not only did
he relate those events of which he had been a witness, but he also sang of the deeds of
past days, the records of which had been transmitted to him by his predecessors.
The priests were, therefore, the only historians of the Society Islands; and, indeed,
there was no other mode of delivering to each succeeding generation the traditions of the
past. As, however, much of their accuracy depended on the memory of the historian, and
as that memory was likely to fade by age, it naturally followed that the history of earlier
times was considerably modified by each succeeding narrator. Tamatoa was himself a
well-known chronicler, and could repeat a wonderful number of narratives, in which fact
and fiction were mixed together in a manner that exactly resembled the semi-mythic
history of ancient Greece and Rome.
These chroniclers, though they were unable to write, were not without some means
whereby they could refresh their memories. Chief of these was the Maro, the sacred
scarf of royalty. The word “Maro" signifies the simple girdle which the men wear by
way of clothing, but that of the king is called, by way of pre-eminence, THE MARO;
and, like the crown of an emperor, is only worn when the kingly rank is conferred.
When not in use, it is rolled up in native cloth so as to make a large bundle, and
is only untied when it is wanted. When Captain Cook saw it he described it as being
fifteen feet long, but when Mr. Bennett was in the Society Islands it measured twenty-
one feet in length, the additional measurement being due to the coronation of successive
kings. It is only six inches in width, and when worn is rolled round the body, so that
the end flows far behind on the ground.
It is covered with the precious red feathers, and to it is attached the needle with
which it is worked. So sacred is the maro thought to be, that, according to the ideas-
of the natives, whenever a new stitch was taken the event was marked by peals of
thunder.
The maro was never intended to be finished, but, according to the original projection,
would receive an addition at the coronation of every new king, so that it would continue

THE KING'S BEARERS.
417
to increase in length as long as the kingly succession was kept up. In several respects it
bears a great resemblance to the Bayeux Tapestry. It is very long in proportion to its
width, and the patterns described upon it are records of the time when the maro
was woven, and act as aids to the memory of the professional historians, who celebrate in
their songs the deeds of past days.
The manufacture of the maro was stopped in a very curious manner. After Tamatoa
became a Christian, he was so horrified at the unspeakable iniquity of the ceremonies
that took place at each lengthening of the maro that he determined to destroy the maro
itself. Fortunately, instead of destroying it, he gave it up to his teachers, and it was
sent, together with many specimens of the idolatrous arts of Polynesia, to the museum
NES
CHIEF'S HOUSE.
of the London Missionary Society. I may here mention that Tamatoa is the hereditary
name of the king, like the Pharaoh of Egypt and the Finow of Tonga.
All the kings, or rather the principal chiefs, have the greatest idea of their dignity, and
are regarded by their subjects almost as demigods. Like some of the African royalties,
they are carried on men's shoulders when they travel from one place to another by land,
and when they go by sea they are said to fly and not to sail. There is a special language
for the king, whose canoe is called the Rainbow, and whose house is termed the Cloud of
Heaven. No one is allowed to stand above him: and this idea is so strongly impressed
upon him that a great chief dislikes going into the cabin of a European ship, lest
an inferior should tread on the deck over his head. The king even claims authority over
We speak in England familiarly of the king or queen's English. In
the Society Islands the language really does belong to the king, who invents and alters
the language.
VOL. II.
EE
418
THE TAHITANS.
words according to his own caprice, and even strikes out of the language those words
which he does not happen to like.
The power of the king being so absolute, it might be imagined that the house
in which he lived would be far superior to those of his subjects. His power is, however,
more real than apparent, and though he has despotic authority, he is lodged, clothed, and
fed scarcely better than any of his subjects, and not in the least better than the chiefs.
His house is built in the same manner and of the same materials as those of his subjects.
It is certainly larger, because it has to accommodate more persons; but in other respects
it is in no way superior.
The houses of the Society Islands are, indeed, little more than thatched roofs
supported on pillars about seven or eight feet in height, the pillars tapering from the base
to the top, and not being quite upright, but sloping a little inward. The floor is generally
covered with grass and mats, while to the rafters of the roof are hung baskets, bundles
of cloth, and other property. The preceding illustration shows the interior of a
chief's house, in which the sloping sides of the thatched roof are well shown. The chief
himself is reclining on his mat, clothed in the maro or girdle, which forms the ordinary
costume of the natives, and which is worn in addition to the tiputa or any other article
of dress.
WARFARE among the Society Islands differs little from the mode which is practised in
many other parts of Polynesia, and therefore does not require a lengthened notice.
Formerly, when their weapons were the spear, the club, and the sling, the wars used
to be very protracted and caused much bloodshed, but the later introduction of fire-
arms has had its usual effect, and not only reduced the number of wars but the loss of
life in battle.
Some of their spears were dreadful weapons, the worst of which seems to have been a
sort of trident, something like an eel spear. The head of it was armed with three bones
from the tail of the sting-ray. They were 'not fastened to the head of the spear, but only
slipped into sockets just tightly enough to hold them. When an enemy was struck with
either of these points, it became detached from the spear, and, in consequence of its pecu-
liarly barbed edges, kept working its way deeper and deeper into the body, so that certain
death was the result of a wound with one of these spears.
The natives of the Society Islands also used the bone of the sting-ray for secret
assassination. They watched the intended victim while he slept, and, by gently touching
him with a feather, made him turn about until he was in a favourable position. The
fatal dagger was then struck into the body, and the assassin made his escape, being
sure that the wound must be sooner or later mortal.
The peculiar character of the people shows itself in other ways. They are most
tenacious of memory in everything that has a personal interest to them, and are
equally unwilling to forget an injury or a benefit. They will cherish a life-long ven-
geance against any one who has offended them, so that one man has been known to
follow another from year to year, from one island to another, with the certainty and
tenacity of the bloodhound, and never to cease from his quest until he has avenged
himself upon his enemy. There is
, however, a redeeming point in this trait of character,
namely, that although it is mostly exercised for evil purposes, it sometimes takes the
opposite course. Mr. Bennett mentions that on one occasion, after a battle, a chief of
the victorious side knew that among the flying enemy was a man who had shown a
kindness to him in a former war. Knowing the fate that would befall the man if he
fell into the hands of the victors, he followed on the track of the fugitive, and after
seeking his friend from cover to cover, and from bush to bush, he at last discovered
him, took him to his own house, kept him there for a time, and then dismissed him
in safety.
Cruelty towards the vanquished is one of the invariable accompaniments of savage
warfare, and we cannot expect to find that the Society Islanders are more free from it
than others. The only cannibalism of which they are guilty is in connexion with war,
and even on those occasions the victorious party only eat a small portion of the dead
NAVAL BATTLES.
419
adversary’s body, in accordance with custom, and do not feast upon human flesh, as many
of the Polynesians do.
They are, however, on some occasions very cruel to the captured or wounded enemies,
absolutely tearing them to pieces by degrees, and taking care to avoid the vital parts, so
as to prolong the agony of the sufferer as much as possible. Even Pomare, before he
became a Christian, was guilty of many abominable atrocities. He has been known to
take the children of vanquished chiefs, run sinnet cords through the backs of their
necks, and drag them about until they died of the torture.
Even when the enemy was dead, the victors could not be content without insulting
the senseless corpse. “When a combatant had slain a distinguished adversary," writes
Mr. Bennett, “ after the fray was over, the perishing carcase was left upon the field for a
day or two. It was then dragged to the marae, when the victor and his friends would
stand over it, and exult in the most savage manner over the corrupted mass.
“Each taking a fibrous wand of cocoa-nut leaf, tough as whalcbone, in his hand, to
employ as a drumstick, they would beat the body with these till they were weary ;
saying to it, ' Aha! we have you now; your tongue fills your mouth, your eyes stand
out of your head, and your face is swollen; so would it have been with us, had you
prevailed.' Then, after a pause, they would renew their impotent stripes and not less
impotent taunts. Now you are dead, you will no more plague us. . We are revenged
upon you; and so you would have revenged yourself on us, if you had been the strongest
in battle.' Again : Aha! you will drink no more kava; you will kill no more men; you
will disembowel no more of our wives and daughters. As we use you, you would have
used us; but we are the conquerors, and we have our vengeance.'
“When they had tired themselves, and beaten the flesh of the corpse to a mummy, they
broke the arms above the elbows, placed flowers within the hands, and, fastening a rope
about the neck, they suspended the mangled remains on a tree, and danced with fiend-
like exultation about it, laughing and shouting as the wind blew the dislocated limbs and
the rent muscles to and fro.'
The canoe-fights show some skill in manoeuvres. The war-canoes are double, with a
platform laid across the bars, forming a sort of stage, on which the warriors stand to
fight. The movements of the canoes are directed by one man, who tries to take the
adversary at a disadvantage, and orders the vessel to advance or retreat as he thinks best,
while the warriors are dancing on the platform, and exciting themselves to rage by frantic
shouts, brandishing club and spear, and exchanging defiances with the enemy when near
enough. As soon as one of them can take the other favourably, the canoes close, and the
warriors from one try to board the other and kill its defenders.
The reserves receive and take care of the wounded, laying them in the bottom of the
canoe, where they are safe from the weapons of the enemy, and in their turn take the
place of those who are disabled, so that a constant succession of fresh warriors is con-
tinually coming to the front.
When at last one party gets the better of the other, those of the vanquished side who
are able to use their limbs leap overboard and try to save themselves by swimming.
They have, indeed, no other alternative, for no quarter is ever given or expected, and if
the lives of the vanquished be spared at the time, it is only that the unfortunate men
may be tortured to death next day.
When Captain Cook visited the Society Islands, he found that all the decisive battles
were fought by water, and that such a thing as a great battle on land was never
thought of. Indeed, the chief strength of these insular people lies in their canoes,
and in a sea-fight a great number of them were usually engaged. In such a sea-fight,
whenever one party found themselves being worsted, they immediately made for the
beach, drew their canoes ashore, jumped out, and made the best of their way to the
hills, where they concealed themselves during the day, and at night slipped off to their
own homes.
When a pitched battle of this kind is determined upon, it is fought out very fairly, and
becomes a sort of general tournament. The two opposing chiefs arrange with each other
as to the time and place for the battle. The whole of the day and night preceding the
E E 2
420
THE TAHITANS.
battle are occupied by both parties in feasting and dancing, evidently on the principle
that, if they are to be killed on the morrow, they may as well enjoy themselves wbile
they can. Before daybreak the canoes are launched and made ready for battle, and with
the dawn the fight commences.
After the engagement is over, and the vanquished have run away, the victors go in
great triumph to the maraes, where they return thanks to their gods, and offer to them
the dead, the wounded, and the prisoners whom they have taken. The chief of the
conquered party then opens negotiations with his successful opponent, and a treaty is
arranged, in which peace is restored on certain conditions. These are often very hard,
and force the vanquished to give up large tracts of land as well as to pay heavy fines in
property. Sometimes a whole district changes masters, and, in one or two cases, an entire
island has been added to the conquerors.
As human sacrifices have several times been mentioned, it will be as well to describe
the circumstances under which they take place. We have already seen that in times
of war the captured enemies are offered to the idols. There is a sort of excuse for
this act, the idea being that, as the captives had sought the lives of the worshippers
of the gods, their own lives should be sacrificed to them as an atonement for their
presumption.
There are, however, other occasions on which such sacrifices are offered, and where the
victim is selected by the chief and killed in cold blood. If, for example, the king or
principal chief of an island or district should project a war against another, he generally
sacrifices a man to his god in order to bespeak his aid against the enemy. One of these
sacrifices was seen by Captain Cook in 1777. He did not witness the actual murder of
the victim, who was killed, as usual, unawares, by a blow from a stone, but saw the body
as it was prepared for offering, and was present at the curious ceremony which accom-
panied the sacrifice.
It appeared that Towha, the chief of his district, intended to make war against the
island of Eimeo, and sent a message to his friend and relative Otoo that he had sacrificed
a man, and wished for Otoo's presence when the body was offered at the great marae of
Attahooroo. Having previously doubted whether the usually mild and gentle Tahitans
would really offer human sacrifices, Captain Cook asked permission to accompany Otoo,
and accordingly went with him to the marae. The party accordingly embarked in their
canoes, taking with them a miserable, half-starved dog, which was to form part of the
sacrifice.
When they arrived at the landing-place, they found the body of the slain man already
there, lying in a canoe which was half in and half out of the water, just in front of the
marae. Otoo, his visitors, and the chiefs halted about ten yards from the body, while the
rest of the people looked on from a distance.
“The ceremonies now began. One of the priests' attendants brought a young plan-
tain-tree, and laid it down before Otoo. Another approached with a small tuft of red
feathers, twisted on some fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, with which he touched one of the
king's feet, and then retired with it to his companions.
“ One of the priests, seated at the marae, facing those that were upon the beach, now
began a long prayer; and, at certain times, sent down young plantain-trees, which were
laid upon the sacrifice. During this prayer a man, who stood by the officiating priest,
held in his hand two bundles, seemingly of cloth. In one of them, as we afterwards
found, was the royal maro; and the other, if I may be allowed the expression, was
the ark of the Eatooa (i.e. the Atua, or god). As soon as the prayer was ended, the
priests at the marae, with their attendants, went and sat down with those upon the
beach, carrying with them the two bundles.
“Here they renewed their prayers; during which the plantain-trees were taken, one
by one, at different times, from off the sacrifice; which was partly wrapped up in cocoa
leaves and small branches. It was now taken out of the canoe and laid upon the beach,
with the feet to the sea. The priests placed themselves around it, some sitting and others
standing; and one or more of them repeated sentences for about ten minutes. The dead

THE HUMAN SACRIFICE.
421
body was now uncovered by removing the leaves and branches, and laid in a parallel
direction by the sea-shore.
“One of the priests then, standing at the feet of it, pronounced a long prayer, in
which he was at times joined by the others; each holding in his hand a tuft of red
feathers. In the course of this prayer some hair was pulled off the head of the sacrifice,
and the left eye taken out; both which were presented to Otoo, wrapped up in a green
leaf. He did not, however, touch it, but gave to the man who presented it the tuft of
feathers which he had received from Towha. This, with the hair and eye, was carried
back to the priests.
THE HUMAN SACRIFICE.
“Soon after, Otoo sent to them another piece of feathers, which he had given me in
the morning to keep in my pocket. During some part of this last ceremony, a kingfisher
making a noise in the trees, Otoo turned to me, saying, "That is the Eatooa,
' and seemed
to look upon it as a good omen.
“The body was then carried a little way, with its head toward the merae, and laid
under a tree, near which were fixed three broad thin pieces of wood, differently but
rudely carved. The bundles of cloth were laid on a part of the merae; and the tufts of
red feathers were placed at the feet of the sacrifice, round which the priests took their
stations; and we were now allowed to go as near as we pleased.
“He who seemed to be the chief priest sat at a small distance, and spoke for a quarter
of an hour, but with different tones and gestures; so that he seemed often to expostulate
with the dead person—to whom he constantly addressed himself—and sometimes asked
several questions, seemingly with respect to the propriety of his having been killed. At
422
THE TAHITANS.
other times he made several demands, as if the deceased either now had power himself,
or interest with the divinity, to engage him to comply with such requests. Amongst
which, we understood, he asked him to deliver Eimeo, Maheine its chief, the hogs,
women, and other things of the island, into their hands, which was indeed the express
intention of the sacrifice. He then chanted a prayer, which lasted near half an hour, in
a whining, melancholy tone, accompanied by two other priests, and in which Potatau and
some others joined. In the course of this prayer some more hair was plucked by a priest
from the head of the corpse, and put upon one of the bundles.
After this, the chief priest prayed alone, holding in his hand the feathers which
came from Towha. When he had finished, he gave them to another, who prayed in like
manner. Then all the tufts of feathers were laid upon the bundles of cloth ; which
closed the ceremony at this place.
“The corpse was then carried up to the most conspicuous part of the marae, with the
feathers, the two bundles of cloth, and the drums, the last of which beat slowly. The
feathers and bundles were laid against the pile of stones, and the corpse at the foot
of them. The priests having again seated themselves round it, renewed their prayers,
while some of the attendants dug a hole about two feet deep, into which they
threw the unhappy victim, and covered it over with earth and stones.
While they
were putting him into the grave a boy squeaked aloud, and Omai said to me that it was
the Eatooa.
“During this time, a fire having been made, the dog before mentioned was produced,
and killed, by twisting his neck, and suffocating him. The hair was singed off, and the
entrails taken out, and thrown into the fire, where they were left to consume. But the
heart, liver, and kidneys were only roasted, by being laid on hot stones for a few minutes ;
and the body of the dog, after being besmeared with the blood, which had been collected
in a cocoa-nut shell, and dried over the fire, was with the liver, &c., carried and laid down
before the priests, who sat praying round the grave.
Thiey continued their ejaculations over the dog for some time, while two men at
intervals beat on two drums very loud, and a boy screamed as before in a loud shrill
voice three different times. This, as we were told, was to invite the Eatooa to feast on
the banquet that they had prepared for him. As soon as the priests had ended their
prayers, the carcase of the dog with what belonged to it were laid on a whatta, or
scaffold, about six feet high, that stood close by, on which lay the remains of two other
dogs, and of two pigs, which had lately been sacrificed, and at this time emitted an
intolerable stench. This kept us at a greater distance than would otherwise have been
required of us; for after the victim was removed from the sea-side towards the marae we
were allowed to approach as near as we pleased. Indeed, after that, neither seriousness
nor attention were much observed by the spectators. When the dog was put upon the
whatta, the priests and attendants gave a kind of shout, which closed the ceremonies for
the present.
The scene is well represented in the preceding illustration. In the foreground is the
canoe, in which lies the body of the slain victim, attended by two priests; while just
above it on the shore is the dog that is intended to furnish the second portion of the
offering. Just in front of the house are two platforms, on the taller of which lie the dogs
and pigs that have already been sacrificed, and on the lower lies the embalmed body of
the late king, which is brought out for inspection. In front of the bier are the drummers
performing on their elaborately-carved instruments. A portion of the marae is seen on
the left hand of the illustration, and on it lie the skulls of the human sacrifices that have
been offered on various occasions.
Next day the ceremonies were resumed; more pigs were killed, some gifts were laid
upon the moveable house in which the Atua (or god) was carried about, and a young
plantain-tree was plucked up and laid at the feet of the king.
The mysterious bundles of cloth which had been laid on the marae were then unrolled,
and out of one of them was taken the sacred maro, or royal girdle, which has already
been described. It was remarkable for the fact that a portion of the scarlet feathers with
which the maro is decorated were sewn upon an English pennant which had been hoisted

EMBALMING.
423
by Captain Wallis when he landed on the island, and left flying when he left it. The
second bundle contained the idol to whom the sacrifices were made.
Another hog was then killed, and the entrails inspected, exactly after the manner
employed by the old Roman augurs; and the ceremony ended with rolling up the Atua,
together with a number of scarlet feathers, in the bundle of cloth from which it had
been taken.
At the funerals of very great men human sacrifices are often made, and near the large
whattas, or platforms, on which the pigs and other provisions are offered, there are
numbers of human skulls, each a relic of a human sacrifice. The only redeeming point
about these sacrifices is, that the victim is quite unconscious of his fate. He is struck to
CORPSE, AND CHIEF MOURNER,
the ground suddenly by an assassin who comes stealthily upon him, and never feels the
real bitterness of death, namely, the dread of the coming fate.
The bodies of great chiefs undergo a process by which they are preserved for a con-
siderable time. Captain Cook saw the corpse of a chief who had been dead for several
months, and whose body had suffered scarcely any apparent change. There was a slight
contraction of the muscles and sinking of the eyes, but the body was otherwise perfect;
and when the attendants on the corpse unrolled the cloth in which it was enveloped, the
limbs were found to be nearly as pliant as in life.
This result is obtained by removing the whole of the interior of the body, supplying
its place with cloth soaked in cocoa-nut oil, and anointing the whole body repeatedly
with the same substance. The bodies are exposed to public view for some time; but the
em balming only postpones the process of decay, and, sooner or later, decomposition does
424
THE TAHITANS.
its work. At first the body is exposed for several hours daily, provided that there be no
rain; but by degrees it is only shown at intervals, and at last is scarcely ever exhibited,
except by request.
There is a special building, called a tupapau, in which the bodies of chiefs are exhibited
when lying in state. First, there is a tolerably large house, with a palisade around it,
and within this house is the tupapau itself. It is made exactly like the little pent-
houses that are built upon the larger canoes, and is profusely decorated with scarlet
feathers, cloth, and other precious ornaments. Two men are attached to the tupapau, who
watch over it night and day, attend to the proper arrangement of the cloth and feathers,
receive the offerings of fruit and provisions that are constantly made, and prevent intruders
from venturing within the palisades.
The preceding illustration exhibits the manner in which the bodies of ordinary
chiefs are laid out under the protection of a covered shed, as well as the extraordinary
dress worn by the chief mourner. The dress is composed in the most ingenious manner
of mother-of-pearl shell, feathers, bark-cloth, and similar materials, and has a peculiarly
startling appearance from the contrast between the glittering white of the pearl-shell and
the dark feathers with which the shell is surrounded. Several of these extraordinary
dresses have been brought to England, and may be seen in different collections.
BEFORE leaving the Society Islands, it will be necessary to mention an extraordinary
institution that in former times prevailed among them. It consisted of a society called
the “ Areois.” They were worshippers of the god Oro; and though they formed a
single confraternity throughout all the Society group, each island furnished its own
members.
Some writers have likened the society to that of Freemasonry; but no two institutions
can be more utterly opposed than those of the Masonic and the Areoi societies--the
one insisting on monotheism, while the other is based on idolatry; the one being an
universal, and the other a local society; the one inculcating morality, and the other being
formed for the express purpose of throwing aside the small relics of morality possessed
by a native Polynesian.
It is not improbable
, however, that on its first foundation the Areoi society pos-
sessed something of a religious nature. When Areois who had been converted to
Christianity managed to shake off the dread with which they contemplated any refer-
ence to the mysteries of their society, they all agreed in the main points, though differing
in details.
In the first place, the Areois believed in the immortality of the soul, and in the existence
of a heaven suited to their own characters. Those who rose to high rank in the Areoi
society were believed, after their death, to hold corresponding rank in their heaven, which
they called by the name of Rohutu-noa-noa, or Fragrant Paradise. All those who entered
were restored to the vigour and bloom of youth, no matter what might be their age; and
in almost every respect the resemblance between the Polynesian Rohutu and the Moham-
medan Paradise is close and almost startling.
The method by which this paradise was to be gained was most extraordinary.
Fanatics of an ordinary turn of mind believe that everlasting happiness hereafter is to
be gained by self-denial and mortification of the body during the present life. The
Areois, with an almost sublime audacity, held precisely the opposite view, and proclaimed
both by words and deeds that a life of eternal enjoyment in the next world was to be
obtained by leading a life of unbridled licence in the present world.
In order to carry out this theory to the fullest extent, the Areois formed themselves
into a society, and travelled about from one island to another, disseminating their peculiar
opinions wherever they went, and gaining fresh recruits to their number in each island.
On one occasion Captain Cook saw seventy canoes filled with Areois set off on an
expedition to the different islands. Wherever they landed, they proceeded to the nearest
marae, and offered a sacrifice of a sucking-pig to the god who presided over it, this
sacrifice being in the first place a thank-offering to the god for their safe landing, and
in the next a notification that they wanted pigs for themselves.
THE AREOI SOCIETY.
425
Partly on account of the terror inspired by their numbers and unanimity, and partly
on account of the spread of their very intelligible doctrines, the invitation always met
with an immediate response, and great numbers of pigs, together with vegetable food,
cloth, kava, and other luxuries were produced. A great feast was then held, during
which the peculiar doctrines of the society were carried out to the full, and a scene
ensued such as cannot be described.
Among the worst of their doctrines was that which declared them all to be celibates,
because the god Oro was unmarried. Consequently, the existence of children among
them could not be recognised, and as soon as a child was born, it was murdered, and the
fact of its existence ignored. By a similarly convenient fiction, all Areois were presumed
to be in the full vigour of human life. Consequently, the possibility of age and debility
was ignored, and, in order to prove the non-existence of either senility or sickness, any old
or sick person was quietly buried alive. The victims were never apprised of their fate,
as is the case in Fiji, but a grave was dug surreptitiously, the sick person was decoyed to
it on some pretence or other, dropped into the grave, the earth flung on him, and stamped
down almost before he had time for a remonstrance.
Sometimes, when provisions ran short, the Areois had a very strange method of
supplying themselves. A party of them, led by some chief, whose rank was known by
the marks tattooed on his body, would visit a house where they saw evidences of
prosperity, and look about until they came on a little boy-an easy matter enough in a
country where polygamy is practised. They would then take the child, and go through
various ceremonies, by which they represented him as having been raised to kingly
rank.
They would then simulate the utmost deference to the new king, place him on an
elevated seat, prostrate themselves before him, and appeal to him as though he really held
the kingly rank. “ We are come to the king's house, poor, naked, and hungry. We need
raiment-give us that piece of cloth. We need food-give us that pig." Accordingly, ,
the father of the child was forced to fall in with their humour, and, in return for the honour
conferred upon his house, to give them whatever they demanded.
The only redeeming point of the Areois was their value in keeping up the old
historical records of the islands. The food and clothing which they obtained from the
various people were repaid by the dramatic performances and recitations which they gave,
and which, debased as they were by the licentious element which permeated every section
of the society, performed towards their local history the same part which the ancient
mysteries performed towards the Christian religion. The Polynesians being unable to
read or write, and having no mode of recording historical events except by tradition,
these performances rendered as it were history visible, and enacted before the eyes of the
illiterate people the deeds of days long gone by.
Sometimes the story was that of a celebrated ancestor, much on a par with the semi-
mythical legends of ancient European and Asiatic history, and sometimes it took a graver
cast, and narrated the deeds and powers of the native gods. For example, the legend of
Taroa, the father of gods and men, was somewhat as follows:
In ages long gone by Taroa existed only in the form of a vast egg, and hung high
in the firmament, inclosing in the shell the sun, moon, and stars. After floating in ether
for ages, he thrust his hands through the shell, so that the light of the sun burst upon
the universe and illumined the earth beneath him. And the earth was then small as it
lay beneath him.' Then Taroa saw the sands of the sea, and cried to them, “ Sands, come
up to me, and be my companions.” But the sands replied, “We belong to the earth
and sea, O Taroa, and may not leave them. Come thou down to us.” Then he saw the
rocks and cliffs, and cried to them, “Rocks, come up me, and be my companions.” But
the rocks replied, “We are rooted in the earth, 0 Taroa, and may not leave it. Come
thou to us.”
Then Taroa descended, and cast off his shell, which immediately added itself to the
ground, and the earth was increased to its present dimensions, while the sun and moon shone
above. Long did Taroa live on the earth, which he peopled with men and women ; and
at last the time came when he should depart from it. He transformed himself into a
426
THE TAHITANS.
large canoe, which was filled with islanders, when a great storm arose, and suddenly the
canoe was filled with blood. The islanders with their calabashes baled out the blood,
which ran to the east and west of the sea; and ever afterwards the blood of Taroa is
seen in the clouds which accompany the rising and setting sun, and, as of old, tinges the
waves with red.
When the canoe came to land, it was but the skeleton of Taroa, which was laid on
the ground with its face downwards, and from that time all the houses of the gods have
been built on the model of Taroa's skeleton, the thatched roofs representing the backbone
and the posts the ribs.
Legends such as these are often transmitted from one reciter to another, and recited
verbatim, being merely illustrated and exemplified by such poetioal digressions as the mind
of the narrator may suggest. With others, on the contrary, the orator has only the mere
skeleton, and tells the story in the manner that seems him best.
:
THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.
+
CHAPTER I.
LOCALITY OF THE GROUP-CONFORMATION AND CLIMATE OF HAWAL-APPEARANCE AND DRESS OF
THE MEN-FEATHER MANTLES AND HELMETS- SINGULAR RESEMBLANCE TO CLASSIC MODELS
-APPEARANCE OF THE WOMEN-A HAWAIIAN BEAUTY DRESS OF THE WOMEN-MODES OF
WEARING THE HAIR-BRACELETS AND OTHER ORNAMENTS-FONDNESS FOR PIGS AND DOGS-
OCCUPATIONS OF THE WOMEN-HOSPITALITY TO STRANGERS FISH-PONDS, AND MODE OF
MAKING THEM-TREATMENT OF WOMEN-SEMI-AMPHIBIOUS NATURE OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDERS
INGENIOUS METHOD OF OBTAINING SOUNDINGS,
CONSIDERABLY to the northward of the Society Islands lie the SANDWICH ISLANDS, SO
called by Captain Cook, in honour of the Earl of Sandwich. The entire group consists of
eight inhabited islands, and a few which are too barren and rocky to maintain human
beings. The largest and most important of them is HAWAII, or Owhyhee, as the word is
spelt in Cook’s “ Voyages.” It was on the shore of a bay on the western side of this island
tħat Captain Cook was killed in 1779. Owing to the interchange of the letters l and r,
which is so prevalent among the Polynesian languages, the name of this bay is sometimes
spelt as Karakakooa, and sometimes as Kealakekua.
The capital city of the Sandwich Islands is not situated in Hawaii
, but in Oahu, or
Woahu, one of the smaller islands, and is called Honolulu. It rightly deserves the name
of a city, because it is the seat of a bishopric. The climate of the Sandwich Islands is said
to be the most charming in the world. The variation is exceedingly trifling, as near
the sea the temperature is below that of sultry English summer-time, while on the
coldest winter's day the thermometer never sinks below 62° Fahr. Owing, however, to
the mountainous nature of these islands, any one may live throughout the year in almost
exactly the same temperature, by ascending into a cooler atmosphere when the weather is
too hot, and descending into the warmer strata during the months of winter.
Adhering to the principle which has been followed in this work, I shall say but little of
the present Europeanized condition of the natives of these islands, and confine myself as
far as possible to the manners and customs of the people as they were before the white
men had introduced their own mode of civilization. Even at the present day, however,
the old savage character continually shows itself, and among the very people who seem to
be most completely under the influence of civilization the original old heathenism exhibits
itself when they are off their guard, or when they think themselves out of the ken of
It will be understood, therefore, that although the present tense may be used
in the following pages, all descriptions apply to them as they were originally, and not to
them as they are at the present day.
white men.

428
THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.
The men are tall, active, and powerful, and in colour are of an olive brown, the precise
depth of tint varying much according to the exposure to the sun, so that the skins of the
chiefs are much lighter than those of the commonalty. The hair is jet black, and not in
the least woolly, being sometimes quite straight, and sometimes wavy. The face is mostly
wide, and is a very handsome one, the only fault in it being a tendency to width across
the nostrils.
The men all wear the maro or malo, i.e. the slight girdle of cloth which has already
been mentioned, and, having this, they consider themselves dressed for all purposes of
decency. They also have a tappa, or bark-cloth garment, which is twisted round the
waist, and falls below the knees, while the better class wear also a sort of mantle,
to shelter their skin from the darkening sunbeams.
The great chiefs have also mantles made of a sort of network, into each mesh
of which are interwoven the feathers of various birds, the most precious of them being
that which supplies the yellow feathers.
This is a little bird called Melithreptes
pacifica. It is one of the honey-birds,
and under each wing there is a single
yellow feather, one inch in length. The
late king, Kamehameha, had a cloak
made of these feathers alone. It was four
feet long, and eleven feet wide at the
bottom. No less than nine successive
kings died before this priceless mantle
was finished.
The head-dress of the chiefs is of so
graceful and classical a form as abso-
lutely to startle the spectator. It is a
helmet made of wickerwork and covered
with feathers, the shape being exactly
that of the ancient Grecian helmet, even
to the elevated crest which runs over the
top. One of these beautiful helmets is
shown in the accompanying illustration.
It is not intended as a protection for
the head, the material being too fragile
for such a purpose, but is simply a badge
of rank and wealth. Mostly they are
covered with scarlet and yellow feathers,
disposed in bold bands or belts, and
the wealth of the wearer may be known by the proportion which the yellow and scarlet
feathers bear to each other.
Examples of these beautiful ornaments may be seen in several museums, where it is
to be hoped that they will be kept from the destructive moths and beetles, inasmuch as
they form the sole memorials of a time now passed away.
The birds which furnish these feathers are eagerly sought by the Sandwich Islanders,
who have the same love of scarlet that distinguishes not only all Polynesians but
all savages and children. The birds are usually caught by means of a tenacious
substance much resembling our birdlime, and used in a similar manner by being smeared
on twigs and poles, to which the birds are attracted by means of baits.
The natural taste in colour is as good as that which displays itself in form, and
although the brightest and most boldly-contrasting colours are used by the Sandwich
Islanders, they are used with such admirable judgment that they do not look gaudy,
or even obtrusive.
The women, when young, are singularly beautiful, and retain their good looks longer
than is usual among Polynesians. Like the other sex, however, they generally attain to
great size in their latter years, those of the better sort being remarkable for their enormous
HELMET.
PERFECT BEAUTY.
429
corpulence. This development is probably owing, like that of the Kaffir chiefs, to the
great quantity of porridge which they are continually eating. When young, however, they
are exceedingly beautiful, their features having a peculiar charm of their own, and their
forms being like those of the ancient Grecian statues. An American traveller, writing
under the nom de plume of Haöle, i.e. foreigner, gives a most animated description of
à native girl, in his interesting work on the Sandwich Islands, showing that the partial
civilization to which the natives have been subjected has not destroyed their beauty of
features nor symmetry of form.
“In truth to nature, it may be safely asserted that beauty is not confined merely to the
saloon of the monarch, nor to the tapestried chambers of the patrician. It is more frequently
found amid the lowlier walks of life, on the desert, or the distant isle of the ocean. In
this instance I wish to be understood as speaking of physical beauty only. On leaving
the shore-road to ascend the mountains for Halawa I met just such a specimen as has
often driven men mad, and whose possession has many a time paved the way to the
subversion of empire on the part of monarchs.
She was rather above the medium size of American women. Her finely-chiselled
chin, nose, and forehead were singularly Grecian. Her beautifully-moulded neck and
shoulders looked as though they might have been borrowed from Juno. The development
of her entire form was as perfect as nature could make it. She was arrayed in a single
loose robe, beneath which a pretty little nude foot was just peeping out. Her hair and
eyebrows were as glossy as a raven's wing. Around her head was carelessly twined a
wreath of the beautiful native ohelo flowers (Gualtheria penduliflorum). Her lips seemed
fragrant with the odour of countless and untiring kisses. Her complexion was much
fairer than the fairest of her countrywomen, and I was forced into the conclusion that
she was the offshoot of some white father who had trampled on the seventh precept in
the Decalogue, or taken to his embrace, by the marriage relation, some good-looking
Hawaiian woman.
“But her eyes! I shall never forget those eyes! They retained something that
spoke of an affection so deep, a spiritual existence so intense, a dreamy enchantment so
inexpressibly beautiful, that they reminded one of the beautiful Greek girl Myrrha, in
Byron's tragedy of Sardanapalus,' whose love clung to the old monarch when the flame
of the funeral pile formed their winding-sheet.
“In no former period of my life had I ever raised my hat in the presence of beauty,
but at this moment, and in such a presence, I took it off. I was entirely fascinated,
charmed, spell-bound now. I stopped my horse; and there I sat, to take a fuller glance
at the fair reality. And the girl stopped, and returned the glance, while a smile parted
her lips, and partially revealed a set of teeth as white as snow, and of matchless perfec=
tion. I felt that smile to be an unsafe atmosphere for the nerves of a bachelor; so I
bowed, replaced my hat, and passed on my way, feeling fully assured that nothing but
the chisel of Praxiteles could have copied her exquisite charms. And as I gently moved
past her, she exclaimed, in the vocabulary of her country, 'Love to you!'
The same writer mentions in several other places the beauty of the young girls whom
he saw in Hawaii. There was no reason for the surmise that the girl who impressed him
so deeply was a half-caste, because, as has already been mentioned, people of the better
class are much fairer than those of lower rank, and are scarcely so dark as the inhabitants
of Southern Europe.
The dress of the Sandwich Islands women is much like that of the Tongans, and
consists essentially of a wrapper of bark-cloth passing round the waist and falling below
the knees. It is often arranged so that the end may be thrown over the shoulders, and
many of the better class of women have a separate piece of cloth which is used as a
mantle. When young they wear no clothing at all.
The methods of wearing the hair are somewhat various. The women generally cut it
behind, but allow it to grow to its full length on the rest of the head. The men sometimes
divide the hair into a number of locks, and plait or twist each lock into a sort of tail about
the thickness of a man's finger. These tails are allowed to grow to their full length, and
stream for some distance down the back. The length of tail seems to be much valued
430
THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.
among these people, who are in the habit of adding to their length by supplementary
additions of hair woven into their own locks. The hair is often stained of a reddish
colour by the use of lime, as is done in Fiji and other parts of Polynesia. Sometimes the
men shave the whole of the hair on either side of the head, leaving only one crest of long
hair to run from the forehead to the nape of the neck, just like the crests of the feather
helmets.
Captain Cook remarks that the Sandwich Islanders stand almost alone among
Polynesians in refusing to perforate their ears, and that they have no idea of wearing
ornaments in them. They are fond of ornaments, some of which are worth a brief
description. They have a sort of necklace made of black cord, doubled forty or fifty
times, and supporting a piece of wood, shell, or bone cut into the form of a broad hook.
Necklaces made of small shells strung together are also common, as are also necklaces of
dried flowers.
Bracelets of various kinds are valued by the women. Some of these ornaments are
made of hog's teeth placed side by side, with the concave parts outwards, and joined by a
string running through the middle. Some of these bracelets are made entirely of the long
curved tusks of boars, and are really handsome ornaments. Others are formed from pieces
of black wood, fastened together in a similar manner, and being variegated by small
pieces of hog's teeth let into them.
The men sometimes wear on their heads tufts of feathers tied to slight sticks. The
most valuable of these plumes are those which are made of the tail-feathers of the tropic
bird. Others, which are not so valuable, are made of white dog's hair. The sticks are
sometimes two feet in length.
Tattooing is but slightly practised among the Sandwich Islanders, though some of
them have the arms and chest decorated with lines and figures tolerably well executed.
Like many of the Polynesians, the Sandwich Islanders have an absurd liking for pigs
and dogs, carrying them about and feeding them when young as if they had been children.
Even when the animals attain their full growth, they are petted to no small extent. The
“ Haöle” narrates an amusing example of the extreme tenderness which the Hawaiian
women evince for these animals. He was travelling through the island, and noticed a
group of women sitting under the shade of a pandanus tree, and surrounding something
in which they seemed to be greatly interested. On coming closer, he found that the
object of their attention was an enormous hog.
The women were taking it to market, a task which usually devolves upon them, and
had to drive the animal for a considerable distance over lofty mountains, a task which
could not occupy them less than thirty-six hours. To produce the hog in good condition
was evidently their principal object, and they would therefore hurry it as little as possible,
coax it along, rather than drive it, by day, and sleep by its side at night. It so happened
that the day was a very warm one, and the hog, which was in very good condition, was
oppressed with its own fat, with the heat and the fatigue of the journey. Accordingly,
the women had led their charge to a shady spot, taken off their only garments, soaked
them in water, and spread them over the panting animal, which uttered occasional grunts
of satisfaction at the coolness caused by the wet garinents, and the continual fanning
which the women kept up with leaves.
When the pig is of smaller size, and the market is near at hand, so that there is no
danger the animal may get out of condition, a much simpler plan is followed, the legs of
the pig being tied together, and a pole run between them, which is lifted on the shoulders
of two or four men, according to the weight of the animal.
Although the Sandwich Islanders will eat dogs, pigs, and cats too, when they can
afford themselves the luxury, they are so fond of them while living that a man will
sooner resent an injury done to his dog or pig than to his child. When travelling,
accompanied by their dogs, they treat the animals just like children, taking them in their
arms, and carrying them over any rough or muddy places, lest perchance the poor animals
should hurt or soil their feet. It is possible that this extraordinary predilection may arise
from the fact that none of these animals are indigenous, but have been introduced by
Europeans.

FISH-PONDS.
431
It will be seen that the women do not spend their lives in idleness. Indeed, though
they are not treated with the harshness that too often falls to the lot of women in
uncivilized countries, they do a very fair share of the work. The cooking, for example,
is entirely their business, and they are as great adepts at procuring as at cooking food.
For example, if a stranger should call at the house of a native, the wife is sure to come
out, pass her hand over him, and inquire whether he is hungry. Should he reply in the
۵۴۵ رة
WOMEN AND PIG.
affirmative, she or another girl runs out to one of the fish-ponds, launches a small canoe,
and in a very short space of time she has caught some fish, broiled them, cooked some
taro, and laid them on plantain leaves before the guest.
These fish-ponds are very common in Hawaii
, and are mostly made by the women.
They are formed by taking advantage of the coral beach, which has numerous small bays
or inlets with comparatively narrow mouths. Across the mouths of these bays the natives
pile pieces of coral rock so as to prevent any fish from escaping. They are deepened as
occasion may require, and it is not an uncommon thing to see a number of women up to
their waists in mud and water busily employed in cleaning out a fish-pond, and evidently
432
THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.
enjoying the work rather than thinking it a hardship. While they are thus at work on
land, their husbands and brothers are equally hard at work on sea, catching the fish which
are to be transferred to the pond.
The natives rely much for their supplies of food on these ponds, as fish forms a con-
siderable portion of their diet, pork and fowls being too expensive to be considered
anything but luxuries, and only to be eaten constantly by the rich. The ponds vary
much in size, but are generally of considerable dimensions. Few of them cover less than
an acre of ground, while others are a hundred times as large. One or two of the largest
are very ancient, and may be considered as historical monuments, the coral blocks which
shut them off from the sea being of such enormous size as to tell of the time when the
kings or principal chiefs were absolute, and could command any amount of human labour.
Even at the present time the natives rely much on their fish-ponds for their supplies
of food, and the size of the pond is an invariable test of the rank and wealth of the
owner. They are watched as carefully as game preserves in our own country, and suffer
as much from poachers, who, however, seldom escape detection.
While, therefore, the women do their share of the work, their life is by no means a
laborious one, because there is so little work to be done. The taro patch has to be pre-
pared and cultivated, but this is not a very laborious task; the fish-ponds have to be made
and left in order, the cooking has to be done, and the bark-cloth to be made. Of all these
tasks the second is the hardest, and this is rather considered as an amusement than a labour,
the women being so amphibious in their habits that to spend half the day in mud and
water is no hardship to them, as is seen by the merry talk and laughter that accompany
the work.
Mr. Bennett mentions one instance in which a woman was badly treated by her husband.
Being in a state of intoxication, he ordered her to carry him on her back up one of the
precipices with which these islands abound. In spite of the almost perpendicular rocks,
which are in that spot so steep that the white visitors could barely climb up them without
any burden at all, the woman undertook the task, and succeeded in reaching the summit
in safety
The semi-amphibious nature of the Sandwich Islanders has already been mentioned.
The mode in which both sexes turn their aquatic powers into a means of amusement will
be presently described, but we are now dealing with the work done by the women, and
not with their amusements. There is a salt-water lake called Loki Nomilu, which was
said by the natives to be the handiwork of the terrible fire-goddess Pele, who dug deep
into the ground in search of fresh water, but was baffled by the sea finding a subter-
ranean entrance, although the lake is many yards from the shore. Being angry with the
sea for its misconduct she took her departure, and took up her abode in the crater of the
great volcano of Hawaii, which is called by her name.
There is little doubt that the lake in question is itself the crater of an extinct
volcano. The “Haöle" went to visit this extraordinary lake, and gives the following
account of the mode by which its actual depth was ascertained :
Having been informed that this lake was fathomless, I felt only more solicitous to
test the mystery. There were no means, however, on the premises ; and, two women
excepted, the little village was temporarily deserted. There were several canoes on the
shore, but the lake was much disturbed by a heavy north wind, so that they would have
been rendered nearly useless. But I felt as though I could not abandon the expedition.
The gentleman who accompanied me thither informed the women of my object in
coming, and assured them I was extremely anxious to know the depth of the water in
that lake, and that we would wait until some of the men returned from their fishing
excursion.
“But one of them soon provided a remedy. She proposed swimming into the lake
with a sounding-line to make the required measurement. Our remonstrance against such
à measure was in vain, for she resolutely assured us it would be not only an easy per-
formance, but afford her much satisfaction to have an opportunity of serving me. She
procured a piece of wili-wili wood, exceedingly light, about six feet long, and as many
inches in diameter. This she insisted on carrying to the north end of the lake, where,
HOW TO OBTAIN SOUNDINGS.
433
under the lee of the high hills, she launched the log of wood. After wading in until it
was deep enough to swim, she placed the log firmly under her chest, keeping
it there with
one hand, and retaining the sounding-line with the other. In this position she struck
down the lake, stopping at short intervals to let down the line, which she knotted at the
surface of the water every time she found the bottom. This done, she would gather up
her line, replace her log, and resume her course. And she pursued this plan until her task
was done.
It would be superfluous to say that this feat excited our admiration, or that we
compensated her for her pains. It was the most novel expedition I had ever seen; nor
could I fully realize it until I remembered that in these islands, as in other parts of
Polynesia, and in the Caribbean Sea, the women and girls are the best swimmers. The
Hawaiians are almost amphibious. Volumes might be written detailing their extraor-
dinary feats in the water. It is owing to their frequent bathing that many of the women
of Polynesia display such an exquisite contour."
The woman who performed the feat was the mother of nine children, all of whom
were living an extraordinary event in the life of an Hawaiian woman, so many children
perishing either by neglect, disease, or intentional violence.
VOL. II.
FF
CHAPTER II.
WAR, SPORT, AND RELIGION.
WEAPONS OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDERS/KAMEHAMERA AND THE SPEARS-TWO KINDS OF SLINGS
-THE WOODEN DAGGER OR PAHÚA-THE KNIFE FOR CUTTING UP THE BODIES OF SLAIN
ENEMIES-THE WAR-MAT AND ITS USES THE TOOTH BREAST-PLATE_SUPPOSED CANNIBALISM
OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDERS-VARIOUS GAMES-SURF-SWIMMINGCHILDREN AND THE WATER
MASKED PADDLERS--BALL-PLAY-CUP AND BALL-THE HIDDEN STONE-A BOXING-MATCH
IN THE SANDWICH ISLANDS-SLEDGING AND ITS DANGERS RELIGION OÈ HAWAII_FEATHER AND
WOODEN IDOLS.
SOME of the weapons used by the Sandwich Islanders are rather turious.
In the first place they have the spear, which is made of a chestntit-coloured wood,
which takes a high polish, and is usually barbed at the point and brought to a flattened
point at the butt. They are exceedingly skilful in the use of this weapon, not only in
throwing it, but in warding off the weapons that are flung at them. Kamehameha, the
well-known king or chief, was celebrated for his skill with the spear. He used to stand
with a spear in his right hand in front of six men, also armed with spears. At a given
signal they flung their spears simultaneously at hím, when he used to strike three aside
with the spear in his right hand, and catch the other three in his left hand.
These spears, which are intended to be thrown, are from six to eight feet in length,
and are made to fly straight by being tapered gradually from the head to the butt. There
is another kind of spear, which is used as a pike. This is from twelve to fifteen feet in
length, and is not barbed.
The sling is another of the Sandwich weapons. It is of considerable length, and the
receptacle for the stone is made of plaited matting. The stones are oval in shape, and are
ground down for the express purpose, so that the slingers evidently possess much accuracy
of aim.
There is a modification of the sling, the use of which seems to be forgotten at the
present day, and even in Captain Cook's time was far from universal. The stone is cut of
an oval shape, with a groove round it, much like a lady's tatting-needle, and the cord is
passed round the groove with a half-hitch, so that when the end of the sling is liberated
the stone flies off. Some of these stones obtained by Captain Cook were made of
hæmatite, or blood-stone, and were very heavy, weighing at least a pound. It was
rather curious that, although there was little difficulty in purchasing the stones, which
must have cost much trouble in making, it was not possible to persuade the natives to
part with the cord by which they were flung.
Another of their weapons is the dagger, or pahúa, as the natives call it. The material
of which it is made is a very hard wood, something like ebony, and it is shaped much
like the ordinary steel dagger, except that it has no guard. It is about two feet in length,
and is secured to the wrist by a cord passing through a hole at the end of the handle.
Some of these daggers are still larger, and double-pointed, being held in the middle
like the antelope-horn daggers of India. This weapon has a mournful interest from the

THEIR WEAPONS.
435
fact that when Captain Cook was murdered his body was pierced with innumerable
wounds mostly made by wooden daggers, though one of the natives had a dagger made
of iron, which they snatched from each other's hands in their eagerness to inflict fresh
wounds.
On some occasions the Sandwich Islanders employ a weapon which much resembles
the merai of the New Zealanders. It is a battledore-shaped piece of wood, armed with
shark's teeth round the edges. Its primary use is that of a knife, and it is employed in
cutting to pieces the bodies of foes that are slain in battle.
Still, though it was originally intended as an implement and not as a weapon, it is of
so formidable a character that it is often employed in the latter capacity. As far as can
be ascertained, this knife is considered to be especially devoted to the one object of cutting
up human bodies, and is never employed in any meaner work.
KAMEHAMEHA AND THE SPEARS.
As to clubs, they are of various shapes, the natives having no special form, but carving
them into
any device that may suit them best, and using different kinds of wood for the
purpose.
The defensive armour of the Sandwich Islanders is generally a thick mat, which is
worn in time of war, and is sufficiently strong to save the wearer from the thrust of a
spear or the stroke of a dagger, and can even greatly deaden the blow of a sling-stone.
When Captain Cook was killed, the man who precipitated the attack was wearing his
war-mat, and, on threatening Captain Cook with a dagger in one hand and a stone in the
other, the captain was obliged to fire at him in self-defence. Not wishing to kill, but
only to wound and terrify his adversarỳ, he fired a charge of shot, which was resisted by
FF 2
436
THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.
ilh
the war-mat, so that the man escaped unhurt, his impunity encouraging the natives to
proceed with their attack. Had Captain Cook fired the other barrel
, which was loaded
with ball, against which the war-mat would have been no protection, it is probable that
the natives would have been deterred from their attack, and that Captain Cook might
have lived to complete the voyage of discovery.
One of the most curious examples of defensive armour is a breastplate made entirely
of teeth, so arranged that they overlap each other just like the plates of scale-armour.
One of these curious breastplates is in the United Service Museum, and is drawn in
the accompanying illustration. Teeth
hung in a similar fashion are em-
ployed as castanets, and are hung to
the legs of dancers.
Warfare as originally practised by
the Sandwich Islanders was scarcely
deserving of the name, being little
more than a series of desultory skir-
mishes. They usually began by prac-
tising in earnest the skill in avoiding
spears which has already been men-
tioned as exhibited in sport. When
the opposing parties met, one of the
chiefs, clad in his feather-helmet and
cloak, advanced in front of his own
men, totally unarmed, having nothing
in his hand but a fan, and challenging
the enemy to throw their spears at
him. This they did, and by means
of wonderful agility in leaping, stoop-
ing, and twisting his body, when the
weapons could not be struck aside by
the fan or caught in the left hand, he
often contrived to escape with his life.
Though it was a piece of military
etiquette that he should take no
weapon into the field, he was at liberty
to hurl back at his adversaries any
of the spears which he could catch.
Should one of the enemy's spears
bring him to the ground, or should he
be successful in killing an adversary,
there was an immediate struggle for
the possession of the dead body, which
is looked upon much as is a flag
among ourselves, to be defended or
eaptured at all risks, even of life.
This statement naturally brings us to the disposal of the bodies of the slain, and to
the practice of cannibalism. That the latter practice existed to a certain degree cannot be
denied, but it is equally certain that the practice was always exceptional, and that it was
followed rather as a portion of military etiquette than as a means of indulging the appe-
tite. As inay be imagined, the higher the rank of a slain man the greater the desire to
eat a portion, however small, of his flesh; and this theory will account for the fact that
the remains of Captain Cook which were rescued from the natives bore evident marks
of fire.
It has often happened that cannibalism has been thought to exist on the strength of
native evidence, which has afterwards been found to have been misunderstood. А.
remarkable instance of such an error occurs in the account of Captain Cook's voyages.
Alway
BREAST-PLATE.
SURF-SWIMMING.
· 437
In vol. ii. p. 209, there is an account of a native who was observed to carry with
him a very small parcel carefully tied up with string. After resisting many solicitations,
he allowed it to be opened, when there appeared a small piece of flesh about two inches
long, “which to all appearance had been dried, but was now wet with salt water.” On
being further pressed on the subject, the man admitted that it was human flesh, and,
pointing to his own stomach, indicated the portion of the body from which it had
been cut.
Nothing could be clearer than this account, but in vol. iii. p. 133, the whole of this
evidence is shown to be utterly untrustworthy. It seems that almost every Sandwich
Islander was in the habit of carrying about with him a small piece of hog's flesh very
highly salted, which he was accustomed to nibble occasionally as a delicacy, or by way
of sauce when eating vegetable food. By pointing to his stomach the man merely used
the conventional sign expressing the excellence of the food; and as to his statement that
the flesh was that of a human being, he was so eagerly and closely questioned that, being
a mere lad of sixteen or seventeen, he gave an affirmative answer to leading questions. As
far as we can see, the Polynesian race is not given to cannibalism, while the Papuans are
devoted to it.
WE now
come to the various games with which the Sandwich Islanders amuse
themselves. Chief among them is the sport of surf-swimming. This is practised in
several of the islands of Polynesia, but in none is it carried out to such perfection as in
the Sandwich group. The following spirited account of this sport is given in Captain
Cook's Voyages
Swimming is not only a necessary art, in which both the men and women are more
expert than any people we had hitherto seen, but a favourite diversion amongst them.
One particular mode in which they sometimes amused themselves with this exercise in
Karakakooa Bay, appeared to us most perilous and extraordinary, and well deserving a
distinct relation.
"The surf, which breaks on the coast round the bay, extends to the distance of about
one hundred and fifty yards from the shore, within which space the surges of the sea,
accumulating from the shallowness of the water, are dashed against the beach with pro-
digious violence. Whenever from stormy weather, or any extraordinary swell at sea, the
impetuosity of the surf is increased to its utmost height, they choose that time for this
amusement, which is performed in the following manner :-
“Twenty or thirty of the natives, taking each a long narrow board, rounded at the
ends, set out together from the shore. The first wave they meet they plunge under, and,
suffering it to roll over them, rise again beyond it, and make the best of their way by
swimming out into the sea. The second wave is encountered in the same manner with
the first ; the great difficulty consisting in seizing the proper moment of diving under it,
which, if missed, the person is caught by the surf, and driven back again with great
violence; and all his dexterity is then required to prevent himself from being dashed
against the rocks. As soon as they have gained, by these repeated efforts, the smooth
water beyond the surf, they lay themselves at length on their board, and prepare for their
return. As the surf consists of a number of waves, of which every third is remarked to
be always much larger than the others, and to flow higher on the shore, the rest breaking
in the intermediate space
, their first object is to place themselves on the summit of the
largest surge, by which they are driven along with amazing
rapidity towards the
shore.
"If by mistake they should place themselves on one of the smaller waves, which
breaks up before they reach the land, or should not be able to keep their plank in a
proper direction on the top of the swell
, they are left exposed to the fury of the next,
and, to avoid it, are obliged again to dive and regain the place from which they set out.
“ Those who succeed in their object of reaching the shore have still the greatest
danger to encounter. The coast being guarded by a chain of rocks, with here and there
a small cpening between them, they are obliged to steer their board through one of these,
or, in case of failure, to quit it before they reach the rocks, and, plunging under the wave,
make the best of their way back again. This is reckoned very disgraceful, and is also

438
THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.
SURF-SWIMMING
attended with the loss of the board, which I have often seen, with great terror, dashed to
pieces at the very moment the islander quitted it. The boldness and address with which
we saw them perform these difficult and dangerous manoeuvres was altogether astonishing,
and is scarcely to be credited."
These swimmers used often to pass nearly a mile seawards, in order to enjoy the rapid

AT HOME IN THE WATER. .
439
motion of their return as long as possible. Both sexes and all ranks unite in it, and even
the very chiefs themselves, who have attained to the corpulency which they so much
admire, join in the game of surf-swimming with the meanest of their subjects. Some of the
performers attain to a wonderful degree of skill, and, not content with lying on the board,
sit, kneel, and even stand on it as they are hurled shorewards by the giant waves. The
boards are of various sizes, according to the age and stature of the owner. For adults
they are about six feet in length. They are slightly convex on both sides, and are kept
very smooth—all surf-swimmers cherishing a pride in the condition of their boards, and
taking care to keep them well polished and continually rubbed with cocoa-nut oil.
Such utter mastery of the waves can only be obtained by familiarity with the water
from earliest childhood. A Sandwich Island child can swim as soon as it can walk, if
not sooner, the mothers taking them from the breast, laying them on the surface of the
MEHE
MASKED ROWERS.
water and encouraging them to kick about as if lying on their mats ashore. One writer
mentions his encounter with an object which he took to be a very large frog, but which
turned out to be a Kanaka (i.e. Sandwich Island) baby, which was lying on its back and
disporting itself quite at its ease.
Indeed, in the mind of a Sandwich Islander there seems to be no connexion between
the ideas of water and danger, neither does it enter his imagination that any human
being is unable to swim. Consequently, there have been several instances where white
men have fallen into the water and have been almost drowned, though in the presence of
the natives, simply because the idea that any one could be endangered by falling into the
water never occurred to them.
440
THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.
They are equally skilful in managing their canoes, and have a curious mode of
extracting amusement out of them. A number of men will sometimes paddle a canoe
after dressing themselves up in a most ludicrous fashion. They take large empty
gourds, and put them over their heads, after cutting holes in them corresponding with the
eyes and nose, so that the effect is not at all unlike that of a turnip-lantern. To the
upper part of the gourd is attached a bunch of slender green twigs, which look at a little
distance like a plume of feathers, and to the lower part are suspended a number of narrow
strips of cloth, looking like a long beard.
În every case where these masks were worn, the wearers seemed exceedingly jovial,
laughing, shouting, and playing all kinds of antics. It was suggested that these masks
were in fact helmets, used to protect the wearers against the stones slung by their adver-
saries ; but the whole demeanour of those who wore them was so completely that of
mere masqueraders that the helmet theory seems quite untenable.
Ball-play is a favourite sport with the Sandwich Islanders, and is carried on with
infinite variations. Like the Tongans, they can play with five balls at once, throwing
them from hand to hand so that four of them are always in the air. The balls are extem-
porized on the spot, being made of green leaves rolled together, and bound with string.
They have a modification of this game, which very much resembles our cup and ball.
They take a wooden stick, or handle, about a foot or eighteen inches long, and through
one end of it they pass a peg of hard wood, some three inches in length, so that an
inch or more projects on either side. They bring both ends of the peg to a sharp point,
and the toy is then ready. Throwing up the ball with the left hand, they catch it on one
of the pointed ends of the peg, and then jerk it into the air, and catch it again, reversing
the stick so as to catch it upon the other end of the peg. This game they will keep up
for a very long time without missing the ball once.
Another amusement is very popular. Two players sit opposite each other, one having
a stone and a piece of bark-cloth, and the other a stick. The first player takes the bark-
cloth, spreads it on the ground, and with his right hand crumples it up into folds, while
with the other he deposits the stone under the cloth. The peculiar character of the cloth
causes the folds and wrinkles to remain unaltered, just as would be the case if a piece of
thin paper were treated in the same way. The other player carefully examines the cloth,
endeavouring to discover the spot under which the stone is concealed, and, when he has
made up his mind, strikes at the stone with his stick. Should he hit it, he wins a large
stake from his opponent; but in the very likely event of missing it he forfeits a small
stake to the adversary. Great interest is taken in the game by the spectators, and heavy
bets are laid on the two players.
They have many athletic amusements, such as bowls, spear-throwing, stick-darting,
and similar sports, and occasionally engage in the rougher sport of boxing. As may be
seen from Captain Cook's account, this sport is not carried on with such fury and
pertinacity as in Tonga, the victory being gained on comparatively easy terms :-
As we had not yet seen anything of their sports or athletic exercises, the natives, at
the request of some of our officers, entertained us this evening with a boxing-match.
These games were much inferior, as well in point of solemnity and magnificence as
in the skill and powers of the combatants, to what we had seen exhibited at the Friendly
Islands; yet, as they differed in some particulars, it may not be improper to give a short
account of them.
“We found a vast concourse of people assembled on a level spot of ground, at a little
distance from our tents. A long space was left vacant in the midst of them, at the upper
end of which sat the judges, under three standards, from which hung slips of cloth of
various colours, the skins of two wild geese, a few small birds, and bunches of feathers.
“When the sports were ready to begin, the signal was given by the judges, and
immediately two combatants appeared. They came forward slowly, lifting up their feet
very high behind, and drawing their hand along the soles. As they approached, they
frequently eyed each other from head to foot in a contemptuous manner, casting several
arch looks at the spectators, straining their muscles, and using a variety of affected
gestures. Being advanced within reach of each other, they stood with both arms held
A DANGEROUS AMUSEMENT.
441
out straight before their faces, at which part all their blows were aimed. They struck, in
what appeared to our eyes an awkward manner, with a full swing of the arm; made no
attempt to parry, but eluded their adversary's attack by an inclination of the body, or by
retreating
“ The battle was quickly decided; for if either of them was knocked down, or even
fell by accident, he was considered as vanquished, and the victor expressed his triumph
by a variety of gestures, which usually excited, as was intended, a loud laugh among the
spectators. He then waited for a second antagonist, and, if again victorious, for a third,
till he was at last in his turn defeated.
“ A singular rule observed in these combats is, that whilst any two are preparing to
fight, a third person may step in, and choose either of them for his antagonist, when the
other is obliged to withdraw. Sometimes three or four followed each other in this manner
before the match was settled. When the combat proved longer than usual, or appeared
too unequal, one of the chiefs stepped in, and ended it by putting a stick between the
combatants. The same good humour was preserved throughout which we before so much
admired in the Friendly Islanders.
“ As these games were given at our desire, we found it was universally expected that
we should have borne our part in them; but our people, though much pressed by the
natives, turned a deaf ear to their challenge, remembering full well the blows they got at
the Friendly Islands."
A sport which was formerly in great vogue in the Sandwich Islands is sledging, the
sloping sides of the mountain ranges being pressed into the service of the players. The
game is called holua, and is played in the following manner :-
Each player is furnished with a sledge, made of two narrow runners, varying from
seven to eighteen feet in length, three inches deep, and rounded off at one end, just like
the steel runner of a skate. These are placed side by side, not parallel, but slightly
diverging, the space between the runners being about two inches at the tips, and five
inches at the other end. They are connected together with cross-pieces of wood, and
mostly covered with strong matting. The native name for the sledge is papa. In order
to prepare a path on which the sledge can travel, the natives cut a narrow and shallow
trench from the top of the mountain to the base, and even carry it for a mile or more on
level ground. Before the sport is begun, the trench is laid with grass, so as to make the
path easier.
When the players have assembled at the top of the mountain, one of them takes the
sledge in his hands, holding it in front of him, retreats a few paces, and then runs forward
with all his speed, flings himself head-foremost into the trench, and glides down it at a
terrific pace, resting on his sledge. The rapidity with which a well-managed sledge will
dash down the trench is absolutely fearful, the incline being often at an angle of forty-five
degrees. The art of balancing the narrow sledge is a very difficult one, and if a player
should chance to lean too much to one side, or should guide his sledge out of the trench, it
is scarcely possible for him to escape with his life. The sledge flies to pieces in a moment,
the rider is hurled high in the air, and goes rolling down the steep hill, without any means
of guiding or stopping himself.
The winner in this game is the player who travels the farthest along the trench, and
so fascinating is the sport, that the natives have been known to stake the whole of their
property on their skill. They staked their houses, their lands, their fruit-trees, and their
crops. Husbands staked their wives and children, and wives staked themselves. And
after they had lost all that they had, or were likely to have, they staked their very bones,
to be used after death in making fish-hooks and arrow-heads.
:
The religion of the Sandwich Islanders resembles so closely that of the Polynesians
that little need be said about it. What worship they have is extorted by fear, and, in
accordance with this principle, they make their idols as ugly as possible. . There is a
certain character about the idols of the Sandwich Islands which, like the carving of New
Zealand, cannot be mistaken.
In order to show how completely this character is impressed upon the workmanship,

442
THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.
Kamar
I here introduce two specimens, one from the British Museum, and the other from my own
collection. The former of these is made, like the feather helmets, of wicker-work, and is
very much larger than any human head and neck. It is covered with the red and yellow
feathers which have already been mentioned, and, from the mere price of the material,
must have been, in the days in
which it was made, a most costly
and precious object.
The eyes are made of mother-
of-pearl, and in the centre of each
is set a black bead by way of pupil.
The enormous teeth which beset
the open mouth are simply the
fangs, or canine teeth, of dogs.
The top of the head is furnished
with a crest, just like that of the
feather helmet. In spite of the
rudeness of form, the image pos-
sesses a certain force and vigour,
which shows that the native who
made it had some modicum of
artistic power, which in this case
expresses itself in outline, just as
in the case of the feather-cloak it
is exemplified in colour.
By way of contrast with this
idol, we will now look at another
specimen, in which the artist has
been obliged to renounce colour,
and trust entirely to outline; and
it cannot be said that he has been
unsuccessful. The head and body
of this image are cut out of a white
and very light wood, and have been
covered with bark-cloth. This cloth
has been stained black, and the
native artist has contrived to apply
it with such perfection of mani-
pulation that it fits closely to all
the inequalities of the carving, and
ANGAZ
cannot even be seen until specially
pointed out.
FEATHER IDOL.
The head and neck are sepa-
rate from the trunk, and carved
out of a single piece of wood;
and even the bold crest and its supporting rays are cut out of the same piece of
wood. The teeth of the upper jaw are those of a human being; but those of the lower
jaw are simply a row of the palatine teeth of some large fish, and are sixteen in number.
They are flanked at each angle of the mouth by a human tooth. After the teeth have
been inserted into the wood, the bark-cloth has been applied, and is turned in at the roots
of the teeth, so as to represent the gums. The eyes are simply oval pieces of mother-
of-pearl.
It is rather remarkable that the strip of cloth which runs over the crest has not been
stained black, like that which covers the head, face, and neck, but is nearly white, and of
much stronger and coarser texture. The skill with which the maker has applied the
cloth to the wood is really admirable. He has evidently soaked it until it was quite soft
and tender, and by means of careful stretching and pressing has “coaxed” it over the

A WOODEN IDOL.
443
Top Humar teeth.
Lower, Fish teeth.
Mouth larger
aans
im
Wenn
various irregularities such as the nose,
eyes, and mouth—so that it fits as closely
as if it were the real skin.
The neck is small, narrow, and scarcely
worthy of the name, being in fact little
more than a large peg, by which the head
may be attached to the body when
needed. In consequence of this arrange-
ment, the position of the head can be
altered at will, and the variety of expres-
sion gained by so simple an arrangement
is scarcely credible.
The body of the idol is made of the
same light wood as the head, and is also
covered with the black bark-cloth. There
is a socket between the shoulders, into
which the neck fits loosely. The arms
are nothing more than bundles of rushes
or reeds, tied with cloth; and each hand
is furnished with six fingers, probably
as a symbol of extraordinary power. The
fingers are merely dogs' teeth, the white-
ness of which presents a curious contrast
with the black head and body. There
are no legs, nor even any indication of
legs, the body being little more than
a block of wood, with a hole at the
top for the insertion of the neck, and a
smaller hole at each shoulder for the in-
sertion of the arms.
Whatever artistic power the maker
possessed has been given to the head,
and it must be acknowledged that he
has carried out his idea most vigorously,
The long dress worn by this idol is not
stained black, like that which covers the
face, head, and body, but is white, and
without even a pattern.
For this interesting specimen I am
indebted to E. Randell, Esq., who has
furnished me with many of the objects
which have been figured in this work.
mo)
WOODEN IDOL.
THE CAROLINE ARCHIPELAGO.
DISCOVERY AND NAMING OF THE ISLANDS-THEIR GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT-THE MARSHALL AND
GILBERT GROUPS INHABITANTS OF ROMANZOFF ISLAND THE ISLAND OF BORNABI AND ITS
INHABITANTS-TATTOOING AND HAIR-DRESSINGA MAN OF FASHION IN BORNABI-ARCHITECTURE
AND ANCIENT RUINS-LOVE OF COAST THE PELEW ISLANDS- SHIPWRECK OF CAPTAIN WILSON
-COMPLEXION AND
GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES-THE TATTOO-CURIOUS COMBI-
NATION OF NAKEDNESS AND MODESTYM-USE OF THE BETEL-NUT-THE RUPACKS AND THE BONE
BRACELET-MODC OF INVESTITURE---SPEAR-THROWING ---MODE OF CONDUCTING SEA-FIGHTS
-ARCHITECTURE OF THE PELEW ISLANDS-MANUFACTURE OF DOMESTIC IMPLEMENTS-DANCE OF
THE WARRIORS-IDEA OF RELIGION-A FUNERAL IN THE PELEW ISLANDS-STORY OF LEE BOO.
PASSING in a south-westerly direction from the Sandwich Islands, we come to a very
large group called the Caroline Archipelago. These islands were discovered--as far as is
known-in 1526, by the Portuguese, who in those days were the most enterprising navi-
gators in the world. About fifty years afterwards they were visited by Drake, but they
did not receive the name by which they are known until more than a hundred years
after
Drake's voyage, when they were named by the Spanish the Carolines, in honour of
Charles the Second, the then king of Spain.
These islands extend over a very considerable geographical range, a space of some
fifty degrees intervening between the most easterly and westerly of them. Owing to the
extensive range of these islands, there is considerable difference between the manners and
customs of these natives, and even between their form and complexion. We will
therefore take as examples some of the easterly, central, and western islands.
The most easterly of the group are those which are called the Marshall and Gilbert
Islands, the former being those of the north and the latter those of the south. They are
sometimes divided into the Eastern and Western Islands, the former being the Radick and
the latter the Ralick chain, each group comprising about fifteen or sixteen islands.
These islands are all low in the water, being mostly of coralline structure, so that
they are not visible from any great distance. In consequence of their lowness, they seem
to have escaped the observation of voyagers until 1788, when they were discovered by
Marshall and Gilbert, after whom they were named. As is usual in coral islands, the
soil is but shallow, having been formed by the decomposition of vegetable matter thrown
on the coral reefs by the waves. The vegetation is therefore scanty, and is mostly
confined to bananas, cocoa-nut trees, bread-fruit-all of which thrive best on a low
situation near .water.
As a sample of the Marshall Islanders, I give a portrait of a man and woman of
Romanzoff Island. They are a rather fine race, taller than the generality of the Caroline

GENERAL APPEARANCE.
445
Islanders, and possess tolerably good features. They use the tattoo with some profusion,
both sexes appearing to be equally addicted to it. They are better clothed than many
Polynesians, the men wearing a short mat round their waists, and the women being clad
in a very fine and neatly-made mat, falling nearly to the feet. The hair is long and
naturally curling, and is worn long by both sexes. Ear-rings are in great request, and
some of them, as may be seen by reference to the illustration, are enormously large.
ma
ANGA
th 초
​ROMANZOFF ISLANDERS.
From the structure of the island, it is evident that the present inhabitants are not
aborigines, but came from other islands at no very remote period. They have kept up
the nautical spirit to which they owe their presence on the island, and make long
voyages from one island to another. Their canoes are well made, and are built of
bread-fruit wood.
BORNABI is one of the largest and most important of these islands, being about seventy
miles in circumference, and having a sufficient variety of soil to be very fertile. Instead
of being as low-lying as some of these islands, it is of volcanic origin, shooting up to a
considerable height in the middle, and surrounded by flat coral reefs.
In consequence of this structure, it affords excellent harbourage, and has become a
great place of resort for whaling vessels. Like some parts of America within the same
446
THE CAROLINE ARCHIPELAGO.
zone, and having a somewhat similar contour, the island is a very wet one, so that the
combined heat and moisture produce a wonderful fertility of vegetation. Even on the
higher parts of the island, the fresh water nourishes various trees and shrubs, while on
the coast the mangrove, which delights in salt water, absolutely grows into the sea, and,
by its interlacing roots and branches, forms a barrier which cannot be penetrated except
through the apertures made by the mouths of rivers and creeks.
The inhabitants are of a fair average stature, the mien being about five feet eight
inches high, while the women are much shorter. They are, however, well proportioned,
and not stumpy or clumsy, as is too often the case with the women of uncivilized races.
Like the Romanzoff Islanders, they tattoo themselves liberally, and both sexes wear
their black hair very long, keeping it well-oiled and carefully-dressed, and, in the case of
people of rank, adorning it with wreaths of flowers. They have the same odd passion
for turmeric which is found in the Polynesian races generally, anointing themselves
profusely with it, and thereby converting their naturally pleasing copper-colour into a
repulsive yellow.
The men dress themselves very carefully, à Bornabi man of fashion spending a vast
amount of time on his costume.
He must not exhibit a vestige of hair on his face, but must painfully pluck out each
individual hair by means of forceps made of a couple of cockle-shells, or a piece of
tortoise-shell bent double. He must wear at least six aprons, one over the other. These
aprons are made of strips of the cocoa-nut leaf bleached white and about two feet in length.
He must have round his waist a belt or sash made of banana fibre, and dyed scarlet and
yellow. He must have his necklaces, his head-band, and his scarlet tassels in his ears;
and he finishes off his costume by a sort of parasol of sunshade made of leaves, which he
ties round his head so as to preserve the face from the sun.
This elaborate toilet must be made several times daily, as every native bathes, oils,
and paints his skin yellow at least three times every day. The dress of the women bears
some resemblance to that of the men, except that; in lieu of the series of apron-fringes,
they wear bark-cloth fastened round the waist and reaching to the knee.
In architecture the people of Bornabi are superior to the generality of Polynesians.
Like the Marquesans, they begin by buildifig a platform of stones, some four or five feet
in height, and upon this they erect the framework of the edifice. The spaces between the
upright timbers are filled in with wicker-work, iñi which are left certain apertures that
answer the purpose of windows. The floor is covered with the same kind of wicker-work,
except a small space in the centre, in which the fireplace is made. The roof is thatched
neatly with pandanus leaves. In all these particulars there is little distinction between
the architecture of Bornabi and that of many other islands. The chief point of difference
lies, however, in the fact that the timbers are squared, and that, instead of being merely
lashed together, they are fastened by tenon and mortise.
It seems probable that the superiority of their architecture, more especially in the
squaring of beams and the use of the mortise, is due not so much to themselves as to the
remembrance of buildings erected by white men several centuries ago. Near one of the
harbours are some ruined buildings, which are evidently not of savage architecture. They
are built of cut stones, which have been imported from some other country, and are
arranged in streets, looking as if they had formed a portion of a fortification. It has been
conjectured that these buildings were the work of the Spanish buccaneers, who used, some
centuries ago, to range these seas; and would have found such a harbour and fort invalu-
able to them.
As far as is known, the inhabitants of Bornabi keep almost entirely to the coast, and
never visit the interior. It is certain that the cultivated grounds only extend for a very
little distance inland, and, as all the energy of these islanders naturally takes a seaward
direction, it is very probable that the natives speak truth when they say that they have
never even visited the centre of their island.
THE RUPACK.
447
THE PELEW ISLANDS.
The westernmost group of the Carolines is known by the name of the Pelew or Pallou
Islands. They were discovered, in 1543, by Villabolos, but have been made known to us
principally by means of Captain H. Wilson, who was wrecked there in 1783. The group
consists of about twenty small islands, which are surrounded by a reef.
The inhabitants are of a dark copper-colour, well made, tall, and remarkable for their
stately gait. They employ the tattoo in rather a curious manner, pricking the patterns
thickly on their legs from the ankles to a few inches above the knees, so that they look as
if their legs were darker in colour than the rest of their bodies. They are cleanly in their
habits, bathing frequently, and rubbing themselves with cocoa-nut oil, so as to give a soft
and glossy appearance to the skin.
The hair of the head is fine and black, and is worn long by both sexes, being rolled up
in a peculiar fashion close to the back of the head. That of the face and chin is mostly
removed, being plucked out by tweezers, only a few men, remarkable for the strength and
thickness of their beards, allowing them to grow. The men wear no clothing, not even
the king himself having the least vestige of raiment, the tattoo being supposed to answer
the purposes of dress.
So unacquainted with real clothing were they when Captain Wilson visited them, that
they were utterly perplexed at the garments of the white men, lifting up the flaps of the
coats, pinching the sleeves, and then comparing them with their own naked limbs,
evidently fancying that these mysterious objects were the skin peculiar to the white man.
They also took the blue veins on the seamen's wrists for lines of tattooing, and asked to be
allowed to see the whole of the arm, in order to find out whether the blue lines were con-
tinued beyond the wrist.
In spite, however, of the absence of dress, the deportment of the sexes towards each other
is perfectly modest. For example, the men and women will not bathe at the same spot,
nor even go near a bathing-place of the opposite sex unless it be deserted. If a man is
forced to pass near a women's bathing-place, he is obliged, when he comes within a
stipulated distance
, to give a loud shout; and, if it be answered by a female voice, he
must either pass by a circuitous route, or turn back and wait until the women have left
the spot.
Their features are tolerably good, the nose rather prominent, and the mouth moderately
large. They would look a tolerably handsome people but for their custom of chewing the
betel-nut, which stains the mouth red and the teeth black. The chiefs and all the prin-
cipal men are so devoted to the betel that they always carry with them a little basket
containing the nuts, and a small bamboo vessel in which they keep the quicklime which
is mixed with the betel when chewed.
Although they care nothing for dress, and comparatively little for ornament, the very
great chiefs wear one decoration which is prized by them much as is the Garter in
England, or the Golden Fleece in Spain. This is a bone bracelet, worn on the left wrist
and denoting the very highest rank next to that of the king himself. Those who are
privileged to wear it are called Rupacks, and, as will presently be seen, the rank is not
necessarily hereditary, but is conferred at the pleasure of the king.
It seems strange to us that distinctions of rank should be thus sharply defined among
a people like the Pelew Islanders, and that “naked savages” should have their various
gradations of social position. That a definite scale of rank should exist at all is an
evidence of some civilization, and that so complete a system should be found among
these islanders appears a perfect enigma to those who have been accustomed to associate

448
THE CAROLINE ARCHIPELAGO.
clothing and civilization as inseparable conditions. Yet here we have the singular fact
that there is a distinct division of ranks into king, nobles, gentry, and peasantry; and that,
although these ranks are perfectly well defined and acknowledged, not a man, from the
almost despotic king to the lowest subject, wears the slightest article of clothing.
Not only are these distinctions jealously observed, but we find also that the nobles are
divided into several ranks, as is the case in civilized lands, and that the highest rank is
denoted by a symbolical badge.
This badge is conferred only by the sovereign himself, and the investiture with the
Rupack's bone is conducted with a ceremonious solemnity that denotes the estimation in
mer
INVESTITURE OF THE RUPACK.
which it is held. So deeply are the Rupacks attached to this symbol of their rank, that a
rebel Rupack, who had made war against the king, and was taken alive, resisted every
attempt to deprive him of his bracelet, and did not part with it until he had sacrificed his
life in its defence. In shape the bone bears a curious resemblance to the open jaws of a
skate, and is probably made on that model.
The mode of investiture is a very ceremonious one. The Rupacks are assembled
together in a sort of chapter of their order, and the Rupack elect is seated at a little
distance from them. The king, or a Rupack appointed by him, then takes the bracelet,
and directs the candidate to throw a stone as far as he can. This is done in order to
ascertain which hand he habitually uses, so that if he be a right-handed man the bracelet
goes on the left wrist, and if a left-handed man on the right wrist.
A string is then tied to each finger of the hand; the strings are passed through the
bracelet, which, together with the hand, is plentifully anointed with cocoa-nut oil. The
SPEAR-THROWING,
449
principal Rupack then places himself behind the candidate, and holds him firmly by the
shoulders, while another hauls at the strings. The king, in the meantime, squeezes
together the fingers of the hand, and by degrees draws the bracelet firmly on the wrist.
He then makes a speech to the new Rupack, telling him to polish the bracelet daily, and
keep it bright; never to suffer its honour to be tarnished, and never to part from it but
with his life
Captain Wilson, who was himself invested with the Rupack's bone, writes thus of the
ceremony and its object :“This mark of distinction is given and received in these
regions as a reward of valour and fidelity, and held out as the prize of merit.
“In this light such public honours were originally considered, and still ought to be so,
in every state, from Pelew to Britain. And while they continue to be thus regarded they
will operate on the human passions-excite emulation, inspire courage, promote virtue,
and challenge respect. The decoration, indeed, derives all its splendour from the com-
bined ideas of the mind whilst viewing it; and the imagination is equally impressed with
the same sentiment, whether the badge of honour be a strip of velvet tied round the knee,
a tuft of riband and a cross dangling at the button-hole, a star embroidered on the coat,
or a bone upon the arm.
He might have added that the intrinsic value of the decoration bears no comparison
with the honour which it denotes, and that the bone of the naked Pelew Islander, the
laurel or parsley crown of the ancient warrior, or the Victoria Cross of the modern hero,
are alike valueless and priceless. It is remarkable that the king does not wear the bone,
so that he has no external sign to distinguish him from the meanest peasant.
The Pelew Islanders are not a very warlike people, and their weapons are, therefore,
simple and few. They have two kinds of spears, one used as a missile, and the other as
a pike. The missile spear is thrown by a very remarkable instrument, reminding the
observer of the Australian wummerah, or throw-stick.
It consists of a piece of wood about two feet in length, and having a notch at one end.
When the warrior wishes to throw his spear, he places the butt in the notch of the
throwing-stick, and with his left hand bends the elastic bamboo shaft until it is nearly
doubled. The hold of the left hand is then loosed, and the spear projects itself to a con-
siderable distance by means of its own elasticity. To a European nothing can be more
awkward than this mode of throwing the spear; but the Pelew Islanders can send the
weapon to a considerable distance, and aim it well besides.
Even without the aid of the throwing-stick, they are no mean adepts at hurling the
spear. When Lee Boo, the son of the king, was at Canton, some gentlemen who were
skilled in spear-throwing asked him to exhibit the manner in which his own people
managed the weapon. He took the spear, and, not thinking that it was to be thrown,
merely quivered and poised it according to the usual preliminaries. He was then requested
to throw it at a gauze cage, with a bird painted on it. The cage was at such a distance
that the gentlemen could seldom strike it. Lee Boo, however, took up the spear carelessly,
poised it for a moment, hurled it, and not only hit the cage, but struck the bird through
the head.
The Rupacks mostly carry swords and daggers. The former are made of a very heavy
wood, and nearly three feet in length. They are inlaid with pieces of white shell, and are
strong and heavy enough to kill a man with a single blow. The daggers are made of the
tail-bone of the sting-ray, and, when not in use, are carried in a sheath made of a single
joint of bamboo, just as is the case with the small knives of Borneo.
Land battles are seldom fought in these islands, the natives trusting chiefly to their
canoes, which are of large size and well built. Their hulls are cut out of tree trunks, and
then are carved, painted, and inlaid with the patient care which distinguishes savage art.
When the king goes out in state, the canoes are further adorned with bunches of shells,
strung on cords and hung to the bows and stern-posts. The outrigger is used, and the
sails are of the “latine” form. Despite, however, of the care bestowed upon their vessels,
the Pelew Islanders are not good sailors, and seldom venture outside the chain of reefs
which encircle their group of islands. Even within it, when the sea ran at all high, they
would not venture into their canoes.
VOL. II.
GG
450
THE CAROLINE ARCHIPELAGO.
In consequence of their mode of fighting, the capture of an enemy's canoe is thought
of much more consequence than the slaughter of his soldiers, and is looked upon much
in the same light as we consider the capture of an enemy's gun or flag. Therefore
when one party finds that the battle is going against them, they turn their canoes
landwards, and drive them ashore with all their might, and, if possible, drag them so
high on the beach that they cannot be floated without exposing the invaders to almost
certain death.
The principal tool used in making the canoe is the adze, or axe.
In form the weapon
is almost identical with the Polynesian adzes which have been already described in this
work. The blade is made of the thick and strong shell of the giant clam, and the most
curious point of the instrument is that the head revolves in a groove, so that it can be
used as an adze or an axe at pleasure. The Dyak boat-builder has a precisely similar
instrument, as will be seen in the course of a few pages.
Their smaller tools and implements—such as stone knives, comb, and string—they
carry in the basket which holds their betel; and as they have no dress, and consequently
no pockets, a man never walks to any distance from his home without carrying the basket
with him.
The architecture of the Pelew Islanders is very good. The houses are raised about
three feet from the ground by means of stone posts, upon which are laid the beams which
support the flooring and side-posts
. The walls are made of thick matting, which extends
from post to post, and the floors are generally of plank, having an inch or so of space
between the boards. Sometimes they are made of split bamboos, which become polished
and very slippery by the constant tread of naked feet.
Each house has in the centre its fireplace, sunk lower than the flooring, and formed
of stones and earth. The fire is kept burning all night, not for the purpose of warmth,
but that the smoke may fill the house, and drive away mosquitoes. When the house is a
very large one, and employed for the general use, there are two fireplaces, one at each
end. Along the sides of the house are arranged certain apertures, which answer equally
the purposes of windows or doors, and are furnished with sliding shutters, by which they
can be closed at pleasure. Each of these apertures is furnished with stepping-stones, by
means of which the inhabitants can enter or leave the house without having to clamber
from the ground to the raised floor. The large houses are employed for public uses, the
councils being held in front of them, or the people assembling in them for social talk, in
which the women bear their full share. Some of these houses are from sixty to eighty
feet in length.
Being a cleanly people, the Pelew Islanders keep their houses neatly swept, the broom
being a bundle of cocoa-nut husks tied together. The vessels which contain fresh water
are simply joints of the bamboo, the open ends of which are furnished with a sort of spout
or lip, by means of which the water can be poured without danger of being spilt.
The cooking-vessels are made of earthenware, and are mostly of an oval shape. They
are not, however, very good potters, their pots and pans being rather fragile, and so
badly burnt that the natives dare not put them at once on the fire, but set them first at a
little distance, and, as they become warmer, bring them nearer, turning them continually,
so as to heat each part equally,
When Captain Wilson was at the Pelew Islands, the king had a vessel of which he
was very proud. It was carved out of a block of wood, plentifully inlaid with pieces of
white shell, and, when the cover was upon it, formed a tolerably fair representation of a
bird. This vessel held about nine gallons, and, on occasions of great ceremony, was brought
out and filled with sweet drink for the use of the king and his Rupacks.
Of the amusements of the Pelew Islanders Captain Wilson says little, and gives but a
brief description of the very odd dance in which they delight. “In the evening our
people were entertained with a dance of the warriors, who were just then returned, which
was performed in the following manner:
“The dancers have a quantity of plantain leaves brought to them, which they split
and shiver into the form of ribands. These they twine and fix round their heads, wrists,
waists, ankles, and knees; and the leaves being of a yellowish hue, so prepared, have not

THE WARRIORS' DANCE.
451
an inelegant effect when applied to their dark copper skin. They make also bunches or
tassels of the same, which they hold in their hands.
“When drawn out, they form themselves into circles of two or three deep, one within
another. In general, an elderly man amongst them begins in a very solemn tone some-
thing like a song, or long sentence—for our countrymen could not discriminate which it
was—and when he comes to a pause, or what we should call the end of a stanza, a chorus
is struck up, and the dancers all join in concert, still continuing their figure.
THE WARRIORS' DANCE.
" Their dancing does not so much consist in capering or agility as in a particular
method they have of balancing themselves, and this frequently very low sideways, singing
together all the while; during which they will flatten their circles, so as to bring them-
selves face to face to each other, lifting up the tassels they hold in their hands, and giving
them a clashing or tremulous motion. After this there will be a sudden pause, and an
exclamation from every one of 'Weel !' Then a new sentence or stanza is repeated, and
danced to as before, and the same ceremony continued till every man who is engaged in
the dance has in his turn had his repetition and chorus.”
As far as was ascertained by Captain Wilson, the Pelew Islanders have some notions
of religion, and certainly believed in a life after death. They had several superstitions,
one of which was that the wood of a certain tree was unlucky, and always brought harm
wherever it was used. When Captain Wilson was building his new vessel, he used some
planks of this tree, much to the dismay of the king, Abba Thulle, who begged him to
remove them. Captain Wilson explained to him that as in his own country any kind of
GG 2
452
THE CAROLINE ARCHIPELAGO.
suitable wood was employed for ship-building without producing disastrous results, the
same impunity was to be expected in the Pelew Islands. As it happened; shortly after
the obnoxious planks had been inserted, one of the carpenters fell from the side of the
vessel, and hurt himself severely, thus confirming the natives in their belief.
Their funeral ceremonies are very short and simple, and even in one instance witnessed
by Captain Wilson, when the son of the principal chief was buried, there was scarcely
any ceremony.
The corpse was wrapped up in mats, and borne by four men on a bier, no men except
the actual bearers attending. A number of women followed the bier, and poured out loud
lamentations as they walked. When they arrived at the place of burial, the body was
laid in the grave, and the earth immediately filled in by the four bearers, while the women
knelt round, and renewed their lamentations, marking as if they would tear up the body
from the ground.
Next day, however, Raa Kook, the father of the deceased, went to the burial-place, and
performed a curious ceremony. He took two old cocoa-nuts (young nuts being always
gathered for consumption) and some red ochre, with which he drew transverse stripes
across the nuts. He then laid the painted nuts by his side, and repeated, in an under-
tone, some words which were supposed to be an incantation or prayer of some kind.
A bundle of betel leaves was treated in the same way, and the whole were then delivered
to an old woman, who went with them towards the grave; but the precise termination of
the ceremony was not ascertained.
ON
page 449 mention was made of Lee Boo. As this young man was the first Pelew
Islander who ever visited England, and was besides a very remarkable character, I will
conclude this account with a short memoir of him.
He was the second son of the king, Abba Thulle, who was no common man, and well
deserving of the power which he held. He possessed great energy, wonderful liberality of
mind, and an innate nobility of disposition. The visit of the white men taught him their
infinite superiority, and when Captain Wilson had built his new ship, and was about to
start, Abba Thulle begged him to take Lee Boo to England, to have him instructed in the
arts of civilization, and to send him back again so that he might be the teacher of his
future people. The request was granted, and Lee Boo accompanied Captain Wilson to
England, where he lived for five months, winning the esteem and affection of all whom
he met, by his intelligent, modest, and affectionate nature. Unfortunately for his father's
hopes, he was attacked with small-pox, of which he died, his last wish being that all
presents that had been given him should be sent to his father. He died on Dec. 27,
1784, and was buried in Rotherhithe Church, where a tomb was erected to his memory
by the India Company.
B O R N E O.
CHAPTER I.
THE DYAKS, THEIR APPEARANCE AND DRESS.
SUPPOSED ORIGIN OF THE DYAKS-NUMBER OF TRIBES--THE SEA AND LAND DYAKS-GENERAL
APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES TATTOOING MOST PREVALENT AMONG
THE LEAST CIVILIZED
TRIBES-DRESS AND ORNAMENT-EXTRAORDINARY EAR-RINGS-FILING AND BLACKENING THE
TEETH-A DYAK WARRIOR IN FULL DRESSA DUSUM WARRIOR IN ORDINARY COSTUME—THE
ILLINOAN PIRATES, THEIR ARMAMENTS AND FEROCITY-A SAGHAI DYAK AND HIS STRANGE HEAD-
DRESS-STRENGTH AND ACTIVITY OF THE DYAKS- “ BATANG” WALKING—AN OBLIGING DYAK
:-THEIR ABILITY TO PENETRATE JUNGLES-THE CHAWAT AND SARONG--A DYAK DANDY-DRESS
OF THE WOMEN-THE BEDANG AND SLEEVELESS JACKETTHE BEAUTIFUL HAIR OF DYAK WOMEN
THE METALLIC BODICES-A SAIBAS GIRL IN FULL DRESS--DYAK BELIS-TREATMENT OF
THE WOMEN.
WITH the exception of Australia, which may take rank as a continent, BORNEO is the
largest island in the world. It is situated in the tropics, the equator passing nearly
through the centre of it, and forms the centre of the Indian Archipelago.
Until late years, scarcely anything was known of Borneo; but since the late Sir
James Brooke accomplished his wonderful series of exploits against the piratical tribes
that infested the coast for more than a thousand miles, and destroyed all commerce, the
country has been tolerably explored, and the manners and customs of its inhabitants
investigated. Following the plan on which this work has been formed, we will only
concern ourselves about the natives of Borneo who live to a degree the life of savages,
and only possess that amount of civilization which is compatible with savage existence.
PUTTING aside the Malay Mahometans who have settled in Borneo, we may
roughly divide the native tribes into the Land and Sea Dyaks. The former of these
divisions seldom go to sea, either for piracy or trade, and in this respect are very different
from the Sea Dyaks, whose existence is essentially a naval one.
Mr. Brooke believes that the Land Dyaks have emigrated from a country in which
they would be brought in contact with Hindooism, inasmuch as they possess sundry
relics of that religion.
“The remains of Hindooism found among them, such as stone-
shaped bulls and other stone utensils, and the refusal anıong them to touch the flesh of
cattle or deer--and so particular are they that they will fine a man for even spilling the
blood of these animals on their premises; the name of their deity being Juwata-these
testifying points support a fair conjecture that they must have gained a fair notion
454
BORNEO.
of Hindoo worship from people coming into the Kapuas River from the island of Java,
which is only distant from some of the outstretching points of Borneo two hundred miles,
and fair winds generally prevail between."
In confirmation of this opinion, Mr. Brooke mentions that the expression, “in the
days of the Hindoos,” was formerly employed when any ancient date was signified.
There are about nine or ten branches of the Land Dyaks, each of which branches is
divided into a considerable number of tribes. It is impossible to give the names and
description of the individual tribes on account of their fluctuating character. The people
are continually shifting their place in search of new lands for cultivation, and the result
is that they quarrel with each other, fight, are dispersed, and thus form new tribes in the
spots on which they settle.
It is thought that their number does not exceed forty thousand, many tribes of which
have never been near the sea.
Next come the Sea Dyaks, a fairer, a finer, and a more interesting people. They are
about three times as numerous as the Land Dyaks, and are at the present day much
what the old sea-kings were in days gone by. They are essentially a nation of rovers,
living by piracy, and carrying out to the fullest extent the abominable practice of head-
hunting, of which we shall see something in the course of a few pages.
They are taller than the Land Dyaks, who seldom exceed five feet six inches in
height, and much fairer in complexion. The skin of the Land Dyak is brown, wbereas
that of the Sea Dyak is many shades lighter, and has been compared to the colour of a
new saddle-a hue which admirably suits the well-developed forms of these people.
They are very proud of their complexion, and the women are fond of an excuse for
throwing off the jackets which they wear, in order to exhibit their smooth satiny skins,
polished and shining as if of new bronze.
Their various customs in peace and war will be described in their proper places, and
we will content ourselves at present with their appearance and dress.
The Dyaks, as a rule, are nearly beardless, and have a cast of countenance which
might almost be called effeminate: Occasionally, however, a man does possess a few
hairs on his upper lip, of which he is inordinately proud, and one or two instances have
been known where a man has possessed a well-developed beard.
Tattooing is practised among many of the tribes, and prevails in inverse ratio to their
civilization, those who are furthest from civilization being most profusely tattooed, and
those who are brought in contact with it having almost entirely abandoned the practice.
The men of some tribes are nearly covered with tattooed patterns, while those of other
tribes have stars on their breasts, and armlets and bracelets on their legs and arms. The
Kanowit Dyaks, who belong to the great Malanàu tribe, are tattooed from the breast to
the knees with a pattern that has the effect of scale armour, and many of them tattoo
their chins and chests so as to look as if they had real beards and moustaches. The tattoo
of the women is often more elaborate than that of the men, as we shall presently see.
It is worthy of notice that, as a rule, the Sea Dyaks do not use the tattoo. They have
an idea that it is a sign of cowardice, and are very much surprised that English sailors,
whose courage they can but respect, will allow themselves to be tattooed with the
anchors, true lovers' knots, ships in full sail, entwined initials, and other figures with
which a British sailor loves to disfigure himself. In consequence of this feeling many
verbal skirmishes have been waged between the Seå Dyaks and the English seamen. The
tribes among whom tattooing reaches its greatest development are mostly those of the
Malaccan division, such as the Kanowits, who are mightily despised by the regular Land
and Sea Dyaks, and are only tolerated by them as being the means of affording a constant
supply of heads.
The Dyaks are exceedingly fertile in their invention of ear-ornaments. Most savages
content themselves with making one hole in the lobe of the ear, and often enlarge it so
that a man's hand could be passed through the orifice. But the Dyaks go much further
in their ideas of adornment.
In common with other savages, they make an enormous hole in the lobe of the ear,
increase it by inserting a series of gradually enlarged plugs, and drag it down as far as

EXTRAORDINARY EAR-RINGS.
455
the shoulder by hanging leaden weights to it. But they also bore a series of holes all
round the edge of the ear, and fill them with various ornaments. The favourite plan is,
to have a series of brass rings, and to insert them in the holes of the ear, the smallest
being at the top, and the lowest, which is large enough to be a bracelet, at the bottom.
This decoration prevails chiefly among the Sea Dyaks, and there is a sort of proverb
which warns the hearer to beware of a man who wears many ear-rings.
de fer
luntati
DYAK WARRIOR AND DUSUM.
Often the Dyaks do not content then selves with wearing rings in their ears, but fill
the apertures with such a miscellany of objects that they have been described as “châte-
laines,” rather than ear-rings. One young man, the son of a chief, wore only one large
ring in each ear, but from this ring depended a number of brass chains, to which were
suspended various ornaments. To one ear were thus hung two boar's tusks, one alligator's
tooth, part of a hornbill's beak, three small brass rings, and two little bells.
Many of the men wear one large ear-ring in the lobe, and bore a hole in the top of
the ear, through which is passed a canine tooth of the tiger-cat.
These ornaments are only worn when the Dyak puts on his dress of ceremony, and at
456
BORNEO.
other times the holes in the ears are kept from closing by plugs of wood. And, as the
effect of the brass is always to cause ulcerating sores, the ordinary appearance of a Dyak's
ears is not very pleasing. Some of them have a curious fashion of boring one hole at top
of the ear and another at the bottom, and tying to it a brass plate, to which are suspended
the jingling ornaments of which these savages are so fond.
The Dyaks are so fully impressed with the idea that nature is meant to be improved
by art, that they cannot even allow their teeth to retain their natural shape and colour.
As a general rule, the men file their front teeth into sharp points, while others improve
upon nature still farther by scooping out the front face of each tooth and rendering it
concave.
Having thus rendered the shape of the tooth as unlike its natural form as possible,
the next process is evidently to change the colour as completely as the shape, and to turn
them from white to black. The habit of betel-eating has much to do with the darkening
of the teeth, but besides, there is a mode by which the Dyaks deliberately stain their
teeth black. The method by which the dye is produced and applied is well told by
Mr. Boyle, in his “ Adventures among the Dyaks: ”-
“We made inquiries about the means employed for blackening the teeth, a custom
which is universal in the far East. The old medicine man was finally persuaded to show
us the process, and very curious it appeared.
“He produced from his stores a piece of dry wood of the kind called sinka: this was
set on fire, and held over the blade of a parang (or sword), on which a few drops of water
had been poured. As the stick blazed, a black sap oozed from it, and dropped upon the
metal, where it mingled with the water, and in a few moments formed a pool of thick,
jetty liquid. With this the teeth are stained in childhood, and one application, we are
told, will suffice to preserve them black for ever, nor are there any means of removing
the colour.
“The process, seems peculiar, because the wood from which exuded the sap appears to
be as dry as dust, and because the dye will not affect any substance except the teeth, not
even bone or horn. This is the more curious since some of the Malays file the enamel
carefully from their teeth before applying the sinka. Many, indeed, file them to a point
as sharp as a needle, as do some of the Dyak tribes.” The reader will remember that
several of the West African tribes file their teeth in like manner.
In the illustration on page 455 are represented two Dyak warriors, one in full
costume, and the other a Dusum Dyak in ordinary dress.
The former of these men carries in his right hand the sumpitan, with its spear-head,
and the other rests on his wooden shield covered with tufts of human hair. His parang-
ihlang or war-sword is on his left side, with its tufts of human hair depending from the
handle. His ankles, legs, and arms are covered with multitudes of brass rings, he wears
a sort of jacket formed from the skin of the orang-outan, and on his head is a kind of
coronal made from the feathers of the Argus pheasant.
This figure is taken from a photograph.
The next figure represents a man in ordinary costume. He belongs to the tribe
of Dusums, who live on the northern coast of Borneo, and who wear less clothing than any
of the tribes of the island, their whole dress consisting of the chawat and a number of
large metal rings round their necks and hips. The Dusum warriors wear their hair long,
merely bound with a piece of cotton cloth, and their spears are as simple as their clothing,
being nothing more than a metal head lashed to a shaft of bamboo.
In order to show at a glance the appearance of various tribes of Borneans, two more
Dyaks are given on the following page. The left-hand figure represents an Illinoan pirate.
These men are found at Tampassook, or Tampasuk as the name is sometimes spelt, a place
on the north-western coast of Borneo, not very much above the island of Labuan.
The Illinoans possess many large and formidable war-boats, which are armed in the
bows with a very long gun, and have, after the fashion of Bornean boats, an upper deck,
which serves as a platform for the combatants and a shelter from the rowers, who sit
beneath There is a small cabin astern for the captain, about the size of a dog-kennel,
but the boats have no other sleeping accommodation.

PIRACY AND MURDER,
457
The paddles with which the rowers propel the vessel are shaped rather curiously,
looking at a distance like mere sticks with flat discs of wood fastened to their ends. The
boats are steered by an oar-rudder at the starboard side of the stern, and each is furnished
with a mast and a huge sail, which can be raised in a few minutes, and struck in almost as
many seconds. Although the Illinoans are wealthy tribes, and possess quantities of fire-
arms, they are rather afraid to use these weapons, and trust in preference to the spear
and parang
ILLINOAN PIRATE AND SAGHAI DYAK.
The Illinoans were instrumental in the murder of two native chiefs who were friendly
to the English, and who had been suspected of aiding the cession of Labuan. One of
them, named Bud-ruddeen, a man of celebrity as a warrior, did not fall unavenged. When
the enemy approached, he retired to his house, together with his favourite wife and his
sister, neither of whom would leave him. By the aid of his followers, he fought despe-
rately to the very last, until nearly all his men were killed, and he himself was
dangerously wounded.
He then retired with his wife and sister into an inner chamber, while the enemy
crowded into the house in search of him, and then, firing his pistol into a barrel of gun-
458
BORNEO.
powder which he had placed there in readiness, blew to pieces himself, his two relatives,
and his enemies.
The other figure represents a Saghai Dyak.
This tribe lives on the south-eastern coast of Borneo, and is remarkable for the superb
costumes of the men, who have about them an air of barbaric splendour, which they
are exceedingly fond of displaying. Wearing, in common with all Dyaks, the chawat or
waist-cloth, they take a pride in adorning themselves with short tunics made of tiger or
leopard skin, or rich and embroidered cloth ; while on their heads they wear magnificent
caps made of monkey-skin, and decorated with the beautiful feathers of the Argus pheasant,
two of the largest feathers being placed so that one droops over each ear.
All these
Dyaks have a very singular profile, in consequence of their habit of filing the teeth and
so reducing their bulk, those who have concave teeth presenting the most curious outline.
Comparatively slight and feeble as the Dyaks look by the side of the stalwart and
muscular European, their strength is really wonderful, and enables them to perform tasks
which the powerful white man could not by any possibility achieve. On a journey,
when a European has fallen from sheer fatigue, a Dyak has taken the burden with
which the fallen man was läden, and added it to his own, without seeming to display any
particular sense of having increased his own labour; and when the stranger, in spite of
the relief, has lain down in absolute inability to move, a little wiry Dyak has picked him
up, put him on his back, and proceeded on his journey with perfect ease.
The Dyaks are in the habit of crossing the swamps with which Borneo abounds by
means of primitive bridgés, called batangs. These are the very simplest form in which
the principle of the bridge can be carried out. If the reader wishes to obtain a correct
idea of a batang, he can do so easily enough. Two bamboo poles are driven into the
ground so as to cross one another near the top, like an X with the lower limbs much
developed. They are then lashed together at the intersection, just like the supports
between which a modern rope-dancer stretches his cord. At about thirty feet distance,
another pair of poles are fixed in a similar way, and a horizontal bamboo laid upon
them.
In fact, the whole apparatus looks just like a rope-dancer's apparatus, a bamboo taking
the place of the rope. Beyond the second supports others are added and connected by
horizontal bamboos as far as the marsh extends; and so fond are the natives of these very
primitive bridges that they will make them a mile or more in length, and extend them
over gorges of terrible depth.
To tread these extraordinary bridges is a task that would tax the powers of a profes-
sional rope-dancer, and yet a Dyak has been known to take a heavy white man on his
back, and carry him a mile or more over these slippery batangs, when, in many places, a
false step would be certain destruction for both. He does not seem at all fatigued by this
extraordinary feat of muscular power, but rather has a sort of boyish exultation in his
strength, and a decided delight that he is able at all events in one respect to prove himself
the superior of the white man, whom he regards with the most profound respect as a
being of supernatural wisdom and power.
The Dyaks are able, in some astonishing manner, to penetrate with comparative ease
through jungles which are absolutely impervious to Europeans.
One of these men, while on the march with some English soldiers, exhibited his
strength in a very unexpected manner. The path was a terrible one, all up and down steep
and slippery hills, so that the Chinese coolies who accompanied the party first threw
away their rice, and lastly sat down and wept like children. The English sergeant, a
veteran, accustomed to hard marching both in China and India, broke down at the first
hill, and declared his inability to move another step under the load which he carried.
Mr. Brooke, who was in command of the party, asked one of the Dyaks to carry the
sergeant's burden, and promised him an additional piece of tobacco.
The man was delighted with the proposal, and accepted it. He was already carrying
food for three weeks, his whole store of clothes, one twelve-pound shot, two twelve-
pound cartridges, a double-barrelled gun, a hundred rounds of ball cartridge, and his own
heavy sword and spear. Such a load as this, which would be almost too great even for a
man walking on good roads, seemed a mere trifle to the agile Dyak, who went lightly and
A DYAK DANDY.
459
easily up and down paths which the foreigners could hardly traverse even without having
to carry anything except their own weight.
So little, indeed, was he incommoded, that he strapped the whole of the sergeant's kit
on his back, and walked off as easily as if the whole load were but a feather weight. No
one who has not actually traversed those paths can form an idea of the miseries attending
the journey. The paths themselves are bad enough, but, in addition to the terribly severe
labour of walking, the traveller has to endure mosquitoes, sand-flies, intense heat at mid-
day, and intense cold at night, thirst, wet, and every imaginable discomfort.
Yet the native seems quite easy in the journey, and gets over the ground in a manner
that is absolutely exasperating to the Europeans who accompany him. He is able to
push his way through prickly thickets and morasses in a way which seems almost
impenetrable. Indeed, he says himself that it is impenetrable, and that he achieves these
feats by means of certain charms which he carries about with him. On one occasion it
happened that at the end of a hard five hours' journey, a number of sketching materials
and other necessaries had been forgotten, and a Dyak was sent to the boats to fetch them,
being promised a pocket-knife for his trouble. He started about two P.M. and arrived
with the parcels before sunset, having thus, in addition to his first journey with the
travellers, and the heavy parcels which he had to carry, twice traversed the distance
which had occupied them five hours in the transit.
When questioned about the manner in which he performed the journey, he said that
it was owing to the virtues of a charm which he carried, and which he produced. It was
a small, misshapen horn, which he said that he had cut from the head of an antelope, and
that its fellow horn was brass. He further offered to sell it for fifteen dollars, averring
that its powers were unfailing, and that even any one who borrowed it was able to traverse
the country at the same speed which he had exhibited.
The ordinary dress of the men is simple enough, consisting merely of the “chawat,"
or slight strip of cloth, which is twisted round the loins in such a manner that one end
falls in front and the other behind. The chawat is often very gaily coloured. Sometimes
the Dyak wears a sarong, or short petticoat of cotton cloth, which reaches from the waist to
a little above the knees. It is simply a strip of cloth, with the two ends sewn together,
and is almost large enough to encircle two ordinary men. When it is put on, the wearer steps
into it, draws it up to his waist, pulls it out in front as far as it will go, and then doubles
back the fold and turns the edges inwards, in such a manner that it is held tight in its
place, while the folds caused by its large diameter allowed the limbs full play.
One of these chawats in my collection is woven in a sort of plaid pattern, the ground
hue being a bright and rather peculiar red, and the cross-lines being nearly white. The
texture is rather coarse, and the whole fabric has a stiffness which is characteristic of
native fabrics made of this material.
Those young men who are proud of their personal appearance, and are able to afford
' the expense, do not content themselves with the plain chawat, but adorn it with all kinds
of strange decorations.
One of these young dandies is well described by Mr. Boyle :-" The young man did not
dress in Malay trousers like his father, probably because one pair alone of such articles
existed in the house; but his chawat was parti-coloured, and his ornaments numerous.
He was about five feet four inches in height, very fair complexioned, and his face, though
Tartar-like in character, had a pleasant expression. From the elbow to the knuckles,
both his arms were covered with rings of brass, and above the joint were two broad
armlets of snowy shells, which contrasted admirably with his yellow-brown skin.
“ But the marvel and glory of his array hung behind. To the end of his chawat was
attached a long network of agate beads and bugles, which jingled merrily whenever he
moved. Round his neck were strings of bright beads, and his knees were encircled by
brazen wire. A profusion of dried scalps fluttered from the parang by his side; and in
walking before us through the sunny glades of the jungle, his brazen gauntlet flashing in
the light, and his beads of agate tinkling behind, he presented the very ideal of a
barbaric dandy."
One chief, desirous of outdoing his fellows, had taken a gong and beaten it out into a
460
BORNEO
.
belt of solid metal a foot in width. In consequence of the extraordinary value which the
Dyaks set upon gongs, this belt was a mark of wealth which no one could venture to
challenge. Beside the chawat, the well-to-do man wears a sort of shawl-mantle, much
like a Scotch plaid, and capable of being disposed after as many different fashions. They
display great taste in the graceful folds which they give to it, and seem to take a pride in
the variety which they can produce by the different modes of folding this simple garment.
The women dress in a manner somewhat like that of the men ; but, in lieu of the
sarong, they mostly wear a rather longer petticoat, called a bedang. When obliged to go
out in the sun, they also wear a jacket, without sleeves and open in front; but as this
jacket hides the glossy brown skin on which they pride themselves, they generally lay it
aside when in the house.
In youth they are remarkable for their slender and graceful forms; but, unfortunately,
after a woman has passed the age of twenty, she begins to deteriorate, and at thirty is an
old woman. The face is pleasing in expression, despite of the artificial means whereby
the women do their best to make themselves hideous. The eyes are black, clear, and
expressive, and the lashes singularly long. The nose is rather disposed to turn upwards
than downwards, and the mouth is terribly disfigured with the continual chewing of betel
and the mode in which the teeth are filed and blackened.
The chief point in a Dyak woman's beauty is her hair, which is black, wonderfully
thick, and shining, and so long that when allowed to flow over the back it nearly touches
the ground. Of this ornament the women are inordinately vain, and, when engaged in
conversation, are fond of flinging their shining tresses from side to side by coquettish
tossings of the head. Unfortunately, the fever which is so prevalent in many parts of
Borneo has the effect of bringing off all the hair, so that many a young girl is thus
deprived of her chief ornament.
The women belonging to some of the tribes wear a most singular bodice, composed of
bark and bamboo, and kept together by successive rings of brass wire, which form a strong
and weighty bodice, to the lower part of which is attached the bedang, or petticoat.
Mr. Boyle seems to have taken a strong aversion to these bodices. When a Dyak
lover attempts to pass a tender arm round his sweetheart's waist, instead of the soft flesh,
he finds himself clasping a cuirass of solid metal. Nor is this all; for fashion ordains
that the Dyak heiress shall invest her available means in the purchase of long gauntlets
of twisted brass wire, reaching from the knuckles to the elbow; and if, in her turn, she
encircles her lover's neck with a responsive arm, the wretched man finds himself clasped
by a horrible fetter, which draws a little bit of his flesh between each of its links, and
pinches him fearfully. For these reasons, caresses are not common among Dyak lovers ;
after all, perhaps, they are only a habit.
“ But, apart from their inconvenience, these brazen ornaments are decidedly tasteful
and pretty. The ordinary colour of a Dyak girl, when she does not stain her body with
turmeric, is a dull brownish yellow, and the sparkling brass rings are a great relief to this
complexion. They are not removed at night, nor, in fact, during the wearer's lifetime,
unless she outgrow them."
More than once the possession of these strange ornaments has proved fatal to the
wearer, the woman having fallen overboard from a canoe, and drowned by the enormous
weight of her brass ornaments. In some parts of Borneo the girls are not content with
their brass bodices, bracelets, and anklets, but must needs encircle their throats with the
same material. They take a long piece of stout brass wire, and twist it spirally round
their necks, so that the lower part of the coil rests on the shoulders, and the upper part
comes just under the chin, causing the wearer to hold her head upright, and having
a most inelegant and awkward effect.
The Kayan women are exceedingly fond of a peculiar bead which is of several colours,
looking as if it were a black bead into which pieces of green, yellow, blue, and grey
material had been carefully let. A rich woman will sometimes wear several strings of
such beads just above the hips. The different strings are connected with each other so as
to form a single ornament. For one such hip-lace (as Mr. St. John calls it) a woman has
ORNAMENTS,
461
given property equal to thirty-five pounds of our money; and the same woman had several
others for which she had given scarcely less, together with a great number of inferior
value.
The Kayan women carry the tattoo to a great extent, and follow exactly the same plan
as the Samoan warriors, ¿.e. being completely tattooed from the waist to the knees. They
are very fond of this ornament, and are apt to wear their dress open at the side so as to
exhibitit. When the women bathe, they think that the tattoo is quite sufficient dress,
and at a little distance they really look as if they were wearing short trousers.
As has been already mentioned, the Sea Dyaks do not, as a rule, care for the tattoo,
and in this respect the women follow the example of the men. They are, however, equally
fond of ornament with their sisters of the land, and adorn themselves with most scrupulous
care on festive occasions. Mr. Boyle
gives an animated description of the
gala-dress worn by the Saibas Dyak
girls and women during a great feast
given by the chief.
“ Meanwhile the female portion
of the community had been preparing
for their part in the proceedings. At
this moment they came from the in-
terior of the house, and the stately
magnificence of their appearance
showed that time and labour had
not been spared in arraying them-
selves for this great occasion. From
the neck to the hips they were covered
over with large agate beads; string
of them was heaped on string, till
many of the women were cuirassed
an inch thick in solid stone before
and behind.
Upon their heads was placed a piece of bead-embroidered cloth, in which were
arranged thin skewers of painted wood about five inches long: there were about twenty
of these bits of wood disposed about their heads, and each was attached to the other by
strings of brilliant glass beads. Five or six of these many-coloured loops hung from each
skewer, and they were entwined into a graceful network. The effect was very pretty,
though barbarous, and the solemnity of the ceremonies was much enhanced by the stately
uprightness which the women were compelled to observe in moving, on peril of dis-
arrangement of this delicate structure."
They also wear conical hats, made of split rattan. These hats are very light, and
last for a wonderful time. The specimen which is represented in the illustration was
presented to me by a lady who had worn it for four years, and had certainly not treated
it with any consideration. Yet it is as strong and good as ever, and the colours are as
fresh and bright as when the hat was first made. The rattan has been split into very
narrow strips, and stained red, yellow, and black, while some of the strips have had the
natural colour discharged, so as to make them nearly white.
The hat is fixed on the head by a broad loop of plaited palm-leaf, which is fastened to
the side. Hats made on this principle are prevalent throughout the whole Archipelago,
and several examples will be seen in the course of the following pages.
Among the ornaments which are worn by the Dyaks are the little bells which have
already been mentioned as forming part of the appendages of an ear-ring. These orna-
ments, called “garunongs," and mostly worn by the women on the edges of the bedang
or petticoat, are almost exactly like our hawk-bells, being nothing more than little hollow
spheres of brass or bronze about the size of a boy's playing marble, with a small metal
ball in the interior by way of a clapper, and a moderately wide slit at the bottom. To
some of the bells the remarkable beads are attached. These bells keep up a musical
HAT.
462
BORNEO
chime or jingle as the wearer walks, and are therefore used in dances and on great occa-
sions. The specimens represented in the illustration were presented to me by C. T. C.
Grant, Esq., formerly attached to the Borneo Govern-
ment under the late Sir James Brooke.
The general treatment of the Dyak women is good.
They certainly have to work hard, but so have their
husbands, and, as we shall presently see, they are not
the abject slaves such as are too often found among
savage nations, but maintain their share of influence
in the family, and are perfectly capable of assisting them-
selves when the occasion requires it.
They are accustomed to work in the fields, and the
universal chopping-knife or parang is seldom out of
their hands. The constant use of this weapon hardens
their hands and often deforms the fingers.
When they come home from their work in the field,
they have the heaviest portion of their work before
them, their evening task being the husking and win-
nowing of the rice for supper and for the meals of
the following day. The rice is first pounded in large
troughs by means of long and heavy wooden poles,
which are held perpendicularly, lifted up, and then
allowed to fall on the grain, and as a rule, each trough
oooupies three women, who work for about half an hour.
This pounding separates the husk from the grain, and
the next process is to winnow the rice by means of a
shovel and a fan.
The evening meal is then cooked and eaten, the
children fed, the bronze dishes put away, and then the
women can sit quietly in the verandah, and eat their
betel in peace. Although this mode of life seems
rather hard, and the husbands appear to be acting
harshly towards their partners in letting them work in
this manner while they sit in their houses, chew betel,
and talk over the gossip of the day, there is really a
very fair reciprocity of labour. While the wives have
been working in the fields, the husbands have been
fishing, and in so doing have repeatedly exposed
their lives to danger, the rollers being at certain
seasons of the year exceedingly dangerous. At Mukah,
as at other places, the wives insist upon being furnished
(From my collection.)
with fish by their husbands, and, in case the men
should come home unsuccessful, the women fasten their
doors and bar them out. Indeed, so long as the marriage holds good, the relation of
husband and wife seems to be conducted in a manner similar to that which is so
graphically depicted by Scott in his “Antiquary."
In order to show the appearance of the women in their ordinary and gala costumes,
two figures are introduced into the following illustration.
One represents a Dyak girl before arraying herself in the mass of ornaments with
which she loves to decorate herself on festivals. She wears, as usual, the bedang, or
petticoat, which, if she be of ordinary condition, is made of cotton, but if she be rich, of
silk. It is twisted round the waist in the manner practised by the men, but, in addition,
is fastened to the brass belts which surround her waist. Her long glossy hair is flowing
to the full extent, before the owner gathers up its massive tresses preparatory to adorning
her head with the complicated decorations of full dress.
The other figure represents her as she appears in all the glory of full gala costume.
BELLS.

FULL DRESS.
463
As far as absolute dress goes, she wears no more than she did before, the only alteration
being that her bedang is the best which she has, and is sometimes beautifully embroidered.
SEZON
DYAK WOMEN.
On her arms are several thick rings of brass, and the singularly uncomfortable brass
gauntlet extends from the wrist to the elbow. Her neck and bust are nearly covered
with the heavy agate beads, and on her head is the complicated cap, with its curious
arrangement of wooden spikes and glass beads.
CHAPTER II.
WAR.
DYAK WEAPONS—THE SUMPITAN, OR BLOW-GUN-CONSTRUCTION OF THE WEAPON--THE INLAID OR
METAL BUTT-—THE SPEAR-HEAD, OR BAYONET-THE SUNPIT ARROW-THE UPAS POISON AND
ITS EFFECTS_DESCRIPTION OF THE TI E-THE QUIVER-THE PARANG, OR SWORD, AND ITS
VARIETIES—THE PARANG-LATOK, AND ITS CURIOUS HANDLI-POWER OF ITS BLOW-TWO
TWO
BLOWS OF AN EXECUTIONER-THE PARANG-IHLANG : ITS CURIOUSLY-FORMED BLADE-AN
AWKWARD WEAPON-POWER OF THE PARANG-IHLANG, AND ITS VALUE-THE SHEATH AND ITS
ADDITIONAL KNIFE--DOUBLE-EDGED PARANG, WITH CHARMSA SINGULAR CRNAMENT-THE
KRIS AND ITS VARIETIES-ITS WAVED AND LAMINATED BLADE-EFFECT OF THE LIME-JUICE-
THE EXECUTIONER'S KRIS.
WE now
come to the subject of Warfare, which forms perhaps the most important
branch of Dyak history. Whether the Dyaks belong to the Land or Sea division, they
are always warlike, though the latter are fiercer, perhaps braver, and certainly more enter-
prising than the former.
In order to understand the system by which they wage war, we must first examine
their weapons. I will take that which is the most characteristic; namely, the sumpitan,
or blow-gun.
We have here a weapon, the like of which we have not seen in any country which
we have hitherto investigated ; namely, an instrument by means of which missiles are
projected by means of compressed air. The principle on which the sumpitan acts is
precisely similar to that of fire-arms, though the propelling power is obtained in a
different and more simple manner. In fact, the sumpitan is nothing but the "pea-
shooter” of boys, very much enlarged, and carrying an arrow instead of a pea or
clay ball.
This curious weapon is about eight feet in length, and not quite an inch in diameter,
and is bored with the greatest accuracy, a task that occupies a very long time, the wood
being very hard, and the interior of the sumpitan smooth and even polished. It is not
always made of the same wood, the specimens in my own collection being of different
material, one of very dark and the other of very light wood. The surface is of equal
thickness from end to end, and, as it generally has to enact the part of a spear as well as
of a sumpitan, it is very strong and heavy.
One of these weapons, brought to England by the late Admiral Young, is of a beau-
tiful coloured wood, and is beautifully inlaid, both at the butt and the point, with metal.
The last few inches of the butt are entirely made of metal, the weight of which causes
the weapon to balance itself easily when held to the lips. The pattern of the inlaying
may be seen in the illustration on the next page.
The second sumpitan is of a very dark, almost black wood, which is brightly polished
on the exterior as well as in the interior, and is not inlaid. The butt, however, is encased
with brass for five inches, the brass being very thick and heavy at the end, and deeply
THE SUMPITAN.
465
I
4.
3.
2
lo
Section
7. fce! Long.
2.
be
tiliittiliittle
BUNA! }}
ridged, so as to look at a little dis-
tance as if it were a spiral brass
wire coiled round the butt of the
sumpitan.
At the tip of this weapon is a
spear-head, very thick, broad, and
strong, sharply edged and pointed,
and decorated with engraved patterns
after the manner employed by Dyak
smiths. It is firmly bound to the
sumpitan by brass wire or rattan,
and is an exact analogue of the
bayonet, the spear-head being fastened
to the side of the weapon, and not
interfering with the flight of the
missile. The bore of the weapon is
very small, not quite half an inch in
diameter, and is really wonderful
that the maker could contrive to
hollow it with the perfect precision
which is necessary for the accurate
flight of the arrow.
We next come to the missile
which is projected through the sum-
pitan. This is a very tiny arrow,
made of the thorn of the sago-palm,
about seven or eight inches long,
equally thick from base to point, and
not thicker than a large steel knitting-
needle. In order to make it fit the
bore so that it can be propelled by
the breath, it is furnished at the butt
with a conical piece of pith or soft
wood, so that it exactly fits the bore.
In some of the arrows, the cone is
hollow, and a few of them are fur-
nished with wing-like appendages
along the shaft. As a rule, however,
the solid cone is in most general use.
These arrows are so small that
the wound which they inflict is in
itself insignificant, and would not be
sufficient to kill any animal larger
than a rat. They are, however, con-
verted into weapons of the most for-
midable character by being smeared
at the tip with poison obtained from
the upas-tree.
The reader is probably aware of
the
many tales that are told of this
tree-how that it poisons the country
for a mile round, and how that the
deadly juice can only be obtained by
means of condemned criminals, who
earn their pardon in case they can
bring off a bottle of the juice. Even
VOL. II.
DUATE
Brass
Mouth-iece
3
€
11
SUMPITANS.
Η Η
466
BORNEO.
in more recent days the upas-tree has not lost all its legends, and many persons still
believe that actual contact with the tree or its leaves produces a sensation of faintness.
This, however, is not the case; neither is the actual juice of the tree so deadly as is
supposed.
A wound made by an arrow poisoned with upas-juice is sure to be fatal, provided that
the poison be quite fresh ; but it loses its power very rapidly, and after it has been
exposed to the air for two hours it is useless, and must be renewed. When fresh, it is
fatal in a very short time, as was found by Mr. Johnson, who led an attack on the
Kanowit Dyaks in 1859. He lost thirty men in the attack, every one of them being
killed by the tiny sumpit arrow, and not one having a mark on him, except the little
wound made by the arrow's point.
Should the poison have been exposed to the air, the wounded man has a chance of
recovery; and it has been found that a large dose of spirits, sucking the wound, and
keeping the sufferer continually in motion will generally overcome the virulence of the
poison. Indeed, the sumpit arrow seems to have much the same effect
as the bite of the cobra, and the treatment which is efficacious for the
snake-bite answers equally well for the arrow-wound.
The juice of the upas-tree is procured simply by boring a hole
in the trunk, from which the juice issues in a white, cream-like state.
It is received in little flasks made of bamboo, which are closed in the
most careful manner, in order to exclude the air. One of these flasks
in my possession is five inches in length, and about half an inch
in diameter. One end is naturally closed by a knot, and the other
is sealed with the most scrupulous care. First, a plug of soft wood
has been inserted into the end, after the manner of a cork. Over the
plug a lump of beeswax has been firmly kneaded, and over the wax a
piece of membrane has been tied when wet. Although the upas-juice
is white when it first issues from the tree, it speedily becomes black
when exposed to the air.
The upas-tree is called scientifically Antiaris toxicaria, and it
belongs to the natural order A stocar pece, the best known species of which
order is the well-known bread-fruit tree. All the plants of this order
produce a white milky juice, which is always acrid and deleterious,
and in many instances is exceedingly poisonous. Yet those parts of the
plant, such as the fruit, in which the milk is replaced by sugar in
the process of ripening, are not only harmless, but even nutritious.
(From my collection.) The tree grows to a considerable size, and the bark of the trunk has
a reddish hue.
The reader will at once understand how formidable is this weapon. It is greatly to be
dreaded even when the Dyak warriors are met in open battle, and in naval engagements
the showers of poisoned arrows that are continually shot through the port-holes render
the gunners' task a most unpleasant one. But the sumpitan is much more to be dreaded
by land than by sea; and when it is employed in bush warfare, the boldest soldier shrinks
from the encounter. The Dyak who wields it lies hidden in the thick foliage, secure that,
even in case of discovery, he can glide through the tangled thickets into a place of security.
The sumpitan makes no report, and gives out no smoke as an indication of its position,
but the deadly arrow flies silently on its errand, and the only intimation of the presence of
an adversary is the slight tap with which the arrow strikes its mark.
The only disadvantage of the sumpitan is that its range is a short one, the light arrow
being seldom used at a distance exceeding forty yards, though a man who is accustomed
to its use can propel an arrow for seventy or eighty yards. At this distance, however, it
is not to be dreaded, as its force is so expended that it can scarcely break the human
skin. Some of these arrows have their heads made of the barbed bone of the sting-ray,
which snaps off at a touch, and remains in the wound if the man tries to draw out the
weapon. Others have separate heads made of wood, which become detached as soon as
the shaft is pulled. The native name of the head is jowing.
FLASK OF POISON.
THE PARANG-LATOK.
467
Lid----
The Dyak generally carries thirty or forty of these arrows in a peculiar-shaped quiver,
an example of which is seen in the illustration. It is made of the ever-useful bamboo,
and is furnished with an appendage by which it can be stuck into the belt and carried at
the side. This appendage is made of hard wood, and is lashed to the quiver by a broad
belt of rattan, most beautifully plaited. The quiver is closed by a conical wooden cover,
which is always secured by a string so that it shall
not be lost. The accompanying figure is drawn from
one of the ordinary Dyak quivers; but some of them
are highly polished, covered with carvings, and are
almost to be ranked with works of art. Many of the
quivers have an inner case or lining of dried skin or
membrane, so as to exclude the air, and preserve the
poison of the arrow as long as possible.
When the Dyak uses the sumpitan, he holds the
mouthpiece to his lips between the two first fingers
of his left hand, while with his right he supports and
aims the heavy weapon, which requires a strong as
well as a practised man to direct it steadily.
THE weapon which comes next in importance to
the sumpitan is the parang or sword, of which there
are several varieties.
The Dyaks pride themselves greatly on their
swords, and the excellence of their workmanship is
so great that they have good reason for pride. Their
forges are of excellent quality, and some of the tribes
are able not only to forge their own weapons but to
smelt their own iron.
The commonest of all the Dyak weapons is the
sword called parang-latok, which is carried by every
man and nearly every woman.
It is used not only
Arrow Quiver
as a sword, but as an axe, and is indifferently employed
for cutting through the jungle or cutting down the
QUIVER AND ARROWS.
enemy. The shape of this sword is very peculiar, as
(From my collection.)
may be seen from the illustration on the following
page, which represents a specimen in my collection.
The blade is formed after a very curious pattern. Towards the hilt it is squared, and
is in fact nothing but a square bar of steel nearly half an inch in thickness, and three
quarters of an inch in width. From the hilt to the point the blade becomes gradually
wider and thinner, so that the broad point, two inches in width, contains just the same
amount of metal as the half-inch square hilt
. It is evident that the sword is first forged
into a square bar of equable size, and is then beaten out flatter and flatter towards
the point.
As the reader may see by reference to the illustration, the blade of the sword is bent
at a considerable angle towards the hilt. This curious shape, awkward as it is to an
unaccustomed hand, forms the principal value of the sword. When the parang-latok is
used for cutting down branches or chopping a path through the jungle, it is grasped at
the squared portion of the blade, and is used just as we use the common bill-hook in this
country. But when the object which is to be chopped lies on the ground, the parang is
held by the handle, so that the angular shape allows the blade to be used with full force.
It is the habit of holding the parang by the squared portion of the blade, that
disfigures and even deforms the fingers of the women, as has already been mentioned on
page 462.
The ordinary parangs have no attempt at ornament upon them, but those of better
construction are covered with patterns engraved upon the blade, of which we shall see
some examples.
HH 2
468
BORNEO.
1.
3
2.
In war, this sword is a most formidable weapon.
It is so heavy, weighing on an average two pounds,
that a blow from it is sufficient to crush the skull or
break the limb of a man, and, even if it had no edge,
it would equal in efficacy the merai of the New
Zealander. But the parang-latok has a very sharp
edge, which is kept in the best order, and, when a
blow is delivered with it, the very form of the weapon
causes it to make the terrible“ drawing-cut," the blade
being drawn through the wound nearly from hilt to
point. In consequence of this peculiarity, the wounds
made by the parang-latok are very severe, and the
natives pride themselves greatly on the depth of the
wound which they can inflict.
One of the modes by which they try their skill is
killing a pig with a single blow of a parang-latok, a
good swordsman being able to sever the animal com-
pletely, and to drive the point of his weapon into the
earth. If the reader has been accustomed to use the
sword, he will see that to strike downwards at an
object so near the ground is by no means an easy task.
When an English swordsman performs the feat of
severing a sheep at a single blow, he has several
advantages which are denied to the Dyak. In the
first place, the sheep is already dead, so that he can
take his aim in quiet, whereas the pig is alive, so that
the Dyak must aim his blow as he can. Then the
sheep has been skinned and cleaned, so that the sword
has not so much resistance to overcome. Lastly, the
sheep is suspended, so that the swordsman can use the
most effective blow, narnely, “Cut 6," i.e. a sweeping,
horizontal cut from left to right, which can be delivered
with the full swing of the arm.
Were it not for the peculiar form of the parang-
latok the feat of severing a pig could not be accom-
plished, but the angular shape of the blade and its
gradually increasing width combine the power of the
drawing-cut with the chopping force gained by the
weight of the weapon.
The sheath of this parang is neatly made of two
flat pieces of wood, neatly hollowed inside to receive
the blade, and bound together in the most elaborate
manner by a series of belts, twelve or fourteen in
number. These belts are made of very narrow strips
of dark rattan, and are twined into an endless four-
plait. In my own specimen, there are thirteen of these
belts. Attached to the upper end of the sheath is the
cord by which the weapon is hung to the side. This
cord is doubled, is made of scarlet and yellow cotton
plaited square, and is ornamented at the ends with two
large tassels, the strings of which are yellow tipped
with scarlet tufts.
The parang-latok is more a Malayan than a Dyak
weapon, but it is in favour with the Dyaks, and, as has
been mentioned, has come into general use.
The Malays use it in execution, and are able to
Section of Hades
PARANG-LATOK.
(From my collect ion.)
THE PARANG-IHLANG.
469
&
MARTIN
6
o
decapitate a man at a single blow, the executioner
standing at his side and a little behind him. On
one occasion, an executioner, who was distinguished
for the skill with which he wielded a very heavy
parang which he possessed, stood between two crimi-
nals as they knelt on the ground, and with a right
and left hand blow struck off both their heads. The
same man, who was one of the police, being annoyed
by the howling of some dogs in the street, rushed out
with his parang, and with one blow cut in two the
first animal which he met.
We now come to another weapon, the parang-
ihlang, which is one of the most extraordinary
swords in the world, and more troublesome and even
dangerous to strangers than can well be conceived.
This is a smaller, shorter, and lighter weapon than
the parang-latok. From point to hilt it measures
nineteen inches, and in extreme breadth of blade
is rather under an inch and a half. It weighs rather
less than one pound six ounces, and altogether ap-
pears to be quite insignificant when compared with
the parang-latok. We shall see, however, that in the
hands of an experienced swordsman it is even superior
to that weapon on account of a strange peculiarity in
construction. The general shape of the blade can be
seen by reference to the illustration. It is very thick
and heavy towards the hilt, where it is nearly squared,
like the parang-latok, but becomes gradually thinner
towards the point, which is finished off in a series
of scooped patterns that look at a little distance as if
the sword had been broken. The back is quite
straight, and along it and on either side of the blade
is a series of small patterns engraved with much
neatness and freedom of execution.
But the most remarkable thing about the blade is,
that instead of being nearly flat as are European
sword-blades, it is convex on one side and concave on
the other, as is shown at the section, Fig. 5. Owing
to this form, it can only be used for two cuts, one
downward and one upward; and if used in the wrong
direction, it flies off at an angle, and is nearly certain
to inflict a wound on the man who wields it. These
swords are made either for the right or left hand,
so that a man who is not acquainted with the pecu-
liarities of any parang is afraid to use it without a
careful trial, lest he should make the wrong cut with
it, and so wound himself.
Small and insignificant as this weapon looks,
it is capable of inflicting the most dreadful wounds,
the peculiar concavity of the blade aiding it in a
most remarkable manner. Like the parang-latok,
it is used as a chopper as well as a sword, and in
experienced hands is a most effective tool. One
man, described by Mr. Brooke, was a celebrated swords-
man, and has been known to sever at a single blow
a log of tolerably hard wood as thick as a man's leg.
3.
5.
Section
1
U
PARANG-IHLANG.
(Fron my collection.)
470
BORNEO.
Even English officers have been so much impressed with the value of this weapon,
that they have only carried the regulation sword for show, preferring the parang-ihlang for
use. The Sea Dyaks, who have been already mentioned as essentially warriors, prefer
this sword to any other weapon, though the real inventors and principal makers of it are
the Kayans, who belong to the Malanau division of the Land Dyaks. As a rule, the
ordinary Land Dyaks use the parang-ihlang but little, and when they do use it are apt to
hurt themselves. Mr. Boyle mentions an instance where the eldest son of a chief had
cut himself seriously on both shins through his incautious use of this weapon.
The finest parangs," writes Mr. Boyle, “or those esteemed so, are found in the graves
of Kayan warriors, which are consequently rifled by Dyaks and Malays on every possible
occasion. I have one, purchased at Kennowit, which I was told had been obtained from
a sepulchre three hundred years old—a rather improbable assertion, though I believe the
weapon was really found in a Kayan grave, for it was strangely stained and rusted when
I bought it."
The Dyaks are very proud of the quality of their blades, and hold even the best
European steel in utter contempt. It is said that their swords are made of old files,
which are imported in large quantities; but, whatever may be the material, the temper
of their blades is marvellously excellent. These parangs not only take a razor-like edge,
but are exceedingly tough, and when used for bush-work beat the very best English
implements. Mr. Boyle remarks, that whereas his own hunting-knives, which professed
to be the finest steel possible, broke and gapped, the Dyak parangs were not in the
least injured.
Such a blade as has been described is exceedingly valuable, even in its own country,
and one of the best quality cannot be purchased under ten pounds sterling.
It may be easily imagined that when a Dyak is fortunate enough to possess one of
these valuable blades he will not be content with an ordinary handle and sheath, but will
lavish upon his weapon all the powers of his native art. The handle, instead of being of
simple wood, is of bone, carved deeply and boldly into patterns, and is always bent at
right angles to the line of the blade. It is further ornamented by sundry tufts of human
hair, dyed of various colours, of which deep red, yellow, and green are the favourites. The
hilt is generally bound with brass wire, and, for a small-handed race like the Dyaks,
affords an excellent hold. A European generally finds that the narrow handle is very
awkward and cramped, and is not sufficient for his grasp
The scabbard of this weapon is covered with ornaments. Instead of being a plain and
simple sheath, like that of the parang-latok, it is made of a hard wood, of a dark, rich,
mahogany colour, which takes a very high polish. This is carved in elaborate and really
artistic patterns, the carving being confined to the front of the scabbard.
In the middle, just under the carved part, is a piece of fur, and below the fur is a tuft
of human hair dyed red. In most cases of swords made by uncivilized races, there is
some danger to the hand in drawing them, the edge of the sword being apt to project
between the two flat pieces of which the sheath is made. In order, however, to guard
against such an accident, the maker of the parang-ihlang places a piece of rattan against
each edge of the scabbard, so that the blade cannot by any possibility cut the fingers, even
if the hand should grasp the sheath.
The various parts of this sheath are bound together by six belts of plaited rattan and
three belts of brass wire, plaited most beautifully, in that form which is known to sailors
as the Turk's head.
The belt by which the sword is attached to the wearer is made of rattan, cut into very
narrow strips and plaited into thongs, three of which thongs are again plaited together to
form the belt.
On the opposite side of the scabbard is a second sheath, of the same length as that to
which it is fastened, but small and cylindrical. This sheath is made of red and yellow
cloth, is lined with bark, and is intended for the reception of a knife which is peculiar to the
Dyaks. One of these knives may be seen in the next illustration. The handle of this
knife is made of the same hard wood as that of which the sheath is formed. It is nearly
cylindrical, about half an inch in diameter, and fourteen inches in length, the blade
A VALUABLE WEAPON.
471
le
32
.
ELA
being short, pointed, and barely two inches in length. This curious knife is used by the
Dyaks for splitting rattan, and similar purposes, the long handle being held under the
left arm, while the rattan is drawn with both
hands across the edge of the blade.
The natives are singularly averse to
parting with this knife. They will sell the
sword, if a sufficient price be offered,
but will always endeavour surreptitiously to
withdraw the knife, so that, out of many
parangs which have been brought to Europe,
comparatively few have the knife attached
to them. In one specimen in my collection,
the weapon appears to be quite perfect, but,
on withdrawing the knife from its sheath,
it is seen that the Dyak has cleverly sub-
stituted a bladeless handle for the real knife.
Both the weapons which have been de-
scribed were presented to me by C. T. C.
Grant, Esq.
There is also in my collection a third
kind of parang, which at first sight looks
almost exactly like the old Roman sword.
It is thick, massive, weighty, and at first
sight looks more like an ancient than a
modern weapon. On a closer examination,
however, the peculiar Dyak workmanship is
evident. Though it is not like the pre-
ceding weapon, convex on one side, and con-
cave on the other, the two sides are entirely
distinct. The blade is double-edged, very
thick in the middle, and sloped off rather
abruptly to the edge on either side.
The handle is only made of wood, but
is profusely decorated with human hair of
different colours and considerable length, and
it is bound with a broad belt of plaited
rattan. The sheath for the knife is entirely
made of bark, and the knife itself is shown
at Fig. 3. Like the scabbard of the parang-
ihlang already described, that of this weapon
is richly carved, and adorned with fur and
long tufts of human hair.
The belt by which it is suspended is
made of rattan split very fine, and plaited
so as to form a strap nearly an inch in width,
and the sixth of an inch in thickness. It
is rounded at the edges, and at the upper
part it is ingeniously separated into two
PARANG, WITH CHARMS.
portions, so as to form a loop.
(From my collection.)
The chief peculiarity of this weapon lies
in the number of charms which are attached
to it. First come two teeth, and then there is a beautifully plaited little case, something
like the cocoon of an insect, containing several little pieces of wood. Next comes a
small bag of netted string, about an inch and a half in length, in which is a stone, and
then come three little flattish baskets, with covers, which are empty. Fastened to the
belt by several thongs is a curiously-shaped piece of wood which I believe to be used for
472
BORNEO.
sharpening the edges of the sword, and to the end of the sheath is hung by a string of
beads a feather, the quill of which has been carefully wrapped with red and black string.
This weapon is in all ways a most formidable one, and to European travellers is by far
the best for practical purposes. The handle is rather larger than is the case with either
of the preceding weapons; the blade has not that curvature which renders it so perilous
a weapon in unpractised hands; it is double-edged, and either edge can be used with
equal facility; and lastly, it possesses a point, which is not the case with the other forms
of the sword.
One Dyak chief had an ornament attached to his sword of which he was exceedingly
proud. It was an enormous tuft of hair, being nothing more nor less than the pigtails
HELENETE
MALAT1WUINI
:التال11
Drawn
!
Sheath."
THE KRIS. (From my collection.)
of ten Chinese whom he had killed, and whose hair he had fastened to the scabbard of
his sword. This ornament must have been singularly inconvenient to him. There is in
my collection an average specimen of a Chinese pigtail
. It weighs nine ounces, so that
the weight of the ten must rather exceed five pounds and a half, while the length is five
feet, so that ten tufts of hair, each five feet in length, must have given the wearer an
infinity of trouble as he walked.
The reader will already have noticed how the various forms of sword are used alike
by the Malays and the Dyak tribes. There is another weapon, which, though strictly a
Malay invention, is used by the Dyaks, and indeed, with some variations, throughout
the whole of the Malay Archipelago. It is called the kris, sometimes, but wrongly, spelt
creese, and is so common that any ordinary collection of weapons is sure to contain
several specimens of the kris. It is remarkable for three points. In the first place, the
handle is not set in a line with the blade, as in ordinary daggers, but is bent at a right
angle ; next, the blade is almost always waved in form, like the flaming sword with which
the old painters armed the angels who kept the gates of Paradise; and thirdly, the blade
is never smooth, but dull, rough, and indented with curved grooves, much resembling
in form the marks on a “browned" gun-barrel.
There are few weapons which vary more in value, or in which the price set upon
THE KRIS.
473
them is so apparently excessive. A first-rate blade, even without the handle and sheath,
will cost from eighteen to twenty pounds, and an ordinary one can scarcely be purchased
under two pounds. They have by no means the appearance of being valuable weapons,
the steel of the blade being not only rough and corroded, but looking as if it were com-
posed of successive laminæ which are on the point of being separated. This effect is
produced by steeping the blade in lime-juice, thus causing a partial corrosion of the metal,
which is made of small pieces of steel twisted and welded together in such a manner as
to produce exceeding toughness.
One of these weapons in my collection is worn away almost to a mere ribbon of steel
by the action of the acid, and, strange as it may seem, weapons of this kind, which look
much as if they were mere pieces of rusty iron-hooping, are the most valued by con-
noisseurs. The length of grain in this weapon is wonderful, the corrosion of the lime-
juice showing it in the most perfect manner. The long grooves can be traced from one
end of the blade to the other, following the waved form of the narrower portion, and
curling round in the wider part near the hilt, as if the whole of the blade had been
forged out of steel wires laid parallel to each other and then welded together.
The lime-juice takes off from the edge that razor-like smoothness which is so much
admired in European blades, and gives it a ragged, saw-like appearance that is peculiar
to the instrument. This edge, however, is a terrible one for penetration into human flesh,
and answers the purpose even better than a plain and sharp edge could do.
The form of the kris is sufficient to tell the reader the mode of handling it, the weapon
being thrust forward just as a man points with his extended forefinger, and not grasped
according to the conventional ideas of painters. Spaniards, who are proverbially expert
in the use of their long knives, hold and use them in nearly the same manner, laying the
extended forefinger along the blade as a guide, and thrusting forwards instead of striking
downwards. The average length of a kris blade is about a foot, but some are nearly
as long as ordinary swords, while others are only six or seven inches in length.
Very great pride is taken in an old family kris, the owner regarding it with a venera-
tion that is almost superstitious. Generally, the handle is quite plain, but the more
wealthy have it made of gold, and encrusted with precious stones. This weapon is seldom
used in war. It is carried more as the symbol of a gentleman than as a weapon to be used
in actual fight, and plays the part that the sword used to play in the last century.
The kris is much used in executions, the weapon being one made expressly for the
purpose, quite straight, thin, and narrow. In all cases it is used in the same manner,
though there are some variations in detail. Generally, the man who is to suffer walks
quietly and unbound to a chair, in which he seats himself, mostly solacing his last
moments by chewing the betel-nut. His arms are then extended, and held by two men,
while the executioner, standing behind him, places the point of the kris just above the left
collar-bone, and strikes it downwards into the heart, so that death is instantaneous.
In some places the execution kris is very narrow, thin, and sharp on both edges, like
a lancet. The executioner takes a small tuft of cotton-wool, and twists it lightly round
the blade of the kris, just above the point. He then holds the cotton-wool between the
finger and thumb of his left hand, so as to keep the kris upright. After placing the point
of the weapon on the right spot above the left collar-bone, he drives it downwards into the
heart with his right hand, and the man is dead. Still holding the cotton-wool between the
finger and thumb, he draws out the kris, and, as the point is withdrawn, presses the cotton-
wool into the small wound which it has made, so that the weapon is quite clean and bright,
and not a drop of blood is allowed to be seen. There is no doubt that this mode of
execution is as certain, swift, and merciful as any that can be devised. It is equal in
these respects to the guillotine, and has the great advantage of being absolutely bloodless,
and requiring no scaffold or visible apparatus. A traveller might pass within two yards
of the fatal spot, and not know that anything out of the ordinary way was being done.
Some of these weapons have been used for many successive generations, and are
highly prized, some being valued at sums which to Europeans seem almost fabulous.
One of these execution krises was shown at the Great Exhibition in London, but was
lost, together with many other weapons of great value.
474
BORNEO.
SESSLIFEFEE
UKIWANI
THRONESIENIE
AWAIIWANZYNNYAYVAVIY
The spear is a weapon much favoured by many Dyak tribes, but little employed by
others, the spear-head at the end of the sumpitan answering every practical purpose. In
fact it is used, like the club of the Fiji Islander, as a summons to battle, and serves the
same purpose as the fiery cross of the Scotch Highlands. This symbol is instantaneously
obeyed, and, as it runs through a country with almost magical speed, a chief can raise a
large force within a very short time. On one occasion, during the rajahship of Sir James
Brooke, an incipient rebellion was ingeniously stopped by finding the “calling-out spear
as it lay hidden in a canoe, and taking possession of it. The people strenuously denied
that such an article ever existed; but when it was taken from its hiding-place, the
projected rising instantly collapsed.
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HATS : MALAY ARCHIPELAGO.
CHAPTER III.
WAR.-(Continued.)
THE BORNEAN SHIELD, ITS USUAL SHAPE AND DECORATIONS-MODE OF USING IT—A CURIOUS
SHIELD IN MY COLLECTION-HEAD-HUNTING AND ITS ACCOMPANYING HORRORS-OBJECTS OF
SIR JAMES BROOKE'S MISSION-HIS MODE OF SUPPRESSING THE PRACTICE OPENING MOURNING
-THE FISH-SPEARING AND THE FEAST-VALUE OF HEADS-TREACHERY AND CUNNING-THE
BAFFLED HEAD-HUNTERS-DYEING AND PRESERVING THE HEADS THE HEAD-HOUSES-COURAGE
IN WAR-STORMING A NATIVE FORTA NAVAL BATTLE-TRAPS AND PITFALLS--MAKING PEACE,
By way of defensive weapons, the Dyaks use the shield, which is made of wood, and is
generally of an oblong form.
Like the parang, it is decorated with various ornaments, the chief of which are hair,
beads, and feathers. The hair is made into flat tufts, and fastened at regular intervals all
over the shield, as is seen in the illustration on the following page, which represents a
fine specimen in the magnificent collection of the late Mr. Christy. In the centre of this
shield there is a rude and evidently conventional representation of the human face, the
eye being circular, of very great size, and painted white in the centre. At the top and
bottom of the shield are similar figures, but of smaller size. Some shields, which are now
very seldom seen, have the entire human form painted on them, the legs issuing from the
chest, and the neck being entirely dispensed with. The tufts of hair on this shield
are black.
The mode of using the shield and sword is shown in their sword-dances, and Mr.
Brooke, who had great experience in the Dyak weapons, gives the following opinion of
their value :-“Sword-dances with shields were going on. Each tribe has a peculiar step
and code of its own; but as an attack and defence in earnest they all seemed to be
equally ridiculous.
However, in the event of an opponent using a shield, I feel convinced that a
European could not stand against them, as they are able to crouch their bodies entirely
behind it, and can spring immediately from such an attitude behind it without losing
their balance. But without a shield a man with a rapier would be more than a match for
any of them, unless, as is possible, a heavy Dyak weapon were to cut a light sword in
two. This, however, no dexterous fencer would be likely to allow, and, after the first
blow from a heavy weapon had fallen, the opponent would be at the mercy of a light
swordsman.
With due respect to the opinion of so competent an authority, I cannot but think
that, even when furnished with his shield, the Dyak ought not to overcome a good fencer.
The very fact that he is obliged to hold his shield before him, and consequently to stand
either with his left side or at least his breast fronting his adversary, shows that he can
have but a very short reach with his weapon, while his opponent, armed with a small
sword, and using only the point, can remain entirely out of reach of the parang's edge,
92
476
BORNEO.
while he himself is within easy distance of the Dyak, and ready to bring in the fatal
point of his weapon at the slightest opening made by his opponent.
The reader may remember that the parang described on page 471 has attached to it,
among other ornaments, a single feather. This feather has been taken from the rhinoceros
hornbill, a bird which the Dyaks hold in much respect, and which they will not eat,
however hungry they may be. The quill feathers of the wing and tail are black, with a
band of white, and by both Malays and Dyaks they are thought to possess certain virtues,
32
Frunt.
Centre
Ornamenti,
Section,
Back
SHIELDS.
(From the Christy collection.)
(From my collection.)
and are used as talismans. The bird is considered to be an emblem of war, and for this
reason the sword-sheaths, shields, and cloaks worn in war-time are decorated with its
feathers; and the huge horny beak of the bird is scraped thin, polished, and made into
ear-rings.
I insert here a figure of a shield in my collection, which I believe to be of Bornean
make, the materials and mode of employing them being evidently Bornean.
In shape it exactly resembles the small shields used by horsemen in the early age of
English history, and, small as it is, it forms a very efficient defence. It is twenty inches
in length, and thirteen inches in width, and it is wielded by means of a separate handle,
HEAD-HUNTING.
477
upon it.
firinly lashed to the body of the shield by strips of rattan. The characteristic feature of
the shield is the manner in which it is built up of a number of pieces, the whole, though
merely bound together by rattan, being as firm as if it were cut out of one piece of wood.
If the reader will look at the lower figure, which shows the back of the shield, he
will see that it is made of four flat pieces of wood, which are laid side by side. These
pieces are of a lightish-coloured wood, and are but slightly smoothed. The handle is
cut from a separate piece of wood, which runs the whole length of the shield. As is usual
with Bornean weapons, the handle is much too small for the grasp of a European.
Turning to the other figure, he will see that the front of the shield is made of a single
flat piece of wood, to which the others are lashed, or rather sewn, by means of rattan
passing through holes. In order to hold all these cross-pieces more firmly together, a
deep groove has been cut in a thick rattan, which has been bound round the shield so as
to receive the edges of the wood in the groove, and has been sewn to them by rattan at
regular intervals.
The ield is further strengthened by an upright piece of wood, which runs along the
front, and to which the handle at the back is lashed by rattan, so that the handle and
the corresponding piece in front actually strengthen the shield instead of being a strain
The materials have been chosen with the eye for colour which the Dyak
usually possesses. The thin flat wooden plate which forms the front of the shield is
nearly black, the central piece is yellowish white, and the rattans with which it is edged
and sewn are of a bright yellow. The weight of the shield is exactly a pound and a half.
A section of the shield is also given, so as to show the form of the handle, and the
slight curvature of the whole implement.
The perpetual feuds that rage among the Dyak tribes are mostly caused by the
practice of “ head-hunting,” which is exactly analogous to the scalp-hunting propensities
of the North American tribes. Mr. Boyle has sketched the outlines of this horrid custom
in a few nervous words, which will afterwards be examined in detail. “The great tribes
of Sakarrang and Saribas have never been more than nominally subject to the Malays of
Kuching or Bruni, and Sir James Brooke is the first master whom they have really
obeyed. Every year a cloud of murderous pirates issued from their rivers and swept the
adjacent coasts. No man was safe by reason of his poverty or insignificance, for human
heads were the booty sought by these rovers, and not wealth alone. Villages were
attacked in the dead of the night, and every adult cut off; the women and grown girls
were frequently slaughtered with the men, and children alone were preserved to be the
slaves of the conquerors.
“Never was warfare so terrible as this. Head-hunting, a fashion of comparatively
modern growth, became a mania, which spread like a horrible disease over the whole
land. No longer were the trophies regarded as proofs of individual valour; they be-
came the indiscriminate property of the clan, and were valued for their number alone.
Murder lurked in the jungle and on the river; the aged of the people were no longer safe
among their own kindred,
and corpses were secretly disinterred to increase the grisly store.
Superstition soon added its ready impulse to the general movement. The aged
warrior could not rest in his grave till his relations had taken a head in his name; the
maiden disdained the weak-hearted suitor whose hand was not yet stained with some
cowardly murder.
Bitterly did the Malay Pangerans of Kuching regret the folly which had dissemi-
nated this frenzy.
They themselves had fostered the bloodthirsty superstition in
furtherance of their political ends, but it had grown beyond their control, and the country
was one red field of battle and murder. Pretexts for war were neither sought nor
expected; the possession of a human head, no matter how obtained, was the sole
happiness coveted throughout the land.”
It was in order to stop this terrible custom that Sir James Brooke undertook his rule.
The Sultan of Bruni, in despair at the state of things, and utterly unable to check
the increasing rage for head-hunting, ceded the territory to him, hoping that the English-
man, with his small forces, would succeed where he himself with all his soldiers had
failed. Although these tribes were nominally his subjects, they never thought of
60
478
BORNEO.
obeying him, and the only sign of their subjection was a small tribute very irregularly
paid. The sultan was right in his conjecture, and we know how the Englishman, with
his steady, unflinching rule, succeeded in abolishing head-hunting as an acknowledged
practice, and, by his system of inflicting heavy fines on any one who took a head,
gradually and steadily put an end to the practice. For several years the Dyaks could not
understand the prohibition, and the English rajah and his officers were continually pestered
with requests from Dyaks to be allowed to go and take heads. An old man, for example,
had lost his wife, and begged piteously to be allowed to take just one head, so that
she might rest quietly in her grave. Then a young man would come, who had been
rejected by a Dyak damsel, lay his case before the authorities, and beseech them to
permit him to take a head, and so to win the hand of the disdainful lady. One man,
after meeting with the usual refusal, proposed a compromise, and asked whether he
might not go and take the head of a Pakarran, because Pakarrans really could not
be considered as men. In fact, as Mr. Brooke well remarks, the Dyaks behaved just
like children crying after sugar-plums. No plan could have been devised which was
more effective than that which was carried out by the English rajah. Whenever a party
of Dyaks started surreptitiously off on a head-hunting expedition, a force was always
dispatched after them, in order to cut them off and bring them to justice, when they were
fined heavily. If they succeeded in procuring heads, their trophies were taken away
from them, and they were fined still more heavily. Those who refused to submit to the
punishment were declared to be enemies to the government, and their houses were burnt
down. Dyaks of more peaceful tribes were always employed in such expeditions, as,
owing to the feuds which bad existed for so long, they had been exasperated by the
numerous murders which had been perpetrated by the more warlike tribes. The English
rule, unlike that of the Malay sultan, was irrespective of persons, and the highest chiefs
were punished as swiftly and surely as the lowest of the people. On one occasion,
a quarrel arose between two parties of Dyaks, one of which, commanded by a chief nanied
Jannah, was entirely in the wrong, having first trespassed on the property of the other
party, and then got up a quarrel because they had hurt themselves against the spiked
bamboos, which were planted by way of fences. In the fight that ensued Jannah himself
shot the other chief ; but be gained little by his act. As soon as the facts were known,
Mr. Brooke sent a large force against him, and he was fined nearly two hundred pounds.
He and his party took to the bush, but they were soon starved out, and had to submit.
The other chiefs were delighted at the result, and were accustomed ever afterwards
to check those who wished to go head-hunting by telling them to remember Jannah
and his two hundred pounds. It is rather curious that this high-handed proceeding
inspired Jannah with the greatest respect and affection for Mr. Brooke, for whom he
afterwards entertained a sincere friendship. He asserted that the three years subse-
quent to this episode in his life had been marked by very much better harvests than
he had before obtained from his land, and attributed his prosperity to his friendship
for the white man.
One ingenious portion of the system was, that a large share of the fines was
distributed among chiefs who had abstained from head-hunting This plan had a
double effect; it proved to the Dyaks that they were not fined for the benefit of the
English, and it induced them to be always on the look-out for those who were going
to hunt after heads.
It has been mentioned that the heads are wanted to "open the mourning” after
the death of any person. This phrase requires some little explanation. When a chief
loses a relative, he closes some stream during the time of mourning. This is done
by driving spears into the bank, on either side, and fastening bamboos to them across the
stream. No one is allowed to pass this obstruction until the mourning is over, an event
which cannot take place, according to Dyak custom, until a head had been obtained.
When he has brought home the required trophy, he leaves it at the head-house to be
prepared, while he makes ready for the feast with which a new head is received.
He takes some plants, the juice of which has a stupifying quality, pounds them, and
FISH-SPEARING.
479
l.
2.
throws them into the river. The fish
come floating to the surface, and are
then captured by means of barbed
spears, which are flung at them from the
bank. The spears are very light, their
shafts being made of bamboo, so that
they always float, and enable the thrower
to recover both the spear and the fish
which it has struck. The spears and
poles which closed the stream are re-
moved in order to allow the fishermen
to use their weapons, and thus, by the
arrival of the coveted head, the stream
is again thrown open.
One of these fish-spears is shown in
the accompanying illustration.
It is five feet in length, and the
shaft, which is three-quarters of an inch
in diameter, is made of hollow bamboo,
and is exceedingly light.
The four
prongs are made of iron, and very
slightly barbed. Owing to the manner
in which they are lashed to the shaft,
they are very elastic, so that their slight
barbs are perfectly capable of retain-
ing the fish. With the natural love of
ornament which distinguishes the Dyaks,
the owner of this spear has decorated
it with several broad belts of split
rattan, plaited in a very artistic manner.
One was placed just below the head of
the spear, another was placed at the
centre of gravity, so as to guide the hand
at once to the "balance” of the weapon,
and the third was near the butt. Of the
three, however, only the central belt
remained when the spear reached me.
In the same parcel was another
spear, which is also represented in the
illustration. The shaft is also made
of bamboo, but is nearly solid, having
been cut from an old and thick plant,
and the point, instead of being made of
iron, is simply a piece of hard, dark
wood, sharpened, and lashed to the end
of the shaft with rattan.
Owing to the enormous demand for
heads, quantity rather than quality was
the chief requisite, so that at the time
when Sir James Brooke undertook the
task of putting down the practice of
head-hunting, no practical distinction
was made between the head of a stalwart
warrior and that of a tender girl. A
head was a head; the body to which
it belonged was of no consequence.
A
SPEARS. (From my collection.
480
BORNEO.
The rage for heads was so great that in one head-house an Englishman, who happened
to know something of comparative anatomy, espied a head which seemed scarcely human,
and which, on examination, turned out to be that of an orang-outan. The proprietors of
the head-house at first indignantly denied that any imposture had been practised, and
adhered to the human origin of the head. At last, however, they were obliged to yield to
a certain degree, but they only said that the head in question was that of an Antu or
goblin, which had infested the village for a considerable time, and had at last been killed.
One exception was made in the value of these trophies, the head of a white man
being beyond all price, and being so valued that a Dyak who had obtained one would
not place it in the common head-house, but would build a special house to contain it.
One of these Dyak warriors was seen exposing himself to great danger in his anxiety
to secure a white man's head. A boatman had been killed, and one of the Dyak
murderers was observed dragging up the hill the body of the slain man, hacking with his
knife at the neck so as to secure the head, regardless of the fact that he was likely to be
shot in the endeavour.
As the possession of a head is the height of a Dyak's ambition, it is not extraordinary
that the natives should use all their powers of force or craft to secure the trophy. One
example of treachery is narrated by Mr. Brooke (the present Rajah).
“ Five years ago the Saribas Malays were living at the mouth of their river, and, with
very few exceptions, were hostile to us. Still they were on friendly terms so far as
gaining trade, and making use of the merchandise they could only get by communication
with Sarawak. A party of five people, three men and two women, left Sakarrang to go to
Saribas for the purpose of meeting some of their relatives. After they had been absent a
considerable time, the news was brought back that they had been beheaded by Dyaks in
the river.
* It happened thus : They met a boat's crew of Dyaks while in Saribas, and spoke
together, saying they were traders, and were also seeking for fish. When the Malays
were leaving Saribas to return, the Dyak boat followed in their wake, entered this river
together, and on the following day proceeded to carry out their sly and murderous design.
“In the morning they offered their swords for sale, and sold or exchanged one, suffer-
ing the Malays to make an exceedingly profitable bargain. They then proposed fishing
with a hand-net on the mud-bank, and persuaded a Malay named Limin (who was well
known, and considered a brave man) to separate from the others and cast the net. This
was done, and for some time they were successful in bagging fish, and were going further
and further from the boats.
“At length the net fouled on a stump at the bottom, and one of the Dyaks imme-
diately took off his sword and dived down, as poor Limin thought, to clear it, but, instead of
doing so, the wily rascal twisted it firmly round and round, came up to take breath, and
then again dived, and again twisted it in various ways round the stumps; he then rose,
and said he could not clear it, but asked Limin to try. Limin unsuspectingly took off his
sword, dived, and, on approaching the surface breathless, the two Dyaks struck and
decapitated him without a sound. They then took his head and returned to their boat.
“ A third Malay was persuaded to administer some cure to a Dyak's foot, which was
bleeding slightly. While the Malay was leaning over and looking to the wound, one of
them chopped off his head from behind. After this, the woman was decapitated. They
lost one head, which tumbled into the water, but the other four, with all the property
belonging to the Malay party, were taken and carried away to Sadok.”
On another occasion, a party of Dyaks in a canoe met a boat containing a man, his
wife, and their young daughter. They stopped the boat, and offered betel-nut for sale.
As soon as they came within reach, they drew their swords, struck off the woman's head,
and took the girl prisoner, but the father had just time to jump overboard and swim
ashore.
This occurred in the Saribas river, and, strangely enough, the murderer, whose name
was Sadji, nearly came in contact with Mr. Brooke, who had gone out expressly to
check his head-hunting propensities. Mr. Brooke passed him on the river, but, not being
acquainted with him, did not arrest him. This, as was afterwards learned, was fortunate
THE HEAD-HOUSES.
481
for Sadji sat in the boat with his sword drawn, and if the captive girl had called for help,
or if the English had shown any signs of arresting him, he would have struck off her
head, jumped with it into the river, swum ashore, and eseaped together with his followers
through the jungle.
The same author gives another example of head-hunting, which is a curious mixture
of the terrible and the ludicrous.
A young man named Achang was brought before Mr. Brooke in irons. He was only
nineteen years of age, and yet he had grey hair, the natural colour having vanished in
consequence of his troubles. Some time previously, he had fallen in love with a young
Dyak girl, who spurned all his advances because he had never taken a head, and so
proved himself to be a warrior. She was evidently a girl of energy, for she proposed that
he should go to the Saribus fort, and take the head of Bakir, the Dyak chief, or of the
Tuan Hassan, i.e. Mr. Watson.
Being thus pressed, Achang, with another lad of his own age, set off for the fort, and
on the way suffered the usual drawbacks of bad birds, bad dreams, and missing the path,
so that when they came within sight of the fort they thought they had better change
their plans. They determined on going to a Chinaman's house under pretext of purchasing
his goods, and taking his head while he was off his guard. When well cooked and dried,
one head would do as well as another, and they thought that they would have no difficulty
in passing off the Chinaman's head for that of the white man.
Accordingly, they went to a Chinaman's house, had their supper with him very
amicably, and then retired to rest, after agreeing that at midnight they would strike the
fatal blow. Now it happened that Achang overslept himself, and his friend thought that
he might as well take advantage of his drowsiness, and secure the head for himself.
Accordingly, at midnight, hideous yells were heard from the Chinaman's house, and when
the people rushed into the room, they found the unfortunate owner with his face gashed
all down one side, the Dyak youth having missed his blow in his haste. The actual
perpetrator escaped, but Achang was found still fast asleep, and was instantly put
in irons.
Next day he was brought down to Sakarang, with a chain round his waist, and on the
way he was followed by a body of Dyaks, who were trying to bribe his keepers to let
them take his head. They actually held an auction for his head as they went along, each
bidding higher than the other, and the horrors of that twelve-mile march were such that
the poor lad became grey before the next morning.
After all, Achang was really a most gentle and innocent lad, and was only following
the habits of his country in obeying the behests of his mistress. He was kept in irons
for about a month, and then released, after which he attached himself to the ser-
vice of the white men, worked in the garden, and, as the saying is, made himself
generally useful.
The heads are subjected to a sort of drying process, called “cooking,” which is
tolerably effectual, but is far inferior to that which is employed by the New Zealanders,
and, for a considerable time after the heads are cooked, they are very offensive to
European nostrils, though Dyaks seem to be quite unconscious of the evil odour. They
are always kept in the pangarangs, or head-houses, which are very unlike the ordinary
dwelling-houses of the Dyaks. Å very good account of a head-house is given by
Mr. F. Š. Marryat:-
"We were escorted, through a crowd of wandering Dyaks, to a house in the centre of
the village, which was very different in construction from the others. It was perfectly
round, and well ventilated by numerous port-holes in the roof, which was pointed. We
ascended to the room above by means of a rough ladder, and when we entered, we were
rather taken aback by finding that we were in the head-house as it is termed, and that
the beams were lined with human heads, all hanging by a small line passed through the
top of the skull.
They were painted in the most fantastic and hideous manner. Pieces of wood
painted to imitate the eyes were inserted in the sockets, and added not a little to their
ghastly, grinning appearance. The strangest part of the story, and which added very
VOL. II.
II
482
BORNEO.
much to the effect of the scene; was, that these skulls were perpetually moving to
and fro, and knocking against each other. This, I presume, was occasioned by the
different currents of air blowing in at the port-holes cut in the roof; but what with
their continual motion, their nodding their chins when they hit each other, and their
grinning teeth, they really appeared to be endowed with new life, and to be a very merry
set of fellows.
“However, whatever might be the first impression occasioned by this very unusual
sight, it very soon wore off, and we amused ourselves with their motions, which were not
life, as Byrou says; and in the course of the day we succeeded in making a very excellent
dinner in company with these gentlemen, although we were none of us sufficiently Don
Giovannistic to invite our friends above to supper.”
These head-houses are, as we have just seen, the places wherein guests are received,
and we can therefore understand that the natives of any village would have a pride
in showing to their visitors the trophies won by themselves. One of these houses
scantily furnished with heads would be held as a scandal to the village, so that the
three emotions of pride, love, and sorrow have all their effect in aiding the custom of
head-hunting
In these head-houses, the unmarried men of the village sleep. The reason for this
custom is twofold. In the first place, the bachelors are kept out of mischief; and in the
next, they are always ready with their arms at hand to turn out in defence of the village
should it be attacked. In such expeditions, the head-house is always the central object
of attack, and by having the young warriors at hand the Dyaks ensure the security of
their cherished trophies.
Some of the horrors of the head-hunting custom are well described by Mr.
St. John :-
About thirteen years ago, I heard the Natuna people give an account of a horrible
transaction that took place in one of their islands. A party of Seribas Dyaks were
cruising about among the little isles near, and had destroyed several women and many
fishermen, when they were observed, towards evening, creeping into a deep and narrow
inlet to remain during the night.
“The islanders quietly assembled and surprised their enemies, killing all but seven,
who were taken prisoners—six men and one lad. The former they roasted over a slow
fire, and they declared that the bold fellows died without uttering a cry of pain, but
defying them to the last; the lad, who stood trembling by, uncertain of his fate, was sent
back to the coast, with a message to his countrymen that, if ever they came there again,
they would all be treated in the same way. This fearful warning was sufficient to deter
their seeking heads again in that direction.
“Parties of two and three sometimes went away for months on an inland incursion,
taking nothing with them but salt wrapped up in their waist-cloths, with which they
seasoned the young shoots, and leaves, and palm cabbages found in the forests; and when
they returned home, they were as thin as scarecrows.
It is this kind of cat-like warfare which causes them to be formidable enemies both
to the Chinese and the Malays, who never feel themselves safe from a Dyak enemy.
They have been known to keep watch in a well up to their chins in water, with a
covering of a few leaves over their heads, to endeavour to cut off the first person who
might come to draw water. At night they would drift down on a log, and cut the rattan
cable of trading prahus, while others of their party would keep watch on the bank,
knowing well where the stream would take the boat ashore; and when aground they kill
the men and plunder the goods.
In war Dyaks have often proved themselves to be valiant soldiers. Mr. Brooke
relates that when he was attacking the fort of a hostile chief, having with him a mixed
force of Malays and Dyaks, the latter were by far the better soldiers. The former
advanced to thirty or forty yards of the house, i.e. just beyond the range of the sumpitan
arrows, which were being blown from the fort, and ensconced themselves behind trees
and stumps, where they could fire without exposing themselves to the deadly darts. The
Dyaks, however, dashed boldly at the house, clambering up the posts on which it was
INSENSIBILITY TO PAIN.
483
built, carrying their weapons with them, hacking at the breaches which had previously
been made with shot, and trying to force their way into the fort.
At last, one Dyak succeeded in getting into the house, and remained there for about
five minutes, when he was obliged to retreat and slide to the ground down the post.
After much fighting, the Dyaks managed to set fire to the building at both ends, thus
forcing the inmates to rush out among their enemies. Scarcely any of them escaped,
some perishing in the flames, others being badly wounded, and the rest being taken
prisoners.
The victorious Dyaks were mad with excitement, and rushed about with furious
shouts, carrying heads in their hands, and insensible to the wounds which many of them
had received. One lad came yelling by, having a head in one hand, and with the other
holding on one side of his face. An enemy's sword had nearly sliced off the whole of
ha
STAREERS
STENSE)
SETT
UM
* TANTONI
A CANOE FIGHT.
that side of his face, but he was almost unconscious of the fact, and his excitement
prevented him from feeling any pain. In a few minutes, however, he fainted from
loss of blood, and, in spite of the terrible wound which he had received, eventually
recovered.
Sometimes the Dyaks are exceedingly cruel to their captives, not being content with
merely taking their heads, but killing them slowly by torture. Generally, however, the
competition for heads is so keen that a man who has overcome an enemy has no time for
torturing him, and is obliged to content himself with getting off the head as fast as
Some of these forts are most perilous places to attack, The approaches are guarded
he can.
II 2
484
BORNEO
with «
ranjows," i.e. slips of bamboo sharpened at the end and stuck in the ground.
Ranjows are troublesome enough on open ground, but when they are stuck among leaves,
grass, and herbage, they become terrible weapons, and impede very effectually the advance
of the attacking force.
Then the Dyaks set various ingenious traps. They place bent bows near the path, so
constructed that as soon as a man comes opposite them, the string is liberated, and an
arrow is tolerably sure to transfix both his legs. Sometimes they bend a young tree
down, and lay a javelin, so that when the tree is freed, it strikes the end of the javelin
and urges it onwards with terrific violence, just like the mangonel of olden times. They
dig numberless pitfalls of no very great size in depth, but each having a sharp bamboo
stuck upright in the centre, so that any one who falls into the pit must inevitably be
impaled.
The forts themselves have been much modified since the introduction of fire-arms, the
stockades which surround them being made of the hardest wood, about two feet in
thickness, and capable of resisting the fire of any small arms. In fact, nothing but
artillery is of much use against one of these forts. Many of them are furnished with a
sally-port through which, when the place becomes untenable, the defenders quietly escape,
just as is done with the pahs of New Zealand.
The Sea Dyaks, as their name implies, are a maritime set of tribes, and fight chiefly
in canoes. They have some ideas of tactics, and can arrange their canoes in regular
array when they meet with an enemy. One of their favourite tactics is to conceal some
of their larger boats, and then to send some small and badly-manned canoes forward to
attack the enemy. They are, of course, soon repulsed, and obliged to retreat. The
enemy, thinking himself victorious, follows them exultingly, and, as soon as he passes
the spot where the larger canoes are hidden, he is attacked by them in the rear, while
the smaller canoes, which have acted as decoys, turn and join in the onslaught. The
rivers are almost invariably chosen for this kind of attack, the overhanging branches
of trees and the dense foliage of the bank affording excellent hiding-places for
the canoes.
When peace is declared, or when people desire to renew friendship to each other, they
declare themselves friends by a ceremony which is identical in principle with that which
is practised in many parts of Africa, each of the contracting parties partaking of the blood
of the other. Sometimes the blood is actually drunk, but generally it is taken by mixing
it with tobacco and smoking it. Mr. St. John, in his “ Forests of the Far East,” describes
this ceremony with much force :
Siñganding sent on board to request me to become his brother by going through the
sacred custom of imbibing each other's blood. I say imbibing, because it is either mixed
with water and drunk, or else it is placed within a native cigar, and drawn in with the
smoke. I agreed to do so, and the following day was fixed for the ceremony, which is
called Berbiang by the Kayans, Bersabibah by the Borneans.
“I landed with our party of Malays, and after a preliminary talk, to give time for
the population to assemble, the affair commenced. We sat in the broad verandah of a
long house, surrounded by hundreds of men, women, and children, all looking eagerly at
the white stranger who was about to enter their tribe. Stripping my left arm, Kum-Lia
took a small piece of wood shaped like a knife-blade, and, slightly piercing the skin,
brought the blood to the surface; this he carefully scraped off. Then one of my Malays
drew blood in the same way from Siñganding, and a small cigarette being produced, the
blood on the wooden blade was spread on the tobacco.
“A chief then arose, and, walking to an open place, looked forth upon the river, and
invoked their god and all the spirits of good and evil to be witness of this tie of brother-
hood. The cigarette was then lighted, and each of us took several puffs, and the cere-
mony was concluded. I was glad to find that they had chosen the form of inhaling the
blood in smoke, as to have swallowed even a drop would have been unpleasant, though
the disgust would only arise from the imagination.
“They sometimes vary the custom, though the variation may be confined to the
Kiniahs, who live further up the river, and are intermarried with the Kayans. There a
nurummun pihATiNtn.int****
BLOOD-RELATIONSHIP.
485
pig is brought and placed between the two who are to be joined in brotherhood. A chief
offers an invocation to the gods, and marks with a lighted brand the pig's shoulder. The
beast is then killed, and, after an exchange of jackets, a sword is thrust into the wound,
and the two are marked with the blood of the pig.”
The stranger thus admitted into membership with the Kayans is called Niau, or
friend, and in some cases the experiment proves to be successful. Generally, however,
the honour, such as it is, is greater than the profit, the Kayans assuming that their
newly-admitted member ought to make plenty of rich presents to his tribe, in order to
show his sense of the privileges that have been conferred upon him.
Section
2.
lo
M
es
HAT, MALAY ARCHIPELAGO. (From my collection.)
CHAPTER IV.
SOCIAL LIFE.
MARRIAGE AMONG THE DYAKS—COURTSHIP, ACCEPTANCE OR REJECTION--A SIBUYAN WEDDING
CURIOUS DOMESTIC ARRANGEMENTS---PRIDE OF BIRTH-STATE OF MORALITY-FACILITIES OF
DIVORCE-JEALOUSY, AND ITS RESULTS-HOW TO TREAT A RIVAL-FORBIDDEN DEGREES-
SPORTS AND GAMES—BEE-HUNTING-THE BORNEAN SWING-TRIALS OF STRENGTH AND EQUI-
LIBRIUM-TRICKS WITH STRING-COCK-FIGHTING THE SWORD DANCEADYAK WAR-DANCE
WITH HEADS-THE CAT-O'-NINE TAILS DYAK FESTIVALS--STRANGE COOKERY—THE DURIAN.
FRUIT-THE NATIONAL DRINK, ITS ODOUR AND TASTE --HABIT OF INTOXICATION-A DYAK
CIRCE-STOUT DRINKERS AND STRONG HEADS-THE FORCE OF RIDICULE,
PASSING from war to peace, we will begin with marriage as practised among the
Dyaks.
In some parts of the country marriage is a very simple business, the two parties
living together as long as they like each other, and separating if either feels dissatisfied.
In any case, as we shall see, the facilities for divorce are extreme, and the bonds of matri-
mony are worn with marvellous looseness:
The reader cannot but have remembered the singular coincidence that often exists
between customs of savage and of civilized life.
Among the Sinambau Dyaks there is a mode of courtship which stills prevails in
some parts of Europe, though it is generally falling into disuse. A young Sinambau
Dyak, when struck with the charms of a girl
, shows his preference in various ways,
such as helping her in her daily labour, carrying home her load of wood for her, and
making her such presents as are in his power to give.
After he has carried on these attentions for some time, he thinks that he may
proceed to a more explicit declaration. At night, when the family is supposed to be
asleep, he quietly slides back the bolt of the door, steals to the spot where his beloved
is sleeping under her mosquito curtains, and gently awakes her. He always brings
with him an abundant supply of betel-nut and sirih-leaf, and the two sit talking
together throughout the greater part of the night. It cannot be expected that the parents
of the girl, who sleep in the same room, should be wholly ignorant of the proceeding, but
they are conventionally supposed to be so, and if they approve of the young man they
take no notice, while if they do not, they use their influence with the girl to induce her
to dismiss him.
The mode of rejection is in keeping with the rest of the proceedings. Should the
girl dislike the too adventurous suitor, she declines accepting the betel-nut, and merely
asks him to blow up the fire or light the lamp, a request which is tantamount to instant
dismissal.
When the marriage takes place a feast is made, and then the parties are made man
and wife without any more ceremony. It is very seldom that the young couple begin
housekeeping on their own account, and, as a general rule, the bridegroom enters the
household of his father-in-law, or, at all events, of some of his wife's relations, and so

WEDDING CEREMONIES.
487
becomes one of the family, labouring for the common stock, and taking his share when
the head of the household dies. Occasionally this plan is reversed, and when the bride
is one of a large family of brothers and sisters, or if the bridegroom is the sole support
of his parents, she accompanies her husband, and becomes part of his household.
The ceremony of marriage among the Sibuyan Dyaks of Lundu is worthy of notice.
Two bars of iron are laid on the ground in the spot appointed for the ceremony, and
the young couple are brought from opposite ends of the village. The first part of the
ceremony consists in seating them on the bars of iron, as token that the blessings of
WIM
A DYAK WEDDING.
their married life are to be as strong as iron. The priest gives to each of the pair a cigar
and some betel-nut and sirih leaf, which they hold in their hand until the next part of
the ceremony is completed. Taking two fowls in his bands, the priest waves them over
the heads of the couple, and, in the course of a long address, invokes every blessing upon
them. He then solemnly knocks their heads together three times, after which the
bridegroom places the betel-nut in the mouth of his bride, and inserts the cheroot between
her lips, she afterwards doing the same by him, this ceremony being the public acknow-
ledgment of accepting each other as husband and wife.
After they have thus declared their acceptance of each other, the fowls are killed,
and their blood received in two cups, the colour of the blood being carefully inspected by
the priest, and its hue being held as an omen of the future well-being or misery of the
newly-married pair. One of the feasts which will presently be described closes the
ceremonies.
It has already been mentioned that in most cases the bridegroom enters the family
488
BORNEO.
of his wife. But in any case he is bound to honour the father of his wife even above
his own father. The young husband may never even pronounce the name of his father-
in-law, he may not eat from the same dish, drink from the same cup, or rest on the
same mat.
Among another tribe of Dyaks, the Balaus of Lingga, the ceremonies of marriage are
rather different. By way of a propitiatory offering, the mother of the bridegroom gives to
the relatives of the bride some domestic utensil, such as a plate or a basin, and three days
afterwards the very simple ceremony is performed.
The bridegroom's mother takes a quantity of the areca-nut prepared for chewing,
divides it into three portions, places them in a basket, and sets them on a sort of altar in
front of the bride's house. The friends of both parties then assemble, and chew the nuts
while they discuss the future prospects of the young couple, and they decide as to the
amount of fine which the husband shall pay to his wife in case he separates from her after
she is a mother, or when she is likely to be so. In fact, in their own rough-and-ready
way, these Dyaks have contrived to organize a tolerably complete code of marriage
settlements, which, in consequence of the very easy system of divorce, is absolutely neces-
sary for the protection of the women.
These Sea Dyaks of Lingga have, in common with all the sea tribes, the greatest pride
of birth; and if a girl were to listen to the addresses of a man of much inferior rank,
her parents would prohibit the match. In one such case the two lovers fled into the
jungle, poisoned themselves with the juice of the tuba plant, and were found dead
next morning in each other's arms. So full are they of their family pride, that they look
upon any mixture of their noble blood as a dire disgrace, and this is carried to so great an
extent that, although within their own degree their morals are of the laxest order, the
men would scorn an intrigue with a woman of low condition.
The Dyaks of Sibuyan are remarkable for the superiority of their morals when com-
pared with the generality of the Dyak tribes, believing that immorality is an offence
against the higher powers, and that, if a girl became a mother before she is married, she
angers the deities of the tribe, who show their wrath by visitations upon the whole of the
tribe. If, therefore, such a case be discovered, both the erring lovers are heavily fined,
and a pig is sacrificed in order to avert the anger of the offended deities. Nor do
the delinquents always escape the fine even after the sacrifice of the pig, for every one
who was smitten with sickness, or met with an accident, within a month of the sacrifice,
has a claim on them for damages, as having been the cause of the misfortune, while, if any
one has died, the survivors claim compensation for the loss of their relative.
The reader will remember that the young people of both sexes live with their
parents, contributing their labour to the common stock, and being therefore incapable
of possessing property of their own. In consequence of this arrangement, the fines
which are levied upon the lovers practically fall upon the parents, who therefore take
care to look after their daughters, while the young men are partly kept out of mischief
by being obliged to sleep together at the head-house.
The Dyaks of the Batang Lupar are more lax in their notion of morality than the
Sibuyans, and it is seldom that a girl is married until she is likely to become a
mother. When this is the case, the lover marries her as a matter of course, but in those
cases where a man denies his complicity, and the girl is unable to prove it, she is
so bitterly scorned and reproached by her kindred that she generally runs away from the
village, and some such delinquents have been known to take poison in order to escape
the contempt of her relatives and acquaintances. She is thought to have brought such a
disgrace on their family, that her parents sacrifice a pig to the higher powers, and wash the
door of the house with its blood, in order to propitiate the offended deities.
When the pair are married, they almost invariably remain faithful to each other.
There is, however, small credit to them for it, inasmuch as they can be divorced on the
slightest pretext. An evil omen in the night, such as a “ bad bird,” will frighten both
parties so much that they will separate by mutual consent on the next day. Mr. St.
John mentions that many men and women are married seven or eight times before they
finally fix upon a partner with whom they mean to spend the rest of their lives, and as
JEALOUSY, AND ITS RESULTS.
489
an example of the exceeding facility for divorce which exists among the Dyaks, states
that he saw a young girl of seventeen who had already had three husbands.
Still, it is very seldom that married couples part after they are parents; and if they do
so, the family of the woman expect a heavy fine from the fickle husband. Now and then,
a married pair are really so attached to each other that they do not like to part, even when
they hear the voice of a “ bad bird.”. In such a case they avert the anger of the superior
powers by sacrificing a pig, and are then able to remain together without fear. It often
happens that a man and wife quarrel, and divorce themselves. After a while, however,
they begin to think that they have made a mistake, and are allowed to renew their
matrimonial relations without any ceremony or fresh rites of marriage.
Mr. St. John mentions a curious case of jealousy after a divorce, and its consequences.
The Pañgeran Mumein took a Murout girl, and paid her father as a marriage-portion
a heavy weight of brass guns--a curious sort of currency which is much valued by the
Dyaks, and perfectly useless for any practical purposes. He left her for some time, and
then, after she had borne him a child, repudiated her, telling her father that he did not want
her any more, unless she liked to follow him to Brunei. This, however, the girl refused
to do, so the Pangeran made her father refund the brass guns, and besides pay a fine of
double the amount, as a penalty for not allowing the girl to go to Brunei, where he
meant to have sold her as a slave. The father paid the fine, and was told that the girl
might then go where she liked, and marry whom she chose, as was only just after the
previous event.
Accordingly, some little time afterwards, she did marry one of her countrymen, where-
upon the Pangeran flew into a fit of jealousy, and ordered the head man or Orang-Kaya
of the village to seize them and bring them to him. The Orang-Kaya was afraid, and
hid himself, so that the Pangeran had to employ the Bisayas, who captured the husband
and brought him to their employer. The unfortunate man was then tied up to the
Orang-Kaya's landing-place, and the Pañgeran cut him to pieces with his own band,
finishing by making a present of his head to the Gadong Murut Dyaks. Having thus
wreaked his vengeance on the man who excited his jealousy, he allowed the girl and her
father to go unharmed. Dyak history is full of similar tales.
Jealousy is by no means confined to the men, the women being far more jealous of
the men than they of their wives, and with good reason. There is a tacit law that,
whenever a wife detects her husband in flirting, she may beat her rival to her heart's
content, provided that she use nothing except a stick, and, if the woman be married, her
husband may beat the disturber of his domestic peace, if he can. The usual result of
discovery in such cases is, that the man goes off into the bush under the pretext of head-
hunting, and stays there until he thinks his wife's anger has cooled down. If he is
fortunate enough to return with a head, his success as a warrior ensures a condonation
for his shortcomings as a husband.
The Dyaks have a code of forbidden degrees for marriages, differing slightly in the
various tribes, but tolerably uniform on the whole. Marriage with first cousins is not
permitted, they being looked upon as brother and sister; neither, as a general rule, is
an uncle allowed to marry his niece. To this latter rule, however, there are exceptions.
Marriage with a deceased wife's sister is almost universally permitted, and, in fact,
encouraged, provided that the parents of the woman approve of the match, because in
that case all the children belong to one family.
OF sport, as we understand the word, the Dyaks have no idea, though they possess all
the capabilities for it, being active, daring, and quick-sighted. All these characteristics
are shown in the mode by which they supply themselves with honey. They do not keep
hives in or near their houses, but seldom fail to see a bees' nest" in a tree, though the
unaccustomed eyes of a European can see nothing of the bees at the great height at
which the nests are usually found.
Sometimes the stem of the tree rises for a hundred feet without a branch, and is from
fifteen to twenty-five feet in circumference. The Dyaks, however, ascend such a tree
with ease. They bore holes in the trunk of the tree as high as they can reach, and
490
BORNEO.
drive into them wooden pegs rather more than a foot in length. A stout rattan or a
bamboo is then driven into the ground, and the ends of the wooden pegs are lashed to it
so as to form a sort of ladder, of which the bamboo forms one side, and the trunk of the
tree the other. On this slender ladder they ascend, drive in more pegs, and lash them to
the bamboo, adding one bamboo after another until the nest is reached.
Nothing looks more insecure than this primitive ladder, which sways fearfully as the
man ascends, the rattan lashings cracking and creaking as if the whole structure were
coming to pieces. It is, however, perfectly adapted for its purpose, and, armed with a
flaming torch, the almost naked Dyak ascends, and fearlessly takes the nest, which he
lowers down by means of a rattan.
The nest is generally attacked at night, the Dyaks saying the bees always fly after
the sparks that fall from the torch, believing them to be the enemy that is disturbing
the nest, the man himself escaping unhurt. Some of the tribes have another plan, and
before they ascend the tree light beneath it a large fire, in which they throw a quantity
of green branches. The smoke from these branches drives the bees out of their nest, and
stupifies them for a time, so that the combs can be taken without danger.
Of games which are, in fact, an imitation of war, the Dyaks are equally ignorant, and,
although so warlike a people, they do not wrestle, nor box, nor race. It would be ex-
pected that a people who trust so much to the sword would exercise with sham weapons,
for the purpose of accustoming themselves to the proper management of the sword and
shield. This, however, they never do, thinking that all such exercises are unlucky.
• They have one game which somewhat resembles our swing, but which partakes in
some degree of the nature of a religious ceremony. A strong derrick is erected some
forty or fifty feet high, and to this is suspended a stout single rattan, which reaches
within a few feet of the ground. The derrick is strengthened by rattan stays lashed
to a neighbouring tree. The end of the rattan is formed into a large loop.
At some distance from the derrick, just where the end of the rattan describes its circle,
å slight banıboo stage is erected. One of the swingers mounts on the stage, draws the
rattan to him by means of a string, places his foot in the loop, and swings off with as
much impetus as he can give himself. As he returns, another leaps on the swing, and
sometimes two at a time will do so, until ten or twelve are all swinging away at the same
time. Of course, they cannot all put their feet in the loop, but content themselves with
clinging to the arms and legs of those who have done so.
As they swing, they strike up a monotonous song, which sounds like a dirge. It is,
however, merely an invocation to the deities for a plentiful harvest and a good fishing-
As may be imagined, they often get bad falls from those swings.
The boys and youths have a game which is familiar to all gymnasts.
The two competitors sit opposite each other on the ground, the soles of their feet
being placed in contact. They then grasp a short stick, and each tries to pull the other
on his face or to raise him off the ground. There is also a game which bears a close
resemblance to our “ prisoners' base,” twenty or thirty players joining in the game; and
there is another game, which is very much like the “cock-fighting” of English school-
boys. The players stand on one foot, holding the other foot in one hand, and try to
upset each other, or at least to make their antagonists put both feet to the ground.
In “cat's cradle” they are wonderful proficients. Mr. Wallace thought that he could
instruct them in the game, but found that they knew much more about it than he did.
They were acquainted with all the mysteries of the English modification of the game,
and produced a vast number of additional changes from the string. Indeed, the Dyaks
can do almost anything with a piece of string, and they could well instruct our own
conjurors in this branch of legerdemain.
Cock-fighting is an amusement of which the Dyaks are very fond, though they do
not indulge in that amusement with the reckless enthusiasm of the Malays.
Mr. St. John writes of the birds used for this purpose:
“ We did not see more than
a few of these birds in Dyak houses, but since they are usually kept, when not in
training or exercise, closely wrapped in linen bands and hung on nails in a dry place,
they might easily escape our notice,
season.

AMUSEMENTS.
491
“Not having the fear of police magistrates and Humane Society prosecutions before
our eyes, we assisted at one or two brief combats, evidently mere trial matches to assist
the calculations of the bookmakers,' by testing each bird's pluck and skill. When this
object was attained by a few minutes' struggle, held with much secrecy in the verandah
by the grey light of early morning, the cocks were picked up before any injury was
inflicted, and carefully swathed in their bandages, from the midst of which they soothed
their ruffled feelings with an occasional crow of defiance."
SANTINI
THE BORNEAN SWING.
Allusion has already been made to the feasts held by the Dyaks on several occasions,
and it is only on such festivities that the men ever use their weapons in sham fight. Even
in those cases, they do not so employ them by way of practising themselves, but merely
because they form part of the movements of the dance. In one of these dances, described
by Mr. Keppel, two swords are laid on a mat in the middle of the room, and two men
advance towards them from opposite sides, waving their arms, revolving on their toes, and
performing various manoeuvres with their legs.
As soon as they come to the mat, they suddenly stoop, seize the swords, and go through
the movements of actual combat, crossing swords, advancing, retiring, cutting at each
492
BORNEO.
other, kneeling at one moment as if to collect force, and then springing up with renewed
energy. Both dancers have previously studied and practised the various movements, each
of which they make simultaneously.
Sometimes the sword dance is performed with the shield as well as the sword, and of
this dance Mr. Marryat has written so graphic an account that his own words must be
used. The guests were asked if they wished for a specimen of the war-dance.
" Having expressed our wishes in the affirmative, the music struck up; it consisted
of gongs and tom-toms. The Malay gong, which the Dyaks also make use of, is
like the Javanese, thick with a broad rim, and very different from the gong of the
Chinese. Instead of the clanging noise of the latter, it gives out a muffled sound of a
deep tone. The gong and tom-tom are used by the Dyaks and Malays in war, and for
signals at night, and the Dyaks procure them from the Malays. I said that the music
struck up, for, rude as the instruments were, they modulate the sound, and keep time so
admirably, that it was anything but inharmonious.
“A space was now cleared in the centre of the house, and two of the oldest warriors
stepped into it. They were dressed in turbans, long loose jackets, sashes round their
waists descending to their feet, and small bells were attached to their ankles. They com-
menced by first shaking hands with the rajah, and then with all the Europeans present,
thereby giving us to understand, as was explained to us, that the dance was to be
considered only as a spectacle, and not to be taken in its literal sense, as preparatory to an
attack upon us, a view of the case in which we fully coincided with them.
“This ceremony being over, they rushed into the centre and gave a most unearthly
scream, then poising themselves on one foot they described a circle with the other, at the
same time extending their arms like the wings of a bird, and then meeting their hands,
clapping them and keeping time with the music. After a little while the music became
louder, and suddenly our ears were pierced with the whole of the natives present joining
in the hideous war-cry.
Then the motions and the screams of the dancers became more
violent, and everything was working up to a state of excitement by which even we
were influenced.
Suddenly a very unpleasant odour pervaded the room, already too warm from the
numbers it contained. Involuntarily we held our noses, wondering what might be the
cause, when we perceived that one of the warriors had stepped into the centre, and
suspended round the shoulders of each dancer a human head in a wide-meshed basket of
rattan. These heads had been taken in the late Sakarran business, and were therefore but
a fortnight old. They were encased in a wide network of rattan, and were ornamented
with beads. Their stench was intolerable, although, as we discovered upon after-
examination, when they were suspended against the wall, they had been partially baked,
and were quite black. The teeth and hair were quite perfect, the features somewhat
shrunk, and they were altogether very fair specimens of pickled heads; but our worthy
friends required a lesson from the New Zealanders in the art of preserving.
The appearance of the heads was a sign for the music to play louder, for the war-
cry of the natives to be more energetic, and for the screams of the dancers to be more
piercing. Their motions now became more rapid, and the excitement in proportion.
Their eyes glistened with unwonted brightness, the perspiration dropped down their
faces; and thus did yelling, dancing, gongs, and tom-toms become more rapid and more
violent every minute, till the dancing warriors were ready to drop. A farewell yell, with
emphasis, was given by the surrounding warriors; immediately the music ceased, the
dancers disappeared, and the tumultuous excitement and noise was succeeded by a dead
silence.
“Such was the excitement communicated, that when it was all over we ourselves
remained for some time panting to recover our breath. Again we lighted our cheroots,
and smoked for a while the pipe of peace.
“A quarter of an hour elapsed, and the preparations were made for another martial
dance. This was performed by two of the Rajah's sons, the same young men I have
previously made mention of. They came forward each having on his arm one of the
large Dyak shields, and in the centre of the cleared space were two long swords lying on
CC

THE WAR-DANCE.
4.93
the floor. The ceremony of shaking hands, as described, preparatory to the former dance,
was gone through ; the music then struck up, and they entered the arena.
" At first they confined themselves to evolutions of defence, springing from one side to
the other with wonderful quickness, keeping their shields in front of them, falling on one
knee, and performing various feats of agility. After a short time, they each seized a
sword, and then the display was very remarkable, and proved what ugly customers they
must be in single conflict. Blows in every direction, feints of every description, were
made by both, but invariably received upon the shield. Cumbrous as these shields were,
no opening was left ; retreating, pursuing, dodging, and striking, the body was never
exposed.
THE WAR-DANCE.
"Occasionally, during this performance, the war-cry was given by the surrounding
warriors, but the combatants held their peace; in fact, they could not afford to open their
mouths, lest an opening should be made. It was a mosť masterly performance, and we
were delighted with it."
A rather curious dance was witnessed by Mr. Boyle at a feast of which an account
will presently be given.
First two chiefs each took a sword, and began a maniacal sort of dance, which was
intended to be very imposing, but only succeeded in being very ludicrous, owing to the
fact that both were too much intoxicated to preserve their balance, and, being of opposite
tempers in their cups, one was merry and the other was sulky.
After this performance was over, a tall chief stepped forward with a whip, much like
a cat-o’-nine-tails, another produced a human head, and the two began to chase each other
494
BORNEO.
a
round the verandah of the building. Presently, the chief with the head stopped, and
with one foot in the air began to pirouette slowly, while he swung the head backwards
and forwards, the chief with the whip lashing vigorously at the spectators, and laughing
derisively at each cut.
After a while these performers became too tired to proceed without refreshment, and
their place was taken by four or five others carrying blocks of wood having a feather at
each end. The foreign guests took these objects to represent canoes, but were told that they
were rhinoceros hornbills, and were thought by all competent judges to be fine works of
art. Suddenly a number of gongs were beaten, and over the mass of human beings arose
swords, heads, rhinoceros hornbills, and cat-o'-nine-tails in profusion, the Dyaks being for
the time half mad with excitement.
It was remarkable that in this wild scene no harm was done, no blow was struck in
anger, and no quarrel took place. Decorum was maintained throughout the whole of the
festival, though not one of the revellers was sober, and then, as Mr. Boyle remarks,
scene which, according to all precedent, should have been disgusting, turned out to be
pleasantly amusing."
This feast was a very good example of a Dyak revel. It was given by the chief
Gasing, who was gorgeously attired for the occasion in an old consular uniform coat,
covered with gold lace, the top of a dragoon's helmet tied on his head with a handkerchief,
a brass regimental breastplate on his forehead, and a plated tureen-cover on his breast.
This tureen-cover, by the way, was the most valued of Gasing's possessions, and one
which was madly envied by all the neighbouring chiefs. Being a tall
, thin man, the
effect of his naked, lean, yellow legs, appearing from beneath all this splendour, was
remarkable.
He had prepared his long house carefully for the festival. He had erected a bambo
railing on the edge of the verandah, as a necessary precaution against accidents, for the
verandah was at a considerable height from the ground, and the guests are all expected
to be very unsteady on their feet, even if they can stand at all. From the top of the rail
to the eaves of the verandah he had thrown a quantity of cloths, so as to allow the chiefs
who sat under them to be sheltered from the rays of the sun.
For this festival Gasing had been making preparations for months past, half-starving
himself in order to collect the requisite amount of provisions, and being likely to find
himself rather deeply in debt before the preparations were completed. Unfortunately
for the English guests, the smell of Dyak cookery is anything but agreeable, and one of
their favourite articles of food, the fruit called the durian, exhales a most intolerable odour,
so that, if they had not been furnished with plenty of tobacco, they would have been
obliged to retire from the scene.
The Dyaks roast fowls without removing the feathers, tear them joint from joint, and
so eat them. They have a most extraordinary liking for viands in a nearly putrid state,
such as fish or molluscs in a very advanced state of decomposition, eggs black from age,
and rotten fruit, the chief being the durian, which smells like all the other dishes put
together, but with a sort of peculiar fragrance of its own. Even foreigners have learned
to like the durian, but they have not found that it acclimatizes them to the bad eggs,
burnt feathers, and very high fish.
This very remarkable fruit is about as large as a cocoa-nut, slightly oval, and is covered
with a thick, tough skin, armed with sharp, short, and stout spines, the bases of which
touch each other. The skin is so strong, that even when it falls, as it always does when
ripe, from a considerable height, it does not break, and the spines are so sharp and hard,
that, if a durian falls on a man, it inflicts a very severe wound, and causes great loss
of blood.
When possible it is eaten fresh, as it falls ripe from the tree, but it is often cooked
while still green, and, when especially plentiful
, is preserved in jars by means of salt. In
this state its natural odour is very greatly increased, and the very opening of a jar of
preserved durians is enough to drive a stranger to the country out of the room.
Mr. Wallace gives a very interesting account of the durian, mentioning that, although
for some time the odour of the fruit completely deterred him from tasting it, he once
THE DURIAN,
495.
found a ripe durian just fallen from the tree, overcame his repugnance to the fruit, tried
it, ate it, and became from that moment a confirmed durian-eater. The following passage
contains his description of the peculiar flavour of the durian:
*The five cells are satiny white within, and are each filled with an oval mass of
cream-coloured pulp, embedded in which are two or three seeds about the size of chest-
nuts. This pulp is the eatable part, and its consistence and flavour are indescribable. A
rich, butter-like custard, highly flavoured with almonds, gives the best general idea of it,
but intermingled with it come wafts of flavour that call to mind cream cheese, onion sauce,
brown sherry, and other incongruities.
“Then there is a rich glutinous smoothness in the pulp which nothing else possesses,
but which adds to its delicacy. It is neither acid, nor sweet, nor juicy, yet one feels the
want of none of these qualities, for it is perfect as it is. It produces no nausea or other
bad effect, and the more you eat of it the less you feel inclined to stop. In fact, to eat
duriaps is a new sensation, worth a voyage to the East to experience.”
Mr. Wallace, in summing up the merits of the various fruits with which we are
acquainted, says that if he had to fix on two only, which would represent the very per-
fection of flavour and refreshing qualities, he would choose the durian and the orange,
which he terms the king and queen of fruits.
Their national drink, called "tuak," is worthily matched with the viands. It is in
colour like thin milk, and its odour has been forcibly compared to that of five hundred
negroes drunk in a slave-pen, The same traveller, having fortified his palate with the
strongest tobacco, drank some of the liquid in honour of his host, and gives a very vivid
description of its flavour. When first taken into the mouth, it gives the idea of cocoa-nut
milk gone very sour, and holding in solution a considerable quantity of brown sugar and
old cheese. When it is swallowed, the victim is conscious of a suffocating sensation, as
if the liquid were thickened with starch and a great quantity of the strongest cayenne
pepper, the general effect produced on the novice being comparable to nothing but a very
bad attack of sea-sickness.
Strange to say, this abominable liquid retains the strongest hold on three millions of
human beings, who can conceive no greater luxury than the privilege of drinking it
without stint. At their feasts it is kept in huge bathing jars, and is handed about in all
kinds of vessels, which are continually emptied
and sent back to be replenished, so that a
continual stream of full and empty vessels passes from and to the large jars.
Even if the warriors who are invited to the festival were to feel inclined to sobriety,
they would be forced to drink by the women, who seem to think themselves bound to
make every man completely intoxicated. “No Delilah of Europe better knows her power
to make a fool of a strong man than one of these Dyak syrens, nor is more inclined to
exert her fascinations.
“The presence of the female element was soon felt in the noise and confusion, which
absolutely seemed to increase. Several of the girls were so charming as to excuse the
infatuation of their victims, and I need scarcely say that the prettiest were the most
culpable. But ugly or beautiful, old or young, all instantly employed their most cunning
arts in enticing the bravest and most famous warriors to drink and drink again.
“We saw a little beauty seat herself lovingly beside a tall fellow with a simple face
and honest eyes, whom she coaxed to toast her from a large jar which she offered to his
lips, until he fairly fell backwards upon the floor. This satisfactory conclusion attained,
his tormentor, who, we heard, was affianced to him, ran screaming with laughter to bring
seven other wretches as mischievous as herself to jeer at the vanquished lover. Raising
her hopes to sport of a higher order, she shortly after brought her jar to the spot where
we sat, in the hope, no doubt, of beguiling the white men into the same condition as her
other admirers ; but in Europe we are accustomed to run the gauntlet of more dangerous
fascinations, and she relinquished the attempt in despair.”
Mr. St. John mentions that the men are in no way behind the women in their efforts
to seduce their guests to intoxication, and it is their greatest pride to have as much tuak
drunk as possible, to drink their own share and remain comparatively sober, while all
their guests are laid prostrate and insensible. In fact, if we substitute punch and port

496
BORNEO
VIDIACO
BESTE
021
A DYAK FEAST.
for tuak, and an open verandah for a closed dining-room, there is little difference between
the hospitality of the present Dyak chief and that of the average English squire of the
last century.
A chief, for example, who prides himself on his strong head, will sit before a huge jar
of tuak, and pledge every one around. For every one whom he serves he drinks one
THE FORCE OF RIDICULE.
497
cup himself, and it is his ambition to keep his seat after all his companions are insensible.
Of course, it is impossible that any man can drink an equal amount with ten or twelve
others, and it is most likely that he forces the tuak on them so fast that they are soon
rendered incapable of seeing whether their host drinks or not.
They are very proud of being fresh on the following morning, and boast that although
their guests, who belonged to another tribe, had severe headaches, they themselves
suffered nothing at all.
It is partly by means of appealing to this pride that the girls are able to make the
men drink to the extent which has been mentioned, and they derive so much amusement
from exercising their power that they lose no opportunity that falls in their way, and
essay their blandishments even when there is no definite feast.
Önce, when Mr. St. John had travelled from the Sibuyan Dyaks to the Bukars, he
and his guides were received, as usual, in the head-house.
While the English guests were making their toilet, two young. Dyak girls came very
gently up the ladder and slipped into the chamber. Now the head-house is, as the reader
may remember, the bachelors' hall, and consequently the girls had no business there.
So, pretending not to see them, the white men proceeded with their toilets, and quietly
watched their proceedings.
The two girls, after glancing cautiously at the strangers, and thinking themselves
unobserved, made their way to the Dyak guides, each having in her hands a vast bowl of
fresh tuak, which they offered to the visitors. The young men, knowing their object,
declined to drink, and thereby drew on themselves a battery of mixed blandishments and
reproaches. Above all, they were entreated not to inflict on the girls the shame of
refusing their gift, and making them take it back, to be laughed at by all their friends.
Cajolery, honied words, and caresses having been resisted, they tried the effect of
ridicule, and their taunts succeeded where their coaxings failed. “What!” said they,
" are the Sibuyans so weak-headed as to be afraid of drinking Bukar tuak?” This
touched the visitors on a very tender point. The Sibuyans specially pride themselves
on the strength of their heads and of their tuak, and a refusal to drink was thus made
tantamount to a confession of inferiority in both respects. So they raised the huge
bowls to their lips, and were allowed no peace until they had drained the last drops,
when their tempters ran away laughing, knowing that in a very short time their two
victims would be senseless.
It is a most extraordinary thing that the Dyak women, most of whom do not drink
at all, and very few drink even moderately, take such a delight in forcing the men into
intoxication. The young girls are the most successful temptresses. They take advantage
of their youth and beauty, and employ all their fascinations to inveigle the men into,
drinking. No man is safe from them.
Their brothers, friends, and even their betrothed, fall, as we have seen, victims to their
blandishments. They will make up to perfect strangers, get up a flirtation, and lavish
all their enchantments upon them like Circe of old, until they have reduced their
helpless admirers to a state little better than that of the mythological swine. Even after
the men have sunk on the ground, and are incapable of raising the cup to their lips, the
women think their task not quite completed, and pour the tuak down the throats of the
helpless men.
Yet, although on such occasions they give themselves over to utter drunkenness, the
Dyaks are a sober race, and except at these feasts
, or when beset by women, they are
singularly temperate, the betel-nut supplying the place of all intoxicating liquor.
.
5
VOL. II.
K K
CHAPTER V.
ARCHITECTURE AND MANUFACTURES.
AËRIAL HOUSES—THE LONG HOUSE AND ITS ARRANGEMENTS-THE ORANG-KAYA'S ROOM- STRUC-
TURE OF THE FLOORING-REASONS FOR THE DYAK ARCHITECTURETHE NIPA PALM AND ITS
USES—THE ATAPS-SALT AND SUGAR MANUFACTURE - ERECTION OF THE FIRST POST-VARIOUS
MODES
OF PROCURING
FIRECONSTRUCTION OF
THE
DYAK BRIDGE-A NARROW ESCAPE-
AXE-ADZE
MANUFACTURES-THE
OF
THE
DYAKS--ITS ANALOGY
AXE--
WITH THE BANYAI
SMELTING AND FORGING IRON-BASKET-MAKING-THE
DYAK MAT-SPLITTING THE RATTAN
THE BORNEAN KNIFE, AND MODE OF USING IT-THE SACRED JARS AND THEIR PROPERTIES.
THE architecture of the Dyaks is very peculiar.
In the first place, the houses are all built on posts, some of them twenty feet in
height, and the mode of access to them is by climbing up a notched pole, which answers
the purpose of a ladder. The chief dwelling in every village, and indeed practically
the village itself, is the long house, which is of wonderfully large dimensions. One of
these houses, measured by Mr. St. John, was more than five hundred and thirty feet long,
and was inhabited by nearly five hundred people.
Throughout the entire length of the house runs the broad verandah or common room,
which is open to all the members, and at the side are rooms partitioned off for the
different families, as many as sixty or seventy such rooms being sometimes seen in one
long house. Although the verandah is common ground to all the tribe, and in it the
members go through their various sedentary occupations, each family occupies by tacit
consent the portion of the verandah opposite their own rooms.
These rooms are strictly private, and none except the members of the family, or their
intimate friends, would think of entering them. The chief or Orang-kaya of the long
house has a much larger room than the others, and the space in front of his room is
considered to be devoted to the use of the lesser chiefs and counsellors, and, although
free to all the inhabitants, is frequented almost entirely by the old men and warriors
of known courage.
One of the rooms inhabited by the Orang-kaya was visited by Mr. Boyle, and was
not an attractive apartment. On each side of the entrance there was a piece of furniture
somewhat resembling an old English plate-rack, upon the lower shelf of which was
placed a flat stone. In spite of the heat, which was terrific, a large fire was burning on
the stone, and on the range above were wood, rice, pots, and other utensils. There was
no chimney to the house, but a sort of flap in the roof was lifted up, and kept open by
a notched stick. This flap answered both for window and chimney, and when it was
closed the room was in total darkness, beside being at once filled with smoke.
The height of the chamber was barely seven feet, and the space was rendered still
more limited by the weapons, girdles, mats, mosquito-curtains, strings of boars'-tusks,
aprons, and other property, that hung from the rafters. The sides were adorned with a
quantity of English and Dutch crockery, each piece being in a separate rattan basket
REASONS FOR THE DYAK ARCHITECTURE.
499
and suspended from the wall. The house being an old one, the smell was abominable ;
and the Orang-kaya's chamber was, on the whole, a singularly uncomfortable residence.
A number of fire-places, varying according to the population of the house, are
arranged along the verandah, and, as a general rule, one of the primitive ladders above
mentioned is placed at either end, so that when à visitor enters the house, he sees
throughout its entire length, the range of his eye being only interrupted by the posts,
which after supporting the floor pass upwards, and serve also to support the roof.
Outside this verandah extends another, called the outer verandah. It has no roof, and
is exposed to the blazing sunbeams. It is used, not as a habitation, but as a kind of
storehouse and drying-ground.
As the flooring is made of bamboo, the Dyaks can easily, if they choose, keep the
interior of their rooms clean. This, however, they seldom choose to do, limiting their
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cleanliness to the simple process of sweeping any offal through the floor so as to fall
under the house. They never think of removiug it after it has fallen, so that by degrees
the heap of refuse becomes higher and higher, and gradually diminishes the distance
between the floor of the house and the soil beneath. In some of the older houses, these
heaps of rubbish have increased to such an extent, that when the pigs are grubbing in
them, their backs touch the bamboo flooring of the house.
The reason for building the Dyak houses on piles are several, the chief being that
such a house acts as a fort in case of attack. The custom of building on piles is universal,
but only those tribes that are liable to invasion employ piles of the height which have
been mentioned. This mode of architecture also protects the inhabitants from floods and
from the intrusion of reptiles. The Dyaks do not use the bow and arrow, and before
they learned the use of fire-arms, a house built on piles some twenty or thirty feet in
height made a very secure fort, which could not be fired, and which exposed the storming
party to certain and heavy loss. Even since the English have taken up their residence
in Borneo, some of these houses, belonging to revolted chiefs, have given great trouble
before they could be taken, artillery appearing to be the only weapon to which they at
once succumb.
K K 2
500
BORNEO
The piles are made of the hardest ironwood, and are very thick, much thicker than
is needed for the support of the house. The reason for this strength and thickness is,
that in case of attack, the assailing party dash under the house, protecting themselves
from missiles by a canoe which they turn keel upwards, and hold over their heads while
they chop at the posts, so as to bring the house and its defenders down together. If the
posts are but moderately stout, they will sometimes succeed; but if they are very thick
and strong, the defenders can remove part of the floor, and throw on the attacking party
weights sufficiently heavy to break through their roof and kill them.
It is probable that the custom of building houses on piles is partly derived from the
Malay fashion of erecting buildings over the water. The Dyaks copied this plan, and
became so used to it that when they built inland they still continued the practice. The
same theory accounts for the habit already mentioned of throwing all kinds of offal
through the open bamboo flooring. This custom was cleanly enough when the houses
were built over the water, but became a source of utter pollution when they were erected
on land, and the offal was allowed to accumulate below, undisturbed except by the dogs
and pigs.
Most of these houses are built rather high up the rivers, especially upon the tributary
streams; and booms, composed of bamboos and rattans, are fastened across the stream
below them, so as to hinder the advance of the enemy's canoes.
The thatch, as well as a considerable portion of the material, is obtained from the
nipa-palm, a tree which to the Borneans is almost a necessity of existence, and supplies
a vast number of their wants. It grows in large numbers at the water's edge; its huge
leaves, fifteen or twenty feet in length, projecting like the fronds of vast ferns.
When dried, the leaves are woven into a sort of matted fabric called “ataps,” which
is used sometimes as thatch, sometimes as the indispensable covering of boats, and
sometimes even as walls of houses, the mats being fastened from post to post. By
the use of these ataps certain portions of the roof can be raised on sticks in trap-
door fashion, so as to answer the double purpose of admitting light and securing ventilation.
Various other mats are made of the nipa-palm leaf, and so are hats and similar
articles. The entire leaf is often used in canoes as an extemporized sail, the leaf
being fastened upright, and driving the boat onward at a very fair pace.
Besides these uses the nipa leaves, when young, are dressed as vegetables, and are
both agreeable and nutritious, and the fine inner leaves, when dried, are rolled round
tobacco so as to form cigars.
From the root and stem a coarse sugar is made, which is used for all
purposes; for, although the sugar-cane grows magnificently in Borneo, the natives only
consider it in the light of a sweetmeat. It seems rather strange that sugar and salt
should be extracted from the same plant, but such is really the case, and salt-making
is one of the principal occupations of some of the tribes.
They gather great quantities of the nipa-root, and burn them. The ashes are then
swept together, and thrown into shallow pans half filled with water, so that the
salt is dissolved and remains in the water, while the charcoal and woody particles
float at the surface, and can be skimmed off. When the water is clear, the pans are
placed over the fire and the water driven off by evaporation, after which the salt,
which remains on the bottoms and sides of the pans, is scraped off. It is of a coarse
and decidedly bitter character, but it is much liked by the natives, and even
the European settlers soon become accustomed to it. Salt is imported largely from
Siam, but the Borneans prefer that of their own manufacture for home use, reserving
the Siamese salt for preserving fish.
The nipa and the mangrove grow in similar localities and on the same streams,
and are useful to those who are engaged in ascending rivers, as they know that the
water is always shallow where the mangrove grows, and deep near the nipa.
In the olden times, when a long house was projected, the erection of the
post was always accompanied by a human sacrifice, precisely as has been mentioned
of several other parts of the world. Mr. St. John saw one of these houses where a
human sacrifice had been made. A deep hole was dug in the ground, and the huge
general

CONSTRUCTION OF A DYAK BRIDGE.
501
post, which, as the reader may remember, is cut from the trunk of the hardest and
heaviest wood which can be found, was suspended over it by rattan lashings. A girl was
laid at the bottom of the hole, and at a given signal the lashings were cut, permitting
the post to drop into the hole, and crush the girl to atoms.
The same traveller saw a ceremony among the Quop Dyaks, which showed that
the principle of sacrifice still remained, though the victim was of a different character.
The builder wanted to raise a flag-staff near his house, and proceeded on exactly the same
WXXN
A DYAK HOUSE.
plan. The excavation was made, the pole was suspended by rattan, but, instead of a
human being, a fowl was bound and laid at the bottom of the hole, so as to be
crushed to death when the lashings were cut.
These houses are often approached by bridges, which are very curious structures,
so apparently fragile that they seem unable to sustain the weight of a human being, and
of so slight a character that to traverse them seems to imply the skill of a rope dancer.
As these houses are often built on the side of a steep hill, a pole is laid from the platform
to the hill, and, if it be a tolerably long one, supported by several rattan ropes fastened to
A very slight bamboo handrail is fastened a little above it, and the bridge
is considered as complete.
One of these simple bridges is shown in the above illustration, which gives a good
idea of the height of the house and its general style of architecture.
Near the foreground is a man engaged in making fire by means of twirling one stick
upon another, precisely as is done by the Kaffirs and other savage tribes. There is,
however, one improvement on the usual mode. Instead of merely causing a pointed stick
trees.
502
1
BORNEO.
to revolve upon another, the Dyaks use instead of the lower stick a thick slab of very dry
wood, with a deep groove cut on one side of it, and a small hole on the other, bored
down to the groove.
When the Dyak wishes to procure fire, he places the wooden slab on the ground with
the groove undermost, and inserts his pointed stick in the little hole and twirls it rapidly
between his hands. The revolution of the stick soon causes a current of air to pass
through the groove, and in consequence the fire is rapidly blown up as soon as the wood
is heated to the proper extent. In consequence of this arrangement, much labour is saved,
as the firemaker is not obliged to stop at intervals to blow upon the just kindled
dust which collects in the little hole around the firestick. Some tribes merely cut two
cross grooves on the lower piece of wood, and insert the point of the firestick at
their intersection.
The Saribas and Sakarrang Dyaks have a very remarkable instrument for obtaining
fire, called by them“ besi-api.” It consists of a metal tube, about three inches in length,
with a piston working nearly air-tight in it. A piece of dry stuff by way of tinder
is introduced into the tube, the piston rod is slapped smartly down and withdrawn with a
jerk, when the tinder is seen to be on fire. Europeans find that to manage the besi-
api is as difficult a task as to procure fire by two sticks. The reader may remember
that a machine of similar construction is sold at the philosophical instrument makers,
and that a piece of German tinder is lighted by the sudden compression of the air.
Another form of the besi-api is thus described by Mr. Boyle:-"Among some of
the Dyak tribes there is a manner of striking fire much more extraordinary.
The instrument used is a slender cube of lead, which fits tightly in a case of bamboo.
The top of the cube is hollowed into a cup, and when fire is required this cup is
filled with tinder, the leaden piston is held upright in the left hand, the bamboo case
is thrust sharply down over it, as quickly withdrawn, and the tinder is found to be
alight. The natives say that no metal but lead will produce the effect."
The same traveller gives an account of another mode of obtaining fire “ Another
interesting phenomenon these natives showed us, which, though no doubt easily
explained on scientific principles, appeared very remarkable. As we sat in the
verandah ny cheroot went out, and I asked one of the Iyaks squatted at our side
to give me a light.
“He took from his box of bamboo a piece of pitcher and a little tinder; put
the latter upon the pitcher and held it under his thumb, struck sharply against
the bamboo, and instantly offered me the tinder alight. Several times subsequently
we watched them obtain fire by this means, but failed to make out a reasonable theory
for the result.”
Even rivers are bridged over in the same simple, but really efficacious manner, as the
approaches to the houses. The mountain streams alternate greatly in depth and rapidity,
and it is no uncommon occurrence for a heavy rain to raise a river some forty feet in its
deep and rocky channel, and even after a single heavy shower the fords are rendered
inpassable. In consequence of this uncertainty, the Dyaks throw across the chasms such
bridges as are described by Mr. St. John
How light and elegant do these suspension-bridges look! One, in particular, I will
attempt to describe. It was a broad part of the stream, and two fine old trees hung over
the water opposite to each other. Long bamboos lashed together formed the main
portion, and were fastened by smaller ones to the branches above ; railings on either side
were added to give greater strength and security, yet the whole affair appeared so flimsy,
and was so far above the stream, that when we saw a woman and child pass over
it we drew our breath until they were safe on the other side. And yet we knew
that they were secure.
“I have often passed over them myself; they are of the width of one bamboo,
but the side railings give one confidence. Accidents do happen from carelessly allowing
the rattan lashings to rot.
Once, when pressed for time, I was passing rapidly across with many men following
close behind me, when it began to sway most unpleasantly, and crack! crack ! was heard
SMELTING IRON.
503
as several of the supports gave way. Most of my men were fortunately not near
the centre, and relieved the bridge of their weight by clinging to the branches, other-
wise those who were with me in the middle would have been precipitated on the
rocks below. After that, we always passed singly over such neglected bridges.”
1.
2.
The domestic manufactures of the Dyaks are of a very high order, and display a
wonderful amount of artistic taste.
The mode of building canoes has already been mentioned, but the principal too
of the canoe-maker is too curious to be passed over.
The implement in question is singularly ingenious, combining within itself a number
of qualifications. The general appearance of it can be seen by reference to the illustration,
which is drawn from a specimen presented to me by C. T. C. Grant, Esq.
It is apparently a most insignificant tool, hardly worthy the hands of a child; and
yet, when wielded by a Dyak, it produces the most remarkable results. The handle
is only ten inches in length, and the blade measures barely an
inch and a quarter across the widest part. The handle is made
of two portions, united with a strong lashing of rattan, backed
up by cement. The lower portion, which is curved exactly like
the hilts of the Dyak swords, is made of a soft and light wood,
while the upper part, which carries the head, is made of a hard,
strong, and moderately-elastic wood.
The head is made of iron, mostly imported, and is in all
probability formed on the model of a stone implement that was
formerly in use. As the reader may see, it is fastened to the
wood by rattan, exactly as the stone heads of the Polynesian axes
are held in their places by lashings of plaited sinnet.
But here the resemblance ends. The head of the Polynesian
axe is immovable, whereas the essence of the Bornean axe is that
the head can be shifted at will, by taking it out of the rattan
lashing, reversing and replacing it, so that it forms an axe or
an adze, as the user desires. The reader may remember that the
Banyai tribe of Southern Africa have an axe made on a similar
principle, though in their case the reversal is accomplished by
(From my collection.)
cutting holes at right angles to each other, through which the
shank of the iron head can be passed. (See vol. i. p. 404, figs. 4, 5.)
With this tiny instrument the Dyaks not only shape their planks, but cut down the
rgest trees with a rapidity that an English workman could scarcely equal, in spite of the
superiority of his axe. They have a very curious method of clearing away timber from a
space of ground. They first cut away all the underwood with their parangs, or choppers,
and then, with their little axes, cut the larger trees rather more than half through, leaving
the largest to the last. This tree is then felled, and, as all the trees are bound together
with rattans and other creepers, it brings down all the others in its fall.
Although the iron which the Dyaks use is mostly imported, they are capable of
smelting their own metal by a very simple process.
By way of a crucible, they dig a small pit in the ground, and perforate the sides with
holes, through which currents of air can be passed by means of the native bellows. Char-
coal is first placed in the pit, and then the ore, well broken, is laid on the charcoal; and
so the Dyak workmen proceed to fill the pit with alternate layers of charcoal and ore. A
light is then introduced by means of a hole, the bellows are worked, and in a short time
the metal is smelted.
Although each man is generally capable of making his own tools on a pinch, there is
generally a man in each village who is a professional blacksmith, and makes his living
by forging spear-heads and parang-blades, as well as by keeping the weapons of the
villagers in repair.
The basket-work of the Dyaks is exceedingly good, colour as well as form being
studied in the manufacture. Of the form of basket called tambok an illustration is
ADZE AXE.
504
BORNEO.
SynerII" TITTA HA1'1181
fill thumb I
here given. The basket is made of the nipa-palm leaf, cut into strips not quite the twelfth
of an inch wide, and stained alternately yellow and red. These are interwoven so as to
produce a considerable variety of pattern, somewhat resembling that which is used in
the sarongs and other woven fabrics. These patterns are nearly all combinations of the
square, the zigzag, and the diamond; the last form, however, being nothing more than
the square turned diagonally.
Although made in cylindrical form, the tambok is slightly squared by means of four
strips of hard red wood, which are tightly fastened to the basket by rattan lashing. The
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TAMBOK BASKET. (From my collection:)
bottom of the basket is squared in a similar manner, so as to flatten it and enable it to
stand upright, and is defended by thicker strips of wood than those which run up the
sides. The lid is guarded by two cross-strips of wood, and both the lid and the top of the
basket are strengthened by two similar strips bound firmly round their edges.
This basket is exceedingly light, elastic, strong, easily carried, and fully warrants the
estimation in which it is held. Tamboks are made of almost all sizes, and are extensively
used by the Dyaks, the Malays, and the European colonists.
Mats of various kinds are made by this ingenious people. One of these mats, which
is in my possession, is a wonderful specimen of Dyak work. It is nine feet long and five
wide, and is made of rattan, cut into very narrow strips-not wider, indeed, than those of
the enlarged patterns of the tambok basket. These strips are interwoven with such skill
as to form an intricate and artistic pattern. The centre of the mat is occupied by a
number of spiral patterns, two inches in diameter, the spiral being produced by extensions
of the zigzag already mentioned.
Around the spirals are three distinct borders, each with a definite pattern, and the
whole is edged by a sort of selvage, which gives strength to the fabric, and prevents it
from being torn. This kind of mat is exceedingly durable; the specimen in question
SPLITTING THE RATTAN.
505
having been long used in Borneo, then brought over to England, and employed as a
floor-cloth ; and, although cut in one or two places by chair-legs, is on the whole as firm
as when it was made. As the rattan has not been dyed, the colour of the mat is a pale
yellow; but the pattern comes out with wonderful distinctness, just as is the case with
good English table-linen.
Like all uncivilized people, the Dyaks never hurry themselves about their manu-
factures. Time is no object to them; there is none of the competition which hurries
European workmen through life. The women, who make these beautiful mats, go about
2.
Part of edge pattern.
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DYAK MAT. (From my collection.)
their work in a very leisurely way, interweaving the slender rattan strips with infinite
care, and certainly producing work that is thorough and sound.
The rattan is split in rather a curious manner. On account of the direction and length
of its fibre, it will split almost ad infinitum into perfectly straight strips of very great
length, so that the only difficulty is to cut the slips of precisely the same width. The
knives with which this task is performed are rather peculiar. One of them has already
been described on page 471, as an appendage to the Bornean sword; but there is another
which is so remarkable that it deserves a separate description.
As may
be seen from the illustration, the handle is bent at an angle like that of the
parang-latok, described and figured on page 471. In order to produce this effect, the
handle is made of two pieces of wood, the ends of which are bevelled off, so that when
The two
they are placed together they produce the angular form which is desired.
pieces are fitted very neatly together, and the joint is strengthened by a thick coating of
cement. The handle is further ornamented by having a long piece of brass wire coiled
tightly round it, and is finished off at the end with the same kind of cement as that which
is used at the joint.
Not only does the handle resemble that of the parang, but there is a great resem-
blance between the blades of the sword and the knife. The blade of this knife has been
forged out of a square bar of steel, which has been first flattened, and then beaten out into
the slightly curved form which is so largely used throughout the whole of this part of the
world. In order to show how close is the resemblance, I have placed by the side of the
knife a Burmese sword, which has been forged on the same principle, and has precisely
the same curvature of the blade.
506
BORNEO.
1
2,
As is the case with the sword-knife already described, this implement is used by
putting the handle under the left arm and holding the blade firmly in front of the body,
while both hands are at liberty to press
the end of the rattan against the edge
of the knife, and so to split it into as
many strips as are needed. In spite
of the comparative roughness of the
manufacture, which dispenses with
a finish and polish, the knife can
take a very fine edge; and my own
specimen, after having suffered rather
rough usage, is so sharp that I have
just mended a pen with it, and cut a
piece of note paper edgewise. The blade
of this knife is eleven inches in length.
In order to preserve the sharpness
of the edge, the Dyak carries the knife
in a sheath made simply of a small joint
of bamboo, closed at the lower end of
the natural knot, and carefully wrapped
at each end with rattan to prevent it
from splitting.
The cotton fabrics are entirely made
by the women, from the preparation
of the thread to the weaving of the
stuff. They beat out the cotton with
small sticks, and, by means of a rude
sort of wheel, spin it out into thread
very rapidly. They cannot compete
with the English manufacturer in fine-
ness of thread, but in durability there
is no comparison between the two, the
Dyak thread being stronger than that
made in England, and the dye with
which it is stained being so permanent
that, no fabric wears so well as that
which is of native manufacture.
Although we can hardly rank the
Dyak jars among native manufactures,
they play so important a part in the
section of Blade.
domestic life of these tribes that they
cannot be passed over without some
notice.
The Dyaks have no real currency,
(From my collection.)
and can scarcely be made to understand
it. They perfectly comprehend direct
barter, but the secondary barter by
means of a circulating medium is, as a rule, beyond an ordinary Dyak. He will take some
goods to the market for the purpose of exchanging them for some article which he wants;
but he has no idea of selling his goods for money, and buying with that money the needed
article.
The reader may remember that brass guns have already been mentioned as a sort of
currency. These are nothing more or less than cannon of various sizes, which are valued
by weight, and form a sort of standard by which prices are measured, like the English
pound or the French franc. They are bored to carry balls from one to two pounds weight,
and, though regarded chiefly in the light of money, are serviceable weapons, and can
1990
3.
BORNEAN KNIFE AND BURMESE SWORD.
THE SACRED JARS.
507
throw a ball to a considerable distance. There is an advantage about this kind of cur-
rency. It is not easily stolen, and outside the chiefs' houses may be seen rows of brass
guns lying on the ground unmounted, and owing their safety to their weight.
There is also a second standard of value among the Dyaks. This is the Jar, an
institution which, I believe, is unique.
These jars are of earthenware, and, as far as can be judged by appearance, must have
been of Chinese manufacture. They are of different descriptions, and vary greatly
in value.
The commonest jars, called Naga or Dragon jars, are worth about seven or eight
pounds, and derive their name from figures of dragons rudely scrawled on them. They
are about two feet in height. The Rusa jar, which is next higher in value, is worth from
ten to fifteen pounds, according to its quality, and is known by the figures of the Rusa
deer which are drawn upon it. But the most costly is the Gusi, which is worth almost
any sum that the owner chooses to demand for it.
The Gusi jar is neither large nor pretty. It is of a dark olive green colour, and about
two feet in height. These jars are very scarce, and are considered as being worth on an
average about five hundred pounds. Seven or eight hundred pounds have been paid for a
Gusi jar, and there have been one or two so valuable that many thousands pounds have
been offered and refused for them.
Mr. St. John mentions a jar of this kind belonging to the Sultan of Brunei, which
derived its chief value from the fact that it spoke on certain great occasions. For
example, the Sultan declared that on the night before his wife died the jar uttered hollow
moaning sounds, and that it never failed to apprise him of any coming misfortune by
wailing pitifully.
This jar is kept in the women's apartments, and is always covered with gold brocade,
except when wanted for consultation, or to exhibit its medicinal properties. Water
poured into a Gusi jar is thought by the Dyaks and by the Malays to be the best possible
medicine for all kinds of diseases, and, when sprinkled over the fields, to be a certain
means of procuring a good crop. As the people are willing to pay highly for this
medicated water, there is some reason for the enormous cost of these jars.
One of them is said to possess a quality which belonged to itself
. It increased
everything that was put into it. If, for example, it were half filled with rice in the
evening it would be nearly full in the morning; and if water was poured into it, a few
hours would increase the depth of water by several inches. It is remarkable that the
art of making these jars is lost. The Chinese, admirable imitators as they are, have
always failed when they have endeavoured to palm off upon a Dyak a jar manufactured
by themselves.
CHAPTER VI.
RELIGION, OMENS, FUNERALS.
THE STATE OF RELIGION AMONG THE DYAKS-THEIR BELIEF IN A SUPREME BEING -THE VARIOUS
SUBORDINATE GODS—THE ANTUS, AND THEIR FORMS-CATCHING A RUNAWAY SOUL-THE BUAU
AND HIS NATURE-ORIGIN OF LAND-LEECHES-CHARMS, AND THEIR VALUE-OMENS.--THE GOOD
AND EVIL BIRDS-A SIMPLE CAUSE OF DIVORCE—THE ENCHANTED LEAF-THE ORDEALS OF
DIVING, BOILING WATER, SALT, AND SNAILS—THE ENCHANTED WATER—d CURIOUS CEREMONY
-DYAK FUNERALS—THE OFFICE OF SEXTON, .
The religion of the Dyaks is a very difficult subject, as the people themselves seem to
have an exceedingly vague idea of it, and to be rather unwilling to impart the little
knowledge which they have. It is tolerably clear that they have an idea of a Supreme
Being, whom they call by different names, according to their tribes; the Sea Dyaks, for
example, calling him Batara, and the Land Dyaks Tapa. Next to the Supreme, by whom
mankind was created, were some very powerful though inferior deities, such as Tenabi,
who made the carth and the lower animals; Iang, who taught religion to the Dyaks,
and still inspires them with holiness; and Jirong, the lord of life and death.
Besides those chief deities there are innumerable Antus or minor gods, which cor-
respond in some degree to the fauns and satyrs of the ancients. They are called by many
names, and as, according to Dyak ideas, there is scarcely a square rod of forest that does
not contain its Antu, the people live as it were in a world peopled with supernatural
beings. Some of them even declare that they have seen the Antus, the chief distinction
of whom seems to be that they have no heads, the neck being terminated in a sharp
point. They are capable of assuming the form of a human being or of any animal at
will, but always without heads, so that they can be at once recognised.
The story of one of these Antu-seers is a very strange one. He declared that he
saw a squirrel in a tree, threw a spear at it, and brought it to the ground. When he
went to pick it up, it suddenly rose, faced him, and changed itself into a dog. The dog
walked a few paces, changed again into a human being, and sat slowly down on the
trunk of a fallen tree. The body of the spectre was parti-coloured, and instead of a head
it had a pointed neck.
The Dyak ran off in terror, and was immediately smitten with a violent fever, his
soul having been drawn from the body by the Antu, and about to journey towards the
spirit world. The doctor, however, went off to the spot where the Antu appeared, cap-
tured the fugitive soul, brought it back, and restored it to the body by means of the
invisible hole in the head through which the Antu had summoned it. Next morning the
fever was gone, and the man was quite well.
They tell another story of one of these inimical beings, who are supposed to be
ghosts of persons killed in battle, and called Buaus. A Buau pounced upon a woman
named Temunyan during her husband's absence, carried her off, and by his magic arts
GOOD AND EVIL BIRDS.
509
fixed her against a rock from which she could not move. When the husband returned,
he went in search of his wife, and, having found her, concocted a scheme by which the
Buau was induced to release her. By stratagem the husband contrived to destroy the
Buau, and took his wife home.
She had, however, scarcely reached her home when she gave birth to a horrible being,
of which the Buau was the father. Her husband instantly chopped it into a thousand
pieces with his parang, and flung it into the jungle, when each fragment took life, and
assumed the blood-sucking character of the demon parent. And thus the Buau was the
original parent of land-leeches.
In order to propitiate these beings, the Dyaks are in the babit of making offerings of
food, drink, and flowers to them before they undertake any great task, mostly putting the
food into dishes or baskets, and laying it in the jungle for the use of the Antus.
Satisfied apparently with the multitude of their deities, the Dyaks possess no idols, a
fact which is really remarkable, as showing the character of their minds. Charms,
however, they have in plenty, and place the greatest reliance on them. Some charms are
credited as rendering the wearer invulnerable
, and it is likely that those attached to the
parang described on page 471 are of that character.
Mr. St. John mentions an amusing example of the value set upon those charms.
There was a chief of very high rank, who possessed some exceedingly potent charms,
which had been in his family for many generations, and had been handed down from
father to son. They consisted of two round pebbles, one flat pebble, a little stone which
had been found in a banana, and some sand. All these valuables were sewn up together
and fastened to a string, by which they could be attached to the waist in times of peril.
Unfortunately, the chief lent these charms to a man who lost them, and was sued by
the aggrieved owner before the English court. He gained his case, but was nearly as
much dissatisfied with the court as with the defendant, inasmuch as he estimated the
value of the charms at a Rusa jar, i.e. about thirty dollars, or seven pounds, whereas
the value set on them by the court, and paid by the defendant, was fivepence.
Allusion has been already made to the birds on which the Dyaks so much rely
as omens.
These are three in number, the Kushah, the Kariak, and the Katupung. When a
Dyak is about to start on an expedition, he goes to the place near the village where the
feasting sheds are built, and there waits until he hears the cry of one of these birds.
Should either the kushah or the katupung cry in the front, or on either side, and not be
answered, the omen is bad, and the man gives up his expedition. It is a good sign, how-
ever, if the bird should first cry on one side and then be answered on the other.
The most important bird is the kariak. If the cry of the kariak be heard on the
right, the omen
is good; if on the left, it is doubtful
. But if the cry be heard behind the
diviner, the omen is as bad as it can be, and portends at least sickness, if not death.
The Dyaks scarcely engage in any undertaking without consulting the birds, whom
they believe to be half Dyaks, all birds having proceeded from the union of an Antu
with a Dyak woman.
Mr. Brooke, in treating of this subject, has the following forcible remarks :-
Some of our party of Dyaks had proceeded, but most were yet behind, and will be
sweeping down for the next week or more.
" Many go through the forms of their forefathers in listening to the sounds of omens;
but the ceremony is now very curtailed, compared with what it was a few years ago, when
I have known a chief live in a hut for six wecks, partly waiting for the twittering of birds
to be in a proper direction, and partly detained by his followers
. Besides, the whole way
in advancing, their dreams are religiously interpreted and adhered to; but, as in all such
matters, interpretations are liable to a double construction. The finale is, that inclination,
or often fear, is most powerful. A fearful heart-produces a disagreeable dream, or a' bad
omen in imagined sounds from birds or deer, and this always makes a force return. But
they often loiter about so long, that the enemy gains intelligence of their intended attack,
and is on the alert.
“However absurdly these omens lead the human race, they steadily continue to follow

510
BORNEO.
and believe in such practices. Faith predominates, and hugs huge wonders, and tena.
ciously lives in the minds of the ignorant. Some of the Dyaks are somewhat shaken in
the belief in hereditary omens, and a few follow the Malay custom of using a particular
day, which has a strange effect on European imaginations. The white man who commands
the force is supposed to have an express bird and lucky charm to guide him onwards
and to these the Dyaks trust considerably. You are our bird, we follow you.' I well
know the names, and can distinguish the sounds of their birds, and the different hands
on which the good and bad omens are interpreted.
3
WOMEN IN CANOE.
and
“ The effect of these signs on myself was often very marked, and no Dyak could feel
an adverse omen more than myself when away in the jungle, surrounded by these super-
stitious people. Still, I could sympathise with the multitude, and the difficulty lay in
the question, whether any influence would be sufficient to counteract such phantoms.
“It must not be thought I ever attempted to lead the Dyaks to believe that I was the
owner of charms and such absurdities, which could not have lasted above a season,
could never be successful for a length of time. A maias' (orang-outan’s) head was hanging
in my room, and this they thought to be my director to successful expeditions."
The cries of various animals are all interpreted by the Dyaks, those which have evil
significations far outnumbering the good-omened cries. The worst of all omens is the cry
of a deer, which will make a Dyak abandon any project on which he is engaged, no
matter how deeply his heart may be set on it.
On one occasion, a Dyak had married a young girl for whom he had a very strong
attachment, which was returned. On the third day after the marriage, the English
missionary entered the head-house and was surprised to see the young husband sitting in
it hard at work on some brass wire.
This was a very strange circumstance, as the head-house is tenanted only by the
bachelors. The missionary naturally asked him what he was doing there, and what had
become of his wife, to which he answered sorrowfully that he had no wife, a deer having
cried on the preceding night, so that they were obliged to dissolve the marriage at once.
“But,” said his interrogator, "are you not sorry for this?”
ORDEALS.
511
At a
Very sorry!"
“ What are you doing with the wire ?”
Making ornaments for the girl whom I want for my new wife.”
It seems that the belief in the Antus is so ingrained in the minds of the Dyaks, that
whenever any one meets with an accident, some Antu or other is presumed to have been
the author of the injury, and to require appeasal. Mr. Brooke mentions that he once
found the leaf of a palm-tree folded in a peculiar manner, lying near his house. This was
an offering to the Antu, because a man had fallen down there and injured himself
The leaf was supposed to be possessed by the Antu, who would avenge himself if his
leaf were disturbed by causing the arm of the offender to swell. However, Mr. Brooke
picked up the leaf and threw it away, and within two days his arm became swollen and
inflamed, and remained in that state for nearly a fortnight afterwards.
In connexion with this subject must be mentioned the ordeals by which disputes are
often settled. These are of various kinds, but the favourite plan is the ordeal of diving.
The two disputants are taken to the river and wade into the water up to the chin.
given signal they plunge beneath the surface, and the one who can remain longest under
water wins the case. There was a very curious instance of such an ordeal, where the
honour of a family was involved. The daughter of a chief was found to have disgraced
herself, and laid the blame upon a young man of rank. He, however, utterly contradicted
her story, and at last the dispute was brought to an end by the ordeal of diving. The
young chief won his cause, and the result was that the offending girl had to leave the
village, and her father was deserted by his followers, so that he was also obliged to seek
another home.
Then there is the salt ordeal. Each litigant is provided with a lump of salt of pre-
cisely the same weight, and he whose salt retains its shape longest in water is held to be
the winner. There is also the boiling water test, which is exactly the same as that which
was practised in England in former days, the hand being dipped into the hot liquid, and
coming out uninjured if the appellant be innocent.
Lastly, there is the snail ordeal
. Each party takes a snail and puts it on a plate, and
lime-juice is poured over them, when the snail that first moves is considered to have
indicated that its owner is in the wrong.
The reader may remember that the Dyaks are in the habit of purchasing water that
has been poured into the sacred jars, and sprinkling it over their fields by way of
ensuring fertility. They believe that water which has touched the person of a white
man will have the saine effect, especially if he be a man of some rank. So as soon as
English officers arrive at a Dyak village, the natives have a custom of seizing them, pull-
ing off their shoes and stockings, and washing their feet, the water being preserved as an
infallible charm for promoting the growth of their crops.
They carry this principle to an extent which to us seems exceedingly disgusting.
Long bamboos filled with dressed rice are brought to the visitors, who are requested to
spit in them. The rice thus medicated is distributed among the assembled crowd, who
press eagerly round, each attempting to secure a portion of the health-giving food. Some
of the more cunning among the people try to secure a second and some a third supply,
and Mr. St. John mentions an instance when one horrid old woman managed to be helped
The same traveller mentions that the blood of fowls is thought to be a very powerful
charm, and the Dyaks have a ceremony connected with the shedding of blood which is
almost identical with the Jewish Passover. (See Exod. xii. 22.) A festival had been given
in honour of the visitors. Their feet had been washed, and the water put aside. Their
rice had been duly medicated, and the Orang-kaya began some curious ceremonies, fling-
ing rice out of the windows, and accompanying the act with a prayer for fertility to the
fields and prosperity to the village. He was evidently repeating a well-learned lesson,
and it was ascertained that the words which he used were not understood by himself, só
that we find among the Dyaks the relics of an expired language, the few remnants of
which are preserved by religion, just as is the case with the inhabitants of New Zealand
six times.
and other islands.
512
BORNEO. .
This portion of the ceremony being ended, a sort of sacred dance was performed, the
Orang-kaya and the elders going successively to the white visitors, passing their hands
over their arms, and going off in a slow, measured tread, “moving their arms and hands
in unison with their feet until they reached the end of the house, and came back to
where we sat. Then came another pressure of the palm, a few more passes to draw
virtue out of us, another yell, and off they went again--at one time there were at least a
hundred dancing.
“For three nights we had had little sleep, on account of these ceremonies, but at
length, notwithstanding clash of gong and beat of drum, we sank back in our beds, and
were soon fast asleep. In perhaps a couple of hours I awoke, my companion was still
sleeping uneasily, the din was deafening, and I sat up to look around.
“Unfortunate moment! I was instantly seized by the hands of two priests, and led
up to the Orang-kaya, who was himself cutting a fowl's throat. He wanted Captain
Brooke to perform the following ceremony, but I objected to his being awakened, and
offered to do it for him. I was taken to the very end of the house, and the bleeding fowl
put in my hands. Holding him by his legs, I had to strike the lintel of the doors,
sprinkling a little blood over each. When this was over, I had to wave the fowl over
the heads of the women and wish them fertility; over the children, and wish them
health ; over all the people, and wish them prosperity ; out of the window, and invoke
good crops for them.”
FUNERALS among the Dyaks differ slightly in the various tribes. The common people
are buried or even burned with scarcely any ceremony, but the bodies of chiefs and their
relatives are treated with a whole series of rites.
As soon as a chief dies, the corpse is dressed in his finest clothes, every ornament that
he possessed is hung upon him, and his favourite swords and other weapons are laid by
his side. The body is then placed on an elevated platform, and is watched and tended
as if the dead man were still alive, food, drink, tobacco, and sirih being continually offered
him, and the air kept cool by constant fanning. The men assemble on
The men assemble on one side of the
corpse, and the women on the other, and romp with each other as if the occasion were
of a joyful rather than a sorrowful character. These games are continued until the corpse
is far gone in decomposition, when it is placed in a coffin made of a hollowed tree-
trunk, and buried in a grave which must not be more than five feet deep.
Knowing the customs of the people, the Malays are apt to rifle the graves of dead
chiefs, for the sake of obtaining the swords and other valuables that are buried with
them. Formerly, after the body was laid in the grave, the sword, a jar or two, clothes,
ornaments, and a female slave were placed in a canoe, the woman being firmly chained to
it. When the tide was ebbing the boat was sent adrift, and was supposed to supply the
spirit of the departed with all the goods that were on board. This custom, however, has
been long discontinued, as the Dyaks found that the canoe and its contents almost inva-
riably fell into the hands of the Malays, who thus procured slaves without paying for
them, and enriched themselves besides with the swords, gold, and clothing
The sexton's office is hereditary, and whenever the line fails the Dyaks have great
difficulty in finding some one who will not only take the office upon himself
, but must also
entail iť upon his descendants. The office, however, is a very lucrative one, varying from
a rupee to two dollars, a sum of money which can procure for a Dyak all the necessaries
and most of the luxuries of life for several weeks.
The Kayan Dyaks do not bury their dead, but place the body in a very stout coffin
made of a ħollowed tree, and elevate it on two stout carved posts, with woodwork pro-
jecting from each corner, like the roofs of Siamese houses.
:
A M E R I C A.
CHAPTER I.
TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
POSITION OF THE COUNTRY AND SIGNIFICATION OF THE NAME-CONFORMATION OF THE LAND AND
ITS ANIMAL AND VEGETABLE LIFE-APPEARANCE OF THE FUEGIANS-ERRONEOUS IDEAS CON-
CERNING THEM —COLOUR, COSTUME, AND MODE OF WEARING THE HAIR INDIFFERENCE TO
DRESS-PAINT AND ORNAMENTS-FUEGIAN ARCHITECTURE—THE POINTED AND ROUNDED HUTS
THE SPEAR AND ITS HEAD-BOWS AND ARROWO-STONE-THROWINGWONDERFUL STRENGTH
OF THE FUEGIANS-SKILL WITH THE SLING-STUDY OF PARTICULAR WEAPONS-FOOD OF THE
FUEGIANS-ANGLING WITHOUT HOOKS—THE DOGS, FISHERS AND BIRD-CATCHERS-THE DOG
RESPECTED BY THE FUEGIANS—CANNIBALISM-THE
-THE TREE-FUNGUS-CANOES-THE LARGE AND
SMALL CANOES, AND THEIR USES--SHIFTING QUARTERS AND TRANSPORTING CANOES —COOKERY
-GENERAL TEMPERAMENT OF THE FUEGIANSJEMMY BUTTON—FUEGIAN GOVERNMENT.
At the extreme southern point of America is a large island, or rather a collection of
įslands separated by very narrow armlets of the sea. It is separated from the mainland
by the strange tortuous Magellan's Strait, which is in no place wide enough to permit a
ship to be out of sight of land, and in some points is exceedingly narrow. As Magellan
sailed through this channel by night, he saw that the southern shore was studded with
innumerable fires, and he therefore called the country TIERRA DEL FUEGO, or Land
of Fire.
These fires were probably beacons lighted by the natives in order to warn each other
of the approach of strangers, to whom the Fuegians have at times evinced the most bitter
hostility, while at others they have been kind and hospitable in their way.
The country is a singularly unpromising one, and Tierra del Fuego on the south and
the Esquimaux country on the north seem to be exactly the lands in which human beings
could not live. Yet both are populated, and the natives of both extremities of this vast
continent are fully impressed with the superiority of their country over all others.
Tierra del Fuego is, as its proximity to the South Pole infers, a miserably cold country,
and even in the summer time the place is so cold that in comparison England would seem
to be quite a tropical island. In consequence of this extreme cold neither animal nor
vegetable life can be luxuriant. The forests are small, and the trees short, stumpy, and
ceasing to exist at all at some fifteen hundred feet above the level of the sea. There is a
sort of evergreen beech (Fagus betuloides).
There is only one redeeming point in the clinate of Tierra del Fuego. The mosquito
that haunts alike the hottest and coldest countries, and is equally a terror in Tropical and
Arctic America, cannot live in Tierra del Fuego, the damp, as well as the cold, being fatal
VOL. II.
L L

514
TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
to it. Indeed, there are very few insects in this strange land, and reptiles are altogether
absent.
Absence of vegetable life naturally results in absence of animal life, the herbivorous
animals being starved out for want of their proper food, and the carnivora being equally
unable to live, as finding no animals on which to feed. Man, being omnivorous, has a
slightly better chance of living, but even he could not multiply and fill the country when
food is so limited, provided he were limited to the land, but, as he is master of the waters
as well as of the earth, he can draw his living from the sea and rivers when the land
refuses to supply him with food.
Such is the case with the Fuegians, who are essentially people of the sea and its
shore, and who draw nearly the whole of their subsistence from its waters, as we shall
see in a future page.
Perhaps in consequence of the scantiness, the irregularity, and the quality of their
food, the Fuegians are a very short race of men, often shorter than the average Bosjesman
Z
FUEGIANS.
of Southern Africa, and even lower in the social scale. They ought not to be called
dwarfs, as is too often the case, their bodies being tolerably proportioned, and their figures
not stunted, but simply smaller than the average of Europeans, while the muscular
development of the upper part of the body is really wonderful. As a rule, the average
height of the Fuegian men is about five feet, and that of the women four feet six inches.
In some parts of the islands there are natives of much larger size, but these are
evidently immigrants from the adjacent country of Patagonia, where the stature is as
much above the average of Europeans as that of the Fuegians is below it.
The colour of the natives is a dark coppery brown, the reddish hue being only per-
ceptible in spots where they happen accidentally to be clean. The limbs are generally
slight, so that the knees and elbows seem to be disproportionately large, and their heads are
covered with masses of black hair
, that possesses no curl, and falls in long, wild tangled
locks over their shoulders. The men are almost entirely beardless.
Both sexes allow their hair to run to its full length, except over the forehead, where
it is roughly cut with a shell to prevent it from falling into the eyes. The people have a

THE FUEGIAN WOMEN.
515
strange superstitious reverence for hair, and that portion which is cut off is deposited in
a basket, and afterwards carefully disposed of. Once, when the captain had snipped off
a little hair from a Fuegian's head, he found that he had given great offence, and was
obliged to restore the severed hair and put away the scissors before the angry feelings of
the native could be smoothed. On another occasion, the only mode of pacifying the
offended native was by restoring the lock of hair, together with a similar lock from the
head of the white man. The cut hair is generally burned.
Captain King's account of the Fuegian women is not attractive.
“The hair of the women is longer, less coarse, and certainly cleaner than that of the
men. It is combed with the jaw of a porpoise, but neither plaited nor tied ; and none is
A FUEGIAN SETTLEMENT.
cut
away, except from over their eyes. They are short, with bodies largely out of pro-
portion to their height; their features, especially those of the old, are scarcely less
disagreeable than the repulsive ones of the men. About four feet and some inches is the
stature of these she-Fuegians, by courtesy called women. They never walk upright; a
stooping posture and awkward movement is their natural gait. They may be fit mates
for such uncouth men ; but to civilized people their appearance is disgusting. Very few
exceptions were noticed.
"The colour of the women is similar to those of the men. As they are just as much
exposed, and do harder work, this is a natural consequence. Besides, while children they
run about quite naked, picking up shell-fish, carrying wood, or bringing water.
In the
colour of the older people there is a tinge of yellow, which is not noticed in the middle-
aged or young
L L 2
516
TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
As is the case with many savage tribes, the teeth of the Fuegians are ground down
to an almost flat surface. This is most conspicuous in the front teeth. There is little
apparent distinction between the canine and the incisor teeth, both being ground down to
such an extent that the only remains of the enamel are on the sides, and, as Captain King
graphically remarks, “ the front teeth are solid, and often flat-topped like those of a horse
eight years old ... the interior substance of each tooth is then seen as plainly in propor-
tion to its size as that of a horse."
The mouth is large, and very coarsely formed, and as there is not a vestige of beard
its full ugliness is shown to the best advantage.
One of the strangest phenomena connected with the Fuegians is their lack of clothing.
In a climate so cold that in the middle of summer people have been frozen to death at
no great elevation above the level of the sea, it might well be imagined that the natives
would follow the same course as that adopted by the Esquimaux, and make for themselves
garments out of the thickest and warmest furs that can be procured.
They might do so if they chose. In some parts of their country they have the thick-
woolled guanaco (probably an importation from the mainland), and in others are
deer and foxes, not to mention the dogs which they keep in a domesticated state.
Besides, there are few furs warmer than those of the seal, and seals of various kinds
abound on the Fuegian coasts, some, such as the sea-lion, being of very large size. Then
there are various water-birds, whose skins would make dresses equally light and warm,
such as the penguin, the duck, the albatross, and the like.
It is evident, therefore, that if the Fuegian is not warmly and thickly clothed, it is not
from want of material, and that he is naked not from necessity but choice. And he
chooses nudity, neither sex wearing any description of clothes except a piece of seal or
deer skin about eighteen inches square hung over one shoulder. No other covering is
worn except this patch of skin, which is shifted about from one side of the body to the
other according to the direction of the wind, the Fuegian appearing to be perfectly
indifferent to frost, rain, or snow. For example, a Fuegian mother has been seen with
her child in her arms, wearing nothing but the little patch of seal-skin on the windward
side, and yet standing unconcernedly in the snow, which not only fell on her naked
shoulder, but was heaped between her child and her breast, neither mother nor infant
seeming to be more than ordinarily cold.
During mild weather, or when the Fuegian is paddling or otherwise engaged in work,
he thinks that even the piece of seal-skin is too much for him, and throws it off.
Though careless about clothing, he is not indifferent to ornament, and decorates his
copper-coloured body in various ways. He uses paint in profusion, generally laying on a
white ground made of a chalky clay, and drawing patterns upon it of black or dull brick-
red. The black is simply charcoal reduced to powder. He likes necklaces, which are
mostly white, and are made of the teeth of fishes and seals, or of pieces of bone. Orna-
ments of the same character are worn upon the wrists and ankles, so that, although the
Fuegian has no clothes, he has plenty of savage jewellery.
Both sexes keep their long, straggling locks out of their eyes by means of a small
fillet made of sinews, or the hair of the guanaco, twined round the forehead. Feathers
and similar ornaments are stuck into this fillet; but if they be white, the spectator must
be on his guard, for white down and feathers on the head are signs of war. Red, on
the contrary, denotes peace; so that these people entirely reverse the symbolism of
colour which is accepted almost over the entire world. Sometimes a native may be seen
so covered with black paint that the coppery colour of the skin is entirely lost, and the
complexion is as black as that of a negro. This is a sign of mourning, and is used on
the death of a relation or friend.
The houses of the Fuegians are as simple as their dress, and practically are little but
rude shelters from the wind. Any boy can make a Fuegian house in half an hour. He has
only to cut a number of long branches, sharpen the thicker ends, and stick them into the
ground, so as to occupy seven-eighths or so of a circle. Let him then tie the sticks
together at the top, and the framework of the house is completed. The walls and roof
are made by twisting smaller boughs among the uprights and throwing long coarse grass
WEAPONS.
517
on them, and the entire furniture of the hut is comprised in a few armfuls of the same
grass thrown on the ground.
The opening at the side is always made in the direction opposite the wind, and there
is no attempt at a door; so that, in fact, as has been said, the Fuegian's only idea of a
house is a shelter from the wind, so that the natives have no idea of a home or even of a
dwelling-place.
This is the form of hut used by the Tekeenika tribes of south-eastern Fuegia.
That which is generally employed in other parts of Fuegia is even more simple. It is
barely half the height of the Tekeenika hut, and looks something like a large bee-hive. It
seldom, if ever, exceeds five feet in height, but, as the earth is scraped away within, another
foot in height is given to the interior. It is made simply by digging a circular hole a foot
or so in depth, planting green boughs around the excavation, bending them over, and
tying their tops together. Upon this rude framework are fastened bunches of grass,
sheets of bark, and skins; so that, on the whole, a habitation is formed which is equal in
point of accommodation to a gipsy's tent.
These huts vary much in diameter, though not in height; for, while a number of huts
are from four to five feet in height, their diameter will vary from six to twenty feet.
The Fuegians are a quarrelsome people, and the different tribes are constantly at war
with each other; and, although they can scarcely be divided into definite tribes, the spirit
of local jealousy is sufficiently strong within them to keep the inhabitants of one district
at perpetual feud with those of another. The conformation of the country aids this
feeling of jealousy, the land being divided by numerous ravines, armlets of the sea, and
precipitous mountains ; but, fortunately for the Fuegians, this very structure prevents
destruction in war, although it encourages the ill-feeling which leads to war; and the
battles of the Fuegians are, at the best, nothing but detached skirmishes, without
producing the least political effect.
Their weapons are the bow and arrow, the spear, and the sling. These weapons are
primarily intended for hunting, and are much more used for killing seals
, guanacos, deer,
fish, and birds than in slaying men. In the use of them the Fuegians are wonderfully
expert. Capt. Parker Snow mentions a case where a number of Fuegians had assembled
in their canoes round his vessel. A large fish happened to pass, whereupon the natives
instantly speared it, and pitched it on board the ship.
The shafts of the spears sometimes reach the length of ten feet, and, instead of being
rounded, as is mostly the case with spear-shafts, are octagonal. The heads are made of
bone, about seven inches in length, and have a single barb about four inches from the point.
The Patagonians use a very similar weapon, as we shall presently see. There is another
kind of spear-head, which has a whole row of small barbs down one side. This weapon
is used as a javelin, and is thrown with great force and accuracy, the native grasping it
near the middle, poising for a moment, so as to look along it, and then hurling it.
The bow and arrow are mostly used for killing birds, the arrows being made of hard
wood, about two feet long. They are headed with pieces of flint or obsidian, which are
merely stuck in a notch at the end of the arrow, so that, when the shaft is withdrawn,
the head remains in the wound. The bow is strung with twisted sinews. Birds
are also killed by stones, some thrown by hand, and others with the sling, the
wonderful strength of these strange people enabling them to use their missiles with
terrible effect.
Although not tall, the Fuegians are very thick-set and enormously powerful. One of
them, named by the sailors York Minster, was a match in point of muscular strength
for
any two of the men belonging to the ship.
The women are as strong as the men. On one occasion, when three Fuegians, a man
and two women, had treacherously attacked a white sailor, and were trying to beat out
his brains with stones, they were interrupted, and the sailor rescued. The man was
shot
. One of the women tried to conceal herself under the bank, and the other was
seized by the captain and his coxswain, who tried to pinion her arms. She struggled
and fought so stoutly that they could scarcely achieve their object, and had no idea that
they were contending with a woman until they heard some one announce the sex of their
1
i
518
TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
captive. As to the other woman, who was the oldest of the party, she clung so tightly to
the bank that two of the strongest sailors could scarcely remove her.
The fate of the man was very curious, and illustrates the reckless, not to say senseless,
courage of these people. He was mortally wounded, and fell back for a moment, allowing
the maltreated sailor to escape. However, he instantly recovered himself, and, snatching
stones from the bed of the stream in which he was standing, began to hurl them with
astounding force and quickness. He used both hands, and fung stones with such truth
of aim that the first struck the master, smashed his powder-horn to pieces, and nearly
knocked him down. The two next were hurled at the heads of the nearest seamen, who
just escaped by stooping as the missiles were thrown. All this passed in a second or
two, and with an attempt to hurl a fourth stone the man fell dead.
Some time before this event the sailors had been astonished at the stone-throwing
powers of the Fuegians, who nearly struck them with stones thrown by hand when they
thought themselves even beyond musket-shot. They generally carry a store of pebbles
ready for use in the corner of their little skin mantles.
The sling is made of a cup of seal or guanaco skin, to which are attached two cords
similar in material to the bow-strings, thus combining apparent delicacy with great
strength. The cords of the sling are more than three feet in length. The skill which the
Fuegians possess with this weapon is worthy of the reputation attained by the Balearic
islanders. Captain King has seen them strike with a sling-stone a cap placed on a stump
at fifty or sixty yards' distance, and on one occasion he witnessed a really wonderful
display of dexterity. He asked a Fuegian to show him the use of the weapon. The man
immediately picked up a stone about as large as a pigeon's egg, placed it in the sling, and
pointed to a canoe as his mark. He then turned his back, and flung the stone in
exactly the opposite direction, so that it struck the trunk of a tree, and rebounded to
the canoe.
The men seem to think the sling a necessity of life, and it is very seldom that a
Fuegian is seen without it either hung over his neck or tied round his waist.
It is rather a curious fact that the Fuegians always devote themselves to one par-
ticular weapon. One, for example, will be pre-eminent in the use of the bow, another
will excel in throwing stones with the hand, and a third will give all his energies to the
sling. Yet, although each man selects some particular arm in the use of which he excels,
they all are tolerable masters of the other weapons, and it sometimes happens that a
Fuegian crosses over to the Patagonian coast, procures the singular weapon called the
bolas," of which we shall hear more presently, and becomes almost as expert in its use
as the man from whom he obtained it.
As for the food of the Fuegian, it is, as I have already mentioned, chiefly drawn
from the sea. He is an excellent fisherman, and manages to capture his prey without
even a hook. He ties a bait on the end of the line, dangles it before the fish, and
gradually coaxes it towards the surface of the water. He then allows it to bite, and,
before it can detach its teeth from the bait, jerks it out of the water with his right hand,
while with the left he catches or strikes it into the canoe. It is evident that by this
manner of angling it is impossible to catch fish of any great size. As soon as he has
caught the fish, the Fuegian opens it by the simple plan of biting a piece out of its under
surface, cleans it, and hangs it on a stick.
Molluscs, especially the mussels and limpets which are found on the sea-shores, form
a very considerable portion of the Fuegian's diet; and it is a curious fact that these natives
never throw the empty shells about, but carefully lay them in heaps. They are especially
careful not to throw them back into the sea, thinking that the molluscs would take
warning by seeing the shells of their comrades, and would forsake the coast. Every
woman is furnished with a short pointed stick of hard wood, with which she knocks
the limpets off the rocks.
There is a very large species of mussel found on these shores, which is particularly
useful to the Fuegian, who employs its shell as a knife. These tools are made in a very
simple manner. The Fuegian first knocks off the original edge of the shell, which is

USE OF THE DOG.
519
brittle and rather fragile, and, by grinding it against the rocks, produces a new edge,
which is sharp enough to cut wood and even bone.
By means of the spear and arrows, the Fuegian contrives even to capture seals and sea-
otters, but the pursuit in which he shows his greatest ingenuity is the capture of fish by
means of dogs. These dogs are little, fox-like looking dogs, which appear utterly incapable
of aiding their masters in hunting. Yet they are singularly intelligent in their own way,
and have learned a most curious fashion of taking fish. When a shoal of fish approaches
the land, the dogs swim out and enclose them, splashing and diving until they drive the
FISHING PARTY,
more,
shoal into a net, or into some creek when the water is sufficiently shallow for the spear
and arrow to be used. The dogs are also taught to catch the birds while sleeping. They
creep up to the birds quietly, pounce upon them, carry them to their masters, and return
for
and all so silently that the birds around are not disturbed.
These animals are regarded with very mingled feelings. The Fuegian neglects them
and illtreats them, scarcely ever taking the trouble to feed them, so that if they depended
on the food given them by their masters they would starve. However, their aquatic
training gives them the power of foraging for themselves, and, when not required by
their masters, they can catch fish on their own account. They are odd, sharp-nosed,
bushy-tailed animals, with large, pointed, erect ears, and usually with dark rough hair,
though a few among them have the fur nearly white. They are watchful and faithful to
their masters, and the sight of a stranger, much more of a clothed stranger, sets them
barking furiously
520
TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
green
Although the Fuegian neglects his dog, he has a great respect and even affection for
It often happens that the mussels and limpets fail, that the weather is too
tempestuous for fishing, and that in consequence the people are reduced to the brink of
starvation. It might be presumed that, having their dogs at hand, they would avail
themselves of so obvious a source of food. This, however, they never do, except when
reduced to the last extremity, and, instead of eating their dogs, they eat their old women,
who, as they think, are worn out and can do no good, while the dogs, if suffered to live,
will assist in catching fish and guanacos.
When they have determined on killing an old woman, they put a quantity of
wood on their fire, so as to cause a thick, suffocating smoke, and in this smoke they hold
the poor creature's head until she is stifled. Unless there is very great distress, the
women eat the upper part of the victim and the men the lower, the trunk being thrown
into the sea.
Several species of echinus, or sea urchins, are eaten by the Fuegians, who dive for
them and bring them to the surface, in spite of the sharp prickles with which the entire
surface is beset.
The Fuegian's great feast, however, takes place when a whale is stranded on the
shore. All the people within reach flock to the spot, while fleets of canoes surround the
stranded monster, and its body is covered with little copper-coloured men carving away
the blubber with their shell-knives. Each cuts as much as he can get, and when he has
torn and carved off a large piece of blubber, he makes a hole in the middle, puts his
head through the aperture, and thus leaves his hands free to carry more of the dainty
food.
Besides this animal food, the Fuegian eats a remarkable kind of fungus, which is
found on the antarctic beech, the tree which has already been mentioned. Mr. Webster
gives the following description of it :-
“The antarctic beech is the common and prevailing tree. It is an elegant evergreen.
It grows to the height of thirty or forty feet, with a girth of from three to five feet, and
sometimes, doubling these dimensions, it forms a majestic tree. In December it puts
forth a profusion of blossom, with anthers of bright pink, large and pendent. This
evergreen beech frequently has round the upper part of the trunk, or on some of the
larger branches, large clusters of globular fungi of a bright orange colour. Each fungus
is about the size of a small apple, of a soft pulpy nature, with a smooth yellow skin.
As it approaches maturity it becomes cellular and latticed on its surface, and when it
drops from the tree, dries, and shrivels into a brown mass resembling a morel.
"The Fuegians eat this fungus with avidity. The gelatinous mass is pale, without taste
or odour; at the part in contact with the tree are two germs or processes. From twenty
to thirty of these fungi are clustered together, and encircle the tree. They form a very
conspicuous object, and wherever they are attached they produce a hard knot, or woody
tumour, of considerable density. I did not observe them on any other tree than the ever-
green beech.”
Passing so much of his time on the sea, the Fuegian needs a boat of some kind, and,
debased as he is in many points, he is capable of constructing a vessel that answers every
purpose he requires. There are several kinds of Fuegian canoes.
made of the bark of a sort of birch, and is in fact formed much like the primitive canoes
of the Australians. It is a single sheet of bark stripped from the tree, and tied firmly
together at each end. Several sticks placed crosswise in the middle serve to keep it
open; and if any part has a tendency to bulge in the opposite direction, a skin thong is
passed across the boat and keeps it in shape. The ends of the canoe, as well as any
cracks or holes in the bark, are caulked with dry rushes and a pitchy resin procured
from trees.
Like the Australian, the Fuegian carries fire in these tiny canoes, placing a lump of
clay in the bottom of the boat, building the fire on it, and so being able to remain at sea
for a considerable time, cooking and eating the fish as fast as he catches them.
boat as this, however, is too frail to be taken far from land, or indeed to be used at all
when the weather is tempestuous. Moreover, it only holds one or two persons, and is
.

NOMADIC CHARACTER.
521
therefore unfitted for many purposes for which a Fuegian requires a canoe. A much
larger and better kind of canoe is therefore made, which has the useful property of being
made in separate parts, so that the canoe can be taken to pieces, and the various portions
carried overland to any spot where the canoe may be wanted.
Such a vessel as this is about fifteen feet in length and a yard in width, and, being
very buoyant, is capable of holding a whole family, together with their house, and
weapons, and utensils. It is considerably raised both at the bow and the stern, and
the various pieces of which it is made are sewn together with thongs of raw hide.
그
​SHIFTING QUARTERS.
The very character of a Fuegian's life shows that he must, to a certain degree, be a
nomad. He never cultivates the soil, he never builds a real house, he never stores up
food for the future, and so it necessarily follows that when he has eaten all the mussels,
limpets, oysters, and fungi in one spot, he must move to another. And, the demands of
hunger being imperious, he cannot wait, but, even if the weather be too stormy to allow
him to take his canoe from one part of the coast to another, he is still forced to go, and
has therefore hit upon the ingenious plan of taking his canoe to pieces, and making the
journey by land and not by sea.
All he has to do in this case is to unlace the hide thongs that lash the canoe together,
take it to pieces, and give each piece to some member of the family to carry, the strongest
taking the most cumbrous pieces, such as the side and bottom planks, while the smaller
portions are borne by the children. When the snow lies deep, the smaller canoe is generally
used as a sledge, on which the heavier articles are placed. “As to the hut, in some cases
the Fuegians carry the upright rods with them ; but they often do not trouble themselves
522
TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
with the burden, but leave the hut to perish, and cut down fresh sticks when they arrive
at the spot on which they mean to settle for a time.
The Fuegians are good fire-makers, and do not go through the troublesome process of
rubbing two sticks upon each other. They have learned the value of iron pyrites (the
same mineral which was used in the “wheel-lock” fire-arm of Elizabeth's time), and
obtain it from the mountains of their islands. The tinder is made either of a dried fungus
or moss, and when the pyrites and a pebble are struck together by a skilful hand, a spark
is produced of sufficient intensity to set fire to the tinder. As soon as the spark haş
taken hold of the tinder, the Fuegian blows it until it spreads, and then wraps it up in a
ball of dry grass. He rapidly whirls the grass ball round his head, when the dry foliage
bursts into flames, and the fire is complete.
Still, the process of fire-making is not a very easy one, and the Fuegians never use
their pyrites except when forced to do so, preferring to keep a fire always alight, and to
carry a fire-stick with them when they travel. Fire is, indeed, a necessary of life to the
Fuegians, not so much for cooking as for warming purposes. Those who have visited
them say that the natives always look cold and shivering, as indeed they are likely to do,
considering that they wear no clothes, and that even in their houses they can but obtain
a very partial shelter from the elements.
Their cookery is of the rudest description, and generally consists in putting the food
into the hot ashes, and allowing it to remain there until it is sufficiently done for their
tastemor, in other words, until it is fairly warmed through. Cooking in vessels of any
kind is unknown to them, and the first lessons given them in cooking mussels in a tin
pan were scarcely more successful than those in sewing, when the women invariably made
a hole in the stuff with the needle, pulled the thread out of the eye, and then insinuated
it through the hole made by the needle. They were repeatedly taught the use of the eye
in carrying the thread, but to little purpose, as they invariably returned to the old fashion
which they had learned with a fish-bone and fibre of sinew.
Though so constantly in the water, the Fuegians have not the most distant idea of
washing themselves. Such a notion liever occurs to them, and when Europeans first came
among them, the sight of a man washing his face seemed to them so irresistibly ludicrous
that they burst into shouts of laughter. In consequence of this utter neglect of clean-
liness, and the habit of bedaubing themselves with grease and clay, they are very offensive
to the nostrils, and any one who wishes to cultivate an acquaintance with them must
make up his mind to a singular variety of evil odours. Moreover, they swarm with
parasites, and, as they will persist in demonstrating friendly feelings by embracing their
guest with a succession of violently-affectionate hugs, the cautious visitor provides himself
either with an oilskin suit, or with some very old clothes, which he can give away to the
natives as soon as he regains his vessel.
Although the Fuegians are often ill-disposed towards strangers, and indeed have
murdered many boats' crews, Captain Parker Snow contrived to be on very friendly terms
with them, going on shore and visiting them in their huts, so as to place himself entirely
in their power, and allowing them to come on board his ship. He was fortunate in
obtaining the services of a native, called Jemmy Button, who had been partially educated
in England, with the hope that he might civilize his countrymen. However, as mostly
happened in such cases, he was soon stripped of all his goods; and when Captain Snow
visited Tierra del Fuego, twenty-three years afterwards, he found Jemmy Button as naked
and dirty as any of his countrymen, as were his wife and daughter.
The man, however, retained much of his knowledge of English, a few words of which
he had engrafted upon his native language. When first he arrived on board, the English
words came with difficulty; but he soon recovered his fluency, and had not forgotten his
manners, touching his forehead as he stepped on the quarter-deck, and making his bow in
sailor fashion when he addressed the captain, to the entire consternation of the sailors,
who could not understand an absolutely naked savage speaking English, and being as
well-mannered as themselves.
The faculty of acquiring language is singularly developed in the Fuegian. Generally,
the inhabitants of one country find great difficulty in mastering the pronunciation, and
FACILITY OF TONGUE.
523
especially the intonation, of a foreign land; but a Fuegian can repeat almost any sentence
after hearing it once, though of course he has not the slightest idea of its meaning.
A very absurd example of this curious facility of tongue occurred to some sailors who
went ashore, and taught the natives to drink coffee. One of the Fuegians, after drinking
his coffee, contrived to conceal the tin pot, with the intention of stealing it. The sailor
demanded the restoration of his property, and was greatly annoyed that every word which
he uttered was instantly repeated by the Fuegian. Thinking, at last, that the man must
be mocking him, and forgetting for the instant that he did not understand one word of
English, the sailor assumed a menacing attitude, and bawled out, “ You copper-coloured
rascal, where is my tin pot?” The Fuegian, nowise disconcerted, assumed precisely the
same attitude, and exclaimed in exactly the same manner, "You copper-coloured rascal,
where is my tin pot ?” As it turned out, the "copper-coloured rascal” had the pot tucked
under his arm.
The natives evidently seemed to think that their white visitors were very foolish for
failing to comprehend their language, and tried to make them understand by bawling at
the top of their voice. On one or two occasions, when a number of them came on board,
they much annoyed Captain Snow by the noise which they made, until a bright thought
struck him. He snatched up a speaking-trumpet, and bellowed at his visitors through it
with such a stunning effect that their voices dropped into respectful silence, and they began
to laugh at the manner in which they had been out-bawled by a single man.
As far as can be ascertained, the Fuegians have no form of government. They live
in small communities, not worthy of the name of tribes, and having no particular leader,
except that the oldest man among them, so long as he retains his strength, is looked up
to as a sort of authority. Their ideas of religion appear to be as ill-defined as those of
government, the only representative of religion being the conjurer, who, however,
exercises but very slight influence upon his fellow-countrymen.
CHAPTER II.
THE PATAGONIANS AND THEIR WEAPONS.
POSITION OF PATAGONIA STATURE OF THE INHABITANTS --SIGNIFICATION OF THE NAME_HORSE
FURNITURE THE STIRRUP AND BOOT-AN INGENIOUS SPUR-THE GIRTH AND ITS CONSTRUC-
TION-PRIMITIVE BUCKLES-THE BRIDLE AND ITS ACCOMPANYING WHIP-THE PATAGONIAN
AND SPANISH BITS SIZE AND STRENGTH OF THEIR HORSES-HORSE-RACING-THE BOLAS,
THEIR CONSTRUCTION, AND DIFFERENT VARIETIES OF FORM-WAR IN PATAGONIA
- -THE SPARE
HORSES AND THEIR USE THE RETURN FROM BATTLE-A HUNTING EXPEDITION- CHASING THE
GUANACO -A TERRIFIED HERD THE 'DISADVANTAGE OF CURIOSITY---DECOY GUANACOS -
PARTRIDGE CATCHING-THE POWER OF FASCINATION,
SEPARATED from Tierra del Fuego by a strait so narrow that in certain spots human beings
might converse across the water, is the land called Patagonia.
It derives this now familiar title from a nickname given to the inhabitants by
Magellan's sailors. As we shall presently see when treating of their costume, the
Patagonians wear a sort of gaiter to protect their ankles against thorns. These gaiters
are made of the furry skin of the guanaco, the long hair spreading out on either side of
the foot. The sailors, ever ready to ridicule any custom new to them, remarked this
conspicuous part of the dress, and nicknamed the natives Patagones, i.e. duck-feet, a
name which has ever since adhered to them, and even been applied to their country,
The narrow armlet of sea, to which reference has been made, divides two lands
utterly opposed to each other, and inhabited by people totally distinct in appearance and
habits. Tierra del Fuego has scarcely a level spot in it, but is composed of even set
ravines clothed with trees, and precipitous, snow-clad mountains. Patagonia, on the
contrary, abounds iñ vast level plains, unfertile, and without a tree in them.
The human inhabitants of these countries are as different as the lands themselves,
the Fuegians being below the average height, and the Patagonians above it. Yet, just as
the Fuegian is not such an absolute dwarf as has often been stated, the Patagonian is not
such an absolute giant, a regiment of our Lifeguards being as tall as an equal number of
Patagonians. It is true that if a Patagonian regiment of picked men were raised they
would overtop even the Guardsmen, but the old tales about an average of seven or even
eight feet are unworthy of credit. Some of the older voyagers even attribute to the
Patagonians a much loftier stature, saying that some of them were twelve feet in height,
and that when one of them stood with his legs apart, an ordinary man could walk
between them without stooping.
The colour of the Patagonians is somewhat like that of the Fuegians, being a
dark copper brown, the reddish hue coming out well on any part of the skin that
happens to be less dirty than others. The hair is coarse, long and black, and is allowed
to hang loosely about their faces, being merely kept out of their eyes by a small fillet of
guanaco hair. There is scarcely any eyebrow, a deficiency which always gives an un-
pleasant expression to the eyes, and indeed, even in the old men, the face is almost

DRESS.
525
devoid of hair. The face is roundish, the width being increased by the great projection
of the cheek-bones, and the chin is rather broad and prominent. The small, restless eyes
are black, as is the hair, and rather hidden under the prominent brows. The nose is
narrow between the eyes, but the nostrils are broad and fleshy. The mouth is large, and
the lips rather thick, but altogether the face is not a bad one.
The dress of the Patagonians is simple, but sufficient, and in this respect they form a
great contrast to the absolutely naked Fuegians of the opposite shores. The chief part
of the costume consists of a large mantle made of guanaco skins. The guanaco is, as
the reader may possibly be aware, one of the llama tribe, and is about the size of a deer.
It is covered with a thick woolly coat, the long hair of which is valuable, not only to
the Patagonians, but to Europeans, by whom it is made into various fabrics.
It is very plentiful in this country, fortunately for the Patagonians, to whom the
guanaco is the very staff of life, the creature that supplies him with food, clothes, and
Website
I g
2167fter
PATAGONIANS.
the
dwelling. Sometimes it is seen in great droves of several hundreds in number, but it
generally associates in smaller herds of twenty or thirty individuals. It is a shy
animal,
as well it may be, considering the many foes that are always ready to fall
upon it; and as it is swift as well as shy, great skill is required in capturing it, as will
presently be seen.
The guanaco-skin mantle is very large, and when folded round the body and clasped by
arms, falls as low as the feet; and when a tall Patagonian is seen in this mantle, which
adds apparently to his height, he presents a very imposing appearance. Generally, the
mantle is confined round the waist by a belt, so that when the wearer chooses, he can
throw off the upper part of it, his hands remaining at liberty for action. Under the
mantle he wears a small apron,
Next come the curious gaiters, which have been already mentioned. At first sight
they look like boots reaching from the knee downwards, but when examined more closely,
they are seen to be devoid of sole, having only a strap that passes under the middle of the
foot, so that the heel and toes and great part of the sole are left unprotected. The
reason of this structure is, that the Patagonian is nearly always on horseback, and
526
PATAGONIA.
:
2,
the toe is made to project beyond the gaiter in order to be placed in the stirrup,
which is very small and triangular.
In order to give the reader a good idea of the horse-accoutrements of the Patagonians,
I insert a drawing made from a complete set in my possession.
The saddle is made of four pieces of wood, firmly lashed together with raw-hide
thongs, and both the front and back
of the saddle are alike. From the
sides depend the stirrups, which are
appended to leathern thongs, and are
made in a very simple manner.
A
hole is made at each end of a stout
leathern strap, and a short piece of
stick about half an inch in diameter
is thrust through them, being re-
tained in its place by a groove near
each end. The strap being attached
by its middle to the thongs which
act as stirrup-leathers, the article is
complete.
As the space between the grooves
is rather less than three inches, it
necessarily follows that the Pata-
gonian horseman can only insert his
great toe in the stirrup. This, how-
Spur off
ever, is sufficient hold for him, as he
is an admirable though careless look-
ing rider, the greater part of his life,
from childhood upwards, having been
spent on horseback.
The spur is as primitive as the
stirrup, and exactly resembles in
principle the prick-spurs of the an-
cient knights. At Fig. 2 one of these
spurs is shown. It consists of two
pieces of stick, exactly like those
employed for the stirrups, and two
short straps of cowhide. A hole is
made at each end of the strap, and
Snur on foot
the sticks are pushed through them,
being held in their places, like those
of the stirrups, by a groove cut half
an inch from their ends, so that the
two sticks are held parallel to each
other.
To the upper ends of each stick
a leathern thong is applied, and these
thongs, being tied over the instep,
hold the spur in its place. At the
other ends of the sticks holes are
bored, into each of which a sharp
iron spike is inserted, as seen in the
illustration. In my own specimen, the maker has been economical of his iron, and has
only inserted spikes in one of the sticks, so that when the spurs are worn with the spiked
stick inwards, they are quite as effective as if both sticks were armed. Still, the hole for
the reception of the spikes has been bored in all the sticks, and there is no doubt that the
Patagonian who made the spurs would have inserted the spikes at some time or other.
3
i
HORSE-ACCOUTREMENTS.
HORSE ACCOUTREMENTS.
527:
i
At Fig. 3 may be seen the way in which the spur is worn.
The armed sticks come on
either side of the foot, the strap which is next to the spiked ends goes round the heel, the
other strap passes under the hollow of the foot, and the hide thongs are tied over the instep.
Such a spur as this is not only an effective but a cruel instrument, really as bad as the
huge metal spurs, with rowels four inches in diameter, which the Guachos wear. It is
impossible to see this simple form of spur without recalling the old story of “Sandford
and Merton," and referring to the adventure of Tommy Merton, who, on being forbidden
to use spurs, stuck pins into the heels of his boots, and was run away with in conse-
quence.
The girth is a singularly ingenious piece of work. The strength of the girth itself is
prodigious. At first sight it looks as if it were a single broad belt of leather, but a
nearer inspection shows that it is made of twenty-
two separate cords, each about the eighth of an inch
in thickness, laid side by side, and united at intervals
by several rows of similar cords of strings. Each
of these cords is made of two strands of raw hide,
probably that of the guanaco, and looks as strong
as ordinary catgut. Buckles are unknown to the
Patagonian, who has invented in their stead a mode
of tightening the girth by passing straps through
holes, hauling upon them, and fastening off the ends.
The bit and bridle are equally ingenious. The ordi-
nary bit is seen in the accompanying illustration. It
consists of a squared bar of iron four and a half
inches long, the ends of which are passed through
holes in doubled pieces of hide, and hammered when
cold into a sort of rivet-like shape, so as to retain the
leather in its place. To the lower part of the leathers
are attached a couple of stout thongs, which are
passed under the lower jaw of the horse, and then
tied, so that they keep the bit in its place, and at the
same time act as a sort of curb.
To the upper part of the leathers are fixed the
long plaited thongs which are used as reins, and
which seem strong enough to hold an elephant, much
more a horse. The Patagonian uses no separate
whip, but has a long double strap of stout hide,
which is fixed to the junction of the reins, so that
there is no danger of losing it.
This is the ordinary bit of a Patagonian hunter,
but those who can obtain it like to use the cruel
Spanish bit, which they fit up in their own way
with thongs of plaited hide. One of these bits is
shown in the illustration on page 528. The principal
distinguishing point about these bits is the large iron
ring, which passes over the horse's jaw, and gives to
the rider a leverage so powerful that he could break
the jaw of any horse without making any very great
exertion. By the use of this bit, the horse is soon
(From my collection.)
taught to stop almost suddenly, to wheel in a very
limited area, and to perform the various evolutions which are needed in carrying out the
pursuit in which the Patagonian depends for much of his livelihood.
The reins which are attached to this bit are of enormous strength, and are plaited in a
square form, so that no amount of pulling which any horse could accomplish would
endanger them. The whip is attached to these reins like that of the last mentioned
apparatus, but is more severe, thicker, and heavier, and is made of a long and broad belt
PATAGONIAN BIT AND WHIP.
528
PATAGONIA.
2
of hide, cut into four strips, which are plaited
together, flat and narrow strips about four inches
long answering as the lash. It will be seen that
the Patagonian is by no means merciful to his
beast, but that he uses a bit, spur, and whip
which are, though so simple in appearance, more
severe in practice than those which have a far
more formidable aspect.
The horses which he rides are descended from
those which were introduced by the Spaniards,
and which have multiplied so rapidly as almost
to deserve the name of indigenous animals. They
are of no great size, being under fifteen hands high,
and belonging to that well-known mustang breed
which is more celebrated for strength and endur-
ance than for aspect, qualities which are indispen-
sable in an animal that has to carry so heavy a rider
after creatures so fleet as the guanaco or the rhea.
The Patagonians are fond of racing, but never
make their courses longer than a quarter of a
mile. The reason for these short races is, that
their horses are not required to run for any length
of time at full speed, but to make quick and
sudden dashes, so as to enable the rider to reach
his prey, and hurl the singular missiles with
which he is armed.
There is yet an article needed to complete the
equipment of a Patagonian. This is the cele-
brated “bolas," a weapon which looks almost
contemptible, but in practised hands is excep-
tionally formidable. It consists of two or some-
times three balls at the end of hide thongs. The
form most in use is that which is represented in
the illustration on page 529. The native name
for the two-ball bolas is somai, and that for the
three-ball weapon is achico.
The first point in making the bolas is to procure
the proper balls, and the second to prepare the
proper rope to which they are fastened. The
ordinary balls are made of stone, and are nearly
as large as cricket balls. They are made by the
women, who pass much of their time in supplying
the men with these necessaries of life. To cut and
grind one of these stones is a good day's work,
even for an accomplished workwoman.
A still more valuable ball is made of iron,
which has the advantage of being so much heavier
than stone that the ball is considerably smaller
,
and therefore experiences less resistance from the
air, a quality which is of the first consequence
in a missile weapon.
The most valuable are
those which are made of copper, as is the case with
the specimen from which the illustration is taken.
Each of these balls weighs eighteen ounces, in
spite of its small size, so that the weapon is a very
formidable one.
leather plait.
SPANISH BIT AND PATAGONIAN FITTINGS.
(Trom my collection.)
THE BOLAS.
529
The thong to which the balls are attached is nine
feet in length, and is made in the following manner:
Two pairs of thongs of raw hide are cut, and, while
they are still fresh and wet, each pair is twisted
together so as to form a two-stranded rope. These
ropes are again twisted into one, so that the aggregate
strength of the four is enormous.
Round each of the balls is then laid a circular
piece of guanaco hide, with holes bored all round the
edge. The ends of the thongs being passed through
the holes and laced tightly, the raw hide is drawn
over the balls, and encloses them in a sort of pocket,
as is seen by the enlarged figure in the illustration.
This specimen is one of the three-ball weapons. In
this case a third thong five feet six inches in length
has been twisted, one end fastened to a ball, and the
other interlaced with the strands of the first thong
exactly at its centre. We have now the three-ball
bolas, which is made in such a manner that, when the
thongs are grasped at their points of junction, two of
the balls hang at equal depths from the hand, and
the third is just a foot below them.
The bolas is to the Patagonian what the kris is
to the Malay, the boomerang to the Australian, the
lasso to the Gaucho, the club to the Fijian, and the
bow to the Andamaner. From early childhood up-
wards no Patagonian is without this weapon, which
seems to him an absolute necessity of existence.
Generally he carries it twisted round his waist, like
an officer's sash of the olden days, the balls dangling
at the side like the tassels of the sash.
It is, however, coiled on the body with such con-
summate skill that it can be cast loose with a turn of
the hand, the eye being fixed on the object of attack,
and in a moment the Patagonian is fully armed.
Putting aside warfare, which in Patagonia is scarcely
known, the tribes, or rather the families, not being
strong enough to wage real war upon each other, the
80-called battles are unworthy of any name except
that of skirmishes, which among themselves seem to
do no great harm, however formidable they may be
to opponents who happen to be unacquainted with the
mode of fighting practised by the Patagonians.
For example, a dozen trained riflemen, on foot,
who could thoroughly depend on each other, would
overmatch ten times their number of mounted Pata-
gonians, who, every whit as brave as themselves,
were ignorant of discipline, and fought every man for
his own hand.
Let the riflemen once allow the Patagonians
to come within thirty yards, and they would be
annihilated; but as long as the foe could be kept
out of throwing distance, they are comparatively
When a Patagonian intends to attack either a
human enemy, or some animal of chase, or even, as
VO
harmless.
PATAGONIAN BOLAS. (From my Collection.)
VOL. II.
M M
530
PATAGONIA.
often happens, some wild beast or bird, he slips the ever-ready bolas from his waist,
grasps the thongs at their point of union, drives his primitive spurs into the flanks of
his rough-coated steed, and dashes off at full gallop, whirling the bolas round his head
by a dexterous movement of his flexible wrist.
As soon as he comes within throwing distance, which materially varies according
to the strength of the thrower and the structure of the bolas, he hurls his singular
weapon with unerring skill. No sooner does it leave his hand than the centrifugal force
causes the balls to diverge, and they fly round and round in the air with a motion exactly
resembling that which an English street acrobat imparts to a couple of padded balls
at the ends of a string, when he wants to clear the ground.
Urged by the stalwart arm of the Patagonian, the bolas flies straight to its mark, and
no sooner does it strike it, than the impetus communicated to the balls causes the
thongs to twist round the unfortunate victim, and bring him at once to a halt. Indeed,
should a man be struck by the bolas, he may congratulate himself if in three minutes
afterwards he finds himself alive, neither having been strangled by the cords twisting
round his neck, nor brained by the heavy balls coming in contact with his skull.
The skill which the Patagonians attain is really marvellous. At any distance short
of fifty yards a victim marked is a victim slain. So terrific is the gripe of the bolas
thong, that Europeans who have been struck with it have been found to suffer from weals
as well marked as if they had been made by the stroke of a “cow-hide” whip upon
the bare flesh.
An excellent description of the various kinds of bolas is given by Captain King :-
Sometimes two balls, each of which has a cord about a yard in length, are fastened
to the thong of the larger set. This is to entangle the victim more effectually. They do
not try to strike objects with these balls, but endeavour to throw them so that the thong
shall hit a prominent part; and then, of course, the balls swing round in different
directions, and the thongs become so laid up' (or twisted), that struggling only
makes the captive more secure.
“ They can throw them so dexterously as to fasten a man to his horse, or catch
a horse without harming him. If an animal is to be caught without being thrown
down suddenly—an inevitable consequence of these balls swinging round his legs
while at full speed—a somai is thrown upon his neck. The two balls hang down, and
perplex him so much by dangling about his fore-legs that his speed is much checked, and
another set of balls or a lasso may be used to secure without throwing him down. The
lasso is not much used, so adroit are they with the balls.
"A formidable missile weapon is the single ball, called by the Spaniards' bola perdida.'
This is similar to the other in size and substance, but attached to a slighter rope
about a yard long. Whirling this ball, about a pound in weight, with the utmost
swiftness around their heads, they dash it at their adversary with almost the force
of a shot. At close quarters it is used, with a shorter scope of cord, as an efficient
head-breaker.
"Several of these original and not trifling offensive weapons are kept in readiness by
each individual, and many a Spaniard, armed with steel and gunpowder, has acknow-
ledged their effect.”
The raids which are dignified by the name of warfare are more for plunder than
conquest, inasmuch as the Patagonian cares nothing for territory, of which he has enough
and to spare, and almost nothing for military fame. Sometimes he wants plunder;
sometimes he means to make a hunting expedition into a district held by another tribe;
and sometimes he prepares a short campaign against an inimical tribe in revenge for a
real or fancied insult.
When preparing for such an excursion, or while expecting the attack of another
tribe, the Patagonians keep themselves in constant preparation for war. They put
on three of their thickest mantles in order to deaden the blow of the bolas, or withstand
the point of the spear and arrow. These mantles are not wrapped round them in
the ordinary fashion of peace, but are worn like ponchos, the head being thrust through a
hole in the middle.
The innermost mantle is of guanaco skin, with the hairy side

THE MILITARY UNIFORM.
531
inwards, while the others are simple leather, without hair, the place of which is taken by
paint. Their heads are guarded by conical caps, made of hide, and often adorned by
a tuft of feathers from the rhæa.
Those who are wealthy enough purchase a sort of armour composed of a thick hide
tunic, with a high collar and short sleeves, and a hat or helmet made of double bull's
hide. This garment is very heavy and clumsy, but it will resist every weapon except
bullets, and will make even the blow of the " bola perdida” fall harmless. Those who are
too poor to possess a horse, and are obliged to fight on foot, carry shields made of several
layers of hide sewn together.
THE RETURN FROM AN EXPEDITION.
Sometimes they come unexpectedly upon enemies, and a skirmish is the immediate
result. In this case they mostly fling aside their cumbrous mantles, and fight without
any clothing except the girdle and their spurs.
When they make expeditions against inimical districts, they take spare horses with
them, one of which is intended to bear the plunder as they return, and to take its share
in carrying the warrior to battle. As soon as the Patagonian finds that his weight is
beginning to tell upon the horse which he rides, he vaults upon the other without
checking them in their gallop, and thus makes sure of a fresh and unwearied horse upon
going into action. The second horse is afterwards used for the conveyance of slaves,
skins, weapons, and other booty.
As they return, they fling off the cumbrous armour of coats and mantles, and ride,
according to their fashion, naked to the waist, the innermost mantle being retained in its
MM 2
532
PATAGONIA.
place by a leathern thong, which acts as a belt. In some of these expeditions a whole
troop of loose horses is driven in front of the warriors, and when a man feels his
own horse becoming wearied, he rides alongside one of the loose horses, shifts the bit,
and leaps on the fresh animal, not troubling himself about the saddle.
When the Patagonian goes out hunting, he carries no weapon except the bolas
and a knife, the latter being considered rather as a tool than a weapon. Should he
see a herd of guanacos, he makes silently towards them, imitating the cry of the young
one in distress, and doing all in his power to attract the animals. Anything very
strange is sure to attract them, just as it attracts cows, which are horribly afraid of
the new object, but, victims of a sort of fascination, are led nearer and nearer by a
spirit of curiosity, for which they pay with their lives. When a small herd-say
six or eight-of guanacos is seen, they can generally be enticed within range of the
bolas by a hunter on foot, who steals as near them as he can manage to do without
alarming them, and then plays various antics, such as lying on his back and kicking
his legs in the air, tying a strip of hide or a bunch of feathers to a stick, and waving
it about. The inquisitive creatures seem unable to resist the promptings of their
curiosity, and, though they are really afraid of the strange object, come closer and
closer, until the hunter is able to hurl the terrible bolas at them.
When, however, the herd is a large one, the guanacos are much more timid, and, until
the introduction of the horse, the Patagonians could seldom do much with them. Now,
however, the possession of the horse, together with their knowledge of the guanaco's
disposition, enables them to capture and kill great numbers of the animals.
In this mode of chase the Patagonians make use of two characteristics which belong
to the guanaco. In the first place, it is a hill-loving animal, and when pursued, or even
afraid of pursuit, leaves the plains and makes for some eminence. Like all gregarious
animals, the guanacos invariably have sentinels posted on the most elevated points, and
trust their safety to their watchfulness, the squeal of alarm being instantly followed by the
flight of the herd. Knowing this peculiarity, the hunters are sure that if a herd of
guanacos be in the plain, and a hill be near them, the animals will be almost certain to
take to it.
The second characteristic is, that the guanacos, when thrown into confusion, entirely
lose their presence of mind, running a few steps in one way and then a few steps in
another, being quite unable to fix upon any definite plan of escape.
A large party of hunters, sometimes nearly a hundred in number, arrn themselves
with their long, light, cane-shafted spears, called chuzos, summon their dogs, and set off
towards the spot where a herd of guanacos is known to be. Having fixed upon some
grassy hill, half of the hunters push forward and take up a position on the further side,
while the others drive the guanacos gently towards their well-known grazing place.
As soon as the animals are fairly on the hill, the hunters spread out so as to enclose
them in a semicircle, and then dasă forward, driving the herd up the hill. The detached
band on the other side, as soon as they hear the shouts, spread themselves out in a
similar manner, the two bodies completely surrounding the hill, so that when the guanacos
reach the summit they find themselves environed by enemies.
After the usual custom in such cases, they lose all presence of mind, some running one
way, some another, mutually hindering each other's escape, so that the hunters are able to
pierce with their long spears the finest animals, and thus secure in a very short space
time so great a number of guanacos that they are amply supplied with skins and meat.
Although they carry the spears on these occasions, they are not without the bolas,
it being used for capturing the young guanacos, which are kept in a domesticated state
like sheep
Now and then a guanaco, which possesses more sense than its comrades, takes a line
of its own, and dashes through the circle of its
enemies. Still it has but little chance of
escaping, for round the circle of horsemen there is another circle of men on foot, accom.
panied by dogs. As soon as a guanaco breaks through the first circle, it is instantly
by the dogs, which terrify it to such an extent that it is unable to move, and neither
tries to escape nor resist.
of
seized

THE DECOY.
533
The young guanacos which have been mentioned as being domesticated are not solely
intended to furnish food, or even bred merely for the sake of their skins. They are
HUNTING GAME.
employed for the sake of decoying the adult animals. Taking the young guanaco to the
feeding grounds, the hunter ties it to a bush, and then conceals himself behind it. By
534
PATAGONIA.
imitating the mother's cry, he induces the captive to utter the plaintive bleating sound by
which a young one calls for its mother. This is a sound which the adult guanacos cannot
resist, and as soon as they come within twenty yards or so of the bush, the bolas is
launched, and the animal at which it is aimed falls to the ground, enveloped in the
fatal coils.
The power of the bolas is eminently shown in the chase of the rhæa, or American
ostrich. This bird is as swift and wary as the true African ostrich, and, but for the
bolas, the hunters would scarcely be able to secure it. In the chase of this bird the
Patagonians employ the same device which is used in capturing the guanacos. They
know that the rhæa shares with the guanaco the tendency to become confused and
uncertain in its movements when it is pressed simultaneously from opposite directions.
They therefore try to surround the herd and converge upon it, or, at all events, two or
three of them attack it from opposite quarters, driving it first one way and then another,
so that the bird becomes so perplexed that it cannot make up its mind to run in one
direction, and escape its foes by its superior speed, but allows them to come within range
of the bolas, when its fate is sealed.
The hunters also know that, in common with all the ostrich tribe, and, indeed, with
many wild animals of chase, the rbæa always runs against the wind. It is therefore easy
for them to ascertain the direction which the bird will take, and by sending two or three
horsemen several miles windward the retreat of the bird is easily cut off. The Pata-
gonian can even kill the little cavies with the bolas, so accurate is his aim.
The reader may easily imagine that such a weapon as this would be serviceable in
warfare, When the Patagonian uses it in battle, he does not always fling it, apparently
because he does not like to deprive himself of his weapon. Sometimes he dashes along-
side of a foe, and throws one of the balls at him, just as if he were throwing a stone,
retaining the other ball in his hand, so as to recover the weapon after the blow has sped.
When the Patagonian carries the three-ball bolas, which has already been described, he
uses the third ball, which, as may be remembered, is attached to the longest thong, as an
English robber uses his “ life-preserver,” or an American his “slung-shut.'
Another mode of procuring game is practised by the Patagonians, and is identical
with that which is used by the North Africans in taking the partridge, the South Africans
in killing the bustard, as well as by the inhabitants of other parts of the earth. There is
a sort of partridge which is common on the plains, and is called the Pampas partridge
.
Its scientific name is Nothuria major. The weapon, or rather implement, required for
this sport is a very simple one. It is nothing more than a light reed, some eight feet in
length, at the end of which is a noose composed of a strip cut from the side of a long
feather. This noose has sufficient pliability to be drawn tight when pulled, and sufficient
elasticity to keep itself open.
Furnished with this implement, the Patagonian looks out for a partridge on the
ground, and, when he finds one, begins riding round and round it in an ever-decreasing
circle. The bird is much perplexed by this conduct, and, instead of flying away, it simply
crouches closely to the ground. By degrees, the young hunter--this sport being only
practised by boys—comes so close to the bird that he slips the noose over its neck, and,
before it can spread its wings for flight, jerks it into the air.
An expert bird-catcher will secure three or four birds in an hour by this curious mode
of hunting, which may be pursued on foot as well as on horseback. The only drawback
to it lies in the very limited time during which it can be attempted. It has been found
that, if the shadow of the hunter should fall upon the partridge, the bird seems to shake
off the strange feeling which paralyses its energies, and flies away before it can be
captured. Consequently, the sport can only be pursued as long as the sun is towards
the meridian; and as soon as the shadows lengthen sufficiently to throw them on the
bird, the young hunter abandons his sport. All practical naturalists are aware of the
alarm caused by a shadow falling on some animal which they are watching or trying to
capture ; and entomologists in particular have learned that, to approach most insects, it
is necessary to keep the insect between themselves and the sun.
97
POWER OF FASCINATION.
535
As to the strange sort of fascination which forces the bird to crouch instead of flying
away, it exists in very many birds, of which the domestic poultry or any of the common
cage-birds are familiar examples. Any one who is accustomed to deal with these birds
can take one, stand it or lay it on a table, go away, and return after an absence of
hours, knowing that the bird will not dare to move. During the time that I kept and
bred canaries, I used to free them from the dreaded red mite by sprinkling insect
powder under their feathers laying them on a piece of paper covered with insect
powder, and leaving them there for an hour or two, until the powder had destroyed all
the parasites.
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sectional a
profile
BONE SPEAR-HEAD.
1
CHAPTER III.
DOMESTIC LIFE OF THE PATAGONIANS.
PATAGONIAN MARRIAGE-APPEAL OF ASUITOR-REJECTION OF THE OFFER, AND RESULT OF THE
NEGOTIATION_CURIOUS MODE OF SMOKING-PRESCRIPTION FOR A SICK CHILD
FOR A SICK CHILD-PATAGONIANS
AT HOME-NATIVE COOKERY-PATAGONIAN ARCHITECTURE-TREATMENT OF WOMEN, CHILDREN, ,
AND SLAVES MODE OF GOVERNMENT-POWER OF
THE CACIQUE-NOTIONS OF RELIGION-
OFFERINGS AND LIBATIONS-FUNERALS IN PATAGONIA-SECLUSION OF WIDOWS-VISITS OF
CONDOLENCE.
We will now glance at the domestic life of the Patagonians, if the word “domestic" can
be rightly applied to people who have no settled home or domus.
How marriage is conducted among them is described by Captain Bourne, who was
kept a prisoner for a considerable time, and had every opportunity of studying their
manners and customs.
It appeared that in the house of the chief to whom he belonged there was a daughter
—a widow, with a young child. One evening, the tramp of many feet was heard on the
outside of the hut, together with the mutterings of voices. Presently, one voice was
heard louder than the rest, evidently addressed to some one within the hut. It was the
voice of a suitor come to ask the hand of the young widow. The chief scornfully refused
the offer, saying that he was not worthy to be her husband, having no horses or other
property. The man admitted that at the present time he did not happen to have any
horses, but that he was a remarkably good thief, and that, if the lady would only accept
him, he would steal horses, catch guanacos, and give her plenty of grease.
These overtures being rejected as contemptuously as the last, the suitor addressed
himself to the lady, who was very willing to accept him, and entirely yielded when he
repeatedly promised to bring home plenty of grease for her. She then besought her
father to listen to the suitor's application, but was angrily refused. Her mother then
tried to pacify the angry father, saying that the young man might fulfil his promises,
catch plenty of horses, and become a great chief.
This was too much for the old man. He jumped up in a towering passion, seized the
cradle in which his little grandchild was lying, flung it out of the hut, snatched up
every article which his daughter possessed, threw them after the cradle, and then ordered
her to follow her goods. This was exactly what she wanted; so, accompanied by her
mother, she left the hut, and was joined by her intended husband.
A curious mode of smoking is practised among the Patagonians, which somewhat
resembles that which is used by the Damaras, as recorded in Vol. I.
When one of these smoking parties is organized, the guests assemble together, some-
times in a hut, and sometimes in the open air. They gravely seat themselves in a circle,
round a vessel of water,--sometimes an ox-horn stuck in the ground, and sometimes a sort
of basin made of raw hide. All being assembled, one of them takes a stone pipe, and fills
it with a mixture of tobacco and the shavings of some yellow wood.
THE PHYSICIAN'S PRESCRIPTION.
537
The pipe being prepared, all the company lie flat on their faces, with their mantles
drawn up to the top of their heads. The pipe is then lighted and passed round, each
drawing into his lungs as much smoke as he can swallow, and retains it as long as he can
exist without breathing As soon as the smoke is expelled, the men begin a series of
groanings and gruntings, which become louder and louder, until they are absolutely
deafening. By degrees they die away; and when quiet has been restored, each takes a
draught of water, sits silently for a space, and then slowly rises and moves away.
Captain Bourne is of opinion that this ceremony has in it something of a religious
element. The groaning and grunting might be due to the tobacco, or the substance which
is mixed with it, but the sounds seemed to him to be louder and more emphatic than they
would have been if entirely involuntary; and the breathings, writhings, and other accom-
paniments, the profound gravity, and the abstinence from speech, all appeared to have
some religious signification.
The same traveller gives a very amusing account of a visit paid by a Patagonian
physician to the hut of the chief.
The party were just preparing to shift their quarters, after the Patagonian fashion,
when one of the daughters came in, carrying a child who was crying loudly, and who was
supposed in consequence to be very ill. The journey was stopped, and a messenger
dispatched for the wise man, who soon came, and brought with him his magic medicines,
rolled up in two pieces of skin.
These were laid on the ground, and the doctor squatted by the side of them, fixing a
steady gaze on the child, who presently ceased crying. Encouraged by this success, the
wise man ordered a clay plaster to be applied. This was done. Some yellow clay was
brought, moistened until it was like paint, and with this substance the child was anointed
from head to foot. The clay seemed to have but little good effect, for the child began to
cry as badly as ever.
The two mysterious packages were now untied, and out of one the doctor took a
bunch of rhæa-sinews, and from the other a rattle. The doctor then fingered all the sinews
successively, muttering something in a very low tone of voice, and after he had muttered
for some five minutes or so, he seized his rattle and shook it violently. He next sat in
front of the patient, and stared at him as he had done before.
After an interval of silent staring, he turned to the chief and asked whether he did
not think that the child was better. A nod and a grunt expressed assent, and the mother
on being asked the same question gave a similar response.
The same process was then repeated—the silent stare, the painting with clay, the
fingering of the sinews, the muttering of inaudible words, the shaking of the rattle,
and the concluding stare. The treatment of the patient was then considered to be
complete. The chief gave the doctor two pipefuls of tobacco by way of fee. This was
received gratefully by the man of skill, who gave his rattle a final shake by way of
expressing his appreciation of the chief's liberality, and went his way.
As soon as he had gone, the child resumed its crying, but the parents were satisfied
that it was better, and, as Captain Bourne testifies, it soon became quite composed, and
throve well afterwards.
The general mode of life among the Patagonians is not particularly alluring to persons
of civilized habits, if we may judge from the graphic picture drawn by Captain Bourne :-
"A few dry sticks and a bunch of dry grass were brought; mine host drew from a
convenient repository a brass tinder-box with a stone and a piece of steel, and soon
produced a blaze that brilliantly illuminated the scene. By its light I was enabled to
survey the first specimen of Patagonian architecture that had blessed my vision.
“ It was constructed in a 'pointed' style, though not very aspiring, consisting of a row
of stakes about eight feet high, each terminating in a crutch or fork, with a pole laid
across them; two parallel rows of stakes on either side about two feet high, with similar
terminations and a similar horizontal fixture; and a covering composed of skins of the
guanaco sewed together with the sinews of the ostrich, the only thread used by the people.
This covering is thrown over the framework and fastened by stakes driven through it
into the ground. For purposes of ventilation, some interstices are left; but these again
533
PATAGONIA
are half closed by skins attached to the outside, so that the air from without and the
smoke from within (in default of a chimney) must insinuate themselves through these
apertures in great quantities.
“In truth, my first survey was rather hurried; the first cheerful gleam had scarcely,
set my eyes on the look-out, when I was fain to shut them against an intolerable smoke.
In no long time I felt as bacon, if conscious, might be supposed to feel in the process of
curing. No lapse of time was sufficient to reconcile the eyes, nostrils, and lungs to the
nuisance. Often have I been more than half strangled by it, and compelled to lie with
my face to the ground as the only endurable position. 'Talk that is worse than a smoky
house' must be something out of date, or Shakespeare's imagination never comprehended
anything so detestable as a Patagonian hut. The chief and his numerous household,
however, seemed to enjoy immense satisfaction, and jabbered and grunted and played
their antics and exchanged grimaces as complacently as if they breathed a highly
exhilarating atmosphere.
“My meditations and observations were shortly interrupted by preparations for a
meal. The chief's better-half-or rather fifth-part, for he had four wives-superintended
the culinary operations, which were as rude and simple as the hut where they were
carried on.
And now my fancy began to conjure up visions of the beef, fowls, and eggs, the
promise of which had lured my men from the boat, had proved stronger than suggestions
of prudence, and had made me a prisoner. But these dainties, if they existed anywhere
within the chief's jurisdiction, were just at present reserved.
" The old hag threw down from the top of one of the stakes that supported the tent
the quarter of some aninal, whether dog or guanaco was past imagining. She slashed
right and left with an old copper knife with might and main, till it was divided into
several pieces. Then taking a number of crotched sticks about two feet long, and
sharpened at the points, she inserted the forked ends into pieces of the meat, and drove
the opposite points into the ground near the fire, which, though sufficient to smoke and
comfortably warm the mess, was too feeble to roast it. At all events, time was too
precious, or their unsophisticated appetites were too craving, to wait for such an operation,
and the raw morsels were quickly snatched from the smoke, torn into bits by their dirty
hands, and thrown upon the ground before us.
“ The Indians seized them with avidity, and tossed a bit to me; but what could I do
with it? I should have no appetite for the dinner of an alderman at such a time and
place, but as for tasting meat that came in such a questionable shape, there was
bringing my teeth or resolution to it. While eyeing it with ill-suppressed disgust, I
observed the savages, like a horde of half-starved dogs, devouring their portions with the
greatest relish, seizing the fragment with their fine white teeth, giving every sign of
enjoyment, except what one is accustomed to see in human beings.
• The old chief remarked the slight I was putting upon his hospitality. Why don't
you eat, man?' This meat very good to eat-very good to eat. Eat, man, eat. '
Seeing him so much excited, and not knowing what deeds might follow his words if
I refused, I thought it expedient to try to eat what was set before me, asking no questions,
-thinking, moreover, that if there were any evil spirit in it that the fire had failed to
expel, it could not possibly have resisted the smoke. So, being sorely divided between
aversion to the strange flesh and fear of showing it, I forced a morsel into my mouth. Its
taste was by no means as offensive as its appearance, and I swallowed it with less disgust
than I had feared. This was my first meal with the savages, and a sample of many
others, though better viands afterwards varied their monotony now and then.'
It is most probable that the meat which was so rapidly cooked and eaten was that of
the guanaco. The Patagonians are in no way fastidious as to their diet, and eat almost
every animal which they kill, whether it be guanaco, rhæa, or cavy. They have a
repugnance to the flesh of dogs, though they cannot, like the Fuegians, be accused of
eating the flesh of human beings rather than that of dogs.
Their chief dainty is the flesh of a young mare, and it is rather curious that these
strange people will not, if they can help themselves, eat that of a horse, unless it be
10

FOOD.
539
disabled by an accident. They are fond of the fat of mares and rhæas, separating it
from the flesh by boiling, and pouring it into bladders, much as lard is treated in this
country. Yet the fat obtained from the guanaco is not stored like that of the mare and
the rhoea, but is eaten raw. As is the case with the Fuegians, the Patagonians obtain
a considerable amount of food from the seashore, great quantities of limpets, mussels,
and similar creatures being gathered by the women and children.
Besides animal food, vegetables are consumed, though rather sparingly, by the
Patagonians. Two roots form part of their ordinary diet. One is called tus," and
A PATAGONIAN VILLAGE.
looks something like a yam or potato. It is bulbous, and when cleaned and properly
cooked bears a strong resemblance to a baked potato. The second root is called "chalas,"
and is a long, slender root, scarcely so thick as an ordinary pencil.
It is rather remarkable that the Patagonians do not seem to have invented any
intoxicating drink. They soon learn to appreciate rum and other spirits, and will
intoxicate themselves whenever they can procure the means, but they obtain all fermented
and distilled liquors from the white traders
, and not from their own manufacture. They
have a sort of cooling drink made of the juice of barberries mixed with water, but it is
drunk in its natural state, and is not fermented.
The dwellings of the Patagonians are worthy of a brief description, inasmuch as they
show the distinction between the Patagonian and Fuegian ideas of architecture. The reader
will remember that the principal portion of the Fuegian hut consists of sticks and
branches, whereas the Patagonian only uses the sticks and poles by way of a framework
whereupon he can spread his tent of skins.
540
PATAGONIA.
These huts, called by the Spanish “ toldos," and by the Patagonians "cows,” are of
variable dimensions. Generally they are little more than sloping sheds, six or seven feet
high in front, and only two feet high at the back. The length of each toldo is about
twelve feet, and its width about nine feet. As east winds are hardly ever known in
Patagonia, the opening of the hut is always to the east, the skin covering of this simple
tent being impervious to wind and rain.
This is the ordinary kind of dwelling, but in some places a much larger description of
hut is erected for the chief or the medicine-man. These houses are gabled, being eight
feet or so in height in the middle, and sloping on either side to the wall, which is five feet
or so in height. Huts of this kind are nearly square, their depth rather exceeding their
length.
The sleeping accommodation of these habitations is very simple, and consists of skins,
which are spread on the floor. Other skins rolled up are laid along the side of the hut, ,
and serve as pillows, the children lying in a corner by themselves, and the dogs sleeping
at the feet of their owners. Those children who are unable to walk are laid in simple
cradles made of square pieces of guanaco-skin, hung hammockwise by four ends to the
rafters of the hut.
During the daytime the infants are kept, or rather packed, in cradles made of flat
pieces of board, over which some pliable sticks are bent in a semicircular form. The
child is placed between two pieces of guanaco-skin, fastened in the cradle, and can then be
carried about without trouble. Even when the family is shifting quarters, the cradle can
be hung on the saddle-bow of the mother's horse, the little occupant being perfectly
contented with its situation.
It might seem from this statement that children are treated with neglect. Such,
however, is not the case, the Patagonians being remarkable for their parental affection,
and being much more inclined to spoil their children by over-indulgence than to behave
unkindly towards them. Indeed, when a Patagonian chief wishes to change his quarters,
and the people do not wish to part with him, they take one of his children, indulge it in
every way, and declare that he must leave it behind him. The affectionate parent cannot
bring himself either to leave his child, or to deprive it of the society of Those who are
kind to it, and in consequence he remains with his people.
The condition of the women is a very tolerable one. They certainly have to work
hard all their lives unless their husband be rich enough to purchase slaves, or be fortunate
enough to procure them by a raid on some other tribe. Many such slaves are obtained
from the Fuegians, who do not scruple even to sell their own relatives when they can
procure a good price for them. Even the wives of the chief men are not exempt from
labour unless their husbands happen to possess slaves.
Generally the wives are faithful to their husbands, but there are cases where the
woman has thought herself ill-treated, and has betaken herself to another protector.
Should he be an inferior, the aggrieved husband makes him pay for his offence; but
if a superior, he is obliged to put up with his loss. Generally, however, the husband
and wife live happily together, and the husband thinks it a point of honour to take
his wife's part if she should fall into a dispute, no matter whether she be right or
wrong. He will scold her severely in private, and even inflict corporal punishment on
her, for involving him in such a dispute, but he will make a point of upholding her in
public.
The mode of punishment of the Patagonians is rather variable, but is generally a
modification of the patriarchal system. The heads of families or tribes possess hereditary
rank, and take the lead in all important events of peace or war. Their power is, how-
ever, not very great, and they are not able to raise taxes, nor enforce compulsory labour
without payment. These chiefs, or caciques, as they are termed, can, if they choose, refuse
the rank, and many do so, preferring to become subjects of some other cacique to the
trouble and responsibility which accompany the post.
According to Falkner, “the cacique has the power of protecting as many as apply to
him; of composing or silencing any difference; or delivering over the offending party to
be punished with death, without being accountable for it. In these respects his will is

RELIGION
541
the law. He is generally too apt to take bribes, delivering up his vassals, and even his
relations, when weil paid for it.
According to his orders the Indians.encamp, march, or travel from one place to
another to hunt or to make war. He frequently summons them to his tent, and harangues
them upon their behaviour, the exigencies of the time, the injuries they have received, the
measures to be taken, &c. In these harangues he always extols his own prowess and
personal merit.
When eloquent he is greatly esteemed; and when a cacique is not
endowed with that accomplishment, he generally has an orator who supplies his place."
3
BURIAL GROUND.
The religion of the Patagonian is a polytheism, the natives believing that there are
great numbers of deities, some good and some evil
. Each family is under the guardian-
ship of one of the good deities, and all the members of that family join him when they
die. Beside these gods there are subordinate demons, good to their own friends, but bad
toward all others, so that on the whole the bad predominates in them. They are called
by the name of Valichu.
Yet among some of the Patagonian tribes there is even an approach to personal religion.
It has been thought that the Patagonians are totally destitute of such religion. This,
however, is certainly not the case, as even our limited knowledge of these people, their
language, and their habits shows that, even though they may not possess any definite
system of religion, they are still impressed with the idea of some Being infinitely greater
than themselves, who knows everything that they do. Thus they believe in an omniscient
Being; and such a belief as this, limited and imperfect though it may be, is yet a step
towards true religion.
512
L'ATAGONIA.
To this unknown Being they return thanks when they have obtained a 'supply of food
after long famine, so that we find them acknowledging tliat the great Being, who knows
all their deeds, watches over them, and is the. Giver of all good things.
When, for example, they have procured a seal after having been half-starved for
months, they assemble round a fire, and the oldest man present cuts for each person a
piece of the seal, uttering over each portion a sort of prayer, and looking upwards iu
devotion to the unseen God, who had sent them meat in their need. Undisciplined as
are the Fuegians, totally unaccustomed to self-denial, and mad with hunger, not one of
them will touch the food until this invocation has been repeated.
The mode of burial among the Patagoniaus varies in detail according to the particular
tribe, but there is a general reseinblance in the ceremonies throughout the country.
When a man dies, his body is wrapped in his best mantle, placed on his favourite
horse, and conveyed to the place of burial, where a square pit has already been dug, some
six feet in depth and two or three feet in width. In this pit the body of the deceased is
placed in a sitting position, his bolas, spears, and other property laid beside him, and the
pit is then covered with branches, on which a quantity of earth is thrown. The horse is
next sacrificed. It is held at the grave by one man, while another kills it by a blow on
the head from the bolas, and the skin is then removed, stuffed, and supported at the grave
on four posts. At the grave of a cacique four horses are sacrificed. The clothing which
is not buried with the deceased is burned, and a feast on the body of the horse closes the
proceedings.
The widows are obliged to remain in a state of the strictest privacy for an entire year,
keeping themselves within their huts, never mixing in society, and not even showing
themselves unless absolutely obliged to do so. They must blacken themselves with
soot, and not eat the flesh of the guanaco, the mare, or the rhoea. Should a woman break
the rule of seclusion, and be detected in an intrigue, she would at once lose her life at the
hands of her dead husband's relations.
Anong some of the tribes the tomb is periodically opened, and the skeleton of the
deceased, which has been prepared with the greatest care, is washed and clothed in new
robes. This office belongs to an old matron, who is specially selected for the task, which
becomes in process of time a long and tedious one, as the warriors are placed side by side
in the grave, each year gradually adding to the number of those who have to be washed
and clothed annually.
Among some of the tribes the skeletons are prepared by laying the bodies on platforms
woven from canes and twigs, and during the time that is occupied in cleaning and
bleaching the skeleton the platform is guarded by the friends of the dead man, draped
in long mantles, and bearing spears or staves, with which they strike the ground, while
they sing mournful strains in order to drive away the Valichus or spirits, who may
possibly be well-disposed towards the dead man, but are more likely to be unfriendly.
Should the deceased have been a wealthy man, many visits of condolence are paid to
the relatives, the mourners weeping loudly, and pricking their arms and legs with thorns
in order to prove their affection by the effusion of their blood. For these tokens of
respect they are rewarded with beads, brass ornaments, and other presents; and it need
scarcely be said that the sorrow felt for the deceased and the sympathy excited for his
friends depend very much on the amount of property at the disposal of the relatives.
CHAPTER IV.
THE ARAUCANIANS,
DIVISION OF THE NATION INTO TRIBES—THE MAPUCHÉS- -PECULIAR STRUCTURE OF THE HEAD-
THE CHERIPA, PONCHO, AND ROOTS—MODE OF SHAVING-DRESSING THE HAIR-THE “PULLING
HAIR" FIGHT-DRESS OF THE WOMEN-THE ENORMOUS BREAST-PIN-SINGULAR USE OF THIMBLES
- ELABORATE HEAD-DRESS-PAINT-EXHIBITION OF FEMALE VANITY-DRESS OF THE CHILDREN
ARCHITECTURE OF THE ARAUCANIANS - THE CHIEF'S HOUSE AND ITS FURNITURE - -LONG
HOUSE OF THE MAPUCHÉS-NUMBER OF FIRES-CODE OF ETIQUETTE-THE SPEECH OF CERE-
MONY-VALUE OF ORATORY DEMAND OF TRIBUTE-MODE OF GOVERNMENT -THE GRAND
TOQUI-THE COUNCILS OF PEACE AND WAR.
PASSING northwards from Patagonia, and taking a westerly direction, we come to the
ARAUCANIAN nation. This title was given to them by the Spaniards, just as was the name
of Patagonians to their southern neighbours, and, although it is an incorrect one, it has
been accepted for so many years that it cannot be conveniently exchanged for the more
correct designation.
The aborigines of Chili and a part of the territory now occupied by the Argentine
Republic were formerly one great people, extending over a very considerable portion of the
land, and necessarily modified in manners and customs by the influence of climate and
geographical position. Their general title was Alapu-ché, or People of the Land, but
they were separated into three great divisions, namely, Pehuen-ché, or People of the East;
Mara-ché, or People of the West; and Huili-ché, or Far-off People, being those nearest to
the Patagonians.
Passing over the wars with the Spaniards, as foreign to the object of this work, we
will describe the Mapuchés, or People of the Country, as they call themselves.
THESE people are rather below the middle height, strong, thick-set, broad-chested, and
much inferior in point of form to the North American tribes
. The head is narrow, and
low in front, broad and high behind, and the back of the head falls in almost a direct
line with the nape of the neck, a peculiarity by which an Araucanian may almost
invariably be distinguished. The foot is as remarkable as the head. It is very short and
broad, and rises straight from
the toes to the ankle with scarcely any curve, so as to
produce a very high but very clumsy-looking instep.
The ordinary dress of the Mapuché men is mostly composed of two garments, namely,
the “cheripa" (pronounced chěreepah) and the poncho. The cheripa is a sort of compro-
mise between a kilt and trousers. It is a piece of stuff
, mostly cotton, which is fastened
to the back of a girdle, passed between the legs, drawn up in front there, and tucked them
into the girdle. "The poncho is nothing but a large circular piece of similar stuff, with
a hole in the centre, through which the head passes
. It is exactly similar in principle
to the cloak of Polynesia, and is at once a primitive, efficient, and graceful robe, assuming
with every change of attitude folds which delight the eye of an artist.
544
ARAUCANIA.
Beside the poncho and cheripa, the Mapuché generally wears a pair of boots similar
to those of the Patagonians, and made of similar materials, the skin from the hind legs
of a horse being drawn over the foot while still fresh, so that it moulds itself to the leg
of the wearer.
As with the Patagonians, it is open in front, so as to allow the two first
toes to pass through and grasp the small triangular stirrup. The elaborate horse-
accoutrements in which the Mapuchés delight will be described when we come to the
manners and customs of the people. Men of rank wear woollen bracelets and anklets as
marks of their superior position.
Like most of the Araucanian tribes, the Mapuchés have but little beard, and what
they have they eradicate after the usual fashion of savages, plucking out the individual
hairs instead of shaving. Mr. R. E. Smith had the opportunity of seeing the operation
performed :
“At one house where we stopped I saw an Indian, who at first sight seemed to be a
white man, from the fact that his beard was grown as though unshaven for a week. He
looked red and blotched, and was continually raising his hand to some part of his face,
wearing all the while an expression of patient endurance. A close scrutiny showed that
he was engaged in shaving.
“These Indians pull out or nip off the beard with small steel tweezers. This instru-
ment was originally, as the Mapuché name signifies, a clam shell, but, by intercourse with
the whites, they have been able to procure a more elegant article. Every dandy carries
his tweezers hanging from his neck, and at leisure moments amuses himself by smoothing
his face to the taste of his painted mistress. The arguments they use in defence of their
treatment of the beard are precisely those used by shavelings the world over.'
They do not content themselves with merely removing the hair from the chin, cheeks,
and upper lip, but pull out the eyelashes and eyebrows, substituting instead of the latter
a slender curved line of black paint. They say that the presence of the eyelashes hinders
them in the pursuit of bee-hunting, a sport of which they are very fond, and on which
they pride themselves greatly. Some of the younger warriors have allowed a very slight
fringe of hair to remain on the upper lip, but the older chiefs think that it is an innova-
tion on the ancient customs, and discountenance it as far as they can.
The hair of the head is cut short at the top, but is allowed to grow long at the sides,
in order that it may be easily grasped, just as the North American tribes leave one long
lock on the crown of the head so as to assist the enemy who slays them in getting off
the scalp.
When two lads quarrel, they settle the dispute with a fight, which is conducted, not by
blows with the fist or with a weapon, but by pulling the hair. “Let us pull hair, if you
are not afraid," cries one of the disputants to the other. The challenge is never refused.
Off goes the poncho, if they happen to be wearing it, the cheripa is tucked tightly into
the belt, the combatants allow each other to take a fair grasp of the long locks, and the
struggle begins. Each tries to twist the head of his opponent so as to bring him to the
ground, and when he has once fallen, they loosen their grasp, rub the backs of their
heads, take a fresh grasp, and repeat the struggle until one of them yields. The combat
over, all animosity vanishes, and they are good friends again.
The dress of the women is, like that of the men, composed of two garments, though
they are differently put on.
One is an enlarged cheripa, and made of the same material. It is first wrapped round
the body close under the arms, and then pinned together over each shoulder, so that the
arms are left bare. It is confined at the waist by a very broad belt, and falls nearly to
the ankle. This alone is a very sufficient dress, but over it is thrown a second piece of
stuff which acts as a shawl or mantle, being fastened in front with a pin having a most
enormously flat head, about the size of a cheese-plate. Sometimes the head is globular,
but the flat form is the favourite, and it is adorned with engraved figures. The cloth is
mostly of native manufacture, and is either black or a very dark indigo blue.
Like that of the men, the hair of the women is divided into two long tails, one
which hangs over each shoulder. The tails are wound round with spiral strings of blue
beads, and their ends are connected by a string of twelve or fourteen brass thimbles, which
one of

FEMALE VANITY.
545
queues of the hair.
hang side by side like a peal of bells. Beside these ornaments, the women wear a sort of
cap,
made entirely of beads, and falling over the back of the head as far as the shoulders.
Its lower edge is decorated with a row.of brass thimbles, like that which connects the two
This elaborate head-dress is only worn on great occasions, while ordinarily the queues
are wound round the head, the two ends projecting in front like horns, a fillet, usually
studded with beads, being employed to keep the hair in its place.
Ornaments are worn according to the wealth of the owners. Strings of beads, silver
dollars, and brass thimbles are hung in profusion round the neck, which is further deco-
oxa
A MAPUCHÉ FAMILY.
of wool.
rated with a collar made of leather and inlaid with silver. Wide bracelets and anklets
are also worn, similar to those of the men, but made of variously-coloured beads instead
Paint is worn by both sexes, but chiefly by the women, and is anything but orna-
mental. It is invariably of two colours, red and black, which are mixed with grease, so
that they can be applied
and removed at pleasure. The usual plan is to have a broad red
belt from ear to ear, taking in the cheeks, eyelids, and nose, the lower edge of the belt
being sometimes edged and scalloped with black. The eyelids and lashes are also edged
with black, and a thin line of the same hue takes the place of the eyebrows, which are all
removed except a very fine row of hairs in the centre. Some of the women further
decorate their faces by spots of black paint. The women are exceedingly proud of
these ornaments; and an amusing instance of their vanity is related by Mr. Smith :-
Our conversation turned upon female dress; and, without intending any disparagement
VOL. II.
NN
546
ARAUCANIA.
66
to our fair entertainers, we compared them to the women whom we had seen at the
house of Chancay. The women, who were at work near by, did not understand
half-a-dozen words of Spanish; but, with that intuitive perception which belongs to
the sex, they were not long in discovering that our conversation related to themselves
and their dresses.
Immediately they held a council of war; and, entering the house, they presently
returned, each with a bay of trinkets. There were coverings for the head and breast,
composed of strings of beads of all colours and designs, with brass thimbles and silver
coins. There were rings and pendents for ears and nose; bracelets and anklets, collars
and breast-pins of colossal proportions. These were held up for our admiration; and
that we might more fully realize their wealth, the ladies proceeded to deck themselves
with all their finery. They were at the same time jabbering at the top of their lungs,
praising their own superiority to all other women, and appealing to us for a confirmation
of their own good opinions.
Finally, the belle of the lot, having ornamented her head, breast, and arms to their
fullest capacity, stepped in advance of the others, and, raising her dress as high as the
knee, displayed to our astonished gaze a remarkably well-rounded piece of flesh and
blood. Patting the calf with honest pride, and turning it about for our inspection, she
hung it round with beads, adjusted the many-coloured anklets, and, snapping her fingers
contemptuously, poured out a perfect torrent of Mapuché.
"Unfortunately, there was no one near to interpret this language ; but from her action,
and the frequent repetition of the name 'Chancay,' we gathered her meaning to be pretty
much that, in whatever else the wives of Chancay might excel, she would defy them or
any one else to produce a finer leg than the one in question."
The dress of the children is simple enough. As long as they are infants, and not able
to walk, they are tightly rolled up in bandages, so as to be unable to move. In this
helpless condition they are put into bamboo cradles, and hung up on pegs driven into
the walls of the house, or laid in baskets suspended from the roof, so that they can be
swung about by a cord tied to the cradle. The infants are perfect models of behaviour
,
never crying, and allowing themselves to be hung on pegs without betraying any signs of
life, except the movement of the eyes. As soon as they can walk, they are allowed to
run about without the incumbrance of any clothing, which is not worn until they become
boys and girls of seven or eight years old.
The architecture of the Araucanians is very simple, but differs slightly according to
the district, and the position of the owner of the house. The ordinary house of a common
man is a mere hut, built of wickerwork, about twelve feet by ten, carelessly made, and
ill-calculated to withstand the elements. On a wet day the rain pours into the hut on
all sides, a circumstance which has its advantages to counterbalance its discomforts. On
rainy days all cooking has to be done within the house, which would be absolutely
unbearable if the apertures which let the rain in did not let the smoke out. At night
,
moreover, these huts are overcrowded with sleepers.
In one of these huts there were three rude bedsteads, for the accommodation of two
married couples and a pair of grown-up girls, while on the ground lay sixteen or seventeen
young men and children, packed together like herrings in a barrel. Moreover, a whole
troop of dogs came sneaking into the house as soon as the inmates closed their eyes ; so
that within this limited space some thirty living beings were contained during the night
.
It is evident that, if the hut had been weather-proof, the whole party would have been
suffocated before the morning.
A better kind of habitation, visited by Mr. Smith, deserved the name of house. It
was rectangular instead of rounded, and measured thirty feet in length by fifteen in
breadth. In the middle of the roof was a hole, by way of chimney, the fire being made
directly beneath it. There was no window, the hole and the door being the only apertures
for the admission of light and air.
There was only one room, though a sort of loft was made in the roof. This was used
as a storehouse, where sacks of beans and similar luxuries were kept. As inight be sup-
posed, the whole upper part of the house was thickly encrusted with soot.
One of the
SOCIAL ETIQUETTE.
547
corners was partitioned off with a sort of wickerwork wall, and served as a granary, in
which the wheat was stored.
From the sooty, cobwebbed rafters hung bunches of maize, pumpkins, joints of meat,
nets full of potatoes, strings of capsicum-pods, and similar articles ; while earthenware
pots, dishes, and spears were scattered in profusion over the floor. In the middle of all
these articles hung two long lances, with their points towards the door; but, although
their heads were protected by being stuck into lumps of fat, they were rusty, and had
evidently been long out of use.
Two of the corners were occupied with the ordinary bedstead of the country, i.e. a
framework of cane, with a bull's hide stretched tightly over it; and near the beds hung
the stock of finery belonging to the owner, namely, spurs, stirrups, and bits, all of solid
silver, belonging to the men, and breastpins, necklaces, earrings, strings of thimbles, and
other adornments of the women. The usual basket-cradle, containing a swathed baby,
was suspended from one of the rafters.
The house of a cacique, or chief, is very much larger than either of those which have
been described, and somewhat resembles the “long house” of Borneo. One of these
houses, belonging to a cacique named Ayllal, looked at a distance something between a
very long boat and a haystack. Its height was about fifteen feet, its width thirty, and its
length about one hundred and forty.
The middle of the house was common to all the inhabitants, but the sides were
partitioned off so as to form a series of chambers, each of which belonged to a married
son of the proprietor, or to one of his own wives. In cases where the family is not a
very large one, each wife has her own fireplace; but when the number of families under
one roof is considerable, one fire is common to two or three of them. In Ayllal's house
there were six fireplaces, and over each was a hole in the roof. The fireplaces are
nothing more than a few stones, so arranged that the pots can be kept clear of the
burning wood; and, as the ashes are allowed to accumulate where they fall, or to be
blown about by every current of air, it is evident that the interior of such a house is not
a model of cleanliness.
In consequence of the custom of appropriating a separate fire to each wife, the one is
conventionally accepted as a metaphor for the other. It is not considered polite to ask a
man how many wives he has, but etiquette permits any one to ask another how many
fires he burns. In front of the door hangs a cross-bar, beyond which no one ventures to
pass without a special invitation, unless he be an inmate of the house, or an intimate
friend of the family.
The Mapuchés exhibit in perfection that curious mixture of the savage and the
gentleman that is so often found among uncivilized people. They have a most elaborate
code of etiquette, which to a stranger is often irksome, on account of the time which is
consumed in going through the requisite formalities. When two persons meet, it is
necessary that they should go through a set course of complimentary remarks, the
omission of which, except between relatives or very intimate friends, would be held as an
unpardonable offence. Let us take Mr. E. R. Smith's account of the ceremonial :-
"If the guest be a stranger, the host begins by addressing him with “I do not know
you, brother,' or 'I have never seen you before. Thereupon the stranger mentions his own
name and residence, and goes on to ask the host about himself, his health, and that of
his father, mother, wives, and children ; about his lands, crops, cattle, and flocks: the
chiefs of the district, the neighbours, their wives, children, crops, &c., are next inquired
about; and whether there have been any disturbances, diseases, deaths, or accidents.
"If the responses given are favourable, the questioner goes on to express his happi-
ness, and moralizes to the effect that health, wealth, and friendship are great blessings,
for which God should be thanked. If, on the contrary, the answers should convey bad
news, he condoles with the afflicted, and philosophizes that misfortunes should be borne
with equanimity, since men cannot always avoid evil
.
" The guest having finished, the host commences in turn to ask all the same questions,
making such comments as the answers received may demand.
" This formality occupies ten or fifteen minutes. The questions and answers are
NN 2
548
ARAUCANIA.
recited (by rote) in a low monotonous voice, with a sing-song tone, not unlike the
saying of the rosary or the chanting of friars. At the end of each sentence, if the last
word end with a vowel, the voice is raised to a shout; but should the final letter be a
consonant, it is rounded off with a nasal grunt. The listener expresses his satisfaction
occasionally by a sound between a grunt and a groan, or indicates surprise by a long-
drawn 'Hé! With these exceptions, he never interrupts until the speaker has given
notice, by a peculiar cadence of the voice, that he has said his say. During this palaver,
the speakers often do not look at each other, and frequently even sit with their backs
turned to one another.”
As soon as etiquette has been satisfied by these formalities, the speakers assume their
ordinary tone of voice, and converse freely on subjects respecting which they really take
an interest.
Oratory is highly valued by the Mapuchés, and should a young man have some power
of speech, and train it into eloquence, he is on the high road to distinction, and will pro-
bably end by becoming a chief, though originally of inferior rank. Such young men are
always eagerly sought by the chiefs as their messengers, inasmuch as etiquette requires
that such messengers should not only possess a retentive memory, so as to ensure the
transmission of the message correctly, but should also be fluent of speech and choice of
diction, the latter being a point in which the Mapuchés are exceedingly fastidious.
A young man who shows himself to be a proficient in these three requisites is sure
to be taken into the service of an important chief, and indeed he knows his own value
too well to damage his prospects by serving any except a man of very high rank.
Acting as messenger, he practically becomes a sort of ambassador, on whom the reputa-
tion of his principal is reflected, and by associating with the chief men, and speaking; at
their assemblies, he soon gains for himself that importance which was formerly only
accorded to his official capacity. Men of this stamp have frequently become the masters
of those whom they formerly served, their abilities having raised them to their appro-
priate station.
To a stranger the eloquence of these men is utterly unintelligible. They deliver their
message in a sort of monotone, varied with inflections, but without the least spirit or
action. In fact, they very much resemble schoolboys reciting a piece of poetry which
they have learned by rote without taking the trouble to understand it. Yet the Mapu-
chés are held entranced during the delivery of such a discourse by an accomplished
orator, the purity of whose diction excites the respectful admiration of his hearers.
Etiquette is so highly valued among the Araucanians that on one occasion an English
gentleman nearly lost his life by neglecting a ceremonial. It seems that every chief, no
matter how petty may be his domain, expects that every stranger who passes through his
territory shall pay him a tribute. The amount of the tribute is of little consequence, so
that something is given as an acknowledgment of rank.
Being new to the country, the gentleman in question was passing through the ter-
ritory of a chief, when he was stopped and asked for tribute, a demand which he refused
to pay, on the ground that he was only a traveller and not a trader. Thereupon a young
man leaped into a cabin, brought out a trumpet made of a horn, and blew a blast upon
it. The signal was answered in all directions, and from every side there poured in
number of mounted and armed warriors. The traveller was not daunted, in spite of the
martial array, cocked his pistols, and awaited the attack, when his guide ran up to him,
and begged him to give them something, if it were only a pocket-handkerchief.
The traveller saw at once, from the smallness of the suggested present, that it was a
mere question of etiquette, and munificently presented the chief with a jack-knife
.
Enmity at once gave way to enthusiastic friendship. The old chief was quite overcome
by the splendour of the gift
, swore eternal friendship with the traveller, and sent a guard
of honour to accompany him for several miles on his way.
WE naturally come to the mode of government employed by the Araucanians.
The four great divisions are subdivided into provinces, and these into smaller districts
,
each of which is presided over hy a chief, who exercises a kind of patriarchal authority
THE WAR AND PEACE COUNCILS.
549
over his clansmen. He is the judge and arbiter of the clan, and there is no appeal from
his decision. Yet he levies no taxes, and cannot force even the lowest of his people to
work for him. He can require the services of the men for war or for business of state,
but there his authority ends.
No land can be sold except by the chief, to whom it is by a sort of legal fiction sup-
posed to belong, and even he cannot sell it to any except a native Araucanian, under
penalty of death.
All these chiefs, or caciques, as they are often called, are considered to be equals in
point of rank, and independent of each other, though one is chosen on account of his
personal abilities to be the head chief of the district, but merely as primus inter pares.
The office of chief is generally but not always hereditary. It mostly descends to the
eldest son, but the actual holder of the office may bequeath it even to one who belongs to
another family. Should a chief die without sons, brother, or a recognised successor, the
people have the power of electing a chief for themselves, and it is on such occasions as
these that the eloquent messengers lately described find their opportunity of being raised
to the rank of cacique.
Up to this point the details of the government are simple enough. We now have to
consider a most singular arrangement, unlike that of any other known nation.
From the head chiefs of the various districts one is chosen as the Toqui, or head of
the province, and these Toquis form the supreme council by whom the affairs of the
nation are managed. From among them one is selected as president of the council, and
is called by a title which signifies the Grand Toqui. He is the highest personage in the
state. He can summon councils whenever he sees occasion, he watches over the welfare
of the state, lays before his colleagues any information that he considers important, and
on special occasions he can act on his own authority.
When Mr. E. R. Smith travelled in Araucania, the Grand Toqui was an old chief
named Mañin, who seems to have been worthy of the position which he held. Mañin
Hueno (“the Grass of Heaven”), as he was called by his compatriots, or Mañin Bueno
(“Mañin the Good"), as the Chilenos termed him, was a very old man, his age being
estimated as falling little short of a century, though his general bearing was such that he
might have been taken for little more than sixty. His long black hair was but slightly
sprinkled with silver, his eye retained its brightness, and his mien its uprightness; and
though his many years had diminished his strength, they had not affected his intellect.
He was held in the very highest respect, as indeed was due to his acknowledged
wisdom, by means of which war had many a time been averted. Yet he was not a rich
man, and in point of wealth the greater number of the lesser chiefs were far richer than
Mañin Hueno. His only marks of wealth were the solid silver horse-accoutrements—but
even these were not worth fifty pounds of our money; while his apparel was of the
simplest kind, a red and yellow handkerchief tied round' his head being the most costly
article of his apparel.
When a council of Toquis is assembled, the members generally endeavour to outshine
each other in the magnificence of their appointments; and after the day's labour is over,
they join in a general debauch, which sometimes lasts for the whole of the next day, and
prevents the councillors from resuming their business until they have become sufficiently
sober.
Now comes the curious part of Araucanian government. The Supreme Council treats
only of the internal management of the nation, and is technically called the Council of
Peace. As soon as war is declared, the Council of Peace falls into abeyance, and its place
is taken by the Council of War. This is headed by the Toqui of War, who, as long as
the war lasts, has unlimited power, except over life. He appoints the officers, settles
the
number of warriors required, orders a conscription to be set in operation in each district,
and lays upon each cacique the duty of levying a certain number of men, and raising a
certain amount of supplies.
As soon as peace is concluded, he and all his council retire from office, and the
Council of Peace reassumes its sway.
CHAPTER V.
DOMESTIC LIFE OF THE ARAUCANIANS.
LOVE OF THE HORSE-THE STIRRUP, BIT, AND
-THE STIRRUP, BIT, AND SPUR OF THE ARAUCANIANS-MODE OF FASTENING
THE SPUR ON THE HEEL-TRAINING OF THE HORSES-VALUE OF THE HORSE-ACCOUTREMENTS—
HATRED OF SHAMS-LOVE FOR SILVER AND CARELESSNESS OF GOLD
CARELESSNESS OF GOLD --HOW THE ARAUCANIANS
RIDE-- THE BOLAS OR LAQUI, AND THE LASSO—MODE OF MAKING AND THROWING THE LASSO
CAPTURE OF A SAVAGE BULL-COURAGE OF THE ARAUCANIANS-THEIR SUCCESSFUL STRUGGLE
FOR LIBERTY-CAREER OF A YOUNG HERO.--MARRIAGE AMONG THE ARAUCANIANS -ABDUCTION
OF THE BRIDE-RECONCILIATION WITH THE PARENTS-ARAUCANIAN COOKERY-PREPARING
NACHI, CHICA, AND MUDAI-_THRESHING CORN,
and
We now come to the ordinary life of the Araucanians.
Like the American tribes in general, they have become wonderful adepts in the use
of the horse, the climate, the natives, and the horse seeming to agree with each other in a
way which is really remarkable, considering that the animal is of comparatively late
introduction into America.
Unlike the Patagonians, they pride themselves on the massive solidity of the accou-
trements with which they bedizen their horses; and, although they care little about the
individual animals, and are rather hard masters to them, they bedeck the horses in the
most lavish manner.
Their saddles are made very much after the fashion employed by the Patagonians,
being little more than rude wooden frames. A few skins are laid on the back of the
horse, the saddle is placed on them, a saddle-cloth of thick leather is thrown over it,
the whole apparatus is complete. The bridle is made, like that of the Patagonians, of
twisted hide, or sometimes of a number of strips of horse-skin plaited together, a few
threads of silver being mingled with them. The bit is generally the ordinary Spanish bit,
with its cruelly powerful arrangement of curb and ring.
The stirrups are generally nothing more than pieces of cane twisted into a triangular
form, and hung to the saddle by leathern cords ; but the wealthy Araucanians pride
themselves in having these articles of solid silver. The shape of these stirrups varies in
some degree, the usual form resembling that of the English stirrup, but very much larger
and heavier, the sides being from one to two inches wide, and pierced in ornamental
patterns, while the cross-bar on which the foot rests is fully two inches in width.
The form of stirrup to which they are most partial resembles the other, as far as the
side-pieces are concerned; but the foot-bar is developed into a large plate of silver
, which
comes over the front of the stirrup, and protects the toes and instep from the thorns
which are plentiful in the country. The back of this plate projects behind in a sharp
point, which is used as a spur.
About the spurs themselves the Araucanian is very fastidious. They are of enormous
size, and armed with rowels measuring from two to three inches in diameter, and some-
HORSE-ACCOUTREMENTS.
551
times even exceeding that measurement. It may be imagined that spurs of this size,
which are exceedingly weighty, must be buckled on the feet very tightly, so as to keep
them in their places.
This, however, is not the case. On the contrary, the strap by which they are fastened
is quite loose, so that when the wearer walks the rowels trail on the ground, and when he
is mounted they hang nearly perpendicularly from his heels. The Araucanian cares little
for the impediment in walking, as he never walks twenty yards if he can help himself;
while the position of the spurs when he is mounted is a real necessity. The horses are
never more than half trained. They are taught to wheel within a very small circle, to
HL7104
1
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HORSE-ACCOUTREMENTS.
stop suddenly and throw themselves on their haunches, and to dash off at full gallop ; but
that is the extent of their accomplishments. Many of them are young, spirited, and
nervous steeds, and if, in the course of the struggles for victory which they occasionally
attempt, the spurs were to come against their sides, they would be greatly alarmed, and
their struggles would only be increased. But as the spurs hang down almost below the
rider's feet, they swing clear of the horse's flanks, while at any time, if they are needed for
use, the wearer has only to bend his feet, which brings them into position.
The Araucanians have a very wholesome contempt for shams, and will have nothing
that has any pretence about it. "The poorest peasant, who can only afford an iron spur,
or possibly not even a spur of any kind, would scorn to wear either spur or stirrups
of plated metal, or of any imitation of silver, however good.
They are so fastidious in this matter that they will not use articles that have been
made abroad; and even if a spur is made of solid silver in imitation of their own
patterns, they will be nearly certain to reject it, the workmanship being sure to betray itself
to their experienced eyes. A high polish always excites their suspicions, inasmuch as
the native artificers are incapable of imparting it. All these articles are made from the
silver currency of the country, and the wealthy Araucanian always carries with him
a pair of balances, and a number of dollars which serve as standard weights
.
552
ARAUCANIA.
It may be imagined that the purchase of a pair of spurs or stirrups is a matter of
importance with these people. The buyer sits in silence on the ground, takes the spurs,
and examines every part with the minutest attention, scrutinizing every joint, smelling
the metal, tasting it
, and ringing it, in order to judge whether it has been debased by the
mixture of any inferior material. Not only spurs and stirrups, but pendents for the
bridle, and ornaments for the headstalls and saddles, are made of silver; so that the
accoutrements of a wealthy Araucanian will sometimes be worth a hundred and fifty
pounds, merely as silver, without regard to the value of the workmanship.
The men who make these highly-prized ornaments use the very rudest of tools, and
their workshops are but rough hovels, quite out of keeping with the barbaric magnificence
of their wares. Sometimes the artificer makes the ornaments for sale ; but in the case of
large articles, such as spurs or stirrups, which weigh several pounds, and consume a great
number of dollars, he prefers to wait for the order, and make the required article out of
the bag of dollars with which it is accompanied.
It is remarkable that the Araucanians, fond as they are of silver, will have nothing to
do with gold. Beside these horse-accoutrements, they wear earrings, breast-pins, and
other ornaments of silver, but none of gold. Some travellers think that their reason for
the rejection of gold is their wish to conceal its presence in the country from the know-
ledge of the foreigner, remembering that it was the cause of the disastrous war with the
Spanish invader. The real cause is, probably, that it cannot be procured in sufficient
quantities without more labour than they choose to bestow, and that they have not learned
to work gold as they do silver.
The Araucanians are admirable riders, though their seat would not please a European
riding-master. They depend entirely on balance for retaining their seat, and seem rather
to hang on the horse's back than to hold by any grip of the knee. Indeed, a stranger to
the country always thinks that an Araucanian rider is on the point of being thrown, so
loose is his seat, whereas the very idea that he can by any possibility be thrown never
enters his mind. He and his horse seem one being, actuated by one mind. A traveller
once saw a horse take fright, and leap sideways from the object of terror. He thought
that the rider must be flung by the suddenness of the movement; but, to all appearance,
the man took fright and shied at the same moment with his horse.
The Araucanians use the bolas in common with their southern neighbours, the Pata-
gonians, and are never seen without the “laqui,” as they term the weapon, hanging at their
waists. Some of them have a way of leaving one of the balls without its covering of
leather, saying that the covered bolas is used when they fight with friends, but the bare
bolas when they fight with an enemy.
They also use the lasso, that terrible weapon which extends over so vast a territory,
and which supersedes the bolas as it proceeds northwards.
This terrible weapon is simple enough in principle, being nothing more than a leathern
rope, forty feet in length, with a noose at the end. As, however, the construction is rather
ingenious, I have given an illustration on the following page, taken from specimens in
my possession. Fig. 1 shows the lasso coiled through the strap by which it is attached
to the saddle of the rider. It is made of a number of thongs of raw hide, plaited into a
round rope, about three-eighths of an inch in diameter; so that, although it appears very
slender, it really possesses enormous strength, and an elephant could scarcely break it.
This part of the rope is shown at Fig. 5.
For the last ten feet of its length the rope is much thicker, is composed of more strips
of hide, and is plaited into a square form. At the extreme end the various strands are
plaited round an iron ring, as seen at Fig. 4. Through this ring the lasso passes, so as to
form a running noose. The change from the round to the square plait is seen at Fig. 3,
and Fig. 2 shows the peculiar knot which keeps the lasso from slipping from the saddle
.
Fig. 6 shows the end of another sort of lasso, made of the silk-grass fibre, i.e. the long
fibres from the leaves of a species of agave. These fibres are wonderfully strong, and the
lasso is remarkable, not only for its strength, but its elasticity. Instead of an iron ring
being placed at the end, the rope is brought round so as to form a loop, the interior of
which is lined with stout leather, and the exterior adorned with coloured wools.
THE LASSO.
553
Ô
3
When the lasso is to be used, the thrower takes the ring in his left hand, and the lasso
in the right, and separates his arms so as to make a running noose nearly six feet in
length. Grasping the ring and the cord with his left hand, he slips his right hand along
the rope so as to double it, and there holds it. When he throws it, he whirls it round his
head until the noose becomes quite circular, and then hurls it at the object, throwing
after it the remainder of the rope, which has
hung in coils on his left arm.
As it passes
through the air, the noose becomes gradually
smaller, so that the thrower can always
graduate the diameter of the noose to the
object which it is intended to secure.
The skill with which they fling this
noose is wonderful, as may be seen from
Mr. Smith's account of a struggle with an
infuriated bull :
" The capture of a particular animal from
a herd, within a range of pasture utterly
unbounded except by mountains and rivers,
is often difficult, and gives rise to many
exciting chases and ludicrous scenes. Even
when taken, the captives are not easy of
management, their attachment for old asso-
ciates manifesting itself in frequent attempts
to return.
“ One particular bull gave great trouble.
He was a noble fellow, of spotlegs white,-
such an one as bore the beautiful Europa
through the waters of the Phoenician deep,
or such an one as might be worshipped on
the shores of the Ganges.
"After a long time he was lassoed, and the
horseman, who had literally taken the bull
by the horns, started off complacently to
lead him to the place of gathering. But his
bullship did not take the going as a matter
of course; for, with a mad bellow, he charged
upon his captor, who, seeing a very formid-
able pair of horns dashing towards him,
started at full gallop, still holding fast the
lasso, which he in vain tried to keep taut.
The horse was jaded, and old Whitey was fast
gaining. Another Índian bounded forward,
and dexterously throwing his lasso, caught
LASSOS. (From my collection.)
the unoccupied horn, bringing up the prisoner
with a round turn.
“ The bull was not yet conquered. After plunging, pawing, bellowing, and tossing for
a while, he changed his tactics. Making a rush and a feint at one of his annoyers, he
wheeled about suddenly, and nearly succeeded in catching the other on his horns.
Things were becoming more complicated than ever
, when, as the infuriated animal stood
head down, with his tail stuck out at an angle of fifty-five degrees, a third horseman came
to the attack, and, whirling his lasso with a jerk, caught the caudal extremity in a
running knot.
" Thus the two men at the sides were safe, provided that the man behind kept his
lasso strained. But a question in the rule of three now arose. If three men catch a
bull, one by each horn, and one by the tail, and all pull in different directions, which way
can the bull go ?
554
ARAUCANIA
“ No one seemed able to work out the answer; but Katrilas was a man ready for all
emergencies, and, dismounting, he started to the assistance of his companions, armed with
a long lance and an old poncho. Running before the bull, he threw the poncho on the
ground, a few paces in front, the man behind slackened a little, and the bellowing captive
made a desperate plunge at the red cloth. A jerk on the tail stopped further progress,
till Katrilas, picking up the poncho on the tip of the lance, tossed it several yards in
advance. There was another slackening, another plunge, another jerk, and so on, until
the critter' was brought to the desired spot.
“ The next trouble was to loose the captive. Sundry scientific pulls brought him to
the ground, and Katrilas, springing forward, stripped the lassos from his horns. But
another remained on the tail. That no one would venture to untie, for the bull had risen,
and stood glaring frantically around. An Indian, unsheathing his long knife, ran full tilt
at the extended tail, and with one blow severed the greater part of that useful member
from the body.
“ The last was literally the “unkindest cut of all.' The poor brute was fairly con-
quered. He stood with head hanging, eyes glaring, the tongue lolling from his frothing
mouth, his once spotless coat defiled with foam and dirt, while the drip, drip, drip, of the
warm blood upon his heels rendered the abjectness of his misery complete.'
That the Araucanians are a courageous race is evident from their struggles with the
Spaniards. Though vanquished again and again by the superior arms and discipline of
the Spaniards, they were never conquered, and when repulsed, only retired to gather fresh
forces. Toqui after Toqui fell in the struggle, the most remarkable of these warriors
being a mere youth named Lautaro, who was unanimously elected to the post in conse-
quence of his conduct when the Araucanians attacked the Spaniards at Tucapel. He
was a captive and a servant in the family of Valdivia, when the place was attacked.
The Spanish musketry told so terribly upon the Araucanians, that they were on the point
of retreating, when Lautaro dashed forward, rallied his countrymen, and led them to the
attack with such spirit that the whole Spanish force was destroyed with the exception of
two, who escaped to Concepcion with the news of the defeat. Valdivia himself was
captured, and it is said that Lautaro desired to save the life of his former master, when an
old chief seized an axe and dashed out the brains of the captive general.
Foreseeing that General F. De Villa Gran, who was at Concepcion, would march at
once to avenge the destruction of Tucapel, Lautaro assembled the troops, pushed forward,
and concealed half of them in the sides of a defile through which the road led, while the
other half were also concealed at the summit of the mountain. The battle began in the
defile, and, after causing great destruction among the enemy, the Araucanians had
to retire.
Fancying that the enemy were beaten, the Spaniards pressed on, and arriving wearied
at the summit, found a second and fresh army opposed to them. They fought with the
utmost courage, and their artillery nearly turned the day in their favour, when Lautaro
told off one of his bravest officers with orders to capture the cannon, while he
attacked Villa Gran on the flank. So furiously was the charge made, that the guns were
taken, and the Spaniards had to retreat, Villa Gran barely escaping with his life.
When they entered the pass through which they had come, they found the outlet
blocked with fallen trees, and the sides filled with warriors, whom the far-seeing Lautaro
had dispatched for that purpose at the beginning of the conflict. The slaughter was
terrific, and only a few of the Spaniards escaped, led by Villa Gran, who at last forced
his way through the barriers.
Lautaro showed his splendid generalship, by pushing on at once to the head-quarters
át Concepcion, which he took, pillaged, and burned. Orders were received from Lima to
rebuild Concepcion, and no sooner was it done than Lautaro captured and burned it
again. He then conceived the bold project of attacking Santiago itself, and in a wonder-
fully short time appeared before the place.
Here he committed his only error in generalship. He had to pass through the
territory of the Purumancians, who had become allies of the Spaniards, thinking them
invincible. Lautaro should have remembered that the late defeats must have altered the
MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.
555
opinions of the Purumancians, who could have been easily induced to act against their
former allies. But his indignation at their treachery was so great, that he stopped to
ravage their territory and destroy their crops.
Villa Gran, who was then the governor of Santiago, knew his enemy well, and
employed the time in fortifying the city, which would have fallen at once had Lautaro
pushed on without stopping to punish his traitorous countrymen. Three times Villa
Gran sent a force against the Araucanians, the last being commanded by his own son;
but all were routed and driven back.
At last Villa Gran, stung by these repeated defeats, determined himself to conduct
an expedition against his foes, and with a mixed force of Spaniards and Purumancians
came stealthily upon the Araucanian camp. Born general though he was, Lautaro did
not know the use of outposts, and the consequence was, that Villa Gran surprised his
camp, and as he rushed to the front to rally his followers, he was pierced by a dart flung
by one of the Purumancians, and fell dead on the spot.
Thus fell Lautaro, a youth worthy to be named with the greatest heroes of antiquity.
Chosen commander at the age of seventeen, he opposed for two years the best soldiers of
Europe, armed with infinitely superior weapons, and accustomed to military discipline.
Though a mere boy, he displayed a military skill and a fertility of resource worthy of the
most accomplished generals, and by sheer force of intellect and courage won every battle
except that in which he fell.
A nation which could produce men such as Lautaro, or the troops who fought and
conquered under his command, is evidently capable of great things, and, at all events,
worthy of the liberty which it won from the Spaniards, and which has never again been
threatened.
MARRIAGE among the Araucanians is an odd mixture of ceremonies. Theoretically,
the bridegroom is supposed to steal his wife against her own will and in opposition to the
wishes of her parents ; practically, he buys her from her parents, who have long looked
upon their daughter as a valuable article, to be sold to the first purchaser who will give a
sufficient price.
Sometimes the match is one of affection, the two young people understanding each
other perfectly well. Music is the usual mode by which an Araucanian expresses his
feelings, and the usual instrument is the jew's-harp. The Mapuché lover is never seen
without his jew's-harp hanging from his neck, tied upon a little block of wood to prevent
it from being injured, and decorated with strings of many-coloured beads. Furnished
with this indispensable instrument, the lover seats himself at a little distance from the
object of his choice, and produces a series of most dolorous sounds, his glances and
gestures denoting the individual for whom they are meant.
After a little while, the lover thinks that he had better proceed to the marriage.
Should he be a wealthy man, he has no trouble in the matter ; but if not, he goes among
his friends and asks contributions from them. One gives an ox, another a horse, another
a pair of silver spurs, and so on. It is a point of honour to make these contributions,
and equally so to return them at some time or other, even if the intending bridegroom
has to wait until in his turn he can sell his eldest girl.
The next process is, that the friends of the young man assemble, all mounted on their
best horses, and proceed in a body to the house of the girl's father
. Five or six of the
best speakers dismount and ask permission for the marriage, extolling to the utmost the
merits of the bridegroom, and expatiating on the happiness of his daughter in being
married to such a man.
The father, treating the matter as gravely if he had not done
exactly the same thing himself, makes a speech in his turn.
All this ceremony is intended to give time to the young man to hunt for his intended
bride, and, until he has found her, they will go on with their speeches. As soon as the
young man discovers the girl, he seizes her and drags her to the door, while on her part
she screams and shrieks for protection. At the sound of her voice all the women turn .
out, armed with sticks, stones, and any other weapons which come to hand, and rush to
her help. The friends of the bridegroom in their
turn run to help their friend, and for

556
ARAUCANIA,
some time there is a furious combat, none of the men escaping without some sharp
bruises, and the girl screaming at the top of her voice.
At last the bridegroom dashes at the girl, seizes her as he can, by the hand, the hair,
or the heels, as the case may be, drags her to his horse, leaps on its back, pulls her up
after him, and dashes off at full speed, followed by his friends.
The relatives of the girl go off in pursuit, but are constantly checked by the friends
of the bridegroom, who keep them back until he has dashed into the forest with his
bride. They halt at the skirts of the forest, wait until the sounds of the girl's screams
and the galloping of the horse have died away, and then disperse.
tel
ARAUCANIAN MARRIAGE.
The young couple are now left alone until they emerge from the wood on the second
day after the abduction, when they are supposed to be man and wife. That all the
fighting and screaming are a mere farce is evident from the fact that, if a man should
offer himself who is not acceptable to the parents of the girl, and should proceed to carry
her off, one of her relatives blows the horn of alarm, as has already been mentioned, and
all the male relations turn out and drive off the intruder. Sometimes, however, he succeeds
in gaining the bush before he is caught, and in that case the marriage holds good.
Some few days after the marriage, the friends call on the newly-married couple, and
bring the contributions which they had promised. The whole party then proceed to the
house of the girl's father, and offer him these goods, which are taken as if they were
merely offerings, and not the price for which the girl was sold. Being satisfied with the
presents, he expresses himself pleased with the marriage, and congratulates the young
couple and their friends.
MANUFACTURE OF CHICA.
557
But the mother is not so easily to be satisfied. With her it is a point of honour that
she is not satisfied, but, on the contrary, is highly outraged at the abduction of her child.
So she will neither speak to nor look at the bridegroom, but sits down with her back
turned to him.
Now comes a difficult point. She is bound, in accordance with the laws of hospitality,
to entertain the guests, and as the offending son-in-law is the most important person, he
must be consulted first. So she addresses the bride, “My daughter, ask your husband if
he is hungry.”. The conversation thus begun is carried on in a similar manner, and ends
with an entertainment on which the mother of the bride exhausts all her culinary
knowledge. Sometimes the husband never addresses his mother-in-law for years, except
with her back turned to him, or with a fence intervening between them. The reader may
remember that a similar custom is followed by the Kaffir tribes of Southern Africa. See
Vol. 1. page 87.
warm.
The cookery of the Araucanians is at first anything but agreeable to European taste.
Mutton is largely consumed in the country, and is killed, dressed, and cooked in a
speedy and simple manner. The sheep being hung by its hind legs to a tree, its throat is
cut, and the blood is received into a bowl and mixed with salt, in which state it is thought
to be a very great delicacy. The sheep is then opened, and the whole of the interior
removed to be cleaned and cooked, this being held as the best part of the animal. The
skin is then removed, the body is split along the spine from head to tail, and each half is
transfixed with a stick, and set over the fire.
The greatest delicacy, however, that can be placed before a guest is called “nachi.”
The mode of preparing this dish is a good example of the total disregard of inflicting
pain which is common to all uncivilized people.
A sheep is hung up by the fore-legs, a quantity of cayenne pepper and salt is mixed in
a bowl, and the throat of the sheep is cut so as to open the windpipe, down which the
operator stuffs the salt and pepper as fast as he can. He then draws out the jugular
vein, cuts it, and turns the end into the severed windpipe, down which the blood flows,
so as to mix with the pepper and salt, and carry them into the lungs. The unfortunate
sheep swells up and dies in horrible agony, which is totally disregarded by the spectators,
not from intentional cruelty, but utter want of thought. The sheep is then opened, and
the lungs are found distended with a mixture of salt
, pepper, and blood. This is the
nachi, which is served up by being cut in slices and handed to the guests while still
There are two national drinks, namely, chica and mudai.
The former is a sort of cider, and prepared as follows. A sheepskin is laid on the
ground, with the woolly side downwards, and a ponchoful of green apples is emptied on
it. Two or three men sit round it armed with switches, with which they beat the apples,
and in a short time convert them into a pulp. Water is next poured upon them, and the
chica is ready for use. The men take up large handfuls of the pulp, and squeeze them
into jars, this being all the preparation which the chica receives.
This drink is at first hated by foreigners, and afterwards liked by them. See, for
example, two extracts from the journal of the same traveller. “ After riding for a long
time in the hot sun without meeting any running stream, we spied a farmhouse in the
distance, and, going to it, asked for a glass of water.
“There is not a drop of water within a inile of the house,' said an old woman who
came to the door, “but we can give you some chica de manzanos (cider) that is very nice,'
producing at the word a huge glass of a green, muddy liquid. To call it vinegar would
be too high a compliment, and to add that it was flavoured with gall would convey no
adequate idea of this abominable stuff, which had been made from the very greenest of
green apples. One mouthful sufficed for me, and my first impressions of chica de man-
zanos were not favourable; but our guide tossed it off with infinite relish.”
This description was written immediately after entering the country for the first time.
Here is another description of the same liquid. After describing the mode of its manu-
facture, he proceeds to say: "Such cider is somewhat coffee-coloured, and rather sour,

558
ARAUCANIA
but I soon became fond of it, especially with the addition of a little toasted meal, which
makes it much more palatable.”
Mudai is a drink which resembles almost exactly the kava of Polynesia, and is pre-
pared in the same manner, meal being substituted for the kava root. A bushel or so
of wheat is slowly boiled for several hours, after which the decoction is strained off and
set to cool. In order to hásten fermentation, a quantity of meal is masticated and added
to the liquid. The effect is very rapid, and when fermentation has fairly began, the mudai
is fit for use, and is strained off into jars. It has a muddy look, but possesses a pleasant
THRESHING CORN.
and slightly acid flavour, which is very agreeable in a hut country if the mode of prepa-
ration be not known.
Wheat is prepared in a rather peculiar, not to say poetical and romantic, manner.
The sickle is not employed, but the ears are plucked by hand. The wheat-gatherers
separate themselves into pairs, a young man and a girl taking a basket between them, and
walking slowly through the cornfield. As they pass along, they gather the ears, rubbing
them on the back of their companion's hand, so that the ripe grains fall into the basket.
They accompany the light toil with songs, which mostly treat of love, and as the tendency
of each pair is naturally to diverge from the others, it happens that in this
way
originated many a love-match, which afterwards finds its issue in the marriage ceremonies
above described.
This plan is, however, only employed when corn has to be gathered and threshed on
a small scale
. When a large quantity is prepared, the horse is brought into requisition
,
the ears being thrown into a circular shallow pit, round and round which six or seven
is
WINNOWING AND GRINDING.
559
horsemen urge their steeds, shouting and yelling as if mad. When they think that the
grain is sufficiently released from the ears, they leap out of the ring, and a number of
women and children enter, who sweep up the corn and chaff to the edge of the ring with
bunches, of twigs which serve as brooms.
This operation, however, is a very imperfect one, and before the corn can be taken to
the mill a further husking has to be performed. This is done by placing the wheat in
shallow wooden dishes, getting into them barefooted, and keeping up a sort of shuffling
dance, throwing up the grain with each foot alternately, and rubbing it with the other.
The winnowing is simply accomplished by flinging the wheat into the air, so that
the chaff is blown away by the wind. As to the grinding, it is exactly similar to that
mode which is practised by the Kaflirs, the women placing the corn on the top of a flat,
sloping stone, and rubbing it with another stone shaped like a rolling-pin. "The mill
being placed on a sheepskin, the meal falls upon the skin as it is ground. This is very
hard work indeed, and even the skilled Araucanians are bathed in perspiration before
they have ground enough corn for a meal,
..: :git iܢ
MALAY PILLOW. (Irum 11.y collection.) See article on Borneo.
!
CHAPTER VI.
GAMES AND SOCIAL CUSTOMS OF THE ARAUCANIANS.
THE GAME OF PELICAN, AND ITS CLOSE RESEMBLANCE TO HOCKEY-AVAS, OR THE EIGHT BEANS GAME
-MANUFACTURES--MAKING BROTHERHOOD, AND EXCHANGING NAMES--AN IRRUPTION OF NEW
RELATIVES--STATE OF THE HEALING ART-THE MACHIS OR DOCTORS-THEIR MODE OF WORKING
CURES-A WEIRDLIKE SCENE-THE FEMALE DOCTOR AT HER INCANTATION-FEAR OF ALLOWING
THE NAME TO BE KNOWN--BELIEF IN OMENS-THE LUCKY BIRDS-HUMAN SACRIFICE-FUNERAL
OF A CHIEF.
The games of the Araucanians are tolerably numerous, and one or two of them resemble
some of our own games. There is one, for example, called Pelican, which is almost
identical with the well-known game of hockey. An animated description of this game
is given by Mr. E. R. Smith :--
“Early in the morning we saw a number of boys engaged upon the fine lawn in front
of the house in planting out twigs at short intervals, thus forming an alley about forty
feet wide, and some three hundred long. They were preparing for a game of Pelican.
Others were blowing a long horn (formed by the insertion of a cow's horn in a hollow
cane), to the tones of which came back answering notes, as though a rival band were
approaching over the hills. The night before, we had heard the same challenge to the
neighbouring youths, and the same echoing reply, but more faint and distant.
At last the enemy were seen emerging from the woods; a shout of welcome arose;
there were many salutations, a 'big talk, and all put themselves in readiness for the great
trial of skill.
“The game of Pelican ... is played with a small wooden ball
, propelled along the
ground by sticks curved at the lower end. The two sides have their bases at opposite
extremities of the alley. The ball is placed in a hole half-way between the bases, and
over it two boys are stationed, while the other players are scattered along the alley, each
armed with a stick. When all is ready, the two boys strike their sticks together in the
air, and commence a struggle for the ball, each striving to knock it towards the opposite
party.
“The object of every one is to drive the ball through his opponent's base, or, in
defence of his own, to knock it sideways beyond the bordering line of twigs, in which
case the trial is put down as drawn, and recommences. Each game is duly notched on a
stick, and the party first tallying a certain number gains the victory.
"There was much shouting and shuffling, many a cracked shin and an occasional
tumble, but the greatest goodwill reigned throughout.
“Some thirty players were engaged in the game, mostly naked, with the exception of
a poncho about the loins. I was much disappointed with their physical development,
which was not as I expected to see. They struck me as inferior to the labouring classes
in Chili, both in muscle and symmetry, though possessing the same general features.
Neither was their playing remarkable either for skill or activity; and if they were a fair
THE CEREMONY OF LACU.
561
sample, it would be an easy matter to select from many of our schools or colleges a party
of young men more than a match for the same number of picked Araucanians, even at
their own national game of Pelican.”
When the sun is too high to allow this game to proceed, the players generally abandon
it in favour of another game called Avas.
This is purely a game of chance. It is played with eight beans, each having a mark
on one side, and ten sticks, which are used in reckoning the game. Spreading a poncho
on the ground, the players sit at opposite sides, and each in turn takes the beans, shakes
them in his hands, and flings them on the poncho. For each bean that falls with the
marked side upwards one point is scored, a hundred completing the game.
The interest displayed in this game is extraordinary. The players shout to the beans,
talk to them, kiss them, press them to their breasts, and rub them on the ground,
imploring them to send good luck to themselves, and evil fortune to their antagonists, and
treating them exactly as if they were living creatures. At this game they stake all the
property that they can muster, and ponchos, bolas, lassos, knives, ornaments, and dollars
when they can be got, change hands with great rapidity amid the excited yells of the
players and spectators. At this game the Araucanians frequently lose every article
property which they possess, and it is not at all uncommon to see a well-dressed and well-
armed player go disconsolately home without his weapons, his ornaments, and his clothes,
except a ragged cheripa.
The fate of prisoners of war often depends on the turn of a bean, and sometimes,
when the national council have been unable to decide on a subject, they have settled the
point by the result of a game at avas. Even the pelican game has sometimes been
entrusted with the decision of a knotty point of policy.
The manufactures of the Araucanians are but few. The art of the silversmith has
already been described, as has also that of the bolas-maker, while the manufacture of
the lasso will be described in another place. The native cloths are made of cotton or
wool, and are woven in very rude looms. The principal dye employed by the Arau-
canians is indigo, and the bright scarlet patterns which are introduced into the best
cloths are obtained by interweaving threads unravelled from European manufactures.
Among their social customs, the mode of making brotherhood ought to be mentioned,
inasmuch as it resembles in some respects that which has already been described as
practised in the Malay Archipelago and Africa, and in others. The ceremony is called
Lacu, and is performed after the following manner.
One individual is selected from the family into which the honoured guest is to be
received, and to him a present is made. He then fetches a lamb, kills it, cuts it into two
pieces, and boils one-half of the animal. The meat is then placed in a huge wooden
bowl, and brought to the new brother in Lacu, who is supposed to eat the whole of it,
and if he should leave a single mouthful would grievously insult the family into which
he was to be received.
Fortunately, he is allowed by the laws of etiquette to take advantage of the adage,
qui facit per alium facit per se; and though he cannot by any possibility consume half
a lamb, he is allowed to eat as much as he can manage and to distribute the remainder
among the family, who are only too happy to take their share in fulfilling the required
conditions
From that time the two Lacus exchange names.
Mr. E. R. Smith went through the ceremony of Lacu, and became a member of the
Mapuché tribe, under the name of Namculan, an abbreviation of Namcu-Lanquen, i.e.
Eaglet of the Sea. Some time afterwards he found that his relations were strangely
numerous.
After the usual meal, the usual distribution of presents was made, and as the family
was small we were just congratulating ourselves on escaping cheaply, when in sauntered
a neighbour, who was presented as my brother. He had bardly settled down to the
enjoyment of his share of the booty, when in dropped a blear-eyed old woman, who
proved to be my aunt. Next followed a stately dowager, fair, fat, and forty, radiant with
paint and silver ornaments, looking as innocent as though she had dropped in by the merest
VOL. II.
(O
562
ARAUCANIA.
accident in the world. She was my sister, and so it went on until we began to think
that our host's relations were innumerable."
THE Araucanians know a little about medicine, and much more about surgery,
though the mixture of superstition with practice lessens the former, and the absence of
a written language hinders the latter. Their medicines are almost entirely vegetable, the
chief of which is the well-known sarsaparilla-root. Bleeding is performed by means of
sharp flakes of obsidian, which are sharper than any knife of native manufacture, and
blisters are in great favour.
The Mapuché mode of blistering is the very simple one of the actual cautery, and is per-
formed by means of a moxa made of dried pith. This material is rolled up in little balls
and applied to the skin, where it is allowed to remain until entirely consumed, being
pressed down so as to ensure its full effect. This is horribly painful, but in spite of that
drawback-perhaps in consequence of it is very much in favour with the people.
Beside these material medicines they have others of a different character, which are
employed when the disease is beyond the reach of their simple medicines. The wise
men who practise this advanced system of healing are but few in number, and are called
by the title of Machi, their mode of practice receiving the name of machilun.
Going on the principle that a disease which cannot be expelled by medicine must be
caused by an evil spirit, the Machi proceeds to drive it out after his own fashion.
The hut is cleared of inhabitants, and the patient laid on his back in the middle of
the floor. The Machi, having in the meanwhile removed nearly the whole of his clothes,
and made himself as horrible as he can by paint, enters the dwelling, taking with him his
magic drum, i.e. a wooden bowl with a cover of sheep-skin strained tightly over it.
After examining the patient, the Machi begins a long-drawn monotonous incantation,
accompanied by continual beating of the drum, until he has worked himself up to a
pitch of frenzy, and falls backwards on the ground, with breast jerking convulsively, eyes
rolling, and mouth foaming.
As soon as he falls, a number of young men, who have been waiting close to the hut,
leap on their horses, and dash at full speed round the house, yelling defiantly, waving
lighted torches over their heads, and brandishing their long lances, by way of frightening
the evil spirit, and warning him not to come near the place again. Like the Machi, they
are all nearly naked, and painted in the most hideous fashion, so as to strike terror, not
only into the spirit that has possession of the man, but into those who are hovering round
the house, and trying to gain admission.
After a while the Machi recovers from his trance, and then announces the seat and
immediate cause of the malady. For the latter he carefully searches the patient, and
after a time produces it in the shape of a spider, a toad, a stone, an arrow-head, or similar
object. Were he to do more than this, no harm would accrue, and if the patient
should recover no harm is done. But, should he die, the Machi is forced by public
opinion to declare that the evil spirit has been sent to the dead man by means of
witchcraft.
The body is opened, the gall removed, and placed in the wooden bowl of the magic
drum, where it undergoes a series of incantations. After they are over, it is put into a
closely-covered pot and placed on the fire until it is dried up. The sign of witchcraft is a
stone found at the bottom of the pot, and it is needless to say that such a stone is never
wanting. By means of this proof of witchcraft, the Machi again throws himself into a
trance, in the course of which he designates the culprit who has caused the illness of the
deceased.
No one ever disbelieves a Machi, and the relatives of the dead man seek out the
accused and murder him. It naturally follows that the Machis are too prone to abuse
this terrible power of their position by accusing persons against whom they have enmity,
or whom they have been bribed to condemn. No counter-proof is admitted in the face of
a Machi's accusation; and if the alleged culprit should be in another district, the cacique
is requested to deliver him up to justice. The unfortunate wretch is sure to suffer torture
for the sake of extracting a confession of his guilt, and, whether he confess or not, he is

BELIEF IN WITCHCRAFT.
563
sure to be killed; so that a wise man admits his guilt at once, and thereby escapes the
tortures which he would otherwise have suffered.
Sometimes, though rarely, the Machi is a woman. In this case she assumes the male
dress, mimics as far as she can the masculine tone of voice and mode of walking, and is
always a very disagreeable individual, being mostly crabbed, ill-tempered, petulant, and
irritable.
As the Machi always operates at night, the scene is most wild and picturesque,
as may be seen from the account of Mr. E. R. Smith, who witnessed (at a distance) the
operations of a female Machi.
1
MAPUCHÉ MEDICINE.
“One of the neighbours was dangerously ill, and during the night there was a grand
machilun performed by the grand exorcist, the medicine woman of Boroa herself.
wished to be present, but Sancho would not listen to the proposal, insisting that we might
expose ourselves to violence by appearing to interfere with this witch, whose hatred of the
whites and influence over the natives were alike unbounded.
“The night was black and threatening, well suited to her machinations. We could
plainly hear the monotonous tap of the Indian drum, and the discordant song occasionally
rising with the frenzy of the moment into a shrill scream, then sinking to a low, guttural
cadence, while all else was hushed for very dread of the unhallowed rites. Suddenly the
singing stopped, and there was a long silence, broken by the eruption of a troop of naked
savages rushing round the house on horse and afoot, brandishing fiercely lance, and
sword, and burning fagot and blazing torch, and making night hideous with their
demoniac cries. The frightened dogs howled in dismal concert, and again all was still.
0 0 2
564
ARAUCANIA.
In the first place, the bird
The evil spirit had been cast out and driven away. It only remained for the sick man to
recover or die."
The witch who presided over this extraordinary scene was a mestizo, i.e. a half-breed
between the negro and the native. She was a singularly unprepossessing personage,
hideously ugly, and turning her ugliness of features to account by her shrewdness of
intellect. Ugliness is not, however, a necessary accompaniment of this particular caste.
There is now before me a photograph of a young mestizo woman, whose features,
- although they partake somewhat of the negro character, are good and intelligent, her
colour is comparatively pale, and her hair retains the length and thickness of the
Araucanian, together with a crispness which has been inherited from the negro race.
Like many other uncivilized nations, the Araucanians have a great objection to allow
a stranger to learn their names, thinking that by means of such knowledge the wizards
máy be able to practise upon thein.
When they are brought into contact with the white man, and are asked their names,
the Araucanians flatly deny that they have any. They will take service under him, and
allow him to call them by any name that he likes, but their own name they will never
tell, nor do they like even to invent one on the spur of the moment. The reader will
doubtless recall many similar instances that have been recorded in the course of this
work. They have a similar objection to their portraits being taken, thinking that the
possessor will be able to exercise magical influence upon them by means of the
simulated features.
This terror has been increased by the use of books by the white travellers. Nothing
is more inexplicable to an Araucanian than to see a white man, evidently ignorant of the
language, refer to a book and then say the word which he wants. How such a mystery
can be achieved is beyond his comprehension, and he regards the book and its owner as
equally supernatural beings.
In one case, an Indian of more than usually inquisitive mind pointed to various
objects, in order to see whether his white visitor could find out their names by looking at
a book. Being convinced that the feat really was performed, he peered into the book,
vainly trying to detect some resemblance between the word and the object which it sig-
nified. As he did not gain much information from his eyes, his white friend pointed out
the word, on which he laid his hand as if to feel it. Just at that moment, a slight breeze
ruffled the leaves of the book. The man drew back as if a snake had bitten him. The
mysterious voice of the white man's oracle had spoken to him, and, what was worse, upon
his left hand. He said nothing, but silently withdrew, and, wrapping his poncho round
his head, sat for several hours without speaking a word.
In consequence of this superstition, a traveller dares not use his note-book openly
.
He is obliged to write his remarks surreptitiously, and, so great is the fear inspired by
the very fact of writing, that even if the traveller be out of sight for any lengthened
time, the people are nervous and suspicious.
The Araucanians have a firm belief in omens, and will address prayers after their own
fashion to any of the creatures that are supposed to have supernatural power. On one
occasion, when Mr. E. R. Smith was travelling with his native friends, one of the mules
fell and broke its back. This was a sinister omen, and the Araucanians were corre-
spondingly depressed at it. Fortunately, an omen so good followed it that their fears were
dispelled and confidence restored.
The reader may remember that Mr. Smith had just exchanged names with a Mapuché
lad, and was called Namcu-lanquen, i.e. Eaglet of the Sea. Just after the unlucky mule
had injured itself, a sea-eagle rose suddenly from its perch, circled around the party,
sailed off southwards. This was indeed a fortunate omen.
was the emblem of the white man who had recently become a Mapuché, and in the next
the eagle was on the right hand of the travellers.
The native guide Îrauque put spurs to his horse, dashed forward at full gallop
shouting and yelling with excitement at the piece of good fortune that had befallen them
Presently he Halted, and addressed a prayer to the eagle: “O Namcu! Great being
Lonk not upon us with thy left but with thy right eye, for thou knowest that we are
and
i
MODE OF BURIAL,
565
poor! Watch over our children and brothers; and grant us happiness, and allow us to
return in safety from our journey."
Every circumstance combined to make the omen propitious. The Namcu is the being
most venerated by the Araucanians, who think that it is a sort of heavenly messenger in
direct communication with the Superior Being. The reader will doubtless be struck with
the coincidence between the bird divinations of the Araucanians and those of the Dyaks
of Borneo, as well as by their identity with the auguries of ancient Greece and Rome.
With the exception of the wise men above mentioned, the Araucanians have no
priests, and as a necessary consequence they have no temples and no religious ceremonies.
There is a general though vague belief in a good and evil principle, which may be mani-
fested by a host of inferior deities or demons. They have not even an idol, nor is there
any definite system of worship, the only prayers which a native makes being invocations
such as that which has just been described as made to the eagle.
Sacrifices are made at their great national councils. An animal is killed, its blood is
poured on the ground as a libation, and the heart, laid on a green branch, is borne round
the assembly, accompanied with dances and songs. The flesh is then cooked and eaten,
and the bones collected and thrown into the nearest river, so that they shall not be
polluted by being eaten by the dogs.
Sometimes in war-time, a prisoner is sacrificed.
He is placed on a horse whose tail and ears have been cropped by way of deriding
the rider, and is thus taken to the place of execution. Here he dismounts, and is forced
to dig a hole, into which he throws a number of sticks, calling each after the name of
some celebrated warrior of his tribe. He is then made to fill up the hole, thus symbo-
lically burying the fame of his countrymen, and as soon as he has done so, his brains are
dashed out with a club, care being taken to inflict as little damage as possible on
the skull.
As soon as he falls, the heart is torn from the breast and handed to the Toqui, who
sucks a few drops of the blood, and passes it to his officers, who follow his example. The
large bones of the arms and legs are made into flutes, the head is placed on a spear and
carried round in triumph, and the skull is made into a drinking-cup to be used at the
principal feasts. Such a sacrifice, however, is not to be considered as an act of worship,
but merely as a mode of propitiating the manes of deceased warriors.
The similitude between the bird-omens of the ancient Greeks and Romans and those
of modern Araucanians has already been mentioned. There is another semi-religious
practice which also recalls the customs of classic times, namely, the making of libations
and offerings of food at every meal. When the Araucanian takes his broth or wine, he
pours a few drops upon the ground as a thank-offering to the higher powers, and with
the same motive he scatters around a few morsels of food.
THE mode of burial differs slightly according to the locality and the tribe.
When a Mapuché chief dies, the body is exposed on an open bier for several days,
during which time the friends and neighbours pay their respects and offer their condolence
to the family. On the day of the funeral a procession is formed, led by a company of
young men on horseback, who dash forwards at full speed to the place of interment.
After them the body, borne by the principal relatives, and behind them come the women,
who wail aloud and fill the air with their cries of sorrow. Last of all comes a woman
who scatters ashes on the ground, so that the deceased may not return by the path along
which he was borne.
The body is then bound with the knees to the breast, and lowered into the grave,
with the face towards the west, the direction of the Mapuché spirit-land. The saddle,
bit
, spurs, and stirrups of the deceased are laid by his side, together with some provisions
for the journey, a few beads, and a piece of money, and the grave is then filled up. As,
however, the horse-accoutrements of a chief are of silver, and exceedingly valuable, they
are represented by wooden copies, which are supposed to serve the purposes of the deceased
as well as the more costly articles, which become the property of his successors.
At the head of the grave is planted the dead man's lance, the steel head of which is

566
ARAUCANIA.
replaced by a wooden imitation. It is also necessary that a horse should be provided for
the dead chief, and this is done by sacrificing his favourite steed, and hanging its skin
over the grave by means of a pole placed across two forked props. Mr. E. R. Smith
shrewdly remarks that in all probability the deceased would be put off with a wooden
horse to ride, were it not that the Mapuchés are exceedingly fond of horseflesh, and take
the opportunity of holding a great banquet on the flesh of the slaughtered animal, the
skin and spirit going to the share of the dead man.
Such ceremonies as these are only for a chief, a common man not being supposed to
need a horse, and consequently being buried with slight and simple ceremonies. For the
MAPUCHÉ FUNERAL.
doubtful
,
funerals of women the rites are of a similar character, the chief distinction being that
,
instead of the saddle and weapons, some cooking-vessels, a distaff, and similar objects
are laid in the grave.
Some travellers have asserted that when a powerful chief dies, his favourite wife is
also killed and placed in the tomb with him. This statement is, however, very
and was flatly contradicted by every one of whom Mr. Smith inquired. The Mapuchés
seem to have a vague notion that the dead are able to return to earth and watch over the
living; and when the dark thunder-clouds lower over the distant Cordilleras, they imagine
that the deceased warriors of their tribe are chasing away the invisible foes of their
country, and utter loud shouts of encouragement to the supernatural warriors.
In some parts of the Mapuché territory the graves are surrounded with a rude fence
of upright boards, from the midst of which rises the long quivering lance with its slight
pennon fluttering in the wind.
WOODEN MEMORIALS.
567
The Huilyichés, however, have a much more elaborate mode of decorating the graves
of their chiefs, resembling in some degree that which is employed by the New Zealanders.
Figures supposed to represent the deceased chief and his wives are set round the grave,
just as the New Zealanders plant their “tikis” round the graves of their friends. (See
page 181 of this volume.)
One such memorial, seen by Mr. Smith, had a very singular, not to say ludicrous,
appearance. Each figure was cut out of a huge log of wood, some ten or twelve feet in
height. In the middle stood the chief himself, wearing no clothing, but having a hat on
his head and a sword in his hand. Round him were stationed his wives, equally without
clothing, the great object of the artist being to leave no doubt which is the chief and
which are his wives, without troubling himself as to details of drapery. Rude as these
figures are, only very few natives can carve them, and these sculptors make a large
income by the exercise of their skill. Each figure is purchased with a fat ox, or even at
a higher price, according to its size and the amount of labour bestowed upon it, and no
grandee can be considered as buried respectably unless the grave be decorated with a
figure of the deceased.
CHAPTER VII.
THE GRAN CHACO.
THE GRAN CHACO AND ITS INHABITANTS THEIR LOVE OF FREEDOMCONTRAST OF THE TWO
RACES IN SOUTH AMERICA-THE VARIOUS TRIBES IN THE COUNTRY-APPEARANCE OF THE
INHABITANTS-ERADICATION OF THE EYEBROWS AND EYELASHES HAIR-DRESSING COSTUME
OF THE SEXES—EQUESTRIAN HABITS—THE NAKED MAN ON THE NAKED HORSE-WEAPONS-
THE MACANA CLUB, AND MODE OF USING IT-THE LONG SPEAR-CURIOUS ARMOUR--THE FOOT-
BOW-ATTACKING A VILLAGE-HUTS OF THE GRAN CHACO INDIANS-CROSSING A RIVER
CHARACTER OF THE PEOPLE,
To the east of the Araucanian territory, and extending to the Paraguay and Panama
rivers, lies a tract of mountain country, of indeterminate northern and southern boundaries
,
called the Gran Chaco. This great district is inhabited by a series of tribes who deserve
a short notice.
Not the least remarkable point in their history is the manner in which they have
preserved the freedom of their own land, despite the attacks of various white nations
,
Both the Spaniards and the Portuguese have, at different times, seized on a few positions
in the Gran Chaco, but have not been able to retain them except on the indefinite western
frontier line. On the east, where the great Paraguay river forms the natural boundary,
the native is left unmolested in his freedom.
In the eloquent words of Captain Mayne Reid : “On its eastern side, coinciding almost
with a meridian of longitude, the Indian of the Gran Chaco does not roam; the well-
settled provinces of Corrientes, and the dictatorial government of Paraguay, presenting a
firmer front of resistance. But neither does the colonist of these countries think of
crossing to the western bank of the boundary river to form an establishment there.
“ He dares not even set his foot upon the Chaco. For a thousand miles, up and
down, the two races, European and American, hold the opposite banks of this great stream.
They gaze across at each other—the one from the portico of his well-built mansion, or
perhaps from the street of his town—the other standing by his humble ' toldo,' or mat-
covered tent, more probably on the back of his half-wild horse, reined up for a moment
on some projecting promontory that commands a view of the river. And thus have these
two races gazed at each other for three centuries, with little other intercourse passing
between them than that of a deadly hostility."
As the territory of the Gran Chaco is very extensive, being about three times as large
as that of Great Britain, and extends north and south through eleven degrees of latitude
,
it naturally follows that the tribes which inhabit it differ from each other in many details
,
those of the warm north and cold south being in many points strongly contrasted with
each other. Still, there are many points of similarity, and these we will select in the
following brief account of the Gran Chaco tribe, omitting, from want of space,
wherein they differ from each other.
those
APPEARANCE OF THE INHABITANTS.
569
In the first place, the aborigines of the Gran Chaco are of a much paler complexion
than those of the more northern tribes, known from their colour by the name of Red Men,
and more nearly resemble the rich olive of the inhabitants of Southern Europe. The
nose is rather aquiline, the mouth well formed, the cheek-bones high, and the eyes and
hair jetty black. The latter is singularly abundant, and though coarse and without curl
is smooth and glossy when properly dressed.
The men have but little beard, and the scanty hairs which grow upon the chin and face
they completely eradicate, using for that purpose a pair of shells until they are rich
enough to purchase iron tweezers. Even the eyebrows and lashes are pulled out, the
natives saying that they only hinder the sight, and comparing those who wear them to
the ostrich-.e. the rhea, or American ostrich, which is plentiful in their country.
To a European, the loss of these appendages to the eyes has a very unsightly effect;
but the native takes a very different view of the case, and looks upon a countenance
wherein the eyebrows and lashes are permitted to grow much as a gentleman of George
the Second's time would have regarded a head which was decorated by its own hair, and
a face from which the beard and moustache had not been removed.
The masculine mode of dressing the hair has some resemblance to that which is prac-
tised by the warlike tribes of Northern America. The hair is shaved from the forehead,
as well as from a band extending behind the head from one ear to the other. The
remainder is allowed to grow to its full length, and carefully cherished and tended.
The Gran Chaco Indians only use paint upon great occasions, when they decorate
themselves as fantastically as any savage tribe can do; but, as a rule, their faces and
bodies are allowed to retain their normal olive hue. Neither do the men use the tattoo,
this being restricted to the women, who mark themselves with a variety of patterns upon
their arms, cheeks, and breasts, each having a line of blue dots extending from the corner
of each eye to the ears, and a pattern of some kind upon her forehead.
The dress of these people is very simple. In warm and fine weather, it consists
merely of a piece of cotton or woollen fabric, woven in the brightest hues of red, white,
and blue. It is little more than a mere strip of cloth, and in this respect the dress of the
women scarcely differs from that of the men. In cold and storiny weather, both sexes
wear a warm cloak made of the skin of the jaguar, or, if so valuable a material cannot be
obtained, of that of the nutria, or South American otter. Earrings are worn by both
sexes; but the hideous ornaments which so many savage tribes wear in their lips and
noses are utterly unknown to them.
The Gran Chaco Indian is essentially a horseman, and no inhabitants of America have
made more use of the horse than he has. He differs, however, from those which have been
already mentioned in one important particular. He utterly despises the costly spurs,
stirrups, and headstalls which have been described in the account of the Araucanians,
and, almost naked himself, he rides upon an entirely naked horse. He uses no saddle, no
stirrups, and no bit, guiding his steed by voice and touch, and not by the power of the
iron curb. The only representative of a bridle is a slight rope of plaited hide passed
round the lower jaw of the horse.
The weapons of the Gran Chaco Indian are very few. He carries the bolas and lasso,
but cares little for them in war, preferring, as his most efficient weapon, his spear.
This
instrument is sometimes fifteen feet in length, and in the hands of a skilful rider, mounted
upon a perfectly-trained steed, is a most formidable instrument of war. The warrior uses
his spear, not only for battle, but as a means for mounting his horse. He stands on the
right hand of the animal, places the butt of the spear upon the ground, and, using the shaft
as a leaping-pole, swings himself upon the back of the horse with scarcely an effort.
A rather peculiar club is also used by these people. This weapon is called “ macana,"
and exists throughout a very large portion of Southern America. It seldom exceeds two
feet in length, and in forrn somewhat resembles a square dice-box, being smaller in the
middle
, and increasing in diameter to each end. It is used both as a missile and as
a hand-weapon, and when used is held by the middle. The young warriors pride them-
selves on the force and accuracy with which they hurl this instrument, and during their
leisure time vie with each other in throwing it at a mark. The specimen which is shown
570
THE GRAN CHACO.
in the illustration was presented to me by H. Bernau, Esq., together with several other
weapons and implements of South America.
Sometimes the macana is armed with a cylindrical piece of hard stone, which projects
from one end like the blade of an axe. It is fastened into the wood by a very ingenious
process. Having fixed upon a young branch which he thinks will make a good club, the
Indian bores a hole in it, and hammers into the hole the stone cylinder
which has been previously prepared. He then allows it to remain for
two or three years, by which time the wood has grown over the stone,
and became so firınly imbedded that it will break to pieces rather than
be loosened by any amount of violence.
Another of these weapons in my collection is remarkable for the
slight but elaborate carvings with which it is covered, leaving only a
small space in the centre devoid of ornament. The patterns are scratched
rather than cut, so that they cannot properly be seen unless the
weapon is turned from side to side, so as to ensure the light falling
properly upon it; but the extreme hardness of the wood makes them
retain their integrity in spite of rough usage. The tree from which these
clubs are made is one of those which are popularly called iron-wood, on
account of the hardness and weight of the timber. It belongs to the
guaiacums. The Spaniards call the tree by a name which signifies "axe-
breaker.”
The strangest part of war as waged by these natives is, that when
they fight with each other they adopt an elaborate system of defensive
armour, while they discard everything of the kind when they match
themselves against the fire-arms of the whites, knowing that the shield
and costume which will guard them against the club and the spear are
useless against a bullet.
The armour is of a most cumbersome description, and looks nearly
as awkward as that which is worn by the soldiers of Begharmi. (See
Vol. I. p. 709.)
First of all, the warrior puts on a coat made from the skin of the jaguar, dressed so as
to remain soft even after being wetted. Over this dress he wears a complete suit of
armour, made from the thick and hard hide of the tapir. Not only the body armour, but
the helmet and shield are made of this material, which is capable of resisting the stroke
of the lance or the point of the arrow, It interferes, however, with the right management
of the horse, and it is very doubtful whether its defensive powers compensate for its
exceeding clumsiness.
Still
, it may have a moral effect upon the enemy; and there is no denying that it
gives the warrior a more formidable appearance than he would possess if he rode without
armour. To add to the ferocity of his aspect, he employs paint on these occasions, and
with scarlet and black pigment makes himself absolutely hideous.
When he goes to attack a village inhabited by white men, he does so in a very
ingenious manner
. Usually he fights exclusively on horseback, being so admirable à
rider that he can even stand on the withers of his horse when at full speed, and feeling
himself out of his element when dismounted. But when he has to attack só formidable
an enemy as the white man, he begins after a different fashion. He takes with him an
enormous bow, far too strong to be drawn in the usual manner, and a number of long
arrows. Dismounting at some distance from the village, he creeps to some spot within
range of his arrows, and then prepares for action.
He begins by wrapping a quantity of cotton-wool round the arrows just behind the
head, and when he has treated them all in this way, he strikes a light and sets fire to the
cotton-wool on one of the arrows. Lying on his back, he holds the bow with the toes of
both feet, and, laying the blazing arrow in its place, he is able to use both his hands to
draw the powerful weapon. He shoots with a wonderfully good aim and great rapidity,
so that when a number of Indians surround a village, and pour their fiery missiles into it
from all directions, the houses are sure to take fire.
THE MACAVA CLUB,
(From my collection.)

NOMAD HABITS.
571
In the midst of the confusion caused by the flames that arise on all sides, the warriors
leap on their horses, dash at the village, kill all whom they can reach, carry off as much
plunder as possible, and then gallop back to their own districts, where no one dares
to follow.
Retaliation is never feared, as the Gran Chaco Indians have no fixed habitation, and
nothing that can be called even a village. The hut or rather tent of these people is a
very simple affair. Two upright posts are driven firmly into the earth, and another is
laid horizontally across them. Over the horizontal pole is hung a large mat, the ends of
which are pegged to the ground, and the tent is then complete. The mat is made of the
GRAN CHACO INDIANS ON THE MOVE.
epidermis of young palm-leaves. In order to prevent water from flooding the tent in
rainy weather, a trench is dug around it. The only furniture is the hammock in which
the inhabitant sleeps, and in fine weather, this is much more often slung between two
palm-trees than between the upright posts of the tent. In fact, the only use of the tent
is as a shelter in rainy weather, the whole of the life being passed in the open air.
.
As may be imagined from this mode of life, the Gran Chaco Indian is essentially a
rover, passing from one part of the country to another when game begins to be scarce
in that district which he temporarily inhabits. The above illustration shows the
manner in which a community of these natives cross rivers. Swimming with perfect
ease themselves, they merely with one hand guide their horses in the water without
caring to get on their backs, while with the other hand they paddle themselves across
the stream, or hold the spear with its light burden of ornaments.
572
THE GRAN CHACO.
The children and household goods are conveyed easily enough. Square boats or tubs
made of bull's hide are launched, and in them are placed the children, the puppies, of
which there are always plenty, and the heavier goods, such as the kettles and cooking-
vessels. A rope is tied to the "pelota," as this primitive boat is called, and the cargo is
towed across the stream either by being attached to the tail of a horse, or held in the
mouth of a good swimmer. The lighter articles, such as dress and ornaments, are
fastened to the head of the spear, which is held upright, so as to keep them out of
the water,
The dogs which have just been mentioned are extremely useful to the Gran Chaco
Indians, who employ them in the chase. They give but little trouble to their masters,
living for the most part in holes which they scratch in the ground, and feeding con-
tentedly on the offal and scraps of food, which in an uncivilized community are more
than scanty. Without the dogs the hunter could scarcely bring to bay the jaguar, the
peccary, and similar animals, which are so annoyed by the perpetual and noisy attacks of
the little curs that they stop in their flight in order to revenge themselves, and so give
the hunter time to come up with them.
Although so essentially a warrior, and living much upon the proceeds of his plunder,
the Gran Chaco Indian is in one respect far superior to the North American tribes. He
does not torture the prisoners whom he takes in war, and the women and children he
treats kindly, and adopts into his own tribe.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE MUNDURUCÚS.
POSITION AND NUMBER OF
THE MUNDURUCÚ TRIBE--THEIR GENERAL APPEARANCE-MODE OF
TATTOOING-SKILL IN FEATHER-WORKING_FEATHER SCEPTRES AND APRONS-HEAD PRESERVING
-THE TRIUMPHAL FEAST AND WARRIOR'S PRIDE-TRAINING OF THE WARRIOR-THE ORDEAL
OF THE GLOVES”- INTELLIGENCE OF THE MUNDURUCÚS-THE HEALING ART- ENCHANTED
CIGARS-COLLECTING SARSAPARILLA-THE GUARANATEA-THE PARICA SNUFF AND ITS OPERA-
TION-THE SNUFF TUBE-COOKERY AMONG THE MUNDURUCÚS.
66
The largest, most warlike, and most powerful of the Amazonian tribes is that which
is known by the name of MUNDURUCÚ.
Formerly, they used to inhabit the country on the southern bank of the great Amazon
River; but since their long and valiant struggle with the Portuguese, they have moved
considerably southwards, having conceded to their new allies the more northern portion
of their territory. Since that time, they have been on very good terins with Europeans,
and a white man of any nation is sure to find a welcome when he comes among the
Mundurucus. This feeling does not extend to the negroes and mulattoes, the dark skin
arousing the anger of the Mundurucú as a white skin excites his friendship.
The colour of the Mundurucús is warm coppery brown; their hair is thick, black, and
straight, and with the men is cut short, except a long fringe, which is allowed to hang
over the forehead. Their features are good, the lips being thin, the forehead tolerably
high and arched, and the general contour of the face oval. Unfortunately, they disfigure
themselves by a tattoo which is just as elaborate as that of the Marquesans, but without
its elegance.
The Mundurucú seems to have no idea of a curved or scroll-like pattern, and contents
himself with tracing straight lines and angles. One favourite plan is, to cover the whole
body with a sort of trellis-like pattern, the lines crossing each other diagonally in some,
and at right angles in others. One man, seen by Mr. Bates, had a large black patch on
the centre of his face, covering the bottom of the nose and mouth, while his body was
decorated with a blue chequered pattern, and his arms and legs with stripes.
At first it seems strange how the people can draw the lines with such regularity.
It is managed, however, easily enough" by means of the peculiar form of the tattooing
instrument. This, instead of being very small and made of bone, is of considerable size,
and is in fact a comb made of the sharp thorns of the pupunha palm set side by side.
With this instrument there is no difficulty in producing straight lines, as all that the
operator has to do is to lay the points of the comb on the skin, tap it sharply until a row
of little holes is made, and then rub into the wounds the charcoal pigment.
Beside the tattoo, they use paint in profusion, and adorn themselves with lovely
ornaments made of the feathers of the macaw, the toucan, and other native birds. There
are other tribes which use similar decorations, specimens of which we shall presently see.
They are perhaps the best savage feather-workers in the world, displaying an amount of

574
THE MUNDURUCÚS.
artistic taste which is really astonishing. Their feather-sceptres are beautiful specimens
of native art. They are about three feet in length and three inches in diameter, and are
made by fastening on a wooden rod the beautiful white and yellow feathers from the
breast of the toucan. At the top, the sceptre expands into a wide plume, composed of
the long tail-feathers of the trogons, macaws, and other birds. In order to preserve these
sceptres in their full beauty, they are kept in cylindrical bamboo cases until they are
wanted. These decorations are only used on festival days, which are determined by the
will of the Tushaúa or chief of the tribe. On these occasions the women prepare great
quantities of "tarobá,” which is exactly the same
as the mudai of the Araucanians, and they go on
drinking, singing, and dancing until all the liquor
is exhausted.
The accompanying illustration gives some idea
of the mode of feather-working, and the kind of
pattern employed by the Amazonian aborigines,
though the plain black and white can give no idea
of the gorgeous colouring and artistic arrangement
of the hues. For this reason, I have been obliged
to limit the illustrations of the elaborate feather-
work of these natives, and only to give a few
examples, where form, as well as colour, is exem-
plified.
The body of this apron is made of cotton
strings, plaited into a netting so close that it re-
sembles a woven fabric, while they are allowed
at the upper part to be loose, and parallel to each
other. Beginning at the bottom of the apron,
we have first a row of jetty black feathers, upon
which is a tolerably broad band of bright yellow.
The ground-work of the rest of the apron as far as
the base strings is made of scarlet feathers, crossed
by two narrow yellow bands, and the curious
double pattern in the middle is yellow above and
FEATHER APRON. (From my collection.)
blue below. The sides and top are edged by a belt
of black monkey-fur.
Among the upper edge of the base strings are a number of the elytra or wing-cases
of the gorgeous Buprestis beetle. They are loosely strung in a row by their bases, and
not only look splendid when the light of the sun shines on them, but rattle at every
movement, so as to keep time to the steps of the dancers, for whom such ornaments are
chiefly made. These wing-cases are used also for children's rattles, an example of which
we shall presently see.
LIKE
many other warlike savages, the Mundurucús perpetuate the memory of valiant
deeds by preserving a trophy of the slain enemy. Indeed, this is the only way in which
it is possible to preserve the accounts of their valour, and the Mundurucús follow in this
respect the example of the Dyaks, by cutting off and preserving the head of the dead man.
When a Mundurucú has been fortunate enough to kill an enemy, he cuts off the head
with his bamboo knife, removes the brain, soaks the whole head in a bitter vegetable oil,
called “andiroba," and dries it over a fire or in the sun. When it is quite dry, he puts
false eyes into the empty orbits, combs, parts, and plaits the hair, and decorates it with
brilliant feathers, and lastly passes a string through the tongue, by means of which it can
be suspended to the beams of the malocca or council-house, where it remains except on
festival days. When, however, the chief gives orders for a feast, the proud owner of the
head arrays himself in his most magnificent suit of feathers, fetches his prize from the
malocca, fixes it upon the point of his spear, and parades himself before his companions
in all the glory of an acknowledged brave.

THE PRESERVED HEAD.
575
One of these preserved heads is here shown, drawn from a specimen in the possession
of A. Franks, Esq. of the British Museum. In order to show the ordinary kind of feather
head-dress which is worn by the Mundurucus, a portrait of a chief is introduced, so that
the contrast between the living and preserved head is well marked.
The value which a Mundurucú attaches to this trophy is simply inestimable. As
none except acknowledged warriors are allowed to contend against the enemy, the fact of
possessing a head proves that the owner has passed triumphantly through the dreadful
ordeal of the gloves. It is very remarkable that we find two totally distinct races of
men, the Malay and the Mongol, possessing exactly the same custom, and reckoning the
possession of a head as the chief object in life.
MALUM
MALAYSIA
WIMMINA
cilitant lélego
DU
PRESERVED HEAD. (From Mr. Frantis' collection.)
HEAD OF MUNDURUCU CHIEF.
It is quite impossible that the Dyak of Borneo and the Mundurucú of Central
Southern America could have been geographically connected, and we must infer that the
custom took its rise from the love of approbation inherent in human nature. In all
countries, whether civilized or not, renown as a warrior is one of the chief objects of
ambition. In civilized countries, where a literature exists, this renown is spread and
conserved by means of the pen ; but in uncivilized lands, some tangible proof of success
in war must be required. In this head the necessary proof is obtained, for its existence
shows that the owner has killed some man or other, and the form or absence of the tattoo
is a proof that the slain man was an enemy and not a friend.
The successful warriors are so proud of their heads that they will often remove them
temporarily from the malocca, and place them on the fence which surrounds their crops,
so that the women, who are working in the field, may be cheered by the sight of their
relative's trophies. Of late years, either this custom has fallen into abeyance, or the
people are unwilling to exhibit their trophies to a white man, for Mr. Bates, who spent so
much time with them, never even saw a preserved head, or could hear of one being used.
Like many other natives, the Mundurucús have to pass through a horribly painful

576
THE MUNDURUCÚS.
ordeal before they can be admitted into the rank of men. There is a strange, weird-like
character about the whole proceeding.
The reader must know that South America possesses a great number of ants, many of
which sting most horribly. There is, for example, the muniri ant, a great black insect,
as large as a wasp and with as venomous a sting. Then there is the fire-ant, whose bite
is just like a red-hot needle piercing the flesh, together with many others. These ants
are made the instruments by which the courage of the lad is tested.
On the appointed day, the candidate for manhood and the privilege of a warrior,
goes to the council-house, accompanied by his friends, who sing and beat drums to
THE GLOVE DANCE.
encourage him. The old men then proceed to the test. They take two bamboo tubes,
closed at one end and open at the other, and place in each tube or "glove” a number of
the fiercest ants of the country. Into these tubes the wretched lad thrusts his arms, and
has them tied in their places, so that they cannot fall off. The drummers and singers
then strike up, and the candidate joins in the song.
Accompanied by the band and his friends, he is taken round the village, and made
to execute a dance and a song in front of every house, the least symptom of suffering
being fatal to his admission among the men. In spite of the
In spite of the agony which he endures-
an agony which increases continually as the venom from the stings circulates through his
frame—the lad sings and dances as if he were doing so from sheer joy, and so makes the
round of the village. At last he comes in front of the chief's tent, where he sings his
song for the last time, and is admitted by acclamation to be a man. His friends crowd
round to offer their congratulations, but he dashes through them all, tears off the gloves
of torture, and plunges into the nearest stream, where he can cool his throbbing arms.
THE PAJE AND HIS OFFICE.
577
The Mundurucús seern to be an intelligent race of savages, as may be seen from
Mr. Bates's account of the interest which they displayed in a book of illustrations.
“To amuse the Tushaúa, I fetched from the canoe the two volumes of Knight's
' Pictorial Museum of Animated Nature.' The engravings quite took his fancy, and he
called his wives, of whom, as I afterwards heard from Aracú, he had three or four, to
look at them : one of them was a handsome girl, decorated with necklace and bracelets of
blue beads. In a short time others left their work, and I then had a crowd of women
and children around me, who all displayed unusual curiosity for Indians.
“It was no light task to go through the whole of the illustrations, but they would not
allow me to miss a page, making me turn back when I tried to skip. The pictures of the
elephants, camels, orang-outans, and tigers seemed most to astonish them, but they were
interested in almost everything, down even to the shells and insects. They recognised
the portraits of the most striking birds and mammals which are found in their own
country; the jaguar, howling monkey, parrots, trogons, and toucans.
"The elephant was settled to be a large kind of tapir; but they made but few remarks,
and those in the Mundurucú language, of which I understood only two or three words.
Their way of expressing surprise was a clicking sound made with the teeth, similar to
the one we ourselves use, or a subdued exclamation, Hm! Hm !
“Before I finished, from fifty to sixty had assembled ; there was no pushing or rude,
ness, the grown-up women letting the young girls and children stand before them, and all
behaved in the most quiet and orderly manner possible."
LIKE other savage tribes the Mundurucủs place great faith in their medicine-men, or
“ pajes," as they are termed. These men are supposed to exercise a power over evil spirits,
especially those which cause sickness, and which take the visible form of a worm or some
such creature.
When a Mundurucú is ill, he sends for the paje, who goes through the gesticulations
common to all the tribe of medicine-men, until he has fixed upon some spot wherein the
evil spirit has located itself. He then makes a huge cigar, by wrapping tobacco in folds
of tanari, i.e. the inner bark of a tree, which is separated into layers and then beaten out
like the bark-cloth of Polynesia. Several trees, especially the monkey-root tree (Lecythis
ollaria), furnish the tanari, the best being able to furnish a hundred layers from one
piece of bark.
The smoke from the cigar is blown for some time upon the seat of the malady,
and after a while the paje applies his lips to the spot, and sucks violently, producing
ont of his mouth the worm which has done the mischief. On one occasion, when
a paje had operated on a child for a headache, a white man contrived to get pos-
session of the “worm,” which turned out to be nothing but a long white air-root of
some plant.
These people have, however, some genuine medicines. In the first place, they know
the use of the sarsaparilla-root, and gather it in large quantities for the market. The
root, or rather the rhizome, of a species of Smilax is the well-known sarsaparilla of
commerce. There are several other plants the roots of which are used for the same purpose,
and go by the same title, but the best is that which has been mentioned.
The natives collect it during the rainy season, when the root can be easily torn out of
the wet earth. After washing the roots carefully, the gatherers store them under shelter
until they are quite dry, and then make them up into bundles of uniform size, for the
convenience of packing. These bundles are rather more than three feet in length, and
about five inches in diameter. The bundles are tied up very tightly with the sipo, a kind
of creeper, and then sold to the traders.
Another medicine known to them is the guarana. It is made from the seeds of a
climbing plant belonging to the genus Paullinia. The seeds are roasted in their envelopes,
and then taken out and pounded between two stones. The powder is mixed with
water so as to form a stiff paste, which is moulded into squares and left to dry. When
used, the vegetable brick is scraped into water, about a teaspoonful going to the pint, and
the medicine is complete. It has a stimulating effect on the system. Like strong tea,
VOL. II.
PP

578
THE MUNDURUCÚS.
manner.
it repels sleep, but is so valuable in the intermittent fever of the country that in the
Brazilian settlements it obtains a very high price.
There is another very remarkable medicine, which, though not used by the pure
Mundurucú tribe, is in great favour with the Cuparís, a sub-tribe of the same nation.
This is a sort of snuff, called parica, which is prepared and used after the following
The seeds of a species of ingá (a plant belonging to the Leguminous Order) are
dried in the sun, pounded in wooden mortars, and the dust put into bamboo-tubes.
When the people determine to have a bout of snuff-taking, they assemble together
and drink various fermented liquors until they are half intoxicated. They then separate
into pairs, each having a hollow
reed filled with the paricá snuff.
After dancing about for some
time, they blow the snuff into
the nostrils of their partners, so
as to make it produce its full
effect.
The action of the paricá is
very singular. Sometimes it is
so violent, that the taker drops
on the ground as if shot, and lies
insensible for some time. On
those who are more used to it the
effect is different. It causes for
a time the highest excitement,
driving off the heaviness of in-
toxication, and imparting a light-
ness and exhilaration of spirits
,
causing the taker to dance and
sing as if mad, which indeed he
is for a time. The effect soon
subsides, and the men drink them-
selves anew into intoxication.
The Muras, a quarrelsome and savage tribe, with whom the Mundurucús are at
perpetual feud, are the most confirmed paricá takers. The Mauhés, a neighbouring tribe,
have another mode of taking the paricá, which they use as a means of repelling ague,
and employ it in the months between the wet and dry seasons, when miasma always
abounds.
They keep the powder in the state of dried paste, and when they wish to use it,
scrape it into a flat shell, spreading it very carefully with a little brush made from
the hair of the great ant-eater, They then produce the snuff-taking apparatus. This
is made of two eagle quills tied side by side for part of their length, and diverging at
one end to such a distance from each other that the extremities will go easily into the
possessor's nostrils. In fact, the shape of the instrument is very much like that of the
letter Y.
Inserting the diverging ends into his nostrils, the Mauhé places the other end on the
powder, and draws it through the quills, the end travelling over the shell until every
particle of the powder has been taken. Sometimes the snuff-taker employs, instead of the
quills, the bone of a plover's leg. This instrument, however, is very rare, and cannot
easily be procured, the possessor esteeming it to be a most valuable piece of property. It
is remarkable that the paricá, under different names, is used in places a thousand miles
apart.
COOKING THE MONKEY.
The cookery of the Mundurucús is very simple. They make cassava bread and
tapioca, after a fashion which will be presently described, and feed on yams, plantains,
and similar vegetables. Animal food is obtained by hunting, and chiefly consists of the
monkeys with which the South American forests abound. When a monkey is to be eaten,
SIMPLE COOKERY.
579
it is cooked in one of two ways. Should there be time, a large fire is
made and allowed to burn nearly down, so that there is little or no
smoke. Over the red embers a number of green sticks are laid parallel
to each other, just like the bars of a gridiron, and on these bars the
monkey is placed just as it is killed, the skin never being removed, and
the interior seldom cleaned.
There is even a simpler plan than this, which is employed when the
Mundurucú has no time to build a large fire. He makes up as large
a fire as he can manage, impales the monkey on a stick sharpened at
each end, and fixes the stick diagonally in the ground, so that the body
of the monkey hangs over the fire, just as a soldier cooks or rather
burns his rations by impaling the piece of meat on his ramrod. Very
little cooking is required by these people, who are content if the skin
is well calcined and the flesh not quite raw.
The Mundurucú can also procure fruits that are capable of preser-
vation, so that he need be in no fear as to suffering from lack of pro-
visions. The chief fruits are the so-called “nuts” of the Lecythis and
the Bertholetia. The fruit of the former tree is popularly known as
"monkey-cup," because the hard envelope, or pericarp, which encloses
the seeds has a moveable lid, which falls off when the fruit is ripe, and
enables the monkeys to draw the seeds out of their case.
The fruit of the Bertholetia is familiarly known as the Brazil-nut.
A number of these nuts are enclosed within a very thick and hard
pericarp, which has no lid, though there is a little hole at the top
through which the seeds can be seen. When the fruit is ripe, it falls to
the ground with such force that if it were to strike a man on the head
it would instantly kill him. One of these fruits in my collection
measures exactly a foot in circumference, and, though very dry, weighs
The reader may imagine the force with which such a
fruit would fall from the height of a hundred feet or so.
In order to guard themselves against accidents, the Mundurucús
always wear thick wooden caps when they go after the Brazil-nuts, and
are careful to walk very upright, so as not to be struck on the back or
the nape of the neck.
From the Christy Collection.)
nine ounces.
TWO-STRINGED BOW FROM THE AMAZON.
uli
P P 2
CHAPTER IX.
THE TRIBES OF GUIANA.
CHANGES OF LANGUAGE-INVERSION OF WORDS AND SENTENCES—THE TALKING PARROT -THE
FIVE CHIEF TRIBES OF GUIANA-PECULIARITY OF CLIMATE, AND CONSEQUENT EFFECT ON
VEGETABLE AND ANIMAL LIFE-THE HAMMOCK OF GUIANA-THE WEAPONS PECULIAR TO THE
COUNTRY—THE TWO KINDS OF BLOW-GUN-THE ZARABATANA, AND MODE OF CONSTRUCTION-
WEIGHT OF THE WEAPON THE PUCUNA-ITS DOUBLE TUBE-THE QURAH AND SAMOURAH-THE
KURUMANNI WAX THE INGENIOUS FORE AND BACK SIGHTS THE BLOW-GUN ARROWS
THEIR CONSTRUCTION-MODE OF SHARPENING-THE PIRAI FISH-INGENIOUS MODE OF PACKING
–
THE ARROWS-MODE OF PROPELLING THE ARROWS—THE WINGED ARROW-THE QUIVER AND
COTTON BASKET..
to
It is evident that the innumerable tribes which inhabit the neighbourhood of the great
Amazon river are members of the same family, differing more in language than in appear-
ance or habits. It is natural that families when they become large should separate
themselves, and so become founders of fresh tribes, which spread themselves over the
country, settling down in those spots which suit them best. They retain the general
character of their manners and customs, but, owing to the total want of a literature, their
language is continually changing.
This alteration in their language is also due to the native fondness for inverting words
and sentences during their conversation with each other, a custom which bears some
resemblance to that of punning among ourselves. When these inverted words happen
please the people's fancy, they are retained in the language, so that in a few years after a
family has separated itself from the parent tribe the two dialects will have receded so far
from each other that the people can hardly understand each other.
To the philologist this fluctuation of language would be exceedingly interesting
,
but, as we are concerned with manners and customs rather than with language, we
will pass northwards and eastwards to Guiana. Sir R. Schomburgk mentions a fact which
is a singular corroboration of the rapidity with which language changes among these
tribes. There was a parrot living in 1800, which spoke well, but many of whose words
could not be understood, because it spoke the language of the Atures, a tribe which had
passed entirely out of recollection after it had been mastered by the warlike Caribs.
This comparatively small country is especially interesting to ethnologists, in conse-
quence of the perfect manner in which the natives have guarded their individuality
,
Evidently sprung from one source, they have settled down in different districts, and,
though alike in colour and general conformation, are as widely different in language, and
often in manners, as if they belonged to separate quarters of the world.
Five principal nations inbabit Guiana, and are subdivided into a vast number of
small tribes. These are the Macoushies, the Arawaks, the Accawaios, the Caribs, and the
Waraus. The two first of these will be taken as representatives of the tribes in Guiana
though the others will be mentioned
in cases where they present any marks of difference
EFFECT OF THE CLIMATE.
581
Taking broadly the chief points of distinction between these tribes, we may simply
define them as follows.
The Macoushies are the largest and most ingenious tribe. They excel in the manu-
facture of the terrible wourali poison, which they exchange for canoes and other necessa-
ries from other tribes. They also make the best blow-guns. Their huts are closed, and
conical like sugar-loaves. Their number is somewhere about three thousand.
The Arawaks are rather taller than the Macoushies, being, on an average, five feet six
inches in height. Their faces are marked with the tattoo, and, as they are much brought
into contact with white men, they approach civilization nearer than do the other tribes.
The Accawaios and Caribs wear no clothing except on occasions of ceremony. The
former are distinguished by a wooden ornament in the cartilage of the nose, and the
latter by wearing ornaments in the under lip, and by a lump of annatto fastened to the
hair of the forehead. The Waraus are darker than the others, and are acknowledged to be
the best canoe-makers in Guiana. Some of their vessels will carry ninety or a hundred
men, and they sell these canoes to the Macoushies for the excellent wourali poison for
which that tribe is celebrated.
common,
OWING to the peculiarities of the climate, all these tribes have many customs in
The climate is a very remarkable one, being exceedingly hot and exceedingly
wet. The heat is owing to the geographical position of Guiana, which is close to the
equator, and the wet is due to the trade winds and the configuration of the country. Blowing
across the Atlantic they absorb a vast quantity of moisture from the ocean, and dis-
charge the greater portion of it before they can reach any distance inland, the moisture
being condensed by the secondary mountain chains, which are from five to seven thousand
feet in height.
In consequence of this perpetual heat acting on perpetual moisture, vegetation
flourishes with a luxuriousness scarcely to be seen in any other part of the world, and so
completely is the ground covered with tree and bush, that many trees are unable to find
a habitation upon the ground, and are forced to live upon each other. Thus, upon a lofty
mora-tree a fig-tree will grow, and upon the fig an enormous creeper will fasten itself, its
long shoots dangling loosely from the enormous height at which they grow, or drooping in
graceful and flower-clad festoons from one tree to another. Such a forest as this is often
ankle-deep in water for miles together, and the vegetation is so thick that the only way
of passing through the tangled mass of vegetation is to cut a path with the axe. And
even then, after a week or two has elapsed, the path will have vanished, so rapid is the
growth of vegetable life.
It follows from this description that the animals which inhabit Guiana must be
chiefly of two kinds, those which inhabit the trees and those which live in the water.
Accordingly, we find that the country is tenanted by a great variety of the monkey tribe,
that the arboreal puma and jaguar take the place of the terrestrial lion and tiger, and
that the aquatic capybara and fapir flourish where beasts of equal size would perish if
they had to live on the land. Birds of the most lovely plumage abound in Guiana, which
is also a very paradise of insects.
It is evident that any human beings that live in such a country as this must have
many characteristics in common. They need no clothes, no houses, and the woods supply
them with food without the trouble of cultivation, so that their chief incentives to labour
are taken away. Consequently, they may be called an idle people, though the indolence is
rather apparent than real
. They will work as long as there is a necessity for it; but, as a
man can support existence without doing a real day's work in his life, it is evident that
the necessity for work does not often arise.
One habit which they have in common is that of sleeping in the hammock. This
article is made by the natives from various vegetable fibres, and is woven in different
ways, according to the character of the tribe which makes it. Some of these are made
simply by laying a number of strings parallel to each other, and knotting others across at
right angles; but the best have no knots at all, the strings interlacing with each other
so as to yield in every direction to the body of the occupier. When a native
diagonally,
582
GUIANA.
has made a particularly fine specimen, he adorns it with feathers, and other brilliantly-
coloured objects.
These hammocks are of various sizes, some being small and used for children, and
others large enough to contain an entire family. The specimen in my collection will
hold two Guianan natives, but not two Englishmen. It is rather more than sixteen feet
in length, and six feet in width.
The hammock is exactly adapted to the wants of the native. It is so light that he
can roll it up and tie it round his body, so as to carry it on a journey; so slight in texture
as to keep him cool when lying in it; and so yielding in its structure that the bare cords
do not hurt his naked skin.
On a journey he always carries his hammock with him, and if he wants to rest, he
does not sit down, but slings the hammock between two trees and lies in it. Several
HAMMOCK. (Lent by Mr. Warehom.)
purposes are fulfilled by this arrangement. In the first place, the ground is usually wet
,
so that the man is kept dry in the hammock; in the next place, he is safe from the
snakes and other unpleasant reptiles that swarm in the forests; and lastly, he would
always rather lie down than sit.
The specimen in the illustration is one of the best hammocks, and is profusely deco-
rated. It was kindly lent to me by Mr. Wareham.
Another point which they have in common is the mode in which they destroy the
animals on which they live.
The reader will remember that the density of the jungle is so great, that if an animal
were able, after it was wounded, to run for a hundred yards or so, or a bird to fly the
same distance, it would be lost in the bush without the chance of recovery. It is evident
,
therefore
, that the successful hunter must possess some means of destroying motion, if
not life, almost instantaneously, and this he finds in the terrible wourali poison, which
has the effect of causing instant stupor when it mixes with the blood.
The mode of
manufacturing this poison will presently be described, and at present it is sufficient to say
that nearly all the missiles used by the Guianan aborigines, whether propelled by the bow
or by the breath, are armed with this poison.
We will first take those missiles which are propelled by the breath, and examine the
instrument through which they are sent.
In principle this is exactly like the sumpitan of Borneo, described on page 465 of the
present volume, but the mode of construction is different, and in the best specimens the
Guianan work is far superior to that of Borneo.
THE BLOW-GUNS.
583
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Of this singular weapon there are several varieties,
the two principal of which are here given, both being
taken from specimens in my possession.
The first of them is termed the zarabatana, and is
found throughout a very large tract of country south-
wards of Guiana, when it takes a somewhat modified
and improved form.
It is made of two separate pieces of wood, in each
of which is cut a semicircular groove, so that when they
are placed in contact with each other they form a long
wooden rod, pierced with a circular bore. As the natives
use nothing but the incisor teeth of rodent animals by
way of tools, it may be seen that the labour of making
one of these instruments is very great. The bore being
carefully smoothed, the two halves are laid together, and
bound by means of long, flat strips of jacitara wood
wound spirally round them.
To the lower end of the weapon is fastened a large
mouthpiece, with a conical opening like the mouth-
piece of a trumpet, so as to collect the breath for the
propulsion of the arrow. A quantity of cement, composed
of a black wax made by a wild bee mixed with a pitchy
substance obtained from several trees, is then rubbed
over the whole weapon, which is considered complete.
The zarabatana is exceedingly heavy, and requires not
only a strong but a practised arm to hold it steady. A
far superior weapon, called the “pucuna," larger, lighter,
and more easily handled, is made by the natives of
many parts of Guiana, that used by the Macoushie tribe
being the best. The specimens which are here shown
were brought from Guiana by the late Mr. Waterton,
who presented them to me shortly before the accident
which caused his death,
The weapon in question (called pucuna) is double,
being made of two portions, called ourah and samourah.
The essential portion of the blow-gun is the ourah. This
is a singular reed (Arundinaria Schomburgkir), which, as
far as is known, only grows on the sandstone ridge of
the Upper Orinoco between the rivers Ventuari, Paramu,
and Mavaca. Like the bamboo, it grows in clusters, and,
though not exceeding half an inch in diameter, the first
fourteen or sixteen feet are without a knot. From this
point spread the long, slender branches, measuring from
thirty to forty feet in length, and waving in graceful
curves when moved by the wind.
The portion used for the blowpipe is the first joint,
which is uniform in diameter throughout, and is naturally
polished within. But it is so thin, the walls being not
twice the thickness of a playing-card, that it would be
too fragile to be used without some protection. Accord-
ingly, the native has recourse to a sort of palm, called by
him samourah, its scientific title being Treartia setigera.
This is chosen of a proper size, cut down, and
steeped in water, for the purpose of extracting the pulp
which fills the interior. When it is quite dry, the reed
is inserted into this tube, the native gunmaker having a
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BLOW-GUNS. (From my Collection.):

584
GUIANA.
wonderful talent in getting the slender reed exactly in the centre of the palm-stem, and
fixing it in its place with the black wax already mentioned. This wax is called kuru-
manni by the Macoushies, and is used by them as freely as is the “black-boy” wax by
the Australian aborigines. The samourah is then scraped down to the proper thickness,
well polished, and the weapon is ready for the accessories which complete it.
One end is chosen to serve as a mouthpiece, and is bound with a string made of silk-
grass, and the other is tipped with the half of the acuero nut, which is very hard
and prevents the end of the weapon from being injured by accidental blows against
a tree or the ground.
USING THE ZARABATANA BLOW-GUN.
This acuero seed acts as a fore-sight, by which the native hunter can direct his
weapon; but, in order to secure a more certain aim, he adds a singularly ingenious back-
sight. Taking a lump of kurumanni wax, he presses it on the blowpipe about eighteen
inches from the mouthpiece, and by means of the wax fixes upon the tube the two
lower incisor teeth of the acouchi, one of the cavies.
Such a weapon as this is exceedingly light and easy to handle, presenting a strong
contrast to the heavy and cumbrous zarabatana. It is held in rather a curious manner.
The left hand is turned with the palm upwards, and the elbow against the hip. The
hand then grasps the blow-gun within a hand's-breadth of the mouthpiece, and the right
hand seizes it, palm downwards, in the space left by the other hand. In fact, this mode
of holding the weapon is exactly similar in principle to that which is employed by rifle-
The blowpipe is then raised, not by the arms, but by bending back the body; and
it is astonishing to see how steady it can be held for a lengthened time—a steadiness
which can never be gained if it be held by stretching out the right arm and grasping it at
men.
THE ARROWS.
585
some distance from the mouth. My own specimen is just eleven feet in length, and can
be handled with the most perfect ease.
The illustration on page 583 shows both these weapons.
On the right is the zarabatana, drawn from my own specimen, which is seven feet
in length, and weighs three pounds twelve ounces. The diameter of the mouthpiece is
exactly two inches. This weapon was added to my collection by E. Randell, Esq.
Next to it is the pucuna, brought from Guiana by Mr. Waterton. Although eleven
feet in length, its weight barely exceeds a pound and a half, so that it can be handled
much more easily than the shorter and heavier zarabatana. Fig. 1 shows the weapon
itself
, and fig. 2 the front view of the tip, guarded with its ring of acuero seed, which
forms the fore-sight. Fig. 3 gives an enlarged representation of the back-sight, made of
the teeth of the acouchi (Dasyprocta Acouchi) fixed in their place by the black kurumanni
wax. Fig. 4 is a section taken through the middle of the back-sight, so as to show
the way in which the teeth project from the shaft. Fig. 5 is a front view of the butt,
showing the way in which the ourah reed is enclosed within the samourah palm.
The natives are most careful respecting the straightness of their blow-guns, and never
llow them to lean against anything lest they should be warped. When they go hunting,
they carry the blow-gun upright, like a soldier “shouldering arms,” and when they return
to their huts, they suspend the weapon by a loop to the top of the house. Mr. Waterton
repeatedly draws attention to this point in his “Wanderings,” and when he presented me
with the pucuna which he brought from Guiana, the gift was accompanied by a condition
that it should never be allowed to lean against a wall, but should be either laid on
the ground or suspended by its loop.
of areca.
We now come to the arrows which are propelled through the pucuna. They very
much resemble in shape and size those which are employed by the Dyaks, but, instead of
being made to fit the bore of the pucuna by a piece of pith or soft wood at the butt, a
small quantity of wild cotton, taken from the Bombax ceiba, is wound upon it, and
fastened with a fibre of silk-grass. Cultivated cotton is too heavy to serve the purpose,
and nothing answers so well as the yellow, stout-fibred cotton of the Bombax. Very
great art is required in putting on the cotton properly. It must exactly fit the bore, be
perfectly regular, so as not to disturb the accuracy of the flight, and must taper gradually
in front, so as to offer the least possible resistance to the air.
The shaft of the arrow is made of the leaf-ribs of the coucourite palm, a species
It is about ten inches in length, no thicker than a crow-quill, and at one end is
brought to a point as sharp as a needle by scraping it between the teeth of the pirai fish
(Serrasalmus piraya). The teeth of this fish are flat, pointed, and double-edged, much like
those of the shark-and, indeed, the pirai is a veritable fresh-water shark, biting whole
mouthfuls from the bodies of animals that enter the water, and even attacking the
alligator itself—and when the arrow is drawn between them, delicate shavings are taken
off, just as is the case with the double knife-sharpeners of the present day. One half of a
pirai-jaw is always suspended to the quiver of a Macoushie.
Of the poison with which the arrow is armed we will presently treat: we are now
only concerned with the manufacture of the weapon.
In order to save space, the cotton is not put upon the arrows until just before they are
wanted, six or seven finished arrows being left in the quiver for immediate use, and the
rest tied in a bundle until needed. The formation of this bundle is singularly ingenious,
the native being able to remove any of the arrows without untying it, and to add as many
as he likes without disturbing those which already are tied together.
The native takes a rod of hard wood, a little longer than the arrows, and at one end
he fixes a little wheel, rather more than two inches in diameter. At two inches from the
wheel, and the same distance from the end of the rod, two holes are bored, through each
of which are passed two strings made of cotton. When the man wishes to tie up a
number of arrows, he lays them successively between the strings, which he twists between
each arrow. When the last arrow is laid in its place, the whole are kept firm by a couple
of sliding knots, which can be slipped along the strings.
586
GUIANA.
The accompanying illustration will explain the method of stringing the arrows bette:
than can be done by words alone. Two of the arrows are shown as prepared for use, the
cotton being on their butts and the poison on their tips. A number more are shown as
they appear on the double strings, poisoned, but without the cotton. A hunter will some
times have as many as five hundred arrows at once upon a string.
TT
BLOW-GUN ARROWS. (From my Collection.
and
illoinn Inn Nielsen
In order to keep the weapons compact, so that they can be easily slipped into the
quiver, they are rolled round the little rod, and bound firmly together in a cylindrical
form, the poisoned points being directed to the wheel, of which the reader will now see
the use.
It serves as a sort of shield to
the hand, so that when the hunter wishes
to take the arrows out of the quiver, he
can do so without the least danger;
when he desires to remove some arrows
to be mounted with cotton, he can push
them through the spokes of the wheel, and
take them out without having to untie the
bundle.
When properly made and mounted,
these arrows can be propelled with wonder-
ful force. I have sent one for a distance of a hundred yards, and the natives can propel
them to a still greater distance. There is a certain art in using the pucuna, the arrow not
being urged by a lengthened breath, but by collecting all the air that the lungs will hold,
and giving a short expiration, as if the object were to empty the lungs at one puff.
The force comes entirely from the lungs, the cheeks Having nothing to do with it
.
ARROWS ROLLED ROUND THE STICK,
(From my Collection.)
THE QUIVER.
587
When an arrow is rightly propelled, it flies from the tube with a slight pop, like that
which is produced by quickly drawing the cork of a small bottle. It is quite invisible for
some little time, so rapid is the motion; and even when fitted with white instead of
yellow cotton the eye can scarcely follow its course.
Such an instrument as this is simply invaluable for the purposes to which it is
devoted. It is intended to be used almost exclusively for killing birds and small monkeys,
both of which creatures live on trees. Now, as the trees of Guiana run
to an enormous height, some of them attaining at least a hundred feet
before they throw out a branch, it will be seen that the birds are beyond
the reach of shot-guns. The foliage is so thick that it does not permit
more than one or two shots to reach the bird, and the height is so great
that, even if they did strike, they would produce but little effect. But
the pucuna can throw an arrow higher than a gun can propel a shot, and
if the needle-like point enters any part of the bird the effect is fatal.
There is another advantage which the pucuna possesses over fire-arms.
The report of the gun frightens away every bird within sound, whereas
the pucuna is practically noiseless. The slight “pop” with which the
arrow is expelled does not alarm the birds, and an expert hunter can
kill: twenty or thirty birds from one tree without alarming the others.
The pucuna is particularly useful in the chase of the toucan. The
feathers of this bird are much used in the manufacture of the beautiful
gala dresses which the natives wear on grand occasions, and are therefore
much prized by them. Now, the toucan has a way of sitting on the
topmost boughs of the tallest trees, and were it not for the deadly
arrow of his pucuna, the native could seldom obtain a specimen.
Just before the arrow is put into the blow-gun, the hunter places it
between two of the pirai-teeth already mentioned, and turns it round
between his fingers. He thus cuts it through just above the poisoned
portion, so as to leave a mere thread of wood attaching the head to the
shaft. If, therefore, the bird or monkey, on feeling the smart, should
seize the arrow and withdraw it, the poisoned head snaps off and is left
in the wound.
In some parts of the country a very ingenious form of arrow is used.
Instead of being made to fit the bore by means of cotton tied on the butt,
a flat piece of bark is twisted round the arrow so as to cause it to
terminate in a hollow cone. A larger piece of the same material is
fixed along the shaft of the arrow, and slightly twisted so as to cause it
to revolve when projected through the air, The arrow is tipped with
a slight iron blade, instead of being merely sharpened wood. This form
of hollow base is admirably adapted for its purpose, and has been copied
by Messrs. Lang, the well-known gunmakers of Cockspur Street, in their
blow-gun darts for killing small birds and animals without noise.
Next comes the quiver in which the arrows are kept. This is shown
in the illustration on page 588. The framework of the quiver is made
of the ittiritti-reed, and the bottom is closed by a circular plate of wood.
In order to keep the poisoned arrows from the damp, which would
effectually spoil them, the whole of the quiver is covered with a thick WINGED ARROW.
coat of kurumanni wax, which is pressed firmly into the interstices of the
wickerwork, and into the junction between the wooden bottom and the sides of the
quiver.
Lest the rough basketwork should injure the delicate arrows, the quiver is lined with
beautifully-made matwork, of much finer material, and quite smooth to the hand. The
cover is made of a piece of skin, sometimes of the tapir, but mostly of the peccary.
While fresh and wet, it is moulded over a wooden block of the proper size, just as hatters
mould their felt into its form. The hairy side is kept inwards, and when it is pressed on
the top of the quiver, and twisted with a turn of the hand, it holds itself firmly in its
588
GUIANA.
place. When the cover is on the quiver, no water can enter, and even if the hunter were
to drop it into the river, the arrows would be preserved quite dry in their floating
receptacle. The cover is secured to the quiver by a string.
Before the kurumanni wax which covers the quiver is quite dry, a flat plaited belt
made of silk-grass is secured to it by means of a long string, which encircles the quiver
several times. In this cincture is also secured by strings a coil of silk-grass, from
which can be drawn the fibres by which the cotton is attached to the arrow, together with
the half jaw-bone of the pirai, with which the arrows are sharpened. In my own
specimen this jaw-bone is just two inches in length.
al
SHARPENER
ENLARGED
COTTON-BASKET AND QUIVER. (From my Collection.)
The last article which completes the equipment of the bird-hunter is the basket of
wild cotton. This basket is, as may be seen from the illustration, of a flask-like form,
with a narrow neck, and a bulging body. In consequence of this form, the cotton does
not fall out of the basket, although it is carried with the opening downwards. The
quantity of cotton which this basket will hold is really astonishing. From one of them
in his collection Mr. Waterton took handful after handful until a large heap was
on the table, just as a conjuror takes vast quantities of feathers out of an apparently
empty hat.
CHAPTER X.
THE TRIBES OF GUIANA.-(Continued.)
EFFECT OF THE WOURALI --DEATH OF THE AI-THE LARGER ARROWS-TUFTED ARROWS-A SINGULAR
QUIVER-ARRANGEMENT OF THE MOVEABLE HEAD-QUIVER FOR THE HEADS-FATE OF THE
WOUNDED INDIAN-HOW THE ARROWS ARE FEATHERED-THE NATIVE BOW--TURTLE ARROWS
MANUFACTURE OF THE WOURALI-THE QUAKE AND ITS USES THE WOURALI VINE, AND OTHER
VEGETABLE CONSTITUENTS—THE HYARRI POISON, AND ITS USESANTS AND SNAKE FANGS
BOILING THE WOURALI --EFFECTS OF THE PROCESS ON THE MAKER-SELF-POISONED ARROWS-
VARIOUS ARROW-HEADS OF GUIANA-THE WHISTLING ARROW.
an arrow.
The effect of the poison is instantaneous, provided that it be of good quality and kept
dry. There are many varieties of the wourali, but the best, which is made by the
Macoushies, is so powerful that one of the tiny arrows brought by Mr. Waterton from
Guiana killed a hedgehog at once, though fifty years had elapsed since the poison
was made. Death was not instantaneous, for the animal, which was very slightly
wounded in the hind leg, breathed for some seconds; but the hedgehog was quite
insensible, and, as soon as it had been pricked by the dart, it allowed me to lay it on its
back, and place my finger on the ball of its eye without shrinking.
Many experiments have been made in England with the wourali poison, most of
which have tended to prove that its power has been exaggerated, and that a man could
not be killed by the small quantity that could be conveyed into a wound on the point of
I feel certain, however, that in such cases either the poison has not been of
good quality, or that it has been carelessly kept, and allowed to become damp, in which
case it loses the greater part of its strength. It is very difficult to procure the strongest
wourali poison from the natives, who are very unwilling to part with it, and will always
try to substitute an inferior kind. The only mode of procuring the best wourali is to do
as Mr. Waterton did, i.e. live among them, and induce them to part with the little
wourali-pots from which they have poisoned their own arrows. Moreover, he must
imitate their example in keeping the poison in a perfectly dry place. The natives are so
careful on this point that they frequently remove the covers of their poison-pots and put
them near the fire.
There is no mistake about the potency of such poison as this. Its effect upon a
hedgehog has already been mentioned, but Mr. Waterton tried it on several animals.
For example, he had an Ai sloth that he wanted to kill painlessly, and without damaging
the skin. How he did it is best told in his own words :-
"Of all animals, not even the toad and the tortoise excepted, this poor animal is the
most tenacious of life. It exists long after it has received wounds which would have
other animal, and it may be said, on seeing a mortally-wounded sloth, that
life disputes with death every inch of flesh in its body.
“The Ai was wounded in the leg, and put down upon the floor, almost two feet from
the table. It contrived to reach the leg of the table, and fastened itself upon it as if
wishful to ascend. But this was its last advancing step ; life was ebbing fast, though
nor could this singular production of nature, which has been formed
destroyed any
imperceptibly;
590
GUIANA.
COVER FOR POINTS
Enlarged,
玩​而
​ARRÓW HEAD ENLARCED
of a texture to resist death in a thousand shapes, make
any stand against the wourali poison.
“First one fore-leg let go its hold, and dropped
down motionless by its side; the other gradually did
the same. The fore-legs having now lost their strength,
the sloth slowly doubled its body, and placed its head
betwixt its hind-legs, which still adhered to the table;
but when the poison had affected these also, it sank
to the ground, but sank so gently that you could not
distinguish the movement from an ordinary motion; and
had you been ignorant that it was wounded with a
poisoned arrow, you would never have suspected that
it was dying. Its mouth was shut, nor had any froth or
saliva collected there.
“There was no subsultus tendinum, nor any visible
alteration in its breathing. During the tenth minute
from the time it was wounded it stirred, and that was
all; and the minute after life's last spark went out.
From the time the poison began to operate, you would
have conjectured that sleep was overpowering it, and
you would have exclaimed-
'Pressitque jacentem
Dulcis et alta quies, placidæque simillima morti.””
The reader will see that this account agrees exactly
with my own experiment. In neither case was death
instantaneous, but in both cases the power or wish to
move seemed to be immediately taken from the animal,
though wounded in a limb and not in a mortal spot.
Of course the quantity of poison must be proportioned
to the size of the animal. The tales that are told of a
mere scratch producing death are manifest exaggerations.
It has been mentioned that in Guiana no very large
animals are found, the tapir and the jaguar being the
largest of the mammalia. For the purpose of killing
these, or going to battle where man is to be destroyed,
the natives employ a very different weapon, and use a
bow and arrow of rather peculiar construction.
They are extremely long, some of them being six feet
in total length. The shaft is made of a cylindrical,
hollow, and very strong reed (Gynecium saccharinum),
which runs to some length without a knot or joint. In
one end is fixed a long spike of a very hard and heavy
wood, called letter-wood, because it is covered with red
marks like rude attempts at writing, very much like the
scribbled marks on a yellow-hammer's egg. In order to
guard it from splitting, the shaft of the arrow is bound
for some inches with cotton thread. The commoner
kinds of arrow are merely wrapped with this thread, but
in the better sorts the thread is woven in patterns
almost as neat as those employed by the Polynesian
islanders.
When the native wants to make a peculiarly beautiful
arrow, he ornaments it in a most singular manner. Into
the thread which wraps the shaft are inserted a quantity
of brilliantly-coloured feathers, mostly those of the
20111711
ARROWS.
ARROWS.
591
various parrots which are so plentiful in Southern
America: Only the smallest and softest feathers
are used, and they are worked into the wrap-
ping in a manner which produces the most
artistic combinations of colour.
The natives have a marvellous eye for colour,
most likely from having continually before their
eyes the gorgeous insects and birds of their
luxuriant country, and it is wonderful to see
the boldness with which they achieve harmony
from a number of hues that scarcely any one
would dare to place in opposition with each
other. Scarlet, yellow, pink, blue, green, and
snowy white are all used in these arrows, and
are arranged in a way that would do honour to
the best European artist.
Sometimes a cap is made for the arrows,
and decorated with feathers in the same brilliant
style. Such arrows as these require much care
on the part of the owner, who is not content
with an ordinary quiver, wherein they might
be jolted about and their lovely feathers spoiled,
but constructs a special and peculiar quiver for
their reception. He takes a number of bamboos,
about the thickness of a man's finger, and cuts
them into pieces some eighteen inches in
length. These he lashes firmly together, and
then ties over them a bark cover, neatly wrapped
with cotton string.
Each of these tubes contains one arrow, which
fits with moderate tightness, the downy feathers
keeping it in its place. They are fixed so per-
fectly, that when the arrow is pushed into its
tube the feathers are pressed tightly against
the shaft, and when it is withdrawn, they spring
out by their own elasticity, and form an elegant
coloured tuft. As the long arrow-shafts are apt
to vibrate by their own weight, and might
damage the feather-tufts in the tubes, a cap is
usually slipped over them-in some cases plain,
like the covering of the quiver, but in others
gorgeously made of feathers, like that which is
shown in the illustration. These arrows, which
are tipped with the barbed tail-bone of the
sting-ray, are from the “Christy” collection; the
others are drawn from my own specimens,
which are pointed with iron, and not with bone.
The heads of the arrows are made in various
ways. Sometimes they are simply covered with
a series of rather blunt barbs, but the generality
of them are constructed after a very elaborate
fashion.
The barb of one kind of arrow reminds the
observer of the weapon of the Bosjesman, though
the arrow is almost a spear in comparison with
the tiny weapon of the African savage. The
ARROWS.
592
GUIANA.
point is tipped with a piece of iron cut into a single barb, and projecting froin it
and pointing in the opposite direction a curved iron spike is slightly lashed to the shaft
with cotton.
A thick layer of wourali poison is laid on the arrow for about three inches, aiding
to fasten the iron spike to the shaft. Now, the wourali poison mixes instantaneously
with the blood, so that when the arrow penetrates an animal, the poison dissolves, and
allows the spike to escape into the wound, carrying with it a sufficient amount of the
poison to cause death, even if in its struggles the animal should succeed in shaking out
the arrow itself. If the reader will refer to Vol. I. p. 284, he will see in the illustration
(fig. 4) the Bosjesman arrow, which is made on the same principle.
Some of these arrows appear to have been much prized by the owners, who have
covered them with an elaborate ornamentation of cotton thread for a considerable
portion of their length—an example of which, drawn from one of my own specimens,
may be seen in the illustration. Some of the arrows have long ends of cotton strings
hanging from them in lieu of the feather-tufts. These dangling cords are often used as
ornaments by the natives, who decorate with them their clubs in such a manner that two
or three blows must destroy the whole of the work. We shall presently see examples of
these clubs.
The arrow-head which is most in vogue among the Macoushies, whom we take as
the typical tribe of this part of the world, is made in a different fashion.
A square groove, about an inch in depth, is cut in the extremity of the letter-
wood spike which terminates the arrow, and a slight sliver of bamboo is lashed so as
to press against the opening along the side. A barbed spike
of coucourite wood is then cut. It is about three inches in
length, flat towards the point, and squared at the base, so
as to slip easily into the groove at the head of the arrow,
where it is slightly held by means of the little bamboo spring.
This spring enables the head to remain in its place while the
archer is fitting the arrow to his bow and taking aim; but as
soon as the missile has struck its object, and the animal bounds
forward, the poisoned head remains in the wound, and the shaft
falls on the ground. There is considerable art in putting the
wourali on this kind of arrow-head. It is done in several
layers, one being allowed to dry before the other is applied,
and being managed so as to cause an edge of the pitch-like
wourali to run along each side of the head.
In consequence of the moveability of the head the native
archer does not trouble himself to carry more than one or two
shafts, though he has by him a store of ready-poisoned heads.
These are kept in a little quiver made of a joint of bamboo
fitted with a cover, in order to keep the poison from moisture,
and with a cotton belt by which it can be slung over the
shoulders.
One of these quivers in my collection, brought from Guiana
by Sir R. Schomburgk, is only seven inches long by an inch
and a half wide, and is capable of containing twelve to fourteen
poisoned heads. The native hunter does not require more than this number, as he rarely
shoots without hitting, and when he has struck one animal large enough to require this
kind of arrow, he seldom wants more than one specimen. In the course of this account
of the Guiana natives the reader will notice the many trouble-saving expedients employed
by them.
Owing to the generous nature of the country, which supplies food without requiring
labour, and the warm, moist character of the climate, the natives are very apathetic, and
have the strongest objection to carrying one ounce more weight, or doing one stroke
more work, than is absolutely needful. So, instead of carrying a large bundle of arrows,
the hunter has one, or at the most two arrows, and a quantity of small poisoned heads,
Section
QUIVER FOR ARROW-HEADS.
(From my collection.)
POTENCY OF THE WOURALI POISON.
593
linii
the whole equipment being so light that a child just able to walk could carry the bow,
arrows, and quiver without being much inconvenienced.
Knowing the power of this poison, the natives are exceedingly cautious in handling
it, and never carry the arrow with its head bare. They always slip over the head a
small tube of bamboo, just large enough to be held in its place by the cotton wrapping
that passes round the junction of the head and the shaft. This is never removed except
when the arrow is to be used, and it is scarcely possible to frighten a native more than by
taking off the guard of an arrow and holding the point to him. It is of this kind of
arrow that the following story is told in Mr. Waterton's “Wanderings.”
“ One day. .. an Arawâk Indian told an affecting story of what happened to a
comrade of his. He was present at his death. As it did not interest the Indian in any
point to tell a falsehood, it is very probable that his account was a true one. If so, it
appears that there is no certain antidote, or at least an
antidote that could be resorted to in a case of urgent
need; for the Indian gave up all thoughts of life as soon
as he was wounded.
“The Arawâk Indian said it was but four years ago
that he and his companion were ranging in the forest in
quest of game. His companion took a poisoned arrow,
and sent it at a red monkey in a tree above him. It was
nearly a perpendicular shot. The arrow missed the monkey,
and in the descent struck him in the arm, a little above
the elbow. He was convinced it was all over with him.
“I shall never,' said he to his companion, in a faltering
voice, bend this bow again.' And having said that, he
took off his little bamboo poison-box which hung across
his shoulder, and putting it, together with his bow and
arrows, on the ground, he laid himself down close by them,
bade his companion farewell, and never spoke more."
Mr. Waterton then proceeds to mention the different
antidotes, in none of which does he place the least re-
liance, and in another place remarks that if the natives
knew of any remedy for the poison, they would never be
without it.
Before passing to the manufacture of this dreaded
poison, we will finish the description of the arrows.
The very long arrows, with their plumed shafts, need
ARROWS. (From my Collection.)
no feathers, their great length sufficing to keep them
straight during their flight. Were the Guianan native to
attempt a "long shot," he would fail. He is not used to long ranges, which for the most
part are rendered needless by the conformation of the country and the density of the
foliage.
He does not expect to shoot at an object distant more than thirty or forty yards,
and likes to get much closer if possible. At these short ranges, the great length of the
arrow keeps it straight, and is effectual in enabling the hunter to strike an animal, such as a
tapir
, a capybara, or a monkey, through the masses of vegetation by which it is concealed
from most eyes except those of a native.
Most of the arrows, however, are feathered, and there is such ingenuity in the way of
putting on the feathers that it deserves mention. In the arrows to which we are accus-
tomed there are three feathers, but in the Guianan arrow there are only two. These are
taken from the corresponding feathers of the opposite wings of the bird, so that when they
are fixed on the end of the shaft they curve in different directions, like two blades of a
steamer's screw, and so communicate a revolving motion to the arrow as it flies through the
So, if a native has two or three arrows before him to which he wishes to add the
feathers, he procures a bird, and for the first arrow takes, we will say, the second primary
feather from the right and left wings of the bird, cuts off a portion of the upper part
,
about three inches in length, strips away the inner half of the feather, and fastens the
QQ
air.
VOL. II.
594
GUIANA.
remainder on the weapon. The next arrow is feathered from the third primary of each
wing, and so on.
The feathers are lashed to the arrow with cotton thread, and so rudely put on, that
they would sadly cut an English archer's hand when the arrow was shot. In order to
preserve the nock of the arrow from being split by the bow-string, it is not made in the
reed shaft of the arrow itself, but in a piece of letter-
wood, which is lashed to the butt of the arrow.
The bow is often shorter than the arrows, and is of
no great strength, a long range being, as has already
been stated, not required. Many kinds of wood furnish
the Guianan bow, but those weapons which are most in
favour are made of a species of Lecythis. They are
strung with the silk-grass which has already been
mentioned.
Besides the ordinary mode of using their bows and
arrows, the Guianan natives have another, which exactly
resembles that sport of the old English archers, when a
garland was laid on the ground, and the archers, standing
in a circle round it, shot their arrows high into the air,
so that they should fall into the garland. It sometimes
happens that a turtle is lying in the water in such a
manner that an arrow, shot at it in the usual manner,
would only glance off its hard coat without doing any
injury. The hunter, therefore, shoots upwards, calculating
the course of the descending missile so accurately that it
falls upon the turtle's back, and penetrates the shell.
These arrows are heavier than the ordinary kinds,
and are furnished with a sharp iron point, made in a
very ingenious manner.
As may be seen by reference to the illustration, the
iron point is doubly barbed. Its neck, at first flat, is
soon divided into two portions, which diverge from each
other, and have their ends sharply pointed, so as to con-
stitute a secondary pair of barbs. A stout double string
of silk-grass is then fixed to the neck, and cotton cord,
strengthened with kurumanni wax, is coiled round the
diverging points, so as to form a tube. The end of the
piece of hard wood which terminates the arrow is scraped
down to a conical point, so that it can easily be slipped
into the tube. Lastly, the double cord fastened to the
head is carried for a foot or so along the arrow, and made
fast by a couple of belts of silk-grass.
As soon as this arrow strikes the turtle, it dashes
off, shaking the shaft out of the tube, and so preventing
the arrow from being worked out of the wound by
dragging the upright shaft through the water. Whenever
the reptile comes near the surface, the light reed shaft of
(From my Collection.)
the arrow rises so as to indicate its presence, and, aided
by this mark, the hunter is soon able to secure the reptile.
The arrow, a part of which is shown in the illustration, is rather more than five feet
in length. The iron point is thick and solid, and as the hard-wood spike is fourteen
inches in length, the front part of the missile is comparatively heavy, causing it to
descend with great force.
TURTLE ARROW.
We now come to the manufacture of the dreaded poison which produces such fatal
effects. The natives are very chary of giving information on the subject, and it is very
INGREDIENTS OF THE WOURALI POISON.
595
manner.
an
NI
difficult to learn the precise ingredients, the proportionate quantities, or the mode of
preparing them. The following account is obtained partly from Mr. Waterton's book,
partly from information given by himself, and partly from the words and works of other
travellers in the country.
A good many articles are employed, or said to be employed, but I believe that only
two are really needed.
The native who is about to make wourali sets about his task in a very deliberate
He sets off into the woods alone,
taking on his back a peculiar kind of basket
called a quake" or
ħabbah.” This is a very
ingenious kind of basket, combining the two
requisites of lightness and strength. It is gene-
rally used when the native wants to carry objects
that are not very heavy, and are large enough not
to slip through the interstices.
It is made from the ittiritti reed, split into
slips about the third of an inch in width. As
when filled it swells out towards the bottom and
is narrow at the mouth, the objects that are placed
in it have no tendency to fall out, which might
easily be the case with an ordinary basket, as the
bearer is obliged to clamber over fallen trees, to
force his way through the dense underwood of a
tropical forest, and to subject the quake to such
rough treatment that its qualities of form and
elasticity are continually brought into operation. THE QUAKE. (From my Collection.)
The quake will hold a wonderful amount
of goods, being as dilatable as an English carpet-
bag. My own specimen measures twenty inches in width, and this is the usual
average.
The first thing to be sought is the wourali vine (Strychnos tocifera). It is closely
allied to the tree which furnishes the well-known strychnine, in its coarser stages of
preparation called nux vomica, or ratsbane. The upas tree, which furnishes the poison
for the Dyak sumpitan arrows, belongs to the same genus. The wourali (spelt sometimes
curari),” though not very rare, is very local, and not easily discovered. It
has a vine-like appearance, with a woody stem about three inches in diameter, covered
with rough grey bark. The leaves are dark green, placed opposite each other, and of an
oval form. The fruit is nearly as large as an apple, round, and smooth, with seeds
imbedded in a bitter gummy pulp.
When the poison-maker has found the wourali, he looks after two bulbous plants,
containing a green and glutinous juice, and puts some of their stems into the quake.
The third vegetable is a bitter root, which I believe to be the hyarri, a papilionaceous
plant, which is largely used by the natives in poisoning the water when catching fish
on a large scale. All parts of the hyarri are poisonous, but the root is the most
powerful part of it. The natįves take some of the root in their canoes, bale water
over it, and pound it with their clubs. After allowing the water time to mix with the
expressed juice, the fisherman throws it overboard, and in a few minutes every fish within
a considerable distance comes Hoating to the surface perfectly helpless. One cubic foot
of the hyarri will poison an acre of water, even among rapids, while a much less quantity
is needed for creeks and still water. The poison has no effect on the flesh of the fish,
which is perfectly wholesome,
The woạrali and the hyarri are, in my opinion, the essential parts of the poison, the
bulbous plants probably supplying the glutinous matter needed to make it adhere to the
But the poison-maker is not content with vegetable substances, but presses the animal
kingdom into his service.
oorara”
or
point of the weapon.
QQ2
.
596
GUIANA.
He procures two kinds of ant, one the muniri (Ponera grandis), a huge, black creature,
sometimes an inch in length, with a sting so venomous that it often produces a fever.
One of these ants is in my collection, and its very look is venomous enough to warn any
one against it. The other is the fire-ant (Myrmica sovissima), a tiny red insect, whose
sting is just like the thrust of a red-hot needle. Besides these he takes the poison-fangs
of the labarri and counacouchi snakes, two of the most venomous serpents of the
country. These fangs are kept in store, as the native always kills these reptiles when-
ever he sees them, and extracts their poison-fangs.
That these latter ingredients can have no effect in increasing the power of the poison
I never doubted, and some years ago I expressed my opinion that they were not used at
all, but merely collected as a blind, to prevent the secret of the poison being known.
This opinion is corroborated by the researches of Dr. Herman Beigel, who analysed
some wourali poison taken from the same arrow with which the hedgehog was killed,
and who ascertained that there was not a particle of bony or animal matter in the
poison, but that it was wholly of a vegetable character. Moreover, there was no trace
of red pepper, which is said to be one of the ingredients.
As far as the sense of taste goes, my own experience coincides with that of Dr.
Beigel. I have tasted the poison, which is innocuous unless mixed directly with the
blood, and found it to be intensely bitter, and rather aromatic. These two qualities are
doubtless due to the strychnine of the wourali and to the hyarri. There was not the
least flavour of red pepper.
All these ingredients being procured, the poison-maker sets to work in a very
systematic manner. He will not prepare the wourali in, or even near, his own house,
but makes his preparations in the depth of the forest, where he builds a little but
especially for the purpose. His first care is to build a fire, and while it is burning up,
he scrapes into a perfectly new pot a sufficient quantity of the wourali-wood, adding to
it the hyarri in proper proportion, and placing them in a sort of colander.
Holding the colander and its contents over the pot, the Indian pours boiling water
over them, and allows the decoction to drain into the vessel, when it looks something
like coffee. When a sufficient quantity has been obtained, the bulbous roots are bruised
and their juice squeezed into the pot, and, lastly, the snakes' fangs and ants are pounded
and thrown into the pot.
The vessel is now placed on the fire, which is kept up very gently, so as to allow the
contents to simmer, rather than boil, and more wourali juice is added to supply the
waste by evaporation. A scum is thrown up during the process, and carefully skimmed
with a leaf, the boiling being continued until the poison is reduced to a thick dark brown
syrup, about the consistence of treacle. According to some accounts, the seeds of
the red pepper are used, not as adding to the strength of the poison, but as a test
of its preparation being complete. When the native thinks that the poison is nearly
ready, he throws into it a single seed of red pepper, which immediately begins
to revolve. He then allows the boiling to proceed a little longer, and throws in
another seed, which perhaps revolves, but more slowly; and he repeats this experiment
until the seed remains stationary, which is accepted as a proof that the preparation
is complete.
The Indian then takes a few arrows, dips them in the poison, and tries their effect
upon some animal or bird, and, if satisfied with the effect, pours the poison into a new
earthenware pot, ties a couple of leaves over the mouth, and a piece of wet hide over the
leaves, so as to exclude both air and moisture, especially the latter. The little pots
which are used for holding the wourali are nearly spherical, and about as large as an
ordinary orange.
The above account of preparing the wourali poison is that which is furnished by the
natives, but, as they have a definite object in keeping the mode of preparation secret
, it
cannot be absolutely relied upon. That there is a secret connected with its manufacture
is evident from the fact that the Macoushie poison is acknowledged to be better and
stronger than that which is manufactured by any other tribe, and that all the Guianan
tribes are glad to purchase wourali from the Macoushies.
MANUFACTURE OF WOURALI.
597
SCCTION
It is not every native who knows how to make this wonderful poison. The know-
ledge is restricted to the conjurers, who keep it in their families and hand it down from
father to son. They are so careful to preserve their secret, that not only do they make
the wourali at a distance from their houses, but when they have completed the manu-
facture they burn down the huts, so as to obliterate every trace of the means which have
been employed.
They have a sort of superstitious reverence for the wourali. The ostensible reason
which is given for burning down the hut is, that it is polluted by the fumes of the
poison, and may never again be inhabited, so that it is better to burn it down at once.
They allege that during its pre-
paration the Yabahou, or evil spirit,
is hovering over, ready to seize
upon those who are uninitiated
in the mysteries, and so by the
aid of superstition effectually pre-
vent their proceedings from being
watched.
In order to carry out this fear
of the wourali to its full extent,
the professors of poison-manu-
facture will refuse to make it ex-
cept when they please, alleging
any excuse that may suggest itself.
Mr. Waterton narrates an instance
where a man who had promised
to make some wourali poison de-
clined to do so at the last moment,
on the ground that he expected an
increase to his family. The maker
is always pleased to consider him-
self ill after he has completed his
work, which, in spite of the re-
peated washing of his face and
hands, renders him sufficiently
liable to the attacks of the invisible
Yabahou to cause indisposition.
The manufacturer is not alto-
gether an impostor in this case,
but acts from a sort of belief in
the mysterious gloom which always
surrounds the wourali. Nothing,
for example, would induce him to
eat while the poison is being pre-
(From my Collection.)
pared, and, however hungry he
may be, he will fast until the com-
ARROW-HEADS.
pleted wourali has been poured
(From Mr. Christy's Collection.)
퍼
​ARROW-HEADS.
into its receptacle.
Although the chief poison in Guiana, the wourali is not the only one, the natives
having discovered a sort of wood which is sufficiently poisonous in itself to need no other
appliance. The wood is that of some endogenous tree, of a pale yellow colour. From this
wood the natives cut long blade-shaped heads, much resembling those of the Kaffir assagais
in form. The peculiar shape of the head may be seen from the accompanying illustration,
which represents two views of the same arrow-head. Sometimes the head is left quite
plain, but in some specimens a pattern is rudely scribbled on the outer surface of the
blade. Annatto is the colouring matter used, leaving a dusky red dye behind it. I
possess specimens of these arrows, both plain and coloured.
598
GUIANA.
These flat heads are lashed to the hard-wood spike that terminates the arrow by a
complicated arrangement of cotton threads, which, though they do not possess the artistic
elegance of the Polynesian wrapping, yet are crossed and recrossed so as to produce
a series of diamond-shaped patterns. Mr. Waterton first called my attention to the
venornous properties of this arrow-head.
At the side of these arrows may be seen another, which is much flatter. This head is
made of iron, but is formed exactly after the pattern of the wooden head just described.
On account of its weight, it is affixed to a shaft of double the usual dirnensions, and is
set directly on the shaft, without the intervention of the hard-wood spike. Indeed, the
weapon much more resembles a spear than an arrow.
The young men practise diligently with these weapons. The largest, which are
intended for the slaughter of tapirs, jaguars, and such like animals, are tested by being
shot perpendicularly into the air, each archer trying to send his arrow above that of his
competitor.
Mr. Brett, in his “Indian Tribes. of Guiana,” gives an interesting account of the skill
of the natives as marksmen, and relates one little episode of the shooting, which shows
that the “inevitable dog” accompanies sports in Guiana, just as he does in England.
“ After several rounds from each man and boy, the archery contest closed by a simul-
taneous discharge of arrows from every bow. More than two hundred shafts flying through
the air together presented a novel spectacle, and in an instant demolished the target amid
loud shouts from all. A dog which, unheeded, had wandered behind it, was surrounded
by the crop of arrows which suddenly stuck in the sand, some even beneath him. He
was a lucky dog, however, for with marvellous fortune he escaped unhurt, though bewil-
dered by the adventure and the roar of applause which followed his somewhat hasty
retirement, with deprecating look and drooping tail."
Spears are also used by some of the tribes. The same writer describes the mode in
which a Warau had practised with the spear. His weapon was made of the same material
as the arrow, but of greater size, the shaft being of reed, and the head of hard wood. The
young spearman had fixed a mark on the soft stem of a plantain tree. As the missile
struck the mark, the hard-wood head remained sticking in the tree, while the elastic shaft
bounded back towards the thrower.
The lad said that this javelin was used for killing sundry large fishes, which are
induced to rise to the surface of the water by means of scattering seeds and other food
of which they are fond, and are then killed by means of this weapon.
Some of the arrows are unpoisoned, and, as an example of the great variety assumed,
of the arrow-heads of the different tribes three more specimens are given in the illustra-
tion, taken from the “ Christy” collection. These heads are something of the same form
as those which have just been described, but, instead of being flat, they are curved, as is
seen by the section which accompanies them. The reader may remember that a similar
form of arrow prevails in New Guinea. The reason is simple enough. The bamboo is
covered with a coating of pure flint, which forms a natural edge so sharp, that when the
bamboo is split, it can be used as a knife.
Indeed, until the introduction of iron, the bamboo furnished the knife in ordinary use
throughout all Polynesia and many other countries where it grew. It is evident, there-
fore, that an arrow-head merely made from a hollow bamboo stem, and retaining the hollow
shape, must be a most formidable weapon, and inflict a very dangerous wound. It is
brittle, fragile, and would shiver to pieces against a shield or defensive armour of even
moderate strength, but against the naked bodies of the Indians it is a most effective
weapon.
Great pains have been taken with these arrows, all of which have been ornamented in
some peculiar manner. One of them is covered on the convex side with coloured patterns,
just as is the case with the poison-wood arrow just described. Another is not only orna-
mented, but cut into barbs. The third, which is plain, is distinguished by a hollow ball,
placed just below the head. The ball is pierced with a hole, so that when the arrow is
sent from the bow a whistling sound will be produced. The Chinese use whistling arrows
at the present time, and so did our archers in the days when the long-bow was the pride
WEAPONS AND THEIR USERS.
599
ܐ
of England. In all these cases, the whistle could be used for amusement in time of peace,
but for signals in time of war.
As the thoughtful reader might gather from the elaborate care exercised in ornamenting
these weapons, the natives would rather exhibit than use them. It is almost invariably
found to be the case, that really warlike people keep their weapons in the highest state of
efficiency, but trouble themselves comparatively little about ornamenting them, whereas
those who want a reputation for valour, without the trouble and danger of earning it, try to
gain their end by having their weapons covered with ornament, and themselves assuming
as martial an aspect as possible. If the reader will remember the various peoples that
have been described in the course of this work, he will see how completely this rule
holds good.
Take, by way of example, the Fijian and the Tongan. The one is celebrated through-
out the world for the variety, the beauty, the finish, and the artistic ornamentation of
his weapons. He always moves armed, feeling himself at a loss without his club on his
shoulder; he bedizens himself in the most extravagant manner for the war-dance, and
before joining in actual battle he consumes a vast amount of time in boasting of his
prowess, and of the use to which he will put the body of his foe.
But the Tongan, who never thinks of boasting before or after battle, whose
weapons
are simple and unadorned, is so completely the superior of the Fijian that he could, if he
chose, make himself the master of the whole Fiji territory. We see the same character-
istic in several Eastern lands, in which the men are walking arsenals of weapons, inlaid
with gold, silver, and precious stones, and yet will take the first opportunity of running
away when there is a probability that their ornamental weapons will be used in earnest.
Šo the experienced anthropologist, as soon as he sees these beautifully-carved arms,
decorated with the most delicate plumage, and painted with all the colours which native
art can supply, at once makes up his mind that such weapons are more for show than use,
and that the makers would not have expended such time and trouble upon them, if they
had intended them to undergo the rough usage of actual warfare.
CHAPTER XI.
THE TRIBES OF GUIANA.-Continued.
GUIANAN CLUBS-THE SAPAKANA AND POTU-WARFARECANNIBALISM-THE
SHELL-MOUND AND
ITS
CONTENTS-RISE AND FALL OF THE CARIB TRIBE-BLOOD-FEUDSTHE ΚΑΝΑΙΜΙΑ AND
RESULTS-A STRANGE SUPERSTITION-THE GUIANAN VAMPIRE-WAR WITH THE ARAWAKS
ITS
INGENIOUS STRATEGY THE AMBUSH -THE FORT AND THE BOOM-CAPTURE OF THE CHIEF
AND END OF THE WAR.
We will now pass to their clubs, in which, as well as in the arrows, can be read the
characteristics of their makers : some of them are wonderful examples of savage art.
The specimens which are shown in the illustration on the following page are all drawn
from examples in the “Christy” collection.
Those on the right are examples of the kind of club which is called Sapakana. They
are made of the heaviest and hardest wood which the native can find, and some of
them are so large and heavy that they require a strong man to wield them. The blade
is formed something like that of the New Zealand merai, being slightly convex in the
middle, and coming to an edge on either side, so that it is as formidable a weapon as
can well be imagined.
In order to give a firm grasp, the handle is covered with cotton string wound upon
it very neatly, afterwards being ornamented with feathers and similar decorations. As
the heads of these clubs are very much alike, I have only given one entire, and the
handles of two others. The central is the most highly ornamented, having tufts of
brilliant green feathers just at the junction of the head and the handle, and below the
feathers a series of white balls made of cotton wool. The reader will doubtless admire
the elaborate pattern in which the cotton string is wound upon the handle.
these weapons in my own collection very much resembles that which has been already
described, except that, instead of the feathers and cotton-wool balls, it is ornamented
with a series of long trailing tufts made of cotton fibre.
At the present time the use of these beautiful clubs is practically abandoned, the
musket having superseded the native weapons, so that the clubs, although they are
still manufactured, are made for sale, and not for use.
Next comes a club which is used by the Caribs. It carries out fully the principle
which has just been mentioned respecting the ratio between the ornament of the weapon
and the warlike spirit of the user. This club is comparatively plain, being meant for
use and not for show. The makers call it by the name of Potu, and it is evidently a
modification of the “macana” club of the Gran Chaco Indians. To the
eye
it seems no
very powerful weapon, but its weight, form, and balance render it capable of dashing out
the brains of a man with a single blow. There is generally a wrapping of cotton string
round the middle, so as to afford a firm grip, and a loop made of the same material,
which passes over the wrist. A modification of the potu is shown in the left-hand
specimen.
MILUHIM inIT: NEMTIILIHULLUST:
CLUBS.
601
The very shape of the potus proves that they are meant to be used by a courageous
and warlike people. As a rule, the instinct of a really courageous people is to “get at ”
the adversary, while that of an unwarlike people is to keep the foe at a distance.
As to warfare and the mode of conducting it, there is considerable variation in the
different tribes, some being peaceable and quiet, while others are just the reverse. The
Ilmumi HIMNUTI OD
TIMPATION
SECTION
Secriun,
ni
11011 TAI
IT
mum
le Plain
2. Orno.mientod.+
3.
mo
UNICU
UMUMI
UmmIRI
UM AUDI
UMI
JID
US
Hammi
រ
CLUBS. (From the Christy Collection.)
most warlike tribe among them is undoubtedly the Carib, of which Raleigh wrote that
they were a naked people, but as valiant as any under the sky.
The Caribs were at that time the most important of the Guianan tribes, having
earned their prominence by their weapons. If they quarrelled with another tribe, they
were accustomed to make an expedition into the enemy's land by night, surround in
succession their scattered villages, kill all the men, and take the women and children
prisoners. Some of these captives were employed as slaves among themselves, and by
602
GUIANA.
i
degrees became incorporated with the tribe of their captors, while others were reserved
for sale. They did not, however, restrict themselves to this kind of secret expedition,
but openly made war with other tribes, and boasted that they would paddle their canoes
against the stream, so that the enemy might hear them coming and not be taken
by surprise.
There seems to be little doubt that the Caribs were at one time cannibals, though
at the present day there is great difficulty in getting them to acknowledge the fact.
The former cannibalism of these tribes was easily confirmed by some discoveries
which were made in a large mound situated on a sand-reef, some ten or twelve miles
from the sea.
Thinking that this mound might be a kitchen-midden similar to those which are
found in many parts of the Old World, Mr. Brett instituted a search, and found that, like
these mounds, the heap consisted chiefly of shells, mostly those of mussels and perri-
winkles, together with the claws and shells of crabs, and some bones of fishes and land
vertebrates. At no very great depth from the surface, the excavators came upon a vast
quantity of human bones, the skulls shattered to pieces, and the bones of the arms and
legs split longitudinally.
To an experienced eye this state of the bones told its own story. The bones were
not laid regularly, as they would have been if they had been the remains of bodies
regularly interred, but were tossed about in confusion, the fragments of skulls, vertebræ,
and limbs being scattered here and there without the least order. The story which these
remains tell is simple enough. They are the bones of human beings who have been
eaten by their fellow-men, which, after being cracked for the sake of the marrow,
have been flung aside, together with the shells of molluscs and other refuse. That
this horrid custom was common to all the tribes at one time seems very probable,
but the Caribs are the last to whom cannibalism has been attributed.
Like the Mundurucus, the Caribs had an ordeal consisting in enduring the bites of ants.
They had no hereditary chief, though the son of a chief would succeed his father if he
were considered to possess sufficient ability and courage. Even in such a case, the
candidate for chieftainship had to prove his superiority over his fellows by his capability
of bearing privations as well as torture. He was required to show that he was
acquainted with all the stratagems of war, that he could endure long fasting, that he was
of unflinching courage, and that he could resist even the terrible ordeal of the ants,
and not until he had satisfactorily passed through all those trials did the tribe lay their
weapons at his feet in token of their submission to him.
We may naturally feel some surprise that a people who exhibit such an indomitable
spirit, and such a love of freedom, who have overrun vast tracts of territory and success-
fully resisted even the well-armed and disciplined troops of Europe, should not have
advanced in the scale of civilization, but have remained as savage at the present day as
we know them to have been three hundred years ago. Mr. Brett, whose personal
knowledge of them enables him to speak with authority, gives his solution of the
question as follows:
“ There arose among them no master spirit, who, combining the wisdom of the
legislator with the bravery of the warrior, might have established humane and civilizing
institutions among his people, and permanently united their scattered hordes. In great
emergencies the necessity for united action led them accordingly to follow, and implicitly
obey, some one of their chiefs, invested by themselves with superior authority, like a
dictator of ancient Rome. But at other times each petty head of a clan or family moved
and acted in a great measure as he pleased, there being no actual power nor hereditary
authority sufficiently respected to command the obedience of all.
“ Having thus no permanent band of cohesion, their wild hordes could only fight,
overrun, oppress, and destroy, and in their highest prosperity were incapable of accom-
plishing any great and useful work which might have remained as their memorial to
future ages.
In consequence of the want of leadership, the Carib tribe, once the greatest, and
perhaps the origin of all the Guianan tribes, is steadily decreasing, and, valiant as they
THE KANAIMA.
603
may be, they are no longer the terror of the other tribes, as they used to be. Indeed,
during their feud with the Acawaios, in which they have been engaged for a long time,
the Caribs have by no means been the winners. They have even been obliged to quit
their own district, and settle themselves near the missionary stations for protection.
The same author who has just been quoted mentions several instances which show
the failing power of the Caribs. On one occasion a Carib chief came to live at the
mission-station because he had found that a party of Acawaios, painted and equipped for
war, were lurking near his home in the forest. Even in his place of refuge he was not
safe from his enemies. One evening the village was disturbed by loud outcries, and it
was found that a son-in-law of the chief had been seriously hurt, and was lying in his
hammock, writhing with the pain of a blow which he had received. He had wandered
to some little distance from the house, when he caught sight of an Acawaio behind him.
He turned round, sprang upon the enemy, and threw his arms round him; but the man
was too strong, hurled him to the ground, and, as he fell, struck the blow which had
caused him to take to his hammock.
The whole Carib party was in great confusion and terror for some time, but at last it
turned out that the attack was in consequence of a personal feud with the wounded man.
Two years before, his father had been assassinated by the Acawaios, and he very naturally,
used his bow and arrows in a vain attempt to save his father's life. This act drew upon
him the vengeance of the Acawaios, who marked him for death whenever they could find
an opportunity of killing him. He had fled from the Essequibo to Pomeroon, but uselessly,
and was advised by the missionary to go to the coast and procure employment on one of
the sugar estates, where his enemies would not be likely to follow.
Sometimes a blood-feud is caused by a superstitious practice called Kanaima. A
person dies, and the medicine inan decides that the death has been caused by some one
who has used sorcery for the purpose of taking away his life. The supposed wizard is
then doomed to die, and a near relative of the deceased is set apart for the purpose of
carrying out the sentence. He is supposed to be possessed by a wandering spirit called
Kanaima, and is called by that name until the deed of vengeance is accomplished. During
the time of possession, the Kanaima has to suffer many privations, so that the mere
wish to be restored to his ordinary life acts as an incentive to the fulfilment of his office.
The mode of killing a victim according to the Kanaima superstition is a very cruel
He is approached from behind (as was the case with the young Carib above-
mentioned); and if the slayer can come within reach, the victim is struck down with a
blow on the back of his neck. This blow is not meant to be fatal, and is only hard
enough to cause insensibility for a time. The Kanaima then forces open his victim's
mouth, and presses through his tongue the fangs of a venomous serpent. The tongue
immediately swells to such an extent as to prevent the unfortunate wretch from speaking,
and in the course of a day or two to end his life. Sometimes the Kanaima is said to
substitute for the serpent's fangs a poisonous powder, made for the express purpose, and
kept in a little tube made of the wing-bone of a bird. The preparation of this powder
is a secret, handed down from father to son.
The task of the Kanaima is not yet ended. Three days after the burial of the victim,
the murderer must visit the grave and go through some ceremony, before the Kanaima
spirit departs and allows the man to return to his friends. The natives are very chary
of their knowledge on this subject, but, as far as can be ascertained, the Kanaima presses
a pointed stick through the body, tastes the blood, and by that act is relieved from the
spirit of murder.
The friends of the victim, therefore, always endeavour to conceal the place of burial,
and it is the duty of the murderer to hover about the place so that they shall not be able
to inter the body without his knowledge. Should the friends be successful, the vengeance
is reversed, for the unfortunate Kanaima is obliged to wander through the woods until he
is afflicted with madness, or some other form of vengeance whereby the spirit of murder
punishes those who have not carried out his wishes.
Mr. Brett witnessed several instances of this dreadful mode of punishment, and in
one case had little doubt that he had come upon a Kanaima who had been unable to find
one.
604
GUIANA.
the body of his victim. "An Indian, reduced almost to a skeleton, and in a dreadful
state of exhaustion, was picked up in the forest by some Arawâk, and brought to the
Pomeroon mission. He had lost a portion of his scalp, and had his lower lip torn down
at each corner. This he said had been done by a small tiger,' which had sprung on him
while lying in the forest.
“The Acawaios at the mission, whose language he spoke, took much care of him at
first, but afterwards judged, from his refusing certain kinds of food and other signs, that
he was a devotee and victim of unappeased Kanaima; and the murderer of a man killed
some time before. From this, and his savage, ungrateful demeanour (though Mr.
M'Clintock, aided by myself, cleansed and dressed his sores to encourage them), we had
some difficulty in getting him nursed till his strength had returned, as they feared lest
they should become his future victims.”
If the friends of the murdered man fear that they will not be able to conceal the
body effectually, they remove the liver, and put in its place a red-hot axe-head, under
the belief that when the Kanaima tastes the blood of his victim, the heat which was in,
the axe-head will pass into his body and consume him.
Putting aside private feud, the Caribs have of late been beaten by the other tribes in
open war. They had been partially successful against the Arawâks, who had been driven
into the swampy district near the Waini. Here, however, the fugitives made a stand,
and placed themselves under the supreme command of a well-known and tried warrior.
Expecting that the Caribs would soon follow them into their place of refuge, their leader
placed his men in ambush among the islands, and awaited the coming of the enemy.
On came the Caribs in their great war-canoes, following each other in single file
through the narrow creeks which separate the “wet savannah” into islands. They were
allowed to pass unhurt, until they rounded one of the islands, when a deadly shower of
arrows from both banks disabled or killed every man on board. The second canoe pushed
on, only to meet the same fate, while the others, not being able to see the carnage that
was taking place, hurried onward towards the spot whence the cries proceeded, and were
in their turn overwhelmed with the deadly shower. The victorious Arawâks then jumped
into the water, seized the canoes, and killed every one of the warriors with the exception
of two. These were sent home by the victors on the promise of a large ransom, to be
paid in the cotton hammocks for the manufacture of which the Caribs are so famous;
and an insulting message was also sent by them, requesting the Caribs to send another
expedition.
On land the Caribs fared as badly against the same foes as they had done by sea.
Being determined to resist the continual attacks of the Caribs, the Arawâks made up
their minds to fly no more to the swamps for safety, but to boldly face their enemies.
They therefore built a large house on the banks of a rivulet, surrounded it with trees
laid with their branches outwards-in fact, the abattis of modern engineering—and stored
the house with as many arrows as they could make. Moreover, they made broad wooden
shields, which were used on this occasion for the first and probably for the last time.
As had been anticipated, the Caribs were not very long in making their attack.
Seeing a small party of men among the trees, they gave chase and pursued them as far
as the house, which they immediately attacked. The defenders did not return the fire of
the Caribs, but contented themselves with receiving on their shields the arrows of the
enemy. When they judged that the arrows of the foe were nearly exhausted, they made
use of their own stores, and poured volley after volley on the invaders, being supplied by
the women and boys with arrows as fast as they could shoot. The Caribs were unable to
withstand such an attack, and were obliged to beat a retreat, during which they lost
many more of their number by the pursuing Arawâks.
The two last decisive battles between these great tribes ended again in favour of the
Arawâks. The latter established themselves on the banks of a branch of the river
Moruca, a stream which is thickly wooded on both sides. The name of this branch is
Haimara-Cabura. Across this stream the Arawâks sank a tree-trunk at such a depth
that it would allow small canoes to pass over it, while the large and heavily-laden war-
canoes must inevitably strike upon it.
2
A WAR STRATAGEM.
605
The invaders came, as had been expected, but found nothing except empty houses.
They then descended the Moruca, looking about for their prey, and at last caught sight
of several canoes and gave chase. The fugitive canoes, on reaching the mouth of the
Haimara-Cabura, darted into it as if for shelter, and were followed by the invaders, yelling
and shouting with excitement. Suddenly, their canoes struck violently against the
sunken boom, jerked the paddles from their places, became entangled with each other,
and caused inextricable confusion. In the midst of their perplexity, showers of arrows
were hurled upon them, and very few of the invading force escaped.
Among them, however, was the Carib chief Manarrawa, who was incensed at the
repulse with which he had met, returned to the Orinoco, organized another force, and
again attacked the Arawâks. This time he was less fortunate, being wounded and taken
prisoner. On being brought before the council of chiefs, Manarrawa promised that, if
his life were spared, he would cause his people to cease from further attacks. The Arawâks,
more lenient than the Caribs, granted his request, gave him a canoe, and sent him home.
He, on his part, performed his promise, and from that time there has been no regular war
between the Caribs and Arawâks, although there have been private blood-feuds of the
kind described.
M
FAN, ALSO USED AS BELLOWS. (From my Collection.)
CHAPTER XII.
THE TRIBES OF GUIANA. Continued.
ARCHITECTURE-THE ORDINARY GUIANAN HOUSE-THE MACOUSHIE AND INLAND HUTS-CHOICE OF
THE SITE-MATRIMONIAL ARRANGEMENTS-POLYGAMY AND ITS RESULTSA BREACH OF PROMISE
CASE-JEALOUSY AND ITS RESULTS— FORBIDDEN DEGREES AMONG THE ARAWÂKS—THE GUIANAN
MOTHER AND CHILD A SINGULAR CUSTOM-POLYANIRY-MAKING CASSAVA-THE MANIOC TREE
AND ITS ALLIES—THE GRATER, THE BOWL, AND THE COLANDER-THE PRESS, OR TIPITI---USE
MADE OF THE POISONOUS JUICE-MAKING SIGAR-PIWARRI DRINKING-THE MAQUARRI DANCE
CONSTRUCTION OF THE WHIPS-ENDURANCE OF PAIN.
We will now examine the domestic life of the Guíanan natives.
Their architecture differs considerably according to the district. As a rule, the climate
is so warm that houses are but little needed, all that is required being a simple roof above
the head. The ordinary kind of hut is nothing more than a mere shed, a sort of barn
without the walls, supported on posts and thatched with leaves. From the posts and
rafters are hung the personal goods of the natives, such as fans, paddles, clubs, blow-guns,
bows and arrows, and similar articles, while from one or two of the cross-beams is sure
to be hanging the singular cassava press, which will be presently described.
Between the upright posts, and sometimes from the transverse beams, are suspended
the hammocks, some of which are alınost invariably occupied, as the master has a
natural genius for lying in his hammock when he is not absolutely obliged to be on his
feet. The number of liamniocks under a single roof is almost incredible. They are hung
in tiers, one above another, like the berths on board a passenger ship, and when thirty or
forty of them are occupied at once, it seems rather wonderful that the building should be
able to withstand such a strain,
As the inhabitants move about, or get into and out of their hammocks while
replenishing the nightly fires, whose smoke is the only defence against the mosquitoes
and other winged pests, the whole building rocks, the joints creak, and the house seems
on the point of coming down. But the junctions of the beams and posts are so firmly tied
that they are far stronger than they look, and however fragile the shed may seem, it is
quite equal to any strain they inay have to endure,
In the interior, however, the huts are more of a complicated character, and have walls
as well as a roof.
Their form is invariably round, and their roofs pointed in the centre. Some are
shaped almost exactly like single-poled tents, having a circular upright wall
, some five or
six feet in height, and from that wall a tolerably high conical roof ending in a sharp point.
Their general shape much resembles that of the Makololo house, seen in Vol. I. page 365.
The roof, however, is neater, and the central pole, by which it is supported, rises to some
height above the top, looking like the ornamental spikes with which English builders are
fond of decorating some of their villas.

ARCHITECTURE,
607
Other houses, though built on the same principle, are not quite conical. They have
no distinction between the wall and roof, and, instead of being circular, are octagonal.
They may be very well imitated by cutting out eight isosceles triangles from cardboard, the
larger sides being about four times the length of the shortest, and sewing them together,
A knitting needle through the centre will act as a support, and look very much like the
centre-pole of the edifice.
These huts are used by the Macoushies, the makers of the very long blow-guns which
have already been described, and from projections in the upright poles the weapons are
catalana
WARAU HOUSE,
suspended when not in use. It need scarcely be said that the task of house-building
belongs to the women, inasmuch as it pertains to the category of heavy work, which is
beneath the character of a man to undertake. Indeed, with these people, as with many
other uncivilized nations, the rooted disinclination of the men to labour, and the con-
sequent falling of all the work upon the women, is one of the most serious obstacles to
their progress in civilization, and even polygany is not so much a drawback as the
inferior condition of the women.
Treating of the native houses, Mr. Brett remarks that the builders, simple as may
be the house itself, carefully select a site which must combine several requirements. In
the first place, it must be near a stream, so that the women may not have more trouble
608
GUIANA.
than needful in fetching water for the use of the household, and that the canoe may be
within easy reach of the house when the owner wishes to set out upon one of the frequent
migrations which take place among these tribes.
It must be a spot which is rather out of the way. The native Guianan likes peace
and quietness, and has a strong objection to being disturbed, the apathy of his nature
being supplemented by an inveterate shyness, which makes him keep aloof from strangers.
It must also be a spot where the ground is light and sandy, and where the very slight
cultivation needed in this land can be easily carried on.
The house being built, the next business is to prepare a field for the cultivation of
yams and cassava, and this is the only hard work which the men will condescend to do.
The ground is already occupied by trees, but this is of no consequence to the native
agriculturist. Having selected a convenient spot, he cuts down the trees, ingeniously
contriving that the fall of one shall bring down several others. This is done at the
beginning of the hot season, i.e. somewhere in August. The tropical sun soon dries the
fallen trees, and when they are sufficently parched for the purpose, the Indian sets them
on fire, a process which rapidly consumes all but the trunks and the largest branches.
He has now done his share of the work, and leaves the rest to the women, who have
to clear away the débris as far as they can, and to do all the digging, planting, and
weeding that is needed.
Among these people polygamy, though not always the rule, is often the case, and a
man's greatness is partly estimated by the number of his wives. It is not, however,
carried out to such an excess as is the case with many other peoples, inasmuch as one
chief was looked upon with the greatest respect because he had the unusual number of
nine wives. This chief, a Warau, was very jealous of his establishment, and was said to
have shot one of his wives, and severely wounded another with his cutlass. As a rule,
however, a man has one wife only, the exceptions becoming rarer in proportion to the
number of wives.
The Caribs appear to carry out the principle of proprietorship in their women to the
fullest degree, as is exemplified by an amusing anecdote related by Mr. Brett. It must
be premised that, as is usual among nearly all uncivilized natives, the wife is purchased
from her father or oldest male relative, who has absolute power over and can sell her as
he would sell his bow, and with as much regard for the feelings of one article of property
as the other.
“A high-spirited Caribi girl, indignant at being given in marriage to an elderly man,
who had already other wives (one being her own sister), ran away from him, and bestowed
her hand on one of the Essequibo Caribs, a younger man whom she liked better. After a
while, the old man visited that quarter-not, however, to exercise his undoubted right to
bring her back and beat her, but to claim compensation for her services. It was willingly
allowed, and for a gun, a barrel of salt, or some article of like value, the woman was left
with the man of her choice, who perhaps thought himself secure, and the business ended.
“But the next year the old man, who well knew what he was doing, paid them
another visit, still
, as he said, in quest of compensation. On being reminded by the
husband that he had already been paid for the woman, he replied, 'Yes-for the woman;
but she has since borne you a child-you must now pay me for that.' The unwritten
law of Caribi usage was decidedly in the old man's favour, and he received compensation
for that child. For each succeeding birth he could, if he chose, reappear, like an unquiet
spirit, make a similar demand, and be supported therein by the custom of his nation.'
Sometimes the second wife is purchased while still a child, and brought up together
with the family of the first wife, and a prudent chief will thus provide himself with a
succession of wives, each attaining marriageable years as her predecessors become too old
to suit the taste of their proprietor. Now and then, the first wife successfully resists the
introduction of a sharer of her household. In one such case, the first wife, after trying
to commit suicide, and being prevented, took a more sensible course. She was an Arawâk,
one of three sisters, all living with their respective husbands at one settlement. One day,
the husband of the eldest sister, having been on a visit to some friends, brought home
another wife, a full-grown young woman. The first wife, after her unavailing attempt at
THE CRADLE.
609
1
S
suicide, made an onslaught upon the intruder, aided by her two sisters, whose husbands
stood quietly looking on. The end of the business was, that the woman was sent back
to her friends, and the first wife was left in the undisturbed rule of her household.
The Arawâks have a curious and praiseworthy regulation concerning marriage. Their
tribe is divided into a number of families, each descending in the female line, and being
known by its own name.
No one is
allowed to marry into the family bearing
the same name as himself or herself, and
this principle is carried out in a rather
curious manner.
As the succession falls in the woman's
line, her sons and daughters, and the
children of her daughters, bear the same
name as herself, but not so the children
of her sons, who will take the names of
their respective mothers. The Arawâks
are very tenacious of this rule, and think
an infraction of it to be a great crime.
As is the case with most uncivilized
nations, the Guianan mothers think but
little of the event which lays a civilized
European on the bed of sickness for weeks.
Mr. Brett saw one Warau woman, only
two hours after the birth of her child, tie
up her hammock, and carry it, together
with her newly-born infant, from one
house to another. When the child is very
young, it is laid in a small hammock, but
when it gains a little strength, a rather
curious cr lle is provided for it.
The body of the cradle is made of the
ever-useful itirritti reed, which is split
into slips about the tenth of an inch in
width, and then woven so as to make a
kind of basket, open at one end and down
one side. The edges are strengthened
a rod of flexible wood lashed firmly to
them, and the cradle is brought into shape
GUIANAN CRADLE. (From my Collection.)
by means of a framework consisting of
tolerably strong sticks, as shown in the
illustration. The opening in front is much narrower than the body of the cradle, so that
the child can be easily secured in it. The length of my specimen is exactly twenty
inches, and width at the back thirteen inches, while that of the opening is only seven
inches. This cradle is very strong, very elastic, and very light—three great requisites in
such an article. When the mother wishes to carry her child, she only takes a broad
plaited belt, the two ends of which are united, passes it over the cross-bars at the top of
the cradle, and then brings the belt across her forehead.
The parents are very kind to their children, and can seldom bring themselves to
chastise them, except in a sudden fit of anger. The natural consequence of this treatment
is, that they have scarcely any control over the children, though, when they grow up, the
respect shown by sons and daughters to their parents of either sex is worthy of all praise.
Connected with this subject, the Guianan natives have a very singular custom, which,
according to our ideas at the present day, entirely reverses the order of things. With us,
hen a wife expects to be a mother, she often thinks it necessary to abstain from certain
articles of food, and from too much exertion. With the Guianan Indians, the wife eats
exactly what she chooses, and works as hard as ever, while the husband thinks himself
VOL. II.
RR
610
GUIANA.
bound to abstain and to rest. For example, the Acawoios and Caribs will not eat the
flesh of the agouti, lest the future offspring should be thin and meagre; the haimara fish,
lest it should be dim-sighted; or the maroudi, lest it should be still-born, the cry of this
bird being held as an omen of death. The reader may remember that a Macoushi excused
himself from making wourali by reference to this custom.
This custom does not stop with the child's birth, but extends to several weeks after-
wards.
As soon as her child is born, the Indian wife washes the baby, rolls it in the cradle-
hammock, and goes about her business as usual. But the Indian husband is pleased to
consider himself very ill, and straightway takes to his hammock, where he is waited upon
by the women with the most solicitous attention. In some districts the sick husband has
not a very pleasant part to play, being obliged to take nauseous drinks, and to go through
a course of very unpleasant medicine. Generally, however, he does nothing but lie in his
hammock for å week or two, during which time he is kept amply supplied with the
daintiest food, and petted as if he were recovering from a dangerous sickness.
This custom has gradually expired in the vicinity of the mission stations, but it occa-
sionally revives. Mr. Brett mentions an instance where a large influx of strangers re-
introduced it into the station. It so happened that a young Christian Indian had become
a father, and was violently importuned by his female relatives to take to his hammock
according to ancient custom. He resisted for some time, but was so persecuted that he
fairly ran away, and went to work at a distance for three weeks, at the expiration of which
time he thought he might be considered as convalescent.
Strange as this custom may seem to be, it is one which has prevailed through a very
considerable portion of the globe, and even in Europe has not been extinct until com-
paratively late years.
Not only is polygamy practised among these tribes, but the strange custom of poly-
andry exists. On one occasion, when a missionary was arguing with a native against
the practice of polygamy, he used an argumentum ad hominem, and with the bad results
that usually follow such an argument. Finding that he could not prove to his interlocutor
that a man ought not to have two wives, the missionary asked how it would be liked by
the men if one wife were to have two husbands. To his astonishment, the man replied
that the plan answered very well, and that he knew a woman who at that time had three
husbands.
It has been already mentioned that the natives of Guiana depend chiefly for their
food upon the beasts, birds, and fishes which they capture. Vegetable food is not so
important to them as it is generally to inhabitants of warmer climates, probably because
the almost perpetual moisture of the country forces the inhabitants to partake of a
comparatively generous diet.
The staple vegetable food is the cassava, which is prepared in rather a curious manner.
Strange to say, it is obtained from a plant belonging to the natural order Euphorbiacea,
plants which are celebrated for containing most poisonous juices.
Some of them are trees of the largest size, while others are little herbs that only
exist for a few weeks. All of them, however, secrete an acrid juice, more or less poisonous.
A familiar example of these plants may be found in the common spurge, or wart-wort
of our gardens (Euphorbia helioscopa), the white, acrid, milky juice of which is employed
in destroying warts. Several of these Euphorbiaceæ produce, beside the poisonous
juice, a farinaceous substance, from which the poison can be separated, and which is
then useful as human food.
The chief plant which produces the cassava is the Jatropha manihot, though there
are others from which the farina can be obtained. The juice of this plant is so poisonous
that a very small dose will produce death. Fortunately, the venomous principle is
exceedingly volatile, and can be driven off by heat, so that the very substance which in
its raw state is a deadly poison becomes, when cooked, a wholesome article of food.
The mode of preparing the cassava is as follows :
Taking on her back the quake, which has already been described, the Guianan woman
PREPARATION OF CASSAVA.
611
1
Will
digs up a quantity of the cassava-root, puts it into the quake, and brings it to her hut. She
next peels it by tearing off the outer covering with her teeth, and then proceeds to scrape
it into very fine shavings. This is done by means of the native grater, which, rude as it
looks, is a very effective machine. It consists of a thick board about a yard in length
and half as much in width. Into the upper surface of this board are driven in regular
rows a number of fragments of sharp stones, which are further secured in their places
by a sort of vegetable glue obtained from the juice of a tree.
By being drawn over this surface, the cassava-roots are soon reduced to thin
shavings, much like those of the horse-radish, which are collected into a basket. One of
these baskets is shown in
Fig. 1. It is made much
like the cradle already men-
tioned, butis of closer texture,
and the strips of cane are
wider. It is about two feet
in diameter, and is capable
of containing a considerable
quantity of the grated root.
When the native cassava-
maker does not possess one
of these graters, she uses as
a substitute the acrid root
of a species of Ireartia palm,
which is covered with hard
protuberances, and answers
the purpose tolerably well,
though it does not work so
smoothly or neatly as the
regular grater.
Sometimes a further pro-
cess of grinding is employed,
though not always. In such
cases, the grated root isplaced
on a flat, sloping stone, and
rubbed with another, just as
is done by the Araucanians
(see page 559).
The next process is to
rid it of its poisonous juices,
and in this part of the ope-
ration there is also consider-
CASSAVA DISH AND COLANDER. (From my Collection.)
able variation. Among some
tribes, the scraped cassava is
taken out of the dish and pressed tightly into a sieve or colander. This instrument (Fig. 2)
is very ingeniously made. It is of basket-work, but instead of being made of flat strips
of cane or reed, round twigs are used, about as thick as ordinary drawing-pencils. The
drawing shows the general form of one of these colanders, but, on account of the small
size, cannot give a correct idea of the ingenious mode in which the shape of the vessel
is preserved, while the interstices are not allowed to diminish or increase in size. This
is done by beginning with a comparatively few twigs at the apex of the colander, and
inserting fresh twigs at regular intervals as the vessel increases in size.
Into this colander the cassava is pressed and kneaded with water, until a considerable
amount of the juice is expressed.
It is then left in the sieve to undergo a partial drying, and is soon ready for another
process, that of the press; and it is remarkable that, though presses of various descriptions
have been sent from Europe, none of them seem to answer so well as the native Guianan
2
In Mills Halalhijpril .
Julbinguin (mi mungilisinin dili vill jullitjil ini
diriliji ni BLTTOUUNNINUM
பரபரப்பயா:Harin
Parturmal:2
menu TOTO 11 LETI. Ziviliz.
LAUNIN
Ꭱ Ꭱ 2
612
GUIANA.
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TINT
press called the “tipiti.” This press is a long,
cylindrical basket, from six to seven feet in
length, and about four inches in diameter,
made of the bark of the Jacitara palm, a
species of Desmoncus. The lower part of the
tipiti is closed, and brought nearly to a point,
while the upper part is left open, each end
terminating in a very strong loop. Owing to
the mode in which the tipiti is made, the central
portion is highly elastic, while the mouth and
tip are comparatively stiff.
Several of these tipities generally hang to
the roof or the cross-beam of the hut, so as to
be ready for use when wanted. One of them is
then filled with grated cassava, which is thrust
into the elastic tube as tightly as possible,
so as to cause it to become very much shorter,
and very much thicker in the middle. Under-
neath the tipiti is placed an earthenware pan,
in order to receive the juice. Vessels such as
these are made by the natives, and although
they are very fragile, as the clay is never
thoroughly kneaded, and the baking is insuffi-
cient, they can endure the fire well enough for
cooking purposes. The vessel which is repre-
sented in the illustration is of a deep brown
colour, striped and spotted with black.
Besides these soft and fragile bowls, the
natives make bottles for the purpose of carrying
water. Some of these clay bottles are really
elegant in forin, and show evidences of artistic
feeling on the part of the potter. A figure of
a double water-bottle, with its earthenware
stoppers, is given on page 613.
A heavy weight is then fastened to the
bottom of the tipiti, which is consequently
elongated and narrowed, so as to compress the
contents forcibly, and squeeze out the juice that
remains in the cassava. After a
while a still stronger pressure is
obtained by means of the lever. A
pole is passed through the loop at
the bottom of the tipiti, and the
shorter end of it lashed to one of the
upright posts of the house. The
heavy weight-usually a large stone
-is then hung to the longer end ·
of the pole, so to produce a
powerful leverage
the tipiti,
and compress
the
still
further.
When the process has arrived at
this state, the cassava-maker often
adds her own weight to that of
the stone, by sitting on the end of
the lever, and with her baby slung
elile
1!!!
WA
SUL
llllll llit
BEETE!!!
三三三
​Illillell
llll?
Ell
ade
as
on
cassava
TIPITI AND BOWL (Froin my Collection.)
SUGAR-MAKING.
613
Stopper cut
in its cradle on her back, occupies herself in some of the lighter feminine occu-
pations.
The cassava is now fit for baking, for which purpose it is placed on circular iron
plates, which are laid over the fire like the “girdles” on which oat-cakes are baked.
Although little known in this country under its proper name, cassava is largely used
under the name of semolina, which is nothing more than the cassava roughly ground to
a coarse sort of grain.
Nothing of this useful plant is thrown away. We have seen that the farinaceous
matter can be rendered wholesome by being deprived of its poisonous juice, and we shall
now see that even this juice itself can be rendered useful. If man or beast were to drink
it as it pours from between the interstices of
the tipiti, they would swell, and die in great
agony. But by means of boiling the poisonous
principle is driven off, and the juice changes
to a deep brown liquid, which is well known
under the name of cassareep, and extensively
used as a sauce. It is the foundation of the
pepper-pot” of the West Indies, and when
used by natives is so highly impregnated with
red pepper, that when they hospitably serve a
white stranger with cassava bread and cassareep
sauce, the mouth of the stranger is quite exco-
riated by the quantity of capsicum.
If the leader will refer to the illustration
representing a Warau house, on page 607, he
will see the various processes of cassava-
making
On the right hand is seen a woman kneeling
before the grater, and scraping the cassava into TWIN BOTTLES. (From Mr. Christy's Collection.)
the dish or basket. Hanging to the cross-
beams of the hut are two of the tipiti presses,
one filled ready for the weight and the lever, and the other stretched nearly to its full
extent. A woman is sitting on the lever, and so expressing the last drops from the
cassava into the bowl. The baking of the cassava-cake is shown in the background on
the right hand.
A few little episodes of Guianan life are shown in the same illustration. On the left
hand is seen a man armed with his bow and long arrows, and having slung on his
shoulders the little bag which serves as a pocket. Another man is lying asleep in his
hammock, and nearly in the middle is shown a mother with her two children, one of
them dragging a huge spider tied to a string. The spiders of this country are sometimes
as large as a man's outspread hand, and, unpleasant playfellows as they appear to us, they
are used in this light by the children, as was seen by Mr. Bates.
The natives can also make sugar, though of a rather coarse character. Some of the
tribes employ a machine with small wooden rollers, for the purpose of crushing the
sugar-cane and expressing the juice, but the plan followed by the Caribs is the most
simple, and at the same time the most remarkable. They carve the upper part of a stout
post into the rude semblance of a human bust, the post being as nearly as possible as
large as a man. The part that answers to the collar-bone projects considerably, and a
hole is bored through the middle of the neck under the chin.
When the Caribs wish to make their sugar, they put one end of a long and stout
lever into the hole in the neck, and lay the cane horizontally upon the collar-bones. One
man then takes the end of the lever, and by pressing it down crushes the cane so that
the juice flows down the breast of the image into the vessel, while another man shifts the
cane so as to bring every portion successively under the lever.
As for drink, the Guianan natives have from time immemorial made an intoxicating
liquor called piwarri, which is almost exactly like the mudai of the Araucanians. ,
614
GUIANA.
number of cakes of cassava-bread are toasted brown, thrown into a large vessel, and
boiling water poured over them. The remainder of the cakes are masticated and mixed
with the others in the vessel. Fermentation then takes place very rapidly, and in a short
time the liquor is fit to drink. The natives are immoderately fond of this disgusting
preparation, and often brew and drink great quantities at a time. A canoe is no uncom-
mon vessel to be filled with piwarri, and every one who joins in the revel is presumed to
become intoxicated as soon as possible. Mr. Brett mentions an amusing instance of
native feeling on this subject.
The Arawâks of the Mahaiconi district having begged that a missionary might be
sent to them, the Bishop determined on visiting them personally. In honour of his
arrival, the Arawâks had got up a great festival, including a canoe full of piwarri, and
the curious Maquarri dance, of which we shall presently hear. Most of them were
intoxicated, but they apologised to the Bishop for their shortcomings in politeness, and
said that if they had known sooner of his visit, they would have had two canoes full of
piwarri instead of one.
Piwarri feasts vary in detail according to the tribe which holds them. They are,
however, always accompanied by a dance, and by some ceremonies practised by the pia-
man or conjurer. An interesting account of a piwarri feast is given by Messrs. Spix and
Martius, in their “ Travels in Brazil :"
“ By degrees, those residing at a greater distance arrived in single troops, each with
his whole family, and with bag and baggage, as if they were going to migrate; the men
who had not yet secreted their bows and arrows in the neighbouring woods hid them
here; the women put down their baskets, took the children on their shoulders, and
looked for the drinking-cup (cuja). Without conversing with each other, each member
of the family examined the surrounding company with an unsteady look; the men
approached each other, and saluted their neighbours, at most, by pouting out their lips,
and a scarcely audible nasal tone.
In the middle of the assembly, and nearest to the pot, stood the chief, who, by his
strength, cunning, and courage, had obtained some command over them, and had received
the title of captain. In his right hand he held the maracá, the above-mentioned castanet,
which they call gringcrina, and rattled with it, beating time with his right foot. We did
not find any traces among the Indians of the oracles of the maracá, mentioned in the
accounts of earlier travellers. Rather walking than dancing, he advanced slowly, with his
body bent forwards, round the pot, towards which his eyes were constantly turned.
The
dance, the measure of which was in triple time, was accompanied by him with a low
monotonous singing, which was more strongly marked when he stamped with his foot.
The oftener the song was repeated, the more solemn and animated was the expression
of his voice and features. All the rest stood motionless round the pot, stared at him
without speaking, and only now and then, when the words of the dancer, which seemed
to be extempore, moved them, they broke out into immoderate cries.
“ After this measured circular dance, by which, probably, it was intended to conjure
and keep off evil spirits, the leader approached the pot, took from the hand of his neigh-
bour the drinking-vessel which he held ready, gravely dipped it into the pot, and took a
sip. The rattling of the gringcrina and the monotonous music became general, and
more and more noisy the longer the cup went round. We, too, had a full cuja presented
to us, and though filled with disgust, we were obliged to follow the advice of our guide
to empty it, in order not to give the Indians any reasons for distrust.
“The beverage resembles in taste our malt liquor, and when taken in a large quantity
is intoxicating, an effect which was but too manifest towards the end of the feast, by
their leaping and noisy singing of 'Hi! ha! ha!' Hopes had been given us that we
should see on this occasion the dances of the Coroados; but towards evening, after
their stomachs and heads were full, one party slipped away after the other, as if by
previous agreement."
The same authors give an account of a melancholy sort of dance performed by
another tribe of natives, the Puris :-
“ When they had been made familiar, and treated with plentiful draughts of brandy,
DANCES.
615
as
10
of which, like all Indians, they are passionately fond, they began
their dance by night, on an open spot not far from the fazenda
of Guidowald. If the compact low stature, the brown-red colour,
the jet-black hair hanging down in disorder, the disagreeable form
of their broad angular countenances, the small, oblique, unsteady,
blinking eyes, and, lastly, the tripping, short, light step of these
savages had excited in us the most sorrowful feelings at the
debasement of humanity in them, these were further increased
by the melancholy expression of their festivity in the darkness
of the night. The men placed themselves close together in a
line, and behind them the women, also in a
line. The male children, sometimes two or
three, took hold of each other and of the
fathers round the waist, the female
children did their mothers. In this position
they begin their melancholy Háumjo-ha-
ha--ha. It is remarkable that the melodies
which Lery noted above two hundred years
ago among the Indians in the neighbourhood
of Rio Janeiro very much resemble those
observed by us.
“The song and the dance were repeated
several times, and the two rows moved slowly
forward in a measured triple time. In the
first three steps they put the left foot forward,
and bent the left side; at the first and third
step they stamped with the left foot, and at the
second with the right; in the following three
steps they advanced the right foot at the first
and last, bending on the right side. In this
manner they advanced a little alternately, in
short steps. As soon
As soon as the song was con-
cluded, they ran back in disorder, as if in
flight-first the women with their daughters,
and then the men with their sons. After this
they placed themselves in the same order as
before, and the scene was repeated. A negro,
who had lived a long time among the Puris,
explained to us the words sung to this dance
as a lamentation, the subject of which was,
that they had attempted to pluck a flower from
a tree, but had fallen down. No interpretation
of this melancholy scene could have appeared
to us more appropriate than that of the loss
of Paradise.”
The most curious of all the Guianan dances
is that which is called the Maquarri dance, from
the implement which forms its principal ele-
ment. The Maquarri is a whip, and the object
of the dance is giving and receiving blows
from the maquarri. The form of this whip
varies in different districts; two very distinct
forms being given in the accompanying illus-
tration.
One of them, which is the form usually
employed, is made of silk-grass fibre, bound
MAQUARRI WHIPS. (From the Christy Collertion.)
li
PU
TI
1BT
INITY
PLO
Sin:
TONE
04
UTJUT
HUD
M
WU TOIT
ki
HDW
tuh
JUO
UUD.
un
AM
UU
TOID!
11pult
otter
tut
UN
0

616
GUIANA.
together so as to form a stiff and elastic whip. The handle is strengthened by being
bound strongly with a strip of dark cane wound spirally around it, and is ornamented
by a tuft of fibres, which hang from the butt. Several tufts of white cotton wool
adorn the transition between the handle and the lash, the latter of which tapers
gradually to a point. The whole whip, including the lash, is nearly five feet in length,
and is a most formidable instrument of torture, capable of cutting into the bare skin
like a knife, and causing the blood to spurt from the wound which it makes.
The other form is scarcely so terrible a whip to the eye, though it may inflict quite
as much pain when skilfully handled. It is entirely covered with cane, and, as it is
THE MAQUARRI DANCE.
swung about, it gives a crackling sound with every curve. The length of this whip is
three feet four inches.
The maquarri dance is conducted in the following manner. The young men and
boys, decorated with all the fantastic featherwork which native art can supply, range
themselves in two rows opposite each other, the dancers being all armed with their
maquarri whips, which they wave in the air, uttering at the same time cries which are
intended to imitate the notes of birds.
Presently two of the dancers from opposite sides challenge each other, leave the
ranks, and dance opposite each other in the open space between the ranks. After
dancing for a while, one of them stops, and stands firmly on one leg, thrusting the
other forward, and remaining perfectly firm and steady.
His opponent, or partner, whichever he may be called, stoops down, takes deli-
berate aim at some part of the projecting leg, and then leaping into the air, in
THE MAQUARRI DANCE.
617
order to give force to his stroke, delivers a blow with all his strength. A practised
maquarri dancer is sure to cut deeply into the skin and to draw blood by the stroke;
but the receiver does not shrink from the blow, gives no sign of pain, and only smiles
contemptuously as he executes the dance. Presently his opponent holds out his leg in
turn to be struck, and after a few lashes have been exchanged, they retire to the piwarri
vessel, drink some of its contents, and return to their places in the ranks.
The greatest good-humour prevails during this strange contest, though when a couple
of powerful and experienced dancers have met, they have often scarcely been able to
walk from the severity of the blows which they have received. Sometimes, after a hard
day's dancing and drinking, when their legs are stiff and sore from the blows which they
have received, and their heads are aching from the liquid they have drunk, they declare
that they will abandon the dance for ever. But, as soon as their legs get well and
their heads are clear again, they forget all their promises, and join in the next maquarri
dance with unabated zest.
During one of these dances, which was performed in Mr. Brett's presence, a stout
little Warau came to the encampment, when the dance was nearly over, evidently
with the idea of getting some piwarri without undergoing the previous salutation of
the maquarri whip. The young men at once divined his intention, and quietly passed
the word among themselves to frustrate his design. Accordingly, he was challenged
in rapid succession by the young men, and subjected to more than ordinary castigation
before he obtained any piwarri. However, he bore his punishment manfully, and did
his best to look pleasant, although he soon perceived the trap into which he had fallen.
On that occasion the dance was given in honour of a woman who had been buried in
the house. A broad plank lay upon her grave, and on it, among other articles, was a
bundle of silk-grass, being the remainder of the material from which the maquarri whips
had been made, these articles having somewhat of the sacred character about them. After
going through a few ceremonies, two or three men, armed with long knives, dashed in
among the dancers, snatched the whips from them, cut off the lashes, and flung them into
the grave. The owners of the whips pretended to be very savage at surrendering the
whips, leaping, throwing somersaults, and going through all kinds of evolutions, so that it
was great matter of surprise that any of them escaped injury.
On another occasion, when the maquarri dance had been got up in honour of the
Bishop, all the dancers, before they went into the large house, laid their whips on a board
which had been placed there expressly for their reception.
With regard to this dance, Mr. Brett was much struck with the apparent indifference
to pain manifested by the natives, and asked them how they could endure such tortures
without seeming to feel them. The Indians replied that their insensibility to pain was
partly produced by the piwarri
, and was partly owing to the presence of the women, who
would scoff at any one who showed the least symptom of suffering.
Giving both these reasons their full value, there are two others of much greater
importance. One is the natural apathy of the native, who requires a very strong stimulus
for exertion. This apathy extends to the nerves of sensation as well as to those of
volition, and the real fact is, that a blow which would cause the most horrible agony to a
white man is scarcely felt by the native Guianan. The other is the effect of exposure
and perfect health of body. All those who have gone into training for any athletic
contest will remember how different is the pain-bearing capacity of the trained and
untrained man, the former scarcely seeming to be aware of an injury which would have
prostrated him for weeks had he been untrained. Now these natives are always in the
state of body to which the civilized athlete occasionally brings himself, and the result is,
that external injuries have but little effect on them.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE TRIBES OF GUIANA. Continued.
FEATHER HEAD-DRESSES AND THEIR STRUCTURE-THE FEATHER APRON-VARIOUS DANCES THE
ORDINARY ARAWAK DANCE-DRESS OF THE WOMEN-THE
-THE KIMISA AND QUEYU-MODE OF
MANUFACTURE-HARMONY OF COLOUR-MR. BAINES'S THEORY- -A SINGULAR PURCHASE-THE
SAPURU OR GARTER OF THE CARIBS-PAINT AND TATTOO-THE SPATHE CAP AND APRON
PETS AMONG THE NATIVES-SKILL IN FISHING AND CAYMAN-CATCHING-MR. WATERTON'S
ADVENTURE THE INGENIOUS HOOK GAMES AND SPORTS-SHIELD-WRESTLING-CANOE-MAKING
-NAVIGATING THE FALLS.
DURING their dances the natives display all their best feather ornaments, several of
which are shown in the following pages. The foundation of the two head-dresses is a
circlet made of thin dark cane cut into strips. One of these is made of parrots' feathers,
beautifully shaded from dark blue to brilliant green, and being topped with three long
straight scarlet feathers from the tail of the macaw. The general effect of this beautiful
head-dress is heightened by a row of white downy feathers by which it is surrounded.
This specimen was made by the Macoushie tribe.
The second head-dress is called Arok, and, though very handsome in point of colour,
does not possess the beauty of form which characterises the other. The greater part of
the head-dress is bright yellow, but just on either side of the top are two broad bands
of scarlet. The feathers in this specimen are arranged four deep.
The reader may remember that, in many portions of the uncivilized world, aprons are
made of thongs depending from the waist. This principle is carried out by many of the
African tribes, who use thongs or strips of leather, as well as in several of the islands of
Polynesia, where vegetable materials are used. We have on page 620 an example of the same
principle carried out in Tropical America, feathers being employed instead of skin, grass,
or bark. The length of this apron is one foot nine inches, and its depth one foot three
inches. It is made of feathers, blue at the base and tip, and scarlet in the middle. As
may be seen by the smaller figure at the side, the feathers are fastened on the string that
binds the apron on the waist by doubling over the quill, and tying the doubled end over
the string.
Another and a rather picturesque dance is described by Mr. Brett. This is an Arawâk
dance, and is performed in the following manner :-
Twelve young men step forward, and arrange themselves in parallel rows; but instead
of carrying maquarri whips, they bear slender rods, about twelve feet in length, decorated
with strips of silk-grass stained red, and having at the tips little gourds with stones in
them. They dance backwards and forwards, striking the ends of their rods against the
ground, and keeping time with the measure. From time to time the young women go up
to the dancers, seize their arms, and dance with them, and then, as the men clash the
rattling ornaments of beetles' wing-cases with which their wrists and legs are decorated,
the women loose their hold, and run back to their companions like frightened deer.
UL
IT
DRESS.
619
A Warau dance is described by the same missionary who witnessed the maquarri
dance. It was little more than a measured series of steps, accompanied with stamping,
while the persons advanced or receded, sometimes in single rank, sometimes in two ranks
IIIIII
polii
!!!!!
TE
sube
We
1001
11
羅馬
​Sach
HEAD-DRESSES. (From the Christy Collection.
facing each other, throwing their right arms over their right-hand neighbour's shoulders,
and their left arms round their left-hand neighbour's waist, swaying their bodies to and
fro. Occasionally the women would run, and, inserting themselves between the men,
join in the dance.
“The effect was somewhat heightened by a monotonous chant sung in unison, and by
the clatter of beads and anklets made of hard seeds and the wings of beetles. The dance
was intended to represent the antics of a herd of kairounies, or bush-hogs, and the chant
was a succession of mocking or jeering expressions."
It is on such occasions as these that the women produce their best apparel. Generally,
as long as none but their own people are in sight, they are not particular about wearing
clothes of any kind, but since they have mixed with the white people they have learned
to be more fastidious. When a white stranger comes to a native settlement, the men and
women are mostly independent of clothing, but the latter, as soon as they distinguish the
colour of their visitor, run off to their homes to put on their dresses.
Those settlements that are tolerably near civilization usually employ the “ kimisa,” i.e.
a sort of petticoat passing round the waist, and suspended by a string over one shoulder.
These dresses are considered merely a concession to the peculiar notions of the white man,
and, though worn as long as he is present, are taken off as soon as he departs, and carefully
put away until the next white visitor comes.
The native dress of ceremony is, however, the little apron called the queyu, or keu.
At the present time it is made of beads, but before beads were procurable it was simply
620
GUIANA.
of cotton, decorated with shells, beetles' wings, and similar ornaments. Several of
these odd little aprons are in my collection. The best and most elaborate of them is
that which is represented
below, and which was pre-
Quill.
sented to me by H. Bernau,
Esq.
This beautiful specimen
of native art is eight inches
in length and four in depth,
including the large beads
that serve as a fringe. It is
made entirely of "seed ”
beads, threaded on silk-grass
in such a manner that the
thread is scarcely visible.
The principle on which the
maker has gone is, that
she has woven
a sort of
framework of perpendicular
threads or strings, set exactly
wide enough apart to allow
two beads to be placed be-
FEATHER APRON. (From the Christy Collection.)
tween them. By this plan
PARODA
BEAD APRON. (From my Collection.
she has regulated the arrangement of the beads requisite to form the pattern, while the
beads themselves are strung upon fine silk-grass threads that run at right angles to the
others.
The colours are blue, yellow, green and carmine, in transparent beads, and chalk-
white and vermilion in opaque beads, not counting the larger beads used to form the
fringe. The principle of the pattern is that of the square standing on an angle, or the
"diamond,” as it is more familiarly termed. First, three diamonds have been worked in
yellow beads, a line of green beads running down the centre of the yellow, and a rather
broad line of carmine beads passing along the inner and outer edge of each diamond.
THE QUEYU.
621
The dark pattern in the centre of each diamond is made of blue beads, and the square
patterns in each angle of the diamond are made of chalk-white beads with a centre of
vermilion. The entire apron is edged with the chalk-white beads. The fringe at the
bottom is made of a treble row of much larger beads, one of which is represented of the
full size, and at either end of each bead is a small scarlet cylinder, like coral.
On looking at the form of the apron, the reader will notice that it is much wider at
the bottom than at the top. This is intentional. The thick perpendicular strings only
extend as far as the upper corners, the others being thin threads. The consequence of
this structure is, that when the apron is held up by two loops, the middle of it is nearly
flat, while the two ends fall into heavy folds.
There is a positively startling boldness about the colouring of this apron; such, for
example, as the placing green beads next to the yellow. Still
, the whole arrangement
of the colours is so admirable, that in spite of the brilliant hues of the beads, which are
of the brightest possible blue, yellow, carmine, and vermilion, they are so well harmonized,
that in no case does one hue seem to predominate over another, or to interfere with
another.
Some few years ago, I was discussing the colouring of this very apron with Mr. T.
Baines, the celebrated traveller, and asking if he had any theory by which he could
account for the artistic harmony of colour which is invariably displayed in the aprons.
He said that he had long thought that the natives unconsciously imitated the colouring
on the wings of the gorgeous butterflies which are so plentiful in that land, and, from
specimens in his collection, showed that the very collocation of hues which produced
harmony of colouring in the bead apron was also to be found in the wings of Guianan
butterflies. Perhaps the splendid plumage of many Guianan birds may also afford hints
for the native artist.
Another queyu in my collection is made of similar materials, and on the same
principle, but is of a totally different pattern. In this case, the maker has evidently
possessed a preponderance of the chalk-white beads, and comparatively few of the red,
blue, and yellow beads. She has accordingly made the body of the apron of the white
beads, and enlivened it by two patterns, of red, blue, and yellow, formed much like those
which occupy the centre of the diamond in the apron which has been just described. In
shape the two aprons are identical, but the latter is very much smaller in size, being only
four inches in length and two in depth.
The third specimen of the queyu in my collection is much larger, being made of large
beads, and really may take rank as an article of dress and not a mere ornament. It is
thirteen inches in length by nine in depth, and, though not possessing the brilliant
colours of the two queyus which have been described, is yet a handsome article of
costume. The white beads of which the groundwork of this apron is made are as large
as ordinary peas, so that the whole work is of a much coarser character than that which
distinguishes the two other aprons. Those which form the pattern are deep garnet colour,
so dark that except in particular lights it looks black. The woman who made this apron
has ingeniously selected the beads of such a size that two of the garnet beads occupy
exactly the same space as one white bead, and exactly fill the interval between the
perpendicular strings of the framework. This queyu is represented on the following page.
The most remarkable point in this apron is the pattern, which is exactly like that
which is found on old patterns, and which has come into modern use under the name of
the Greek fret. I have seen several queyus of different sizes and colours made with
this pattern. The lower edge of the apron is made of six rows of topaz-coloured beads,
as large as the white beads, and it is further decorated with a fringe made of tufts of
cotton strings, one such tuft being fixed to every alternate bead.
As may be imagined from the description, the beads employed in making the apron
are very heavy, the whole article weighing nearly a pound and a half, so that in this case
the owner has good reason for not wearing it except on occasions of ceremony. Owing
to the material of which these aprons are made, none of them put forth their full
beauties unless they are held between the spectator and the light.
One of these aprons was procured by a friend of mine in a manner which shows that
622
GUIANA.
they are considered rather as ornaments than dress. He happened to be in one of the
civilized coast towns, and met a woman wearing a queyu of remarkable beauty. He
stopped her and tried to induce her to sell the apron; but all his exertions were in vain,
and for no amount of money could he purchase it. At last a brilliant thought struck
him. He had in his pocket one of the common printed handkerchiefs containing the
flags of all nations, and, as a last resource, he offered the kerchief in exchange for
the queyu.
22
!
18333333
:
QUEYU, OR BEAD APRON.
From my Collection.)
The woman could not withstand such a temptation. The gorgeous patterns on the
handkerchief were far superior to the best examples of native art, and might afford new
ideas for the future. Accordingly, she then and there took off the queyu, handed it to
the purchaser, and received in exchange the kerchief, which she tied round her head, and
then pursued her walk in all the dignity of the best-dressed woman in Guiana.
The strangest article of dress to be found in Guiana is undoubtedly the Carib sapuru,
or garter, an ornament which can compete with the compressed foot of a Chinese beauty,
or the wasp-like waist of a European belle, both for inconvenience and ugliness.
While the Carib girl is young a band of rattan is bound tightly under the knee and
another above the ankle. To give them an ornamental appearance they are stained with
a red dye, but in fact they are instruments of torture, which entirely alter the form of
the human limb and convert it into a mere spindle thicker in the middle than at
each end.
There are now before me a number of photographic portraits of Carib women, and
it is scarcely possible to imagine anything more hideously ludicrous than the effect of
the sapuru. Deprived of its natural powers of extension, the limb has to expand itself
as it can, and the consequence is, that it is obliged to develop itself in the comparatively
narrow space between the two bandages.
If the reader should wish to obtain an accurate idea of a Carib belle's leg from the
ankle to the knee, he can easily do so. Let him take an ordinary broomstick, eighteen
inches in length, and push it through the middle of a rather small Stilton cheese; then
let him wrap the stick above and below the cheese with a red bandage, adorn the cheese
APPEARANCE OF THE WOMEN.
623
will
with a number of blue spots, and he will have a very good idea of the extraordinary
shape which is assumed by the leg of a Carib female.
The women are inordinately fond of the sapuru and are as scornful respecting those
of their own sex who do not wear it as are the Chinese women respecting those who do
not wear the “golden lilies.”
These women have a variety of ornaments, but little clothes. Necklaces of various
kinds are highly esteemed among them, especially when they are made of the teeth of
the jaguar and alligator, inasmuch as such ornaments indicate the prowess of their
adinirers. The appearance of a Carib woman in full dress is not very attractive. These
people are short, thick-necked, and awkward-looking, and in those respects the women
are much worse than the men. Of the ten portraits there is not one that can bear
comparison with the female inhabitants of Southern Africa, such as have been figured in
Vol. I. Their short necks are cumbered with row upon
row of necklaces, their only dress is a narrow strip of
blue cloth, and they have done their best to make them-
selves entirely hideous by the abominable sapuru.
Then, by way of adding to their attractions, they
perforate the under lip, and wear in it one or several
pins, the heads being within the mouth and the points
projecting outwards.
Some of the women smear
their whole bodies and limbs with the annatto dye,
which gives them the appearance as if blood were
exuding from every pore; and the reader may well
imagine the appearance of such women, .with pins
sticking through their lips, their bosoms covered with
row upon row of necklaces, their reddened limbs
variegated with blue spots, and their legs swollen and
distorted by the effects of the sapuru.
The Carib men wear an article of dress which
is almost exactly like that which is worn by the
inhabitants of the Nicobar Islands. It is a narrow
but very long scarf, woven from cotton fibre. After
passing round the waist and between the legs, it is
tucked into the girdle, and then is so long that it can
(From my Collection.)
be hung over the shoulder like a Highlander's plaid.
The men are very proud of a good girdle, and adorn it plentifully with cotton tassels,
beetles' wings, and similar ornaments.
Of all the Guianan tribes, the Waraus are least careful respecting dress. Even the
women wear nothing but a triangular piece of bark, or a similarly-shaped article of
apparel formed from the spathe of the young palm-leaf.
This spathe is also used for a head-dress by several tribes. In order to understand
the structure of this article the reader must remember that the palm-tree is an endogenous
plant, and that all the leaves spring from a central shoot.
From the same spot there also starts a conical shoot, which contains the flowers. In
its earlier stages of development this shoot is covered with a membranous envelope
called a spathe, which bursts in order to allow the enclosed flower-stalk to develop itself.
Before it has attained its full development, the spathe is drawu off the flower-stalk and
soaked in water for a time, until all the green substance becomes decomposed, and can
be washed away from the fibrous framework. The well-known skeleton leaves are
prepared in exactly the same manner.
When decomposition is complete, the spathe is carefully washed in running water, so
that the whole of the green matter is removed and nothing is left but the tougher fibres.
These are tangled together in a very remarkable manner, so as to be very elastic, and to
allow the fabric to be stretched in different directions without causing any interstices to
appear between them.
In this state the spathe is conical, of a yellow-brown colour, and extraordinarily light.
msimu i diritti www.thelone dei
MOTIVIRTINTI
CAP MADE OF THE SPATHE OF A
PALM-TREE.
624
GUIANA.
A specimen in my possession, though measuring twenty-seven inches in length, weighs
barely half an ounce.
When the native wishes to convert the spathe into a cap, he doubles the open end
twice, and then makes a deep fold within eight or nine inches of the tip, thus causing it
to assume the shape which is seen in the illustration. Slight as is the texture of this
odd cap, it forms an excellent defence against the rays of the sun, which is the only
object of the head-dress in such a climate.
The reader will see that the shape, as well as the lightness of the spathe, con-
duces to its usefulness as an apron as well as a head-dress. Such at all events is the
only dress for which the Waraus care; and whether on account of the perpetual exposure
of their skins, or whether from other causes, the short, stout, sturdy Waraus are much
darker than the other tribes--so dark, indeed, that they have been said to approach the
blackness of the negro. Mr. Brett thinks their want of cleanliness is one cause of this
deeper hue. They are the best native labourers that can be found, and, when they can
be induced to shake off their national apathy and fairly begin work, they will do more
than any other tribe. Neither do they want so much wages as are required by the other
natives, preferring liberal rations of rum to actual wages.
Living as do the Guianan natives in the forests, amid all the wealth of animal life
which is found in them, and depending chiefly for their subsistence on their success in
hunting, they attain an intimate knowledge of the habits of the various animals, and
display considerable skill in taking them. They capture birds, monkeys, and other
creatures, not for the sake of killing them, but of domesticating them as pets, and almost
every hut has a parrot or two, a monkey, or some such pet attached to it.
The women are especially fond of the little monkeys, and generally carry them on
their heads, so that at a little distance they look as if they were wearing a red or a black
head-dress, according to the species and colour of the monkey. They carry their fondness
for their animals to such an extent that they treat them in every respect as if they were their
children, even allowing them to suck at their breasts in turn with their own offspring.
Dreading the venomous snakes most thoroughly, they have no fear of the non-
poisonous kinds, and capture them without difficulty. Mr. Brett saw one of them catch
a young coulacanara snake by dropping a noose over its head by means of a forked
stick, and then hauling it out and allowing it to coil round his arm. Although a very
young specimen, only five feet or so in length, the reptile was so strong that the man was
soon obliged to ask some one to release his arm.
Sometimes this snake grows to a great length, and, as it is extremely thick-bodied, is
a very dangerous reptile to deal with Mr. Waterton succeeded in taking a coulacanara
fourteen feet long, after à fierce struggle, which is amusingly told in his “Wanderings.”
I have seen the skin of this snake in the collection which then adorned Walton Hall.
The skill of these natives is well shown by their success in capturing a cayman with
a hook. Mr. Waterton had tried to catch the reptile with a shark-hook, but his efforts
were unavailing, the reptile declining to swallow the bait, and at last contriving to get it
off the hook, though it was tied on with string. After more than one failure, he showed
the hook to a native, who shook his head at it, and said that it would not answer the
purpose, but that he would make a hook that would hold the cayman.
Accordingly, on the following day he returned with a very remarkable hook. It
consisted of four pieces of hard wood about a foot in length, curved, and sharpened at
the ends, which were slightly barbed. In fact, each piece of wood much resembled the
bone spear-head shown on page 535. These barbs, if we may so call them, were tied back
to back round the lower end of a rope, a knot in the rope preventing it from dropping
through the barbs, which were forced to diverge from each other by four pegs driven
between them and the rope. The so-called hook, indeed was very like the four-pronged
Fijian spear (page 279), supposing the shaft to be cut off below the prongs, a hole bored
through the centre of the cut shaft, and a rope passed through the hole and knotted
below the prongs. It is evident that if such an instrument as this were taken into a
cayman's throat, the diverging prongs would prevent it from coming out again, and as
long as they remained unbroken, so long would the cayman be held.
SHIELD WRESTLING.
825
This curious hook was then taken to the river-side, and baited with an agouti. The
end of the rope was made fast to a tree, and the barbed hook suspended about a foot from
the water by means of a short stick driven into the bank. The native then took the
empty shell of a tortoise, and struck it several blows with an axe, by way of telling the
cayman that its meal was ready. The result of the operation justified the Indian's
promise. The cayman could not get at the bait without lifting itself well out of the
water, and securing it by a sudden snap; while the resistance offered by the stick caused
the projecting barbs to be driven into the reptile's throat as it fell back into the water.
How the cayman was dragged out of the water, and how Mr. Waterton jumped upon
its shoulders, and disabled it by seizing its fore-paws and twisting them on its back, is
matter of history. The tale was generally disbelieved at the time, and gave rise to no
small amount of banter; but it is a perfectly true one, and the objections to it have long
died away. Indeed, one of Mr. Waterton's men, who was then little more than a mere
lad, was, as an old man, in the service of one of my friends, and corroborated every word
of the story
As might be inferred from the natural apathy and indolence of the natives, they
have but few games. They only work by fits and starts, and spend a very large pro-
portion of their time in their hammocks, caring little for those contests of skill and
strength which are so absorbingly interesting to the inhabitants of cooler and more
bracing climates.
There is, however, one such game which is played by the Waraus, who have already
been described as the stoutest and strongest of the tribes. This game is well described
by Mr. Brett:
There is also a kind of wrestling, or trial of strength, practised by the Waraus at
their drinking-bouts, in which each of the antagonists is furnished with a sort of shield,
made of the light branches of the itá, cut into equal lengths, and firmly lashed across
a frame three or four feet in height, somewhat less in width, and slightly bending
outwards.
“ The front of each shield is painted in various colours, and with some peculiar
device, according to the fancy of the owner. From its upper edge arise elastic stems,
generally three in number, adorned with coloured tassels, and surmounted with streamers
made of the same material as the maquarri whips, and not much unlike them. It has
altogether a picturesque appearance.
" Each champion grasps the edges of his shield firmly with both hands, and, after
various feints and grimaces to throw his opponent off his guard, a clash is heard, as one
springs forward, and his shield strikes that of his adversary. The contest is generally
one of mere strength, the shield being pushed forward by the whole force of the body,
and supported by one knee, while the other leg is extended behind. Sometimes one of
the players is able to push the other off the ground, or, by a dexterous slip and thrust on
the flank, to send him rolling on the ground. More frequently they remain pressing,
panting, and struggling, till exhausted, when the contest ceases by mutual consent.
It is then a point of Warau etiquette to shake the shields at each other in a jeering
manner, with a tremulous motion of their elastic ornaments, and to utter a very peculiar
and ridiculously defying sound, something like the whinnying of a young horse. This is
generally followed by a hearty, good-humoured laugh, in which the bystanders join.
Another couple then step forward to engage.
The itá palm, of which the Warau shields are made, will be briefly described when we
come to that singular branch of the Warau tribe which lives in dwellings raised above
the surface of the water.
It has already been mentioned that the Waraus are celebrated for the excellence of
their canoes. They are universally recognised as the chief canoe-builders of the whole
country, and to them the other tribes resort from considerable distances Some of these
canoes are large enough to hold fifty men, so that very considerable skill is needed in
building them without the instruments and measures by which our own boat-builders
ensure the regularity of their craft.
VOL. IT,
SS

626
GUIANA.
There are several forms of these canoes. The most important is that which has just
been mentioned. It is hollowed out of the trunk of a tree, and is forced into the proper
shape partly by means of fire, and partly by wedges and cross-planks. The largest of the
canoes have the sides made higher by a narrow plank of soft wood, which is laced upon
the gunwale, and the seam well caulked. The canoe is alike at both ends, the stem and
stern being pointed, curved, and rising well out of the water. There is no keel, and it
draws but a few inches of water. This formation would be very awkward in our own
rivers; but in those of Guiana, such as the Essequibo, there are so many falls and rapids,
that the canoe must be especially adapted for them. The reader will see, from the figure on
the next
page, how admirably adapted is such a canoe for the task which it has to perform.
This kind of canoe is called a curial, or corial.
oy
SHIELD WRESTLING,
The perils of the rapids have been well told by Mr. Brett :-
“Advantage is taken of the eddies which are found at the base of the huge rocks
that interrupt the stream. The Indians pass from rock to rock by wading, leaping, or
swimming, and by means of a hawser haul the boat through the rushing water from one
resting point to another, the steersman meantime keeping his seat, and sometimes lashed
to it, striving with his large paddle to guide in some degree her course. The roar of the
waters dashing and foaming amidst the surrounding rocks renders this operation as
exciting as it is difficult.
“Still more exciting and dangerous is the task of descending these rapids. The safety
of all then depends on their perfect steadiness, and on the bowman and steersman
acting in concert and with instant decision.
SHOOTING THE FALLS.
627
“The canoe is kept in the very centre of the current, one of her best hands kneeling,
with quick eye and ready paddle, in the bow, and the rest of the men exerting their
strength to give her headway. Darting swiftly along, she arrives at the edge of the fall,
and, pointing downward, shoots into the surf below it, dashing it up on either side, and
leaving her crew alone visible. If all be well, rising above the fall, she obeys the
guiding paddles in stem and stern, and dances over the tumbling waves, while her
excited crew with a triumphant cry exult at their success.”
Sometimes even the skill of the natives fails to overcome all the difficulties, and the
canoe is upset, the crew barely escaping with their lives. It was in descending one of
these falls that Mr. Waterton's canoe was upset, and flung into the Essequibo the precious
store of materials from which the wourali is made.
The simplest kind of boat, called by the colonists a “woodskin," is nothing more
than the flexible bark of the purple-heart tree stripped off in one piece, forced open in
the middle, tied together at the ends, and so left until dry.
In order to prevent these bark canoes from taking in water at the ends, a large lump
of clay is pressed firmly into the end, so as to make a barrier against the water. This
mode of caulking is necessarily but temporary, and the “back-dam,” as it is called by the
colonists, is sure to be washed away sooner or later, according to the state of the river.
The reader will remember that a similar appliance of clay is found among the Australian
savages.
MODEL OF A CANOE. (From my Collection.)
SS 2
CHAPTER XIV.
THE TRIBES OF GUIANA.-Continued.
RELIGION-BELIEF IN ONE CHIEF DEITY AND MANY DEMI-GODS-THE SORCERER OR PIAI-MAN, AND HIS
--
TRAINING-THE SACRED RATTLE-DUTIES AND PRIVILEGES OF THE PIAI-MAN--CURING DISEASE
AND DRIVING OUT THE EVIL SPIRIT-MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS-THE WATER-MAMMA_THE ORIGIN
OF THE CARIB RACEA WILD LEGEND-DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD THE LAKE-DWELLING
WARAUS THE ITÀ PALM AND ITS USES -AN AËRIAL HOUSE-THE LAKE-DWELLERS OF
MARACAIBO,
We will conclude this history of the Guianan tribes with a few remarks on their
religion.
As far as is known of their religious ideas as they were before they became inter-
mixed with those taught to them by the white man, the Guianan natives believe in one
supreme Deity, and a vast number of inferior divinities, mostly of the evil kind. All
pain is said to be caused by an evil spirit called Yauhahu, and is said to be the
Yauhahu's arrow.
As it is necessary that these evil beings should be propitiated when any calamity is
feared, a body of sorcerers, called piai-men, are set apart in order to communicate
between their fellow-men and the unseen world. In order to qualify themselves for the
task, the piai-men are obliged to go through sundry strange ceremonies, under the
charge of some venerable professor of the art. The neophyte is taken to a solitary hut,
and there compelled to fast for several days before his spirit is fit to leave his body and
receive the commands of the Yauhahu.
For this purpose, a quantity of tobacco is boiled, and the infusion drunk by the
aspirant to priestly honours. The natural effect of this dose is to exhaust the already
weakened body, and to throw the recipient into a state of fainting, during which his
spirit is supposed to leave his body, and receive a commission from the Yauhahu.
Indeed, he undergoes a civil death, he is proclaimed as dead, and bis corpse is exposed
to public view.
He recovers very slowly from the terrible state of prostration into which he has
been thrown, and when at last he leaves his hut, he is worn almost to a skeleton. As a
mark of office, he is solemnly presented with the marakka, or sacred rattle. This is
nothing more than a hollow calabash, some eight inches in diameter, having a stick run
through it, and a few white stones within it, so as to make a rattling sound when
shaken. The calabash is painted red, and a few feathers are generally hung to the
stick.
The specimen shown on page 629 is in the Christy Collection. It is two feet in
length, and adorned with scarlet and blue feathers. These rattles are held in the
greatest veneration by the uninitiated, who will not venture to touch them, and are
chary even of entering a house in which a marakka is hung. In consequence of the
Vill windel Usul
THE PIAI-MAN.
629
value set upon these instruments, the natives can scarcely be induced to part with them,
and the few which have been sent to England have in nearly every case been procured
from sorcerers who have been converted to Christianity, and, as a proof of their sincerity,
have given up the emblems of their order.
The piai-man is called in on almost every occasion of life, so that his magic rattle
has but little rest. He is present at every piwarri feast, when he decorates himself with
.
M
a CARTA
EN
JU
enlarged
Wings.
MARAKKA.
RATTLE.
(Froin the Christy Collection.)
feather plumes, the skins of snakes, and similar ornaments, and shakes his rattle over
the bowl before the contents are drunk.
Chiefly is he needed in times of sickness, when, by virtue of his rattle, he is supposed
to be capable of driving away the evil spirit whose curse has caused the malady.
When a piai-man is called to a case of sickness, he sends all the women away, and
even keeps the men at a respectful distance. His exercises then begin, and are con-
tinued for hours, chants to the evil spirit
, being accompanied with sundry rattlings, until
in the depth of night the Yauhahu manifests himself to the sorcerer, and tells him how
to extract the " arrow” which he has aimed at the sick man. Of course it is incumbent
on the sorcerer to produce the arrow in question, which is done by sucking the affected
part, and producing from the mouth a little pebble, a bird's claw, a snake's fang, or
something of the kind.
630
GUIANA.
Topo
ante
M
M
If the reader will refer to the illustration of the sacred gourd, he will see that next
to it is a very complicated and rather elegantly-formed rattle. The hollow gourd forms
part of the rattle, but it is very small,
and depends from a series of three hoops,
which are strung with beetle wings. The
noise which this simple instrument makes
is really wonderful, and the slightest
BAMBOO FLUTE. (From my Collection.)
movement of the string by which it is
held sets all the wings clattering against
each other. This interesting object was brought from Guiana by H. Bernau, Esq.
Even accepting the marakka and the beetle-wing rattle as musical instruments, we
find that the Guiana natives have but little variety in music. The only instruments which
are really worthy of the name are pipes or flutes made of
different materials. One of these instruments, seen in the
above illustration, is in my collection. It is made of the
ever-useful bamboo, and includes one internode, i.e. the space
between two knots.
The mouthpiece is narrow and oblong, and the maker has
possessed sufficient knowledge of sound to cut out a large scooped
piece from the middle of the instrument. The owner seems to
have prized this flute exceedingly, as he has covered it with
elaborate patterns. It is blown like our own flute, and the
sound which it produces is loud, full, but, if musical, is
melancholy also, and much resembles the wailing sound produced
by blowing into the mouth of a soda-water bottle. The length
of this flute is fourteen inches.
The second flute is made of the leg-bone of the jaguar, and
is one that is very much prized by the natives, the spoils of
the jaguar having a very high value among them. The Caribs
once used human bones for this purpose, but at the present time
content themselves with jaguar bones, as equally indicative of
courage and skill.
To return to the superstitions of the Guianan natives.
One of the beings which they most dread is the Water-
mamma, or Orehu. This is an unfortunate being who inhabits
the water, and occasionally shows herself, though in different
forms, sometimes even assuming that of the horse, but often
taking that of the manati. The Orehu is a female spirit, and
is generally, though not always, malicious, and, when she is in
a bad temper, is apt to rise close to the canoes, and drag them
and their crews under water.
The legends told by the various tribes respecting their origin
are very curious, as showing a great similarity with those of
other parts of the world with whom there could have been no
geographical connexion. For example, the legend of the earth
submerged under water, through the disobedience of some of its
inhabitants, and repeopled by a few who were placed in a safe
spot until the waters subsided.
Abar bher kind
One of the strangest of their legends is told by Mr. Brett.
It concerns the origin of the Warau and Carib tribes.
Originally the Waraus lived in a country above the sky,
(From the Christy Collection.)
where they had all they could desire. One day a young
hunter shot an arrow into the air, and when he came to
search for it, found a deep hole through which it had fallen. Looking down through
the aperture, he saw another world opened out beneath him, and was seized with
curiosity to visit it. Accordingly, he made himself a sort of ladder of rattan, which
Ornatenda
JAGUAR BONE FLUTE.
ORIGIN OF THE CARIB RACE.
631
grows abundantly in the upper world where he lived, and descended to the world
below.
Here he remained for some time, revelling on the flesh of animals hitherto unknown
to him. After a while, he climbed up the ladder with great trouble, and told his friends
the wonders which he had seen. Struck with wonder at bis narrative, and eager to
partake of the luxuries which he described, the whole of his friends determined on
paying a visit to these wondrous regions. Accordingly, they descended the ladder in
safety, except the last of their number, a very fat man, who, in trying to squeeze himself
through the aperture, became fixed in it, and could not escape, thus shutting off all
communication between the two worlds.
Nothing was left for them but to make the best of a bad business, and first of all to
beseech the Great Spirit to send them some water. He listened to their entreaties,
created the Essequibo, the Demerara, and other rivers, and made for the special use of
the Waraus a small lake of the purest water, of which they were to drink, but in which
they were forbidden to bathe.
Now it happened that there was a Warau family of four brothers and two sisters,
the latter beautiful, but wilful maidens. They rebelled against the prohibition, plunged
into the lake, swam to a pole that was planted in its midst, and shook it. The presiding
genius of the lake was a male spirit, who was kept prisoner as long as the pole was
untouched, but as soon as it was shaken the spell was broken, and the spirit of the lake
pounced on the offending maiden and carried her off. After a while he allowed her to re-
join her friends, but the indignation of her brothers was very great when they found that
their sister was about to become a mother, and they determined to kill the child when it was
born. However, it was exactly like any other Warau child, and so they allowed it to live.
Though living among her own friends, the girl could not forget her strange lover, and
went off again to him. A second child was born, but this time the upper parts of the
body were those of a child, and the lower parts were developed into a water-snake. The
mother, though terrified at the appearance of her offspring, carried it off into the woods
and cherished it, but it was discovered by her brothers, who pierced it with their arrows,
and left it for dead. Her attention, however, restored it to life, and it grew to a formi-
dable size. The brothers held a consultation, and at last surrounded it, transfixed it with
showers of arrows, and, to make sure of its death, cut it to pieces.
“The unhappy Korobona carefully collected the remains into a heap, which she
kept continually covered with fresh leaves, and guarded with tender assiduity. After
long watching, her patience was rewarded. The vegetable covering began to heave and
show signs of life. From it there slowly arose an Indian warrior of majestic and terrible
appearance. His colour was of a brilliant red, he held bow and arrows in his hand, and
was otherwise equipped for instant battle.
“That warrior was the first CARIB, the great father of a powerful race.
“He forthwith commenced the task of revenge for the wrongs suffered in his former
existence. Neither his uncles, nor the whole Warau race whom they summoned, could
stand before him. He drove them hither and thither like deer, took possession of such
of their women as pleased him, and by them became the father of brave and terrible
warriors like himself. From their presence the unhappy Waraus retired, till they
reached the swampy shores of the Atlantic, forsaking those pleasant hunting-grounds
which they had occupied on their first descent from heaven.”
The Waraus are wonderfully inventive with regard to legends; and have one which
is worthy of notice, if only for the fact that it attributes all the learning of the white
men to a Warau origin. This is the legend of Aboré. “Once upon a time," there was a
very ill-conditioned female spirit, named Wowtá, who usually preferred the form of a
frog, but who changed herself into a woman for the purpose of stealing a very beautiful
little boy called Aboré. In the form of a woman she obtained access to the house of
Aboré's mother, whom she induced to leave the child under her care. No sooner was
she alone with Aboré than she pulled and stretched him to such a degree that in a few
hours he grew as much as he would have done in several years, so that his mother
repudiated him on her return.
632
GUIANA.
As he grew to manhood, Aboré became the slave of his captor, whom he thought
to be his mother, until he was undeceived by a friendly spirit who met him in the
forest. After trying several plans for escape, and failing in them all, he hit upon
the design of making a canoe of wax. He was aided in this task by the fondness
of Wowtá for honey, in search of which the unfortunate Aboré passed nearly the
whole of his time. Wowtá received the combs with croaks of delight, and as she
threw them away after eating the honey, Aboré laid the wax aside, until he had
enough for a canoe.
As soon as he had collected a sufficiency of wax, Aboré called his mistress to look at
a hollow tree filled with bee-comb. She crept into the tree to regale herself on the honey,
and was imprisoned by the crafty Aboré, who fastened up the aperture so that the
sorceress could not escape, loaded his canoe with provisions, and set off for a land
of refuge.
He sailed far away until he came to a strange country where the people were white,
naked, uneducated, and utterly barbarous. He taught them the elements of civilization,
showed them how to forge iron, and initiated them into the arts and sciences, for which
the white man was now so distinguished.
In that far land he still lives, and, remembering the wants of his fellow-countrymen,
he continually sends them shiploads of the things which they most need. But in
consequence of the bad faith of those to whom they are delivered, the poor Waraus
are obliged to pay for everything that he sends. The moral which is derived from this
legend is, that all the white men who visit the Waraus ought to make up for the
dishonesty of their countrymen, and give them as many beads, knives, and guns as
they can procure.
When Mr. Brett first heard this tale, he thought that it was simply an ingenious
invention framed for the purpose of unlimited begging, especially as the narrator asked
for a shirt as soon as he had finished the story, and then proceeded to request a
whole series of other articles. He found, however, by questioning different natives,
that the legend was really a national one, and not a mere invention of an ingenious
native.
There is evidently a distinction to be drawn between the two portions of the legend.
The first part, containing the adventures of Aboré, is evidently ancient, while the second
part is as evidently modern, and has been introduced since the coming of white men into
Guiana.
In the disposal of the dead there is some little variation. The mode which was most
prevalent before the missionaries introduced Christian burial among them was as follows:
-The body was placed in a net and sunk in the river, where the whole of the flesh was
quickly eaten from the bones by the pirai and other voracious fish. If the dead man
were a person of distinction, the skeleton was then removed from the water, dried, painted
red, and suspended under the roof of the house.
In the fifth book of Herodotus, chap. XV., occurs the following passage, which was
long thought to be a mere invention on the part of the historian. After enumeration of
the various nations that Megabazes subdued, he mentions that the Persian monarch also
endeavoured to conquer “those who live upon the Lake Prasias in dwellings contrived
after this manner.
“ Planks fitted on lofty piles are placed in the middle of the lake, with a narrow
entrance from the mainland by a single bridge. These piles that support the planks
all the citizens anciently placed there at the common charge; but afterwards they
established a law to the following effect : 'Whenever a man marries, for each wife he
sinks three piles, bringing wood from a mountain called Orbelus,' but every man has
several wives.
They live in the following manner. Every man has a hut on the planks, in which
he dwells, with a trap-door closely fitted in the planks, and leading down to the lake.
They tie the young children with a cord round the feet, fearing lest they should fall into
the lake beneath. To their horses and beasts of burden they give fish for fodder, of
THE ITÁ PALM AND ITS USES.
633
which there is such abundance, that when a man has opened his trap-door, he lets down
an empty basket by a cord into the lake, and, after waiting a short time, draws it up full
of fish.'
In these words the old historian describes with curious exactitude the mode of life
adopted by some branches of the Waraus and Caribs. These have been described at
some length by Humboldt, in his "Personal Narrative." The large tract of land which
forms the delta of the Orinoco possesses some very remarkable characteristics. It is
always wet, but during several months in the year it is completely inundated, the river
rising to an astonishing height, and covering with water a tract nearly half as large as
England. This seems to be as unpropitious a spot as could be adopted for human habita-
tions, and yet the Waraus (or Guarános, as Humboldt spells the word) have established
themselves there, and prefer it to any other locality, probably because their strange mode
of life enables them to pass an existence of freedom.
Varying much in the height to which it rises, in some places exceeding fifty feet, the
Orinoco has the quality of rising year after year to the same height in the same place, so
that when a mark is made to designate the height to which the water rose in one year,
the same mark will answer year after year with scarcely the slightest deviation. It is
evident that in such a spot, where the soil is in the dry season nothing but mud, and in the
wet season is forty or fifty feet under water, only a very peculiar vegetation can live. This
is the Itá (pronounced Eetáh) palm, belonging to the genus Mauritia, a plant which, like
the mangrove of Africa, requires plenty of heat and moisture to enable it to develop
itself fully.
The native name for this tree is Murichi.
A brief description of the itá palm must be given before we proceed further, or the
reader will not understand the peculiar conditions under which these water-dwellers live.
When full grown, it resembles à tall, cylindrical pillar, with a fan of ten or twelve vast
leaves spreading from its extreme top. Each leaf is some ten feet in width, and is
supported upon a huge stem about twelve feet in length, looking more like a branch
than a leaf-stem. Indeed, a complete leaf is a heavy load for a man. At regular intervals
the whole fan of leaves falls off, and is replaced by another, the tree adding to its height
at every change of leaf, until the stem is nearly a hundred feet high, and fifteen in
circumference.
Myriads upon myriads of these marvellous trees rise amid the waters of the Orinoco
delta, sometimes clustered into solid masses of vegetation, sometimes scattered, and some-
times drawn up in devious avenues, according to the windings of the muddy channels
that even in the dry seasons traverse the country. Whether grouped or scattered, the
itá flourishes in this delta to such an extent that only the experienced canoe-men of the
place can navigate their barks among the tall stems, the narrow and winding channels
which form the natural paths being completely obliterated by the waste of water. Any
stranger who tried to thread this aquatic forest without the aid of a native guide would
soon lose himself among the armies of itá palm, and perish miserably of hunger. Yet
this very tree supplies to the Waraus of the Orinoco not only all the necessaries, but the
luxuries of life, and were the whole tribe to be cut off from the mainland, they could
support themselves without the least difficulty, the itá palm supplying house, food, drink,
clothing, and furniture.
First, as to the house.
The Warau requires for a house nothing but a floor and a roof. In the example seen
on page 607, the floor is supplied by the earth, but it is evident that in a house built in a
locality where the ground is for many months together thirty or forty feet beneath the
surface of the water, an artificial flooring is needed. The Warau architect, therefore,
proceeds to construct his house in the following manner.
Selecting four itá trees that grow near each other in the form of a square, and cutting
away any of the intervening trees, he makes use of these four as the corner posts of his
house. He knows by marks left on the trunks the precise height to which the water will
rise, and some three feet or so above this mark he builds his floor, cutting deep notches
in the trunk. In these notches are laid beams made from the stems of the felled itá
palms, and lashed tightly in their places by ropes made of itá fibre.
634
.
GUIANA.
On these beams are laid a number of cross-pieces, sometimes made from the split
trunks, but usually being nothing more than the gigantic leaf-stems which have been
already mentioned, and which are when dry very light, very tough, and very elastic.
These cross-pieces are tied firmly together, and constitute the essential part of the floor.
On them is placed a layer of palm-leaves, and upon the leaves is a thick coating of mud,
which soon dries under the tropical sun, and forms a smooth, hard, and firm flooring,
which will bear a fire without risk of damage to the wooden structure below.
Ten or twelve feet above the floor the Warau constructs a roof of palm leaves, the
corners of which are supported by the same trees which uphold the house, and then the
chief labours of the native architect are over.
So much for the house furnished by the itá palm.
Food is supplied by it in various forms. First, there is the fruit, which, when ripe, is
as large as an ordinary apple, many hundreds of which are developed on the single
branch produced by this tree. Next, there is the trunk of the tree and its contents. If
it be split longitudinally at the time when the flower-branch is just about to burst from
the enveloping spathe, a large quantity of soft, pith-like substance is found within it.
This is treated like the cassava, and furnishes a sort of bread called yuruma.
Drink is also obtained from the itá palm. From the trunk is drawn a sap, which,
like that of the maguey or great American aloe, can be fermented, and then it becomes
intoxicating in quality. Another kind of drink is procured from the fruit of the itá,
which is bruised, thrown into water, and allowed to ferment for a while. When ferien-
tation has proceeded to a sufficient extent, the liquor is strained through a sieve made of
itá fibre, and is thus ready for consumption.
The small amount of clothing required by the Warau is also obtained from the itá,
the membrane of the young leaf being stripped off and woven into a simple fabric.
From the same tree the Warau obtains all his furniture. Bows, arrows, and spears
are made from its leaf-stems, the canoe in which he goes fishing is made from a hollow itá
trunk, and the lines and nets are both furnished from the same tree, as is also the string
of which his hammock is made. That the one single tree should be able to supply all the
wants of an entire population is the more extraordinary, because in former days the
Warau had no iron tools, and it is not easy to find a tree that will at the same time
furnish all the necessaries of his life, and be of such a character that it can be worked by
the rude stone implements which the Warau had to use before he obtained iron from the
white men.
It may readily be imagined that the Waraus who inhabit this strange region are lower
in the scale of civilization than those who live on dry land, and, to use the words of
Humboldt," in the lowest grades of man's development we find the existence of an
entire race dependent upon almost a single tree, like certain insects which are confined to
particular portions of a flower."
THE Waraus are not the only lake-dwellers of Southern America. At the extreme
north of this half of the continent there is a province which derives its name from the
mode of life adopted by the savage tribe which dwells upon the waters of a lake. On the
north-western coast of Venezuela there is a large gulf, called the Gulf of Maracaibo,
the name having been given to it by the Spanish discoverers in honour of a native
chief whom they met on its shores. Close to the gulf, and only separated from it by
a narrow, is a vast fresh-water lake, fed by the streams that pour from the mountains
which surround it. The shape of this lake has been well compared to that of a Jew's-
harp, with a rather elongated neck, and the depth of its water varies in a most remark-
able manner.
From the sides the bottom of the lake shelves almost imperceptibly for a great
distance, so that at a distance of two or three miles from the shore, a man would be able
to walk with his head above the surface. Suddenly, and without the least warning, the
bed of the lake dips into almost unfathomable depths, so that, though a man might be
barely submerged above his waist, a single step will plunge him into water so deep that
the tallest spire ever built would be plunged far below the surface.

LAKE DWELLINGS.
635
Over the surface of this lake dwell numerous human beings, and, even at the present
day, when the number of the inhabitants has been much decreased, upon its waters are
no less than four large villages, beside numerous detached dwellings formed in the various
bays which indent its shores.
The reason for thus abandoning the dry land and taking to the water is a very curious
one, and may be summed up in a single word-mosquitoes. These tiny but most
annoying insects are found in clouds around the edge of the lake, some species flying by
night and others by day, so that at no hour is there the least respite from their attacks.
Fortunately, they need the protection of the luxuriant vegetation that fringes the shore
of the lake, and not being very enduring of wing, are obliged to rest at intervals in their
THE LAKE DWELLERS OF THE ORINOCO.
flight. They therefore keep to the shore, and do not venture to any great distance over
the water. Knowing this characteristic of the insect, the natives manage to evade them
by making their dwellings beyond the range of the mosquito's flight.
In building these curious habitations, the lake-dweller of Maracaibo is forced to
employ a greater skill in architecture than is needed by the Waraus of the Orinoco delta.
In that muddy delta, formed by the alluvium washed down by the river, the itá palm
abounds, and forms natural pillars for the house; but the Lake Maracaibo furnishes no
such assistance, and the native architect is therefore obliged to drive piles into the bed of
the lake in order to raise his floor above the level of the water.
It is evidently needful that these piles should be made of wood which will not perish
by the action of the water, and upon the shores of the lake grows a tree which supplies
precisely the kind of timber that is required. It is one of the numerous iron-wood trees,
636
GUIANA.
and its scientific name is Guiacum arboreum. It is a splendid tree, rising to the height
of a hundred feet or so, and having wood so hard that it will turn the edge of an axe.
The natives, however, manage to fell these trees, to cut them into proper lengths, and to
drive them firmly into the bed of the lake, where they become even stronger by sub-
mersion, being covered in course of years with an incrustation of lime, which makes
them look as if they had been actually converted into stone.
On these piles are laid cross-beams and planks of lighter wood, and when a strong
roof and light walls have been added, the house is complete. All the parts of the house
are lashed together with green sipo, which contracts when dry, and binds the various
portions as with bands of iron.
As has been already mentioned, numbers of these houses are gathered together into
villages. When the Spaniards first entered the Gulf of Maracaibo, and came within view
of the lake, they were struck with amazement at these habitations, and called the place
Venezuela-i.e. Little Venice a name which has since been extended to the whole of the
large province which is now known by that title.
It is on this lake that the gourd system of duck-catching is carried to the greatest
perfection. Great quantities of ducks frequent its waters, but they are shy of man, and
will not allow him to come near them. The natives, however, manage to catch them by
hand, without even employing a snare. They take a number of large gourds, scrape out
the inside, and set them floating on the lake. At first the timid birds are afraid of the
gourds and avoid them, but after a while they become accustomed to them, and allow
them to float freely among their ranks.
The Indian then takes a similar gourd and puts it over his head, having previously
cut a couple of holes through which he can see. He slips quietly into the water, and
makes his way towards the ducks, taking care to keep the whole of his body submerged.
As soon as he gets among them, he grasps the nearest duck by the legs, jerks it under
water, and ties it to his girdle, where it is soon drowned. He then makes his way to
another duck, and, if an experienced hand, will capture as many as he can carry,
and
yet
not alarm the survivors.
CHAPTER XV.
MEXICO.
MEXICO AS IT IS, AND WAS BEFORE THE SPANISH CONQUEST-WHY THE EMPIRE FAILEDCON.
TRADICTORY ACCOUNTS OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS --THE RUINS OF THEIR BUILDINGS-HUMAN
SACRIFICES. THE SACRIFICIAL KNIFE MEXICAN ART MOSAIC-WORK AND FEATHER-PICTURES
CAPABILITIES OF THE COUNTRY,
BEFORE passing to the North American tribes, a brief notice must be taken of MEXICO.
At the present day this land is possessed of a sort of civilization which presents no
features of interest. It is inhabited chiefly by a mixed people, the descendants of the
Spanish conquerors having contracted alliances with the natives, and so produced a hybrid
race, which is continually retrograding from the white parentage, and assuming more and
more of the aboriginal type.
The failure in establishing a Mexican empire was entirely due to the question
of race.
Those inhabitants who were either pure whites, or in whom the white blood pre-
dominated, were naturally desirous to have a ruler of their own kind, thinking that an
empire was the only mode of civilizing the land, and of putting an end to the constant
civil wars and repeated changes of dynasty which kept back their most prolific and fertile
land from developing its full capabilities. But in the great bulk of the people the Indian
blood predominated, and in consequence an empire founded on the principles of European
civilization was as irreconcilable to them as would be the rule of an Indian cacique in
Europe. Such an empire could only be held by force of arms, and as soon as the bayonet
was withdrawn the empire fell.
With the present state of Mexico we are not concerned, and we must therefore confine
ourselves to Mexico as it was before the Spaniard crushed out her civilization and
destroyed her history.
THE accounts of ancient Mexico are most perplexing. If the narratives of the
Spanish conquerors could be implicitly trusted, nothing would be simpler than to
condense them into a consecutive history. But it is quite certain that these accounts
were very much exaggerated, and that the reality fell very far short of the romantic tales
of the Spanish conquerors.
The following is an abstract of the narratives put forth by the Spaniards. The capital
was situated on an island in the midst of a large lake. It contained twenty thousand
houses, which were of great magnificence. In the midst was the emperor's palace, built
of marble and jasper, and of prodigious extent. It was adorned with fountains, baths,
and statues, and the walls were covered with pictures made of feathers.
Not only the palace, but the houses of the caciques, possessed menageries filled with
all the animals of the country, together with museums of various natural curiosities.
638
MEXICO.
One of the greatest beauties of Mexico was a large square, daily filled with merchants,
who came to buy and sell the various works of art in gold, silver, and feathers for which
the Mexicans were famous. Between the city and the borders of the lake a hundred
thousand canoes were continually passing; besides which mode of transit three vast
causeways were built on the lake. The capital was not the only city of the waters, for
more than fifty large cities and a whole multitude of villages were built on the
same lake.
The dress of the nobles was most gorgeous, and their persons were adorned with gold
and jewels in profusion. Their treasuries were filled with the precious metals, and gold
was as plentiful in Mexico as copper in Europe.
That these statements were much exaggerated is not to be doubted, but they were not
pure inventions, and had all some foundation in fact. For example, the architecture of
the ancient Mexicans was of a Cyclopean vastness, as is proved by the ruins which are
now almost the sole memorials of a vanished system of civilization. There is a strong
resemblance between the architecture of Mexico and that of Egypt, not only in its mas-
siveness, but in the frequent use of the pyramid.
One of these pyramids has the sides exactly twice as long as those of the large
pyramid of Egypt. This is the great pyramid-tower of Cholula, which had eight stories,
each forming a platform on which rested the one above it, so that it closely resembled the
Temple of Belus as described by Herodotus. The interior of these pyramidal structures
was pierced with chambers, galleries, and flights of stairs, probably the habitations of the
priests who served the temples and performed those terrible human sacrifices which
formed an important part of their religious system. Viaducts which crossed deep valleys,
bridges, and roads, remains of which are still in existence, testify to the vanished civiliza-
tion of the Mexicans, or, as some ethnologists think, of a people that preceded them.
Specimens of the artistic skill of the ancient Mexicans may be seen in the magni-
ficent Christy Collection. There is, for example, one of the sacrificial knives with which
the priests laid open the breast of the human victim in order to tear out the heart
and offer it to the blood-loving deity of the temple. The blade of this instrument is
obsidian, and its handle is a marvellous piece of mosaic work, made of lapis-lazuli, ruby,
and other precious stones. Then there are masks made of similar materials, one being a
most ghastly imitation of a human skull.
The skill in feather-working still survives, and even at the present day pictures are
made so exquisitely from humming-birds' feathers that they seem, when viewed at a little
distance, to be admirable specimens of enamel.
The courage of the ancient Mexicans was very great. They opposed their naked
breasts to the mail-clad invaders, and their comparatively feeble weapons to the dreaded
fire-arms. Even the horse, which at first struck terror into them as a supernatural being,
soon ceased to be an object of dread, and there is a story that they captured a horse in
battle, stabled it in a temple, and treated it as a god, feeding it with daintily-dressed
chickens and similar dishes, until the poor beast was starved in the midst of plenty.
The conduct of the Aztecs in destroying their once venerated Emperor Montezuma,
because he yielded to the Spaniards, and the calm endurance of his warlike successor
Guatemozin, when stretched on the fiery rack, are sufficient instances of the courage
possessed by the Mexicans when Cortez came into the country.
The real prosperity of Mexico is to come. There is every capability in the country,
which is fertile in many valuable productions,—cattle and horses, for example, both of
which, importations from Europe, have multiplied in an astonishing manner, and may at
some time supply half Europe with cheap food, hides, and beasts of burden.
Insect life is almost as valuable as that of the higher and larger animals. The
cochineal insect reproduces itself in vast numbers, and, large as is the trade in this
valuable insect, it could be extended almost indefinitely. There is no trouble in breeding
the insect, no risk, and scarcely any capital required. It feeds upon the prickly pear, a
plant which springs up luxuriantly if but a leaf be stuck in the ground.
It is indeed so luxuriant, that riders are forced to employ a peculiar kind of stirrup,
in order to prevent their feet from being riddled with the needle-like thorns with which
CAPABILITIES OF THE COUNTRY.
639
the plant, the leaf, and fruit are covered. One of these curious stirrups is shown in the
illustration, drawn from my own specimen, which was brought from Mexico by Sir F.
Wetherell.
It is cut from a solid block of wood, and is therefore exceedingly heavy. A hole is
cut in the back of the stirrup, into which the foot can be thrust nearly half way. Owing
to the size and weight of this curious implement, the prickly pears are pushed aside as
the rider passes among them, and thus the foot and ankle are protected from the slender
but formidable thorns with which they are armed. The stirrup is sometimes put to
another use, and employed as a rough and ready drinking cup. The front of the imple-
ment is covered with bold and graceful patterns, the effect of which is often brightened
by means of colour. In my own specimen they are coloured with blue, scarlet, and
black.
UU
MEXICAN STIRRUP. (From my Collection.)
As to the vegetable products of Mexico, they are too numerous to mention, but the
principal are the indigo, the chocolate, and the vanilla. Cotton, sugar, silk, tobacco, and
maize are also cultivated, and, if the country were only at peace, so that men might
bestow their time in developing the resources of the land, and might feel secure that their
labours would not be frustrated by the horrors of warfare, there is no saying to what pitch
of prosperity they might not attain.
Then it is as prolific in mineral as in animal wealth, and in the hands of an energetic
and industrious people, the yield of copper, iron, gold, silver, and other metals might be
almost indefinitely extended. In all these productions comparatively little labour is
required, Nature giving almost gratuitously those privileges which in other lands cannot
be obtained without the expenditure of time, labour, and money. She has at the same
time granted to the inhabitants of Mexico, not only the productions which yield the
greatest amount of wealth, but gold and silver, which are the vehicles or tokens of all
productions.
The past civilization of Mexico has vanished never to return. Its present is a
comparative failure. The future is yet to be seen, but it may even eclipse the vanished
glories of the past if guided by those who understand the epoch, the country, and
the race.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
GENERAL NOTICE OF THE TRIBES—THEIR COLOUR AND FEATURES-CATLIN'S DESCRIPTION OF A
CROW CHIEFLONG HAIR OF THE MEN-SILVER HAIR OF THE MANDAN TRIBE-GOVERN-
MENT OF THE TRIBES THE
TRIBES-THE HEREDITARY AND ELECTED CHIEFS-THEIR LIMITED POWERS
-
THEIR DISTINCTIVE DRESS--COSTUME THE RECORD OF DEEDS--THE SCALP-LOCKS, PAINTED
ROBES, AND CLAW-COLLAR-PRESERVATION OF SKINS—THE FEATEER-PLUMES- -THE
HORNS,
AND THEIR SIGNIFICATION INDIAN DANDIES- ESTIMATION IN WHICH THEY ARE HELD-THE
PORTRAIT PAINTER BAFFLED-DRESS OF THE WOMEN BISON-SKIN ROBESWAMPUM, AND ITS
SIGNIFICATION,
It has already been mentioned that, with the exception of the shore districts, America is
inhabited from the extreme south to extreme north by the same race.
The various tribes into which that race is divided are naturally varied according to the
locality and climate of the spot which they inhabit. Those, for example, who live in the
perpetual snow and ice of either the extreme north or south are naturally different in
manners and customs from those who inhabit the tropical centre of America. Then, even
in similar climate, there is very definite modification according to locality. The inha-
bitants of the mountains, for example, differ materially from the dwellers of the plain,
while those tribes who live in the forests differ from both.
Yet they are all members of one and the same great race, and whether in the Esquimaux
of the north, the Amazonian of the tropics, or the Patagonian of the extreme south, all
display the same race-characteristics.
The colour of the skin is deep copper-red, the cheek-bones are prominent, the nose
mostly aquiline, the forehead rather receding, and the eyes apparently small, this latter
characteristic being due to the continual exposure to the sun, and to the smoky atmo-
sphere of the huts. The beard is very deficient, and even those few hairs that make their
appearance are carefully eradicated with tweezers. Sometimes an old man who is
careless about his personal appearance allows his beard to grow, but in that case it is
very scanty, thin, and never reaches any great length.
The hair of the head contrasts strongly with that of the face, being very long and fine,
in some of the tribes attaining an almost incredible length. The Crow tribe are remark-
able for the extraordinary development of their hair, which in some of the warriors
actually trails on the ground as they walk. They pride themselves so much on this
peculiarity, that in 1833 their chief received both his name of Longhair and his office
from his wonderful tresses. The hair of this man was carefully measured by some white
travellers, who had lived in his lodge for months together, and was found to be ten feet
seven inches in length.
He did not allow it to hang at its full length except on occasions of ceremony, but
kept it carefully wound with a broad leather strap, and made up into a bundle weighing
several pounds. Usually this bundle was carried under his arm or in the bosom of his

AN INDIAN CHIEF.
641
robe, but on great occasions the hair was let down to its full length, and carefully
smoothed with bear's grease, and allowed to trail on the ground several feet behind the
owner as he proudly stalked along.
Several other tribes, such as the Blackfeet (so called from the dark moccasins which
they wear), have very long hair, of which they are exceedingly proud, and those indi-
می ره -2
CROW CHIEF
viduals whose locks do not reach the standard of beauty are in the habit of splicing false
hair to their own tresses.
The Mandans, of whom we shall hear much in the course of this narrative, the Sioux,
and the Minatarees, are all distinguished by this peculiarity, though none of them pos-
sess it so abundantly as the Crows. When Mr. Catlin was staying among the Minatarees,
a party of Crows came to visit them, and excited the admiration of their hosts by their
magnificent hair. One of them possessed so picturesque an appearance that the artist-
traveller transferred him at once to canvas. The following is Mr. Catlin's account of
this splendid specimen of the North American Indians :
“I think I have said that no part of the human race could present a more picturesque
and thrilling appearance on horseback than a party of Crows rigged out in all their plumes
and trappings-galloping about and yelling in what they call a war-parade, i.e. in a sort
VOL. II.
T T
642
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
of tournament or sham fight, passing rapidly through the evolutions of battle, and vaunting
forth the wonderful character of their military exploits. This is an amusement of which
they are excessively fond ; and great preparations are invariably made for these occa-
sional shows.
“No tribe of Indians on the continent are better able to produce a pleasing and
thrilling effect in these scenes, not any more vain, and consequently better prepared to
draw pleasure and satisfaction from them, than the Crows. They may be justly said to
be the most beautifully clad of all the Indians in these regions, and, bringing from the
base of the Rocky Mountains a fine and spirited breed of the wild horses, have been
able to create a great sensation among the Minatarees, who have been paying them all
attention and all honours for some days past.
“From amongst these showy fellows who have been entertaining us, and pleasing
themselves with their extraordinary feats of horsemanship, I have selected one of the most
conspicuous, and transferred him and his horse, with arms and trappings, as faithfully as
I could to the canvas, for the information of the world, who will learn vastly more from
lines and colours than they could from oral or written delineations.
"I have painted him as he sat for me, balanced on his leaping wild horse, with his
shield and quiver slung on his back, and his long lance, decorated with the eagle's quills,
trained in his right hand. His shirt and his leggings, and moccasins, were of the
mountain-goat skins, beautifully dressed; and their seams everywhere fringed with a
profusion of scalp-locks taken from the heads of his enemies slain in battle. His long
hair, which reached almost to the ground while he was standing on his feet, was now
lifted in the air, and floating in black waves over the hips of his leaping charger. On his
head, and over his shining black locks, he wore a magnificent crest, or head-dress, made of
the quills of the war-eagle and ermine skins, and on his horse's head was another of equal
beauty, and precisely the same in pattern and material.
“Added to these ornaments there were yet many others which contributed to his
picturesque appearance, and amongst them a beautiful netting of various colours, that
completely covered and almost obscured the horse's head and neck, and extended over its
back and its hips, terminating in a most extravagant and magnificent crupper, embossed
and fringed with rows of beautiful shells and porcupine quills of various colours.
“With all these picturesque ornaments and trappings upon and about him, with a
noble figure, and the bold stamp of a wild gentleman on his face, added to the rage and
spirit of his wild horse, in time with whose leaps he issued his startling though
smothered yelps, as he gracefully leaned to and fro, leaving his plume and his plumage,
his long locks and his fringes, to float in the wind, he galloped about; and felt exceeding
pleasure in displaying the extraordinary skill which a lifetime of practice and experiment
ħad furnished him in the beautiful art of riding and managing his horse, as well as in
displaying to advantage his weapons and ornaments of dress, by giving them the grace
of
motion, as they were brandished in the air and floating in the wind."
Although the hair is generally black, it sometimes takes various colours, the Mandan
tribe being the most remarkable for this peculiarity. Some of them, even though quite
young, have the hair of a bright silvery grey, or even white.
The men dislike this kind of hair in their own sex, and when it occurs try to disguise
it by a plentiful use of red or black earth mixed with glue. The women, on the contrary,
are very proud of such hair, and take every opportunity of displaying its beauties.
Generally a woman wears the hair in two plaits, which are allowed to fall down the back
over on each side of the head; but when they wish to appear to the best advantage,
they rapidly unplait it, pass their fingers through it in the manner of a comb, and spread
it as widely as possible over the shoulders. They always part it in the middle and fill
the line of parting with red paint.
The silver-grey hair is remarkable for its coarseness, in which respect it seems like a
horse's mane, while the dark-coloured hair is quite soft. Among the Mandans almost
every shade of hair is found between white, brown, and black, but there is never the least
tinge of red in it.
The Mandan men have a curious habit of dividing their long hair into flat tresses, two
GOVERNMENT OF THE TRIBES.
643
inches or so in width, and filling each tress at intervals of an inch with vermilion and
glue, so as to keep them separate. These patches of glue and earth become very hard,
and are never removed. The hair thus treated is drawn tightly over the top of the head,
and allowed to fall down the back in parallel tresses, which mostly reach to the knee, and
in some cases to the ground.
The government of these tribes is of a similar character throughout.
Each tribe has at its head a chief, whose office is usually, but not always, hereditary.
Provided the eldest son of a chief be tolerably well qualified for the post, he is suffered to
assume the leadership when his father dies, or becomes too old for work. Should the tribe
be dissatisfied with him, they elect a leader from among the sub-chiefs. There is often
a double system of government, two chiefs of equal power being appointed, one of
whom manages all matters of war, and the other effects the administration of domestic
policy
It often happens that, although the head chief of the tribe is nominally the ruler, and
holds the first place, the real power lies in the second or third chief, who pays to his
superior every deference which is due to his position, but is practically the leader and
commander of the tribe. This was the case among the Mandans when Mr. Catlin visited
them. The head chief, though a man of abilities and courage, and therefore respected
and feared by the people, was by no means loved by them, on account of his haughty and
overbearing demeanour. The real leader of the tribe was the second chief, named
Mah-to-toh-pa, i.e. the Four Bears, a name which he got from an exclamation of the
enemy, who said that he came at them “like four bears.” Some of the adventures of
this extraordinary man will be mentioned in the course of the following pages.
Great as is the power of the chief, it is much more limited than that which is enjoyed
by the chiefs of the African tribes. The American chief has no control over life, or
limb, or liberty. He takes the lead in council, and if an offender be cited before the
councillors, his voice carries great weight with it, but nothing more. Should he be the
war chief, he cannot compel a single man to follow him to battle, nor can be punish one
of his followers for deserting him. Any of the warriors, even the very youngest, may
follow or desert his chief as he pleases, the principal check against desertion being the
contempt with which a warrior is sure to be regarded if he leaves a chief who is worthy
of his office.
The chiefs have, as a rule, no advantage over the other members of the tribe in point
of wealth. A chief would soon lose the popularity on which his influence depends if he
were to amass wealth for himself. By virtue of his office, he has a larger house or tent
than the rest of the tribe, and he generally possesses a few more wives. But he is often
actually poorer than most of the warriors, thinking himself bound in honour to distribute
among the tribe the spoils that he takes in war. Many chiefs even dress worse than the
warriors under their command, so as not to excite envy, and only assume their splendid
dress of office on great occasions.
The question of dress is really an important one. Varying as it does among the
different tribes, there is a general character which runs through the whole.
Every man without distinction wears a scanty dress much like the “cheripa" which has
already been described, but is very much smaller. In battle or hunting, and in all cases in
which exertion is required, he contents himself with this single garment; but when he is
enjoying himself at home, he assumes his full costume. He wears a pair of leggings
reaching to the hips, and falling as low as the ankles, sometimes spreading well over them.
These leggings are mostly adorned with little bells, bits of fur, or similar decorations;
and if the wearer be a successful warrior, he fringes them along the sides with tufts of
hair taken from the head of a slain enemy.
He has also a loose coat descending to the knees, and ornamented in a similar manner
with feathers or scalp-locks, and, when the owner has performed any conspicuous feat of
valour, he makes a rude painting of the event. This answers the same purpose as the
Victoria Cross among ourselves. Although it is conferred by the man himself, it is
equally valuable. No man would dare to depict on his robe any deed of valour which he
TT 2
644
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
had not performed, as he would be challenged by the other warriors to prove his right to
the decoration, and, if he failed to do so, would be utterly scorned by them. The chief
Mah-to-toh-pa represented on his robe a series of events in which he had killed no less
than fourteen of the enemy with his own hand. Sometimes, when the tribe uses skin
hnts or wigwams, the warriors also paint their adventures upon the walls of their
dwellings.
From a similar spirit the scars and wounds received in war are kept covered with
scarlet paint, and when a man has succeeded in killing a grizzly bear he is entitled to
wear its skin, claws, and teeth. The usual mode of so doing is to string the claws into
necklaces and bracelets, and to make the skin into robes. Sometimes they dress the skin
without removing the claws, and wear it in such a fashion that the claws are conspicuously
seen. Owing to the extreme ferocity, strength, and cunning of the bear, to kill one of
these animals is considered equivalent to killing a warrior, and the claw necklace is as
honourable an ornament as the much-prized scalp. Some of the most valiant hunters
have killed several of these animals, and it is a point of honour with them to appear
on great occasions with all their spoils, so that they have to exercise considerable ingenuity,
and display some forty huge claws about their persons in a sufficiently conspicuous
manner.
All the dress of a North American Indian is made of skin, mostly that of the deer,
and in dressing it the natives are unrivalled, contriving to make a leather which is as soft
as silk, is nearly white, and which may be wetted and dried any number of times without
becoming harsh.
The skin is first washed in strong lye, made of wood-ashes and water, so as to loosen
the hair, which is then scraped off. The hide is next stretched tightly upon the ground
upon a frame, or by means of a number of wooden pegs driven firmly into the ground.
In this position it remains for several days, the brains of the animal being spread thickly
upon it, and rubbed into it. The next process is to scrape it carefully with a blunt knife
made of the shoulder-blade of the bison, the native tanner pressing heavily upon it, and
scraping every portion of the hide.
The process by which it is made capable of resisting the effects of water has yet to be
undergone.
A hole is made in the ground, and a quantity of rotten wood is piled in it, so that
when lighted it will continue to smoulder for a long time, and produce smoke, but no
flame. Around the hole are stuck a number of sticks, which are then tied together at the
top, so as to make the framework of a sort of tent. The wood is then set on fire, the
hides are placed within the tent, and over the sticks are wrapped other hides carefully
fastened together, so as to prevent the smoke from escaping. For several days the hides
are left in the smoke, and at the expiration of that time they have assumed the peculiar
quality which has been described. The whole of the processes are conducted by women,
manual labour being beneath the dignity of a man and a warrior.
The head-dress of a North American Indian deserves some attention. Variable as
are the modes of dressing the hair, no warrior ever wears his hair short. By so doing
he would be taking an unfair advantage of an adversary. When a warrior is killed, or
even totally disabled, the successful adversary has a right to take his scalp, in which he
would be much impeded if the hair was short. Moreover, he would lose the honourable
trophy with which he is entitled to fringe his garments. So for a warrior to wear his hair
short would be a tacit acknowledgment that he was afraid of losing his scalp, and all
the men therefore always leave at least one lock of hair attached to the crown of
the head.
The process of scalping will be presently described, when we treat of war.
A great chief always wears, in addition to the ordinary head-dress of the warrior, a
plume of eagle-feathers, by which he is made as conspicuous as possible, so that the
enemy shall have no difficulty in recognising him. The form of plume varies according
to the different tribes. That of the Crows may be seen in the illustration on page 641.
That which is employed by the Mandans is shown in the next page. It is made of a long
strip of ermine, to which are fastened the quill-feathers of the war-eagle, so as to forin

PECULIAR HEAD-DRESS.
645
a crest beginning at the back of the head and descending to the feet. These quills are so
valuable that a perfect tail of the war-eagle is considered to be worth a first-rate horse.
MW
VIOLOOGILIA
MANDAN CHIEF AND WIFE.
In the present instance two horns may be seen projecting from the head-dress.
This is a decoration very rarely seen, and only conferred by the chief and council
646
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
upon the most distinguished warriors. Even the head chief will not be able to assume
them unless by the general vote of the council, and in the case of the Mandans the
second chief wore them, while the head chief was not privileged to do so.
Even a brave may wear them, though he be below the rank of chief.
They are made from the horns of the bison bull, divided longitudinally, scraped
nearly as thin as paper, and highly polished. They are loosely attached at the base, so
that they can be flung backwards or forwards by the movement of the head, and give a
wonderful animation to the action of the wearer when he is speaking.
This elaborate head-dress is very seldom worn, and is only assumed on occasions of
special state, such as public festivals, war parades, or the visits of other chiefs. In battle
the wearer always assumes the head-dress by way of challenge to the enemy. There is
good reason for not always wearing this dress. I have worn the dress formerly used by
Mah-to-toh-pa, and found it to be hot, heavy, and inconvenient.
As a contrast to the dress of a noted warrior, we may take that of a mere dandy, a
few of whom are sure to be found in every tribe. They are always remarkable for
elegance of person and effeminacy of nature, having the greatest horror of exposing
themselves to danger, and avoiding equally the bear, the bison, and the armed enemy.
Consequently they may not deck themselves with the plumage of the war-eagle, every
feather of which signifies a warrior slain by the warrior's own hand. Neither may they
adorn their necks with the claws of the grizzly bear, their robes with scalp-locks and
paintings, nor their bodies with the scarlet streaks that tell of honourable wounds
received in battle.
Such ornaments would at once be torn from them by the indignant warriors of the
tribe, and they are forced to content themselves with mountain-goat, doe, and ermine
skins, swans' down, porcupine quills, and similar articles—all more beautiful than the
sombre eagle-quills, bears' claws, and scalp-locks that mark the brave.
They spend their whole lives in idleness, and do not even join the athletic games of
which the Americans are exceedingly fond, but devote their whole energies to the adorn-
ment of their persons. They will occupy four or five hours in making their toilets, being
fastidious as to the arrangement of every hair of their eyebrows, and trying by the mirror
the effect of various expressions of countenance.
Having spent the whole morning in this occupation, they sally out on their horses,
seated on white and soft saddles, beautifully ornamented with porcupine quills and
ermine, and lounge about the village for an hour or two, displaying their handsome
persons to the best advantage. They then saunter, still on horseback, to the place where
the young warriors are practising athletic exercises, and watch them for an hour or two,
plying all the while their turkey-tail fans. Fatigued with the effort, they lounge home
again, turn their horses loose, take some refreshment, smoke a pipe, and fan themselves
to sleep.
These men are utterly despised by the warriors, as Mr. Catlin found. He was anxious
to procure a portrait of one of these men :-
"Wbilst I have been painting, day by day, there have been two or three of these fops
continually strutting and taking their attitudes in front of my door, decked out in all
their finery, without receiving other information than such as they could discover through
the seams and cracks of my cabin. The chiefs, I observed, passed them without notice,
and, of course, without inviting them in; and they seemed to figure about my door from
day to day in their best dresses and best attitudes, as if in hopes that I would select
them as models for my canvas. It was natural that I should do so, for their costume and
personal appearance were entirely more beautiful than anything else to be seen in the village.
My plans were laid, and one day, when I had got through with all of the head men
who were willing to sit to be painted, and there were two or three of the chiefs lounging
in my room, I stepped to the door, and tapped one of these fellows on the shoulder, who
took the hint, evidently well pleased and delighted with the signal and honourable notice I
had at length taken of him and his beautiful dress. Readers, you cannot imagine what was
the expression of gratitude which beamed forth in this poor fellow's face, and how high
his heart beat with joy and pride at the idea of my selecting him to be immortal along-
AN INDIAN DANDY.
647
a woman.
side of the chiefs and worthies whose portraits he saw ranged around the room; and by
which honour he undoubtedly considered himself well paid for two or three weeks of
regular painting, and greasing, and dressing, and standing alternately on one leg and the
other at the door of my premises.
Well, I placed him before me, and a canvas on my easel, and chalked him out
at full length. He was truly a beautiful subject for the brush, and I was filled with
enthusiasm.
“ His dress from head to foot was made of the skins of the
mountain-goat, dressed so neatly that they were almost as soft and
white as Canton crape. Around the bottom and the sides it was
trimmed with ermine, and porcupine-quills of beautiful dyes
garnished it in a hundred parts. His hair, which was long and
spread over his back and shoulders, extending nearly to the ground,
was all combed back, and parted on his forehead like that of
He was a tall and fine figure, with ease and grace
in his movements that were worthy of better caste. In his
left hand he held a beautiful pipe, in his right hand he plied
his fan, and on his wrist was attached his whip of elk-horn
and his fly-brush, made of the buffalo's tail. There was nought
about him of the terrible, and nought to shock the finest and
chastest intellect."
Unfortunately, the portrait was never taken, for the chiefs
were so exceedingly offended that so contemptible a being should
be put on the same level as themselves by being painted, that
they left the hut in angry silence, and sent a message to the effect
that, if Mr. Catlin painted the portrait of so worthless a man, he
must destroy all the portraits of the chiefs and warriors. The
message was also given to the obnoxious individual, who at once
yielded the point, walked consequentially out of the hut, and took
up
his old station at the door as if nothing had happened to disturb
his equanimity.
On their feet the American Indians wear moccasins, i.e. shoes
made of soft leather, the sole of which is no thicker than the upper
part. To a European walking in moccasins is at first very
fatiguing, on account of the habit of turning out the toes. When,
however, the white man learns to walk as the natives do, with
his toes rather turned in, he soon finds that the moccasin is a
better preservative of the feet than the European shoe, with its
thick and almost inflexible sole.
The dress of the women is made of the same materials as that
of the men, and differs chiefly in its greater length, reaching nearly
to the ankle. It is generally embroidered in various patterns
with coloured porcupine quills, as are the leggings and moccasins.
(From the Christy Collection.)
The women are fond of tattooing themselves, and produce blue and
red patterns by the use of charcoal and vermilion rubbed into the
punctures. Both sexes are furnished with large robes made of bison-skins, and the inner
side of these robes is often painted in curious patterns. One of these robes in
Mr. Catlin's collection, had a most elaborate figure of the sun in the centre, around
which were figures of men and animals, showing the prowess of the owner both in war
and hunting
Beads and such-like ornaments, obtained from the white men, are much in fashion ;
but, long before a glass or porcelain bead was introduced into America, the natives had
an ornament of their own manufacture. This is the celebrated wampum, an article which
is now almost extinct. It is made of fresh-water shells, which are found on the borders
of the lakes and streams. The thick part of the shell is cut into cylinders an inch or so
iu length, and then bored longitudinally, like the “bugles” that are worn by European
ELK-HORN WHIP.
648
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
Section
ladies. Indeed, when the shell is, as is mostly the case, a white one,
the piece of wampum looks almost exactly like a fragment of clay
tobacco-pipe stem.
The wampum is either strung like beads and worn round the
neck, or is formed into war-belts for the waist. It answers several
purposes. In the first place, it acts, like the cowries of Africa, as
a substitute for money, a certain number of handbreadths being the
fixed value of a horse, a gun, or a robe. It is also the emblem of
peace when presented by one chief to another, and, when war has
ceased between two hostile tribes, a wampum belt is presented as a
token that the two tribes are at peace.
There is no particular beauty about the wampum. If the reader
will break a tobacco-pipe stem into pieces an inch in length and
string them on a thread, he will produce a very good imitation
of a wampum necklace. Its only value lies in the labour repre-
sented by it; and, as the white men have introduced tons of
imitation wampum made of porcelain, which looks rather better
tbau the real article, and is scarcely one-hundredth part of the
value, the veritable wampum is so completely extinct among many
of the tribes that, if one of the natives should wish to see a string
of wampum, he must go to a museum for that purpose.
Full Size
FLINT-HEADED
ARROW.
(From my Collection.)
CHAPTER XVII.
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.-Continued.
MARTIAL CHARACTER OF THE TRIBES—THEIR MODE OF FIGHTING -DECLARATION OF WAR, AND
APPLICATION FOR VOLUNTEERS-WEAPONS-THE PLAIN AND THE SPIKED CLUB—THE SHIELD,
AND THE INGENIOUS MODE OF MAKING IT--THE LONG SPEAR--THE BOW AND ITS CONSTRUC-
TION-MODE OF SHOOTING-THE STONE AND
THE STONE AND IRON TOMAHAWKS.THE SCALPING-KNIFE -MODE
OF SCALPING-USE MADE OF THE LOCKS--THE SCALP-DANCE-THE EXPLOITS OF MAH-TO-TOH-PA
SHAM BATTLES OF THE BOYS-THE TORTURE OF PRISONERS --TWO WONDERFUL ESCAPES-
HOW THE CAMANCHEES FIGHT-SMOKING HORSES,
The North American Indians are essentially a warlike people, measuring their respect for
a man almost entirely by his conduct in battle and the number of enemies which he
has slain.
The very constitution of the tribes, which prevents any leader from enforcing obedience
upon his followers, as is done with civilized armies, entirely precludes the possibility of
such military manoeuvres as those which are employed in civilized countries, where bodies
of men are wielded by the order of one individual. The leader can only give general
orders, and leave his followers to carry them out in the way that best suits each indi-
vidual. Consequently, war among these tribes is much of the guerilla kind, where
each ant fights almost independently of the other, and the moral effect of mutual
defence and support is therefore wanting.
A few very simple manquvres are known to them, and practised by them from
infancy, but they lead to nothing more than skirmishing, the chief being merely the
leader of his men, and expected to be in the post of danger. The idea of a general
directing the battle from a place of comparative safety is unknown to them.
Declaration of war is made in the full council of chiefs and doctors, the majority
deciding the question. The chief who is to lead the expedition then asks for volunteers
by sending his reddened war-pipe through the tribe by means of his messengers, and each
warrior who draws a puff of smoke through its stem by that act enlists himself.
After the pipe has gone its round and a sufficient number of men have volunteered, a
grand war-dance is got up in front of the chief's house, where has been set up a post
covered with red paint, the sign of war. The newly-enlisted warriors make their appear-
ance with all their weapons, and execute a solemn dance, each man in succession dancing
up to the reddened post and striking his axe into it as a public ratification of his promise.
As has been mentioned, the leader always wears every decoration to which he is entitled,
so as to make himself as conspicuous a mark as possible, while the braves and warriors
wear scarcely any clothing, and have their faces so disguised with black and red paint
that even their most intimate friends can scarcely recognise them.
As among us, white and red are the signs of peace and war, and each leader carries
with him two small flags, one of white bison's hide, and the other of reddened leather.
650
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
!!!!!!
These are kept rolled round the staff like a railway flag-signal, and only prodưced when
required.
At the present day fire-arms have superseded the original weapons of the American
Indians, and much changed the mode of warfare. We will
, however, contemplate the
warfare of these tribes as it was conducted before the introduction of these weapons,
when the bow, the club, the axe, the spear, and in some districts the lasso, were the only
weapons employed.
În the accompanying illustration are seen examples of the clubs and shield, drawn
from specimens in the Christy Collection. The clubs are short, seldom exceeding a yard
in length, and mostly eight or nine
inches shorter. They are almost in-
variably made upon one or other of
two models, examples of which are
seen in the illustration. The primitive
idea of a club is evidently derived
from a stick with a knob at the end,
and that is the form which is most in
vogue. In the common kind of club
the whole of the weapon is quite plain,
but in many specimens the native has
imbedded a piece of bone or spike of
iron in the ball or bulb at the end
of the club, and has decorated the
handle with feathers, bits of cloth,
scalps, and similar ornaments.
The second kind of club is shaped
something like the stock of a gun, and
has always a spike projecting from the
angle. In most cases this spike is
nothing more than a pointed piece
of iron or the head of a spear,
but
in some highly valued weapons a very
broad steel blade is employed, its
edges lying parallel with the length
of the weapon. Such a club as this
is often decorated with some hundreds
of brass-headed nails driven into it
SHIELD AND CLUBS. (From the Christy Collection.)
so as to form patterns, and is besides
ornamented so profusely with strings
and feathers, and long-trailing scalp-locks five or six feet in length, that the efficacy of
the weapon must be seriously impeded by them.
I have handled both kinds of clubs, and found this latter weapon to be most awkward
and unwieldy, its thick, squared, sloping handle giving scarcely any power to the grasp,
while the abundant ornaments are liable to entanglement in the other weapons that are
carried about the person.
The shield is made by a very ingenious process from the thick hide which covers the
shoulders of the bull-bison. Making a shield is a very serious, not to say solemn,
business, and is conducted after the following manner.
The warrior selects a piece of hide at least twice as large as the intended shield, and
from the hoof and joints of the bison prepares a strong glue. He then digs in the
ground a hole the exact size of the shield, and almost two feet in diameter, and makes in
it a smouldering fire of decayed wood. These arrangements being completed, his par-
ticular friends assemble for the purpose of dancing, singing, and smoking round the
shield-maker, and invoking the Great Spirit to render the weapon proof against spears
and arrows.
The fire being lighted and the glue heated, the skin is stretched above the hole by
:
THE BOW AND ITS CONSTRUCTION.
651.
means of numerous pegs round the edge, which keep it a few inches above the ground.
As soon as the skin is thoroughly heated, the glue is spread over it and rubbed care-
fully into the fibres. This operation causes the skin to contract forcibly, and at the same
time to become thicker. As it contracts the family of the shield-maker busy themselves .
in loosening the pegs, and shifting them inward, so as to yield with the contraction of the
skin, and at the same time to keep it on the full stretch. This goes on until the skin has.
absorbed all the glue which it is capable of receiving, and has contracted to the very
utmost. By this time it is only half as wide, though twice as thick, as it was when first
placed on the fire, and is allowed to cool slowly, after which it is carefully trimmed into
shape, furnished with a strap, painted with the “totem” or symbol of the owner, and
decorated with the usual ornaments.
The completed shield is rather flexible, but is so strong that it will resist the direct
blow of a spear or arrow, and if turned a little obliquely will throw off even a pistol
bullet. The specimen shown in the illustration is painted light green with a white
pattern. Above it is a cover made of very thin and soft leather, which is thrown over it
in case of rain. The long strap is for the purpose of throwing the shield when not in
use over the shoulders, where it hangs, together with the bow and quiver.
The spear presents nothing especially worthy of remark, except that the blade is leaf-
shaped, long, and narrow, and the shaft is often so covered with feathers and scalp-locks
that there is barely enough space for the hand of the wielder. It sometimes measures
fourteen or fifteen feet in length.
Next come the bows and arrows. The bow is always a very short and apparently
insignificant weapon, being mostly used on horseback. It scarcely ever exceeds three
feet in length, and is mostly six inches shorter, so that it looks more like a child's toy
than a weapon fit for a warrior's hand. Yet, with this apparently feeble bow, the American
Indian can drive an arrow completely through a man, and some of their best hunters are
known to have sent their arrows fairly through the body of a bison, so that the missile
fell on the ground after passing through the huge animal.
These bows are made of wood, horn, or bone. Ash is considered the best wood for
bows, and it is strengthened enormously by having the wet sinews of the bison or deer
fastened along the back, and so worked and kneaded into it that they appear to be of one
substance with the wood. Several layers of sinews are often used, so that, in spite of its
small size, the bow is a very powerful one. Some of them are made of the horn of the
mountain or big-horn sheep, and a few which are the most valuable are made of bone,
probably obtained on the Pacific coast from the spermaceti whale, and sent inland by the
traders. The owners of these bows do not like to have the material questioned, and
check the interrogation with a remark of “Hush! that is medicine.” One of these bows
is in the Christy Collection. I have tried several of the bows in Mr. Catlin's collection,
and found them to be very elastic, and, in spite of their small size, very stiff.
The arrow is headed with flint or bone, and when used against the enemy is usually
poisoned. The feathers are taken from the wing of the wild turkey. (See page 648.)
When a warrior is fully armed, he has a hundred or so of these arrows in a neat quiver
made of deer or cougar-skin, and tastefully decorated with patterns woven in stained
porcupine quills.
The Indians are not celebrated for their skill in marksmanship, which indeed is
scarcely required, as they never shoot at long ranges,
like the old English bowmen. But
they are wonderfully skilled in discharging a number of arrows in rapid succession,
practised archer being able to throw twenty or more in a minute while galloping at
There is a game much practised by the various tribes, by means of which this peculiar
modification of skill in archery is kept at the highest pitch.
The young men assemble with their bows and arrows, and each brings several articles
of property which he is willing to stake on his skill
, and throws one of them on the
ground. When every one has thrown down his stake, the first archer advances with his
bow and ten arrows' clenched in his left hand. He then draws the arrows and shoots
them upwards as rapidly as he can, the object being to throw as many arrows as possible
a
full speed

652
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
into the air before the first arrow has reached the ground. He who gets the greatest
number simultaneously in the air wins the stakes. Some archers are so skilful that they
will discharge the eighth arrow before the first has touched the ground.
We now come to the axe or tomahawk. The two figures in the accompanying
illustration afford excellent examples of the principal forms of this weapon; namely, that
which is made entirely by themselves, and that which is partly made in Europe and
finished by themselves. The most primitive tomahawk is that which is made of a stone
fixed to a wooden handle. The accompanying example shows how the head is fixed to the
handle, exactly as a blacksmith fixes his punches. The stone axe-heads which are found
so abundantly as relics
of a bygone age, were
fastened on their handles
in precisely the same
manner. This kind of
weapon is now so rare
that it is scarcely pos-
sible to procure a speci-
men.
The steel-headed tom-
ahawk has in most tribes
superseded that which is
made of stone.
IRON TOMAHAWK. (From my Collection.
Vast numbers of these
steel axe-heads are made
in Birmingham, and sold
at a very high price to
the Indians. The form
which is most valued is
that which is shown in
the illustration. It is a
pipe-tomahawk, the
upper part of the head
being formed into a pipe-
bowl, and the smoke
Under side of head
drawn through the handle,
STONE TOMAHAWK. From the Christy Collection.
which is plentifully de-
corated with porcupine
quills and feathers. This
is specially valued by the American Indians, because it saves them the trouble of carrying
a separate pipe, and is most formidable as a weapon, and in time of peace is an efficient
axe for chopping firewood and similar purposes.
The tomahawk is used both in close combat and as a missile, in which latter capacity
it is hurled with wonderful force and accuracy of aim.
Beside these weapons, every warrior carries the scalping-knife, which, with the
poniard of early English times, is equally useful for war and domestic purposes. Almost
without an exception every scalping-knife used in North America is nothing more than a
common butcher's knife, made in Sheffield for sixpence, and sold to the Indians at the
price of a horse. After all, it is perhaps the very best instrument that they could use.
One of my friends, an experienced hunter, said that he discarded all his elaborate and
costly hunting-knives, and preferred the Sheffield butcher's knife, which combines the
advantages of strength, lightness, and the capability of taking an edge like a razor.
Every one has heard of the custom of scalping as practised by these tribes, a custom
which takes the place of the preserved heads of the Dyak and Mundurucú. When an
American Indian slays an enemy, he removes the scalp as a proof of his victory. The
scalp is a piece of skin, with the hair attached to it, taken from the very crown of the
head, so as to exhibit that portion of the skin where the hair radiates from a centre. The

MODE OF SCALPING.
653
size of the scalp is of no importance, provided that it only contain this indispensable
mark.
Generally, the piece of skin secured is almost as large as the palm of the hand, and
it is taken in the following manner. The enemy being fallen, the victor sits behind him
on the ground, seizes the scalp-lock with his left hand, and with the knife makes two
semicircular incisions in the skin, cutting it completely down to the bone. He then
twists the scalp-lock round both his hands, puts his feet on the victim's shoulders, and
with a violent pull drags off the circular piece of skin with the hair adhering to it.
CUAN
z
AMERICAN INDIAN SCALPING.
This whole scene is enacted in much less time than it has taken to write, the Indians
being well practised in their sham fights before they come to taking scalps in actual
battle. Brandishing the scalp in one hand and the knife in the other, the exultant
conqueror utters the terrible "scalping yell,” which even when given in a mock battle
seems as if it were uttered by a demon rather than a man.
The scalped man is always supposed to be dead or dying, and, as the scalp is always
accepted as a proof of death, the native warrior would never scalp a man whom he
thought likely to recover. There have, however, been many instances, where in the heat
of battle a man has been scalped while stunned, though without a mortal wound, and has
afterwards recovered and lived for many years.
When the battle is over and the warrior returns to his home, he dresses the scalp for
preservation. This is usually done by stretching it in a sort of battledore, made by
bending a flexible stick and lashing the ends together, and it is then solemnly “ danced”
before it takes its place with the other valuables of the owner. Some of the scalps are
651
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
quite small, not larger than a penny, and are hung on the bridles of the horses, or the
handles of clubs.
Generally, however, they are, when quite dry, painted on the inside so as to resemble
a human face, and hung to the end of a long, slight pole. On a fine day, the head chief
of an encampment mostly orders that the scalps should be hung out, and sets the
example, by protruding from the top of his own hut the pole on which are hung the
scalps which he has taken. All the warriors at once follow his example, so that by
walking round the village and counting the scalps, a stranger can learn the standing of
every warrior.
It has been mentioned that many of the scalps are very small. Their limited size is
thus accounted for. If a warrior be hurried, as is mostly the case when scalping a
fallen man in the heat of battle, he contents himself with the scalp alone. But, if he
should have leisure, he removes the whole of the hair-bearing portion of the skin, and
tréats it as follows. He first cuts out a small circular piece containing the crown of the
head, this being the actual scalp. The remainder of the hair he divides into little locks,
and with them he fringes the seams of his leggings, the arms and edges of his coat, the
shaft of his spear, the handle of his club, &c. &c. The whole of Mah-to-toh-pa's dress
was covered with fringes made from the hair of those whom he slew in battle.
A dress thus ornamented is valued beyond all price, and there is scarcely any price
sufficiently high to tempt a warrior to part with these trophies of his valour.
The "scalp dance” is a ceremony quite in keeping with the custom of securing the
trophy. A scalp dance of the Sioux is thus described by Mr. Catlin :
Among this tribe, as I learned whilst residing with them, it is danced in the night by
the light of their torches, just before going to bed. When a war-party returns from a war
excursion, bringing home with them the scalps of their enemies, they generally dance
them for fifteen nights in succession, vaunting forth the most extravagant boasts of their
wonderful prowess in war, whilst they brandish their war-weapons in their hands,
“A number of young women are selected to aid (though they do not actually join in)
the dance, by stepping into the centre of the ring and holding up the scalps that have
been recently taken, while the warriors dance, or rather jump, around in a circle,
brandishing their weapons, and barking and yelping in the most frightful manner, ali
jumping on both feet at a time, with a simultaneous stamp, and blow, and thrust of their
weapons, with which it would seem as if they were actually cutting and carving each
other to pieces. During these frantic leaps and yells, every man distorts his face to the
utmost power of his muscles, darting about his glaring eyeballs, and snapping his teeth
as if he were in the heat and actually breathing through his nostrils the very hissing
death-of battle.
“No description that can be written could ever convey more than a feeble outline of
the frightful effects of these scenes enacted in the dead and darkness of night, under the
glaring light of their blazing flambeaux ; nor could all the years allotted to mortal man
in the least obliterate or deface the vivid impression that one scene of this kind would
leave upon his memory."
Mr. Catlin suggests, with much reason, that these dances are propitiatory of the
spirits of the slain men, showing how highly their valour was prized by the conquerors,
and the great respect and estimation in which they were held, though the fortune of war
had gone against them.
A good example of the war-career of an American Indian chief may be gained by
the exploits of Mah-to-toh-pa, as displayed on his robe, and explained by him to Mr.
Catlin. It was covered with twelve groups of figures, which will be briefly described,
His first exploit was killing a Sioux chief, who had already killed three Riccarees.
This feat entitled him to wear eagles' quills on his lance, and in the second group he is
shown as killing with this lance a Shienne chief, who challenged him to single combat.
The third scene represents a combat in which Mah-to-toh-pa was forsaken by his party,
and yet, though badly wounded, killed a Shienne warrior in the presence of some thirty
of his fellows.
The fourth scene shows a great chief of the Shiennes killed by this warrior, whose
PERSONAL HEROISM.
655
1
splendid head-dress was assumed by his slayer. The fifth picture represents a strange
episode in a battle. Mah-to-toh-pa was travelling with a party of Riccarees, when they
were fired upon by a war-party of Sioux. The Riccarees fled, leaving Mah-to-toh-pa, who
sprang from his horse, faced the Sioux on foot, killed one of them, and secured his scalp.
The sixth drawing illustrates a most remarkable piece of personal history. А.
Riccaree brave, named Won-ga-tap, shot the brother of Mah-to-toh-pa with an arrow,
drove his well-known spear into the body of the fallen man, and left it there, as a
challenge to the surviving brother. The challenge was accepted. Mah-to-toh-pa found
the body, recognised the spear, and vowed that he would slay the murderer of his brother
with the same weapon. Four years passed without an opportunity to fulfil the vow,
when he could no longer brook delay, but dashed out of his house with the fatal spear in
his hand, and a small wallet of parched corn at his belt. He told the Mandans to
mention his name no more unless he returned victorious with the scalp of Won-ga-tap.
Amid the awe-struck silence of his people he left the village, and disappeared over
the grassy bluffs. For two hundred miles he travelled alone and by night, always con-
cealing himself by day, until he reached the Riccaree village, which he boldly entered,
mixing with the inhabitants as if he were a friendly stranger. He knew the position of
Won-ga-tap's hut, and after having seen that the intended victim and his wife had smoked
the evening pipe and were in bed, he walked gently into the hut, sat down by the fire,
took some meat out of the cooking-pot, and began to eat in order to strengthen himself
for the fulfilment of his task. This was according to the hospitable custom of the
American Indians. If a man be hungry, he need not ask for food, but has only to go
to the nearest hut and help himself.
The repast being ended, Mah-to-toh-pa took the still warm pipe, filled it with tobacco,
and began to smoke it, breathing, with every curl of smoke, a prayer for success in his
undertaking. Once or twice the wife of Won-ga-tap asked her husband who was eating
in their hut, but he replied that some one must be hungry, and was helping himself.
When the last smoke-wreath had ascended, Mah-to-toh-pa turned towards the bed,
and with his foot pushed an ember on the fire, so as to make a blaze by which he might
see the exact position of his victim. In an instant he leaped towards the bed, drove the
spear through the heart of Won-ga-tap, tore off his scalp, snatched the spear from his
heart, and darted out of the hut with the scalp of his victim in one hand, and in the
other the fatal spear, with the blood of Won-ga-tap already drying over that of the man
he had killed four years before.
The whole village was in an uproar, but Mah-to-toh-pa succeeded in making his
escape, and on the sixth day after leaving the Mandan village, he re-entered it with the
scalp of his enemy. A portrait of this celebrated chief is given on page 645.
Another of these pictures records a single combat fought with a Shienne chief in
presence of both war-parties. They fought on horseback, until Mah-to-toh-pa's powder-
horn was shattered by a bullet. The Shienne chief flung away his gun, horn, and bullet-
pouch, and challenged the foe with bow and arrow. Both parties were wounded in the
limbs, but kept their bodies covered with their shields.
Presently Mah-to-toh-pa's horse fell with an arrow in its heart. The Shienne chief
immediately dismounted, and proceeded with the fight until he had exhausted his arrows,
when he flung the empty quiver on the ground, challenging with his knife, the only
weapon which he had left. The challenge was accepted, and they rushed on each other,
but Mah-to-toh-pa had left his knife at home, and was unarmed. He closed with his
antagonist, and a struggle ensued for the knife. Mah-to-toh-pa was dreadfully wounded
in the hands, but at last wrested the knife from his adversary, drove it into his heart, and
in silence claimed the scalp of his fallen foe.
On another occasion he alone faced sixty Assineboins, drove them back, and killed one
of them. It was in this battle that he earned the name of “ Four Bears," by which must
be understood the grizzly bear, the most terrible quadruped of North America. This is
a sample of the mode in which warfare is conducted by the North American Indians-
a strange mixture of lofty and chivalrous nobility with cunning and deceit. In fact, in
contemplating these interesting tribes, we are thrown back to the time of Ulysses, whose
656
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
great fame was equally derived from his prowess in battle and his skill in deceiving his
foes, or, in other words, of being a most accomplished liar.
The men are taught the operations of war from a very early age. Every morning, all
the lads who are above seven years old and upwards, and have not been admitted among
the men, are taken to some distance from the village, where they are divided into two
opposing bodies, each under the command of an experienced warrior. They are armed
with little bows, arrows made of grass-stems, and wooden knives stuck in their belts. In
their heads they slightly weave a plaited tuft of grass to represent the scalp-lock.
The two parties then join in sham combat, which is made to resemble a real fight as
mucn as possible. When any of the combatants is struck in a vital part, he is obliged to
fall as if dead, when his antagonist goes through the operation of scalping with his wooden
knife, places the scalp in his belt, utters the wild yell, and again joins in the battle. As
no one may fight without a scalp-lock, the fallen adversary is obliged to withdraw from
the fight.
This goes on for an hour or so, when the mock fight is stopped, and the lads are
praised or rebuked according to the skill and courage which they have shown, the number
of scalps at the belt being the surest criterion of merit.
It is well known that after a battle the American Indians torture their prisoners, and
that they display the most diabolical ingenuity in devising the most excruciating torments.
Still, there has been much exaggeration in the accounts of this custom. They do not
torture all their prisoners, selecting only a few for this purpose, the others being absorbed
into the tribe by marriage with the widows whose husbands have been killed in battle,
and enjoying equal rights with the original members of the tribe.
Neither is the torture practised with the idea of revenge, though it is likely that
vengeful feelings will arise when the victim is bound to the stake. Superstition seems
to be at the root of the torture, which is intended to propitiate the spirit of those members
of their own tribe who have suffered the like treatment at the hands of their adversaries.
The doomed warrior accepts his fate with the imperturbable demeanour which is an
essential part of a North American Indian's character, and, for the honour of his tribe,
matches his endurance against the pain which his enemies can inflict.
Tortures too terrible even to be mentioned are tried in succession; for when the
victim is once bound to the stake, the Indian never has been known' to relent in his
purpose, which is to extort acknowledgments of suffering from the captured warrior, and
thereby to disgrace not only himself but the tribe to which he belongs. He, in the
meanwhile, prides himself on showing his enemies how a warrior can die. He chants
the praises of his tribe and their deeds, boasts of all the harm that he has done to the
tribe into whose power he has fallen, ridicules their best warriors, and endeavours to
anger them to such an extent that they may dash out his brains, and so spare him further
torture. He will even laugh at their attempts to extort cries of pain from a warrior,
and tell them that they do not know how to torture.
One remarkable instance of endurance in a captured Creek warrior is told by
Mr. Adair.
The man had been captured by the Shawnees, and forced to run the gauntlet naked
through all the tribe; he had been tied to the stake, and was horribly tortured with gun-
barrels heated red-hot. All the efforts of his enenies only drew from him taunts and
jeers, to the effect that the Shawnees were so ignorant that they did not even know how to
torture a bound prisoner. Great warrior though he was, he had fallen into their hands
through some fault in addressing the Great Spirit, but that he had enough virtue left to
show them the difference between a Creek and a Shawnee. Let them only unbind him,
and allow him to take à red-hot gun-barrel out of the fire, and he would show them a
much better way of torturing than any which they knew.
His demeanour had excited the respect of the Shawnees, and they unbound him and
took him to the fire, in which were lying the red-hot tubes. Unhesitatingly, he picked
up one of them with his bare hands, sprang at the surrounding crowd, striking right and
left with this fearful weapon, cleared a passage through the astonished warriors, and
leaped down a precipice into the river. He swam the river amid a shower of bullets,
HEROIC DEEDS.
657
gained a little island in its midst, and, though instantly followed by numbers of his
disconcerted enemies, actually succeeded in getting away. In spite of the injuries which
he had suffered, and which would have killed any ordinary European, he recovered, and
lived for many years, the implacable foe of the Shawnees.
A somewhat similar adventure occurred to a Katahba warrior, who was pursued by a
band of Senecas, and at last captured, though not until he had contrived to kill seven of
them. A warrior of such prowess was guarded with double vigilance, and he was brought
to the Seneca village for the torture, after having been beaten at every encampment
through which the party had passed.
As the torturers were taking him to the stake, be, like the Creek warrior, burst from
his captors, and flung himself into the river, swimming across in safety. He paused for
a moment on the opposite bank to express emphatically his contempt for the pursuers
who were crowding down the bank and into the river, and then dashed forward so fast
that he gained nearly a day's journey upon the foremost of the pursuers.
Five of the enemy pressed upon him, and, though naked and unarmed, he deliberately
waited for them. At night, when they were all asleep, not having thought a sentry
needful, he crept up to the party, snatched one of their tomahawks, and killed them all
before they could wake. He scalped them, clothed and armed himself, invigorated his
wasted frame with food, and set off to the spot where he had slain the seven foes as he
was first pursued. They had been buried for the sake of preserving their scalps, but he
found the place of burial, scalped them all, and not until then did he make for his home,
which he reached in safety.
When the rest of the pursuers came to the place where the five had been killed, they
held a council, and determined that a man who could do such deeds unarmed must be a
wizard whom they could not hope to resist, and that the best course that they could
pursue was to go home again.
The reader will not fail to notice the great stress that is here laid on the possession of
the scalp. A war-party of Indians care comparatively little for the loss of one of their
number, provided that they conceal his body so that the enemy shall not take his scalp.
Here we have an instance of a man pursued by numbers of infuriated and relentless
foes deliberately going back to the spot where he thought his slain enemies might be
buried, and a second time risking his life in order to secure the trophies of victory. He
knew that his intention would be foreseen, and yet the value set upon the scalp was so
incalculable that even the risk of undergoing the torture was as nothing in comparison.
On more than one occasion, a warrior who has been struck down, and felt himself
unable to rise, has saved his life by feigning death, and permitting his victorious foe to
tear off his scalp without giving the least sign of suffering. He must lose his scalp at
any rate, and he might possibly contrive to save his life.
Several of the tribes are remarkable for the use which they make of the horse in war,
and their marvellous skill in riding. The most celebrated tribe in this respect are the
Camanchees, the greater part of whose life is spent on horseback. As is often the case
with those who spend much of their time on horseback, the Camanchees are but poor
walkers, and have a slouching and awkward gait. No sooner, however, is a Camanchee
on the back of a horse, than his whole demeanour alters, and he and the animal which
he bestrides seem one and the same being, actuated with the same spirit. Α.
Camanchee on his feet," writes Mr. Catlin, " is out of his element, and comparatively
almost as awkward as a monkey on the ground without a limb or a branch to cling to.
But the moment he lays his hand upon his horse, his face becomes handsome, and he
gracefully flies away like a different being."
There is one feat in which all the Camanchee warriors are trained from their infancy.
As the man is dashing along at full gallop, he will suddenly drop over the side of his
horse, leaving no part of him visible except the sole of one foot, which is hitched over
the horse's back as a purchase by which he can pull himself to an upright position. In
this attitude he can ride for any distance, and moreover can use with deadly effect either
his bow or his fourteen-foot lance.
One of their favourite modes of attack is to gallop towards the enemy at full speed,
66
VOI. II.
U U

658
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
and then, just before they come within range, they drop upon the opposite side of their
horses, dash past the foe, and pour upon him a shower of arrows directed under their
horses' necks, and sometimes even thrown under their bellies. All the time it is nearly
useless for the enemy to return the shots, as the whole body of the Camanchee is hidden
behind the horse, and there is nothing to aim at save the foot just projecting over the
animal's back.
In order to enable them to perform this curious maneuvre, the Camanchees plait a
short and strong halter of horse-hair. This halter is passed under the horse's neck, and
the ends are firmly plaited into the mane, just above the withers, so as to leave a loop
Zur
OM
www how train
CAMANCHEES RIDING.
hanging under the animal's neck. Into this loop the warrior drops with accurate
precision, sustaining the weight of his body on the upper part of the bent arm, and
allowing the spear to fall into the bend of the elbow. Thus both his arms are at liberty
to draw the bow or wield the spear; and as in such cases he always grasps a dozen
arrows in his left hand, together with the bow, he can discharge them without having
recourse to his quiver.
Sometimes the Camanchees try to steal upon their enemies by leaving their lances
behind them, slinging themselves along the sides of their steeds, and approaching care-
lessly, as though they were nothing but a troop of wild horses without riders.
quick eye is needed to detect this guise, which is generally betrayed by the fact that the
horses always keep the same side towards the spectator, which would very seldom be
the case were they wild and unrestrained in their movements.
Every Camanchee has one favourite horse, which he never mounts except for war or
A very

“SMOKING” HORSES.
659
the chase, using an inferior animal on ordinary occasions. Swiftness is the chief quality
for which the charger is selected, and for no price would the owner part with his steed.
Like all uncivilized people, he treats his horse with a strange mixture of cruelty and
kindness. While engaged in the chase, for example, he spurs and whips the animal most
ruthlessly; but as soon as he returns, he carefully hands over his valued animal to his
women, who are waiting to receive it, and who treat it as if it were a cherished member
of the family.
It need scarcely be added that the Camanchees are most accomplished horse-stealers,
and that they seize every opportunity of robbing other tribes of their animals. When a
“SMOKING” HORSES.
band of Camanchees sets out on a horse-stealing expedition, the warriors who compose
it are bound in honour not to return until they have achieved their object. Sometimes
they are absent for more than two years before they can succeed in surprising the settle-
ment which contains the horses on which they have set their hearts, and they will lie in
ambush for months, awaiting a favourable opportunity.
The value set upon horses by the equestrian tribes cannot be better illustrated than
by the singular custom of "smoking” horses, which
horses, which prevails in some parts of the
country.
When one of these tribes determine on making war, and find on mustering their
forces that they have not sufficient horses, they send a messenger to a friendly tribe to
say that on a certain day they will come to “smoke” a certain number of horses, and
expect the animals to be ready for them. This is a challenge which is never refused,
involving as it does the honour of the tribe.
UU 2
660
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
On the appointed day, the young warriors who have no horses go to the friendly
village, stripped and painted as if for war, and seat themselves in a circle, all facing
inwards. They light their pipes and smoke in silence, the people of the village forming
a large circle around them, leaving a wide space between themselves and their visitors.
Presently in the distance there appears an equal number of young warriors on horse-,
back, dashing along at full gallop, and in “Indian file,” according to their custom. They
gallop round the ring, and the foremost rider, selecting one of the seated young men,
stoops from his saddle as he passes, and delivers a terrible blow at his naked shoulders
with his cruel whip. Each of his followers does the same, and they gallop round and
round the smokers, at each circuit repeating the blow until the shoulders of the men are
covered with blood. It is incumbent upon the sufferers to smoke on in perfect calmness,
and not to give the slightest intimation that they are aware of the blows which are
inflicted on them. When the requisite number of circuits have been made, the leader
springs off his horse, and places the bridle and whip in the hands of the young man
whom he has selected, saying at the same time, “You are a beggar; I present you with a
horse : but you will always carry my mark on your back.” The rest follow his example.
Every one is pleased with this remarkable custom. The young men are pleased
because they get a horse apiece; and as to the flogging, in the first place they really care
very little for pain, and in the next place they have enjoyed an opportunity of showing
publicly their capability of endurance.
Those who give the horses are pleased because they have been able to show their
liberality, a trait which is held in great estimation by these people, and they have also
the peculiar satisfaction of flogging a warrior with impunity. Both tribes are also
pleased, the one because they have gained the horses without which they could not have
made up their forces, and the other because they have shown themselves possessed of
superior wealth.
CHAPTER XVIII.
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.—Continued.
NORTH AMERICAN HUNTERS--BISON OR BUFFALO HUNTING--THE CHASE ON HORSEBACK-USE OF
THE GUN-BISON-DRIVING--THE SNOW-SHOE, AND ITS USE IN BISON-HUNTING—THE DISGUISE
IN WOLF-SKINS-HORSE-CATCHING-MODES OF USING THE LASSO-HOW HORSES ARE TAMED
CREASING HORSES-THE BUFFALO-DANCE-CREDIT OF THE BUFFALO-DANCE RESTORED--
A SINGULAR MASKINVARIABLE SUCCESS OF THE DANCE-HOW THE DANCERS ARE RELIEVEDAN
INGENIOUS DECEPTION.
As might be expected from a migratory people like the North American Indians, all the
tribes excel in hunting, though some are notable above the others. Next to Africa, this
country presents the finest hunting-grounds in the world, the game varying according to
the locality, and giving the hunter an almost unrivalled scope of action.
First and most important of the North American game is the bison, popularly but
erroneously called the buffalo. This animal exists in countless myriads, and in spite of
the continual persecutions to which it has been subjected, and the utterly reckless manner
in which it has been destroyed, it still blackens the plains with its multitudes.
Before the horse came into use, the North American Indians were obliged to chase the
bison on foot, and even at the present day there are many celebrated hunters who are
able to run down a bison on foot and kill it with the lance. The mode, however, which
is generally adopted is the chase by mounted hunters, a chase which offers the greatest
results, and exhibits the wildest enthusiasm and excitement. Armed merely with his
tiny bow and flint-headed arrows, the native hunter mounts his horse, and goes off in
chase of the bison.
When he comes up with the animals, he selects one, usually a fat and well-conditioned
cow, presses his horse to her and prepares his bow and arrow. The well-trained horse
needs no guiding, but keeps close to the right shoulder of the bison, and a little behind
it, so that it may not run upon the horns of the animal if it should happen to stop
suddenly and turn its head. This plan, moreover, just brings the rider into the proper
position to deliver his arrow in the most deadly manner, i.e. directing it just behind the
shoulder. When an arrow is discharged by a practised hand, the bison falls mortally:
wounded, and, tenacious of life as the animal is, soon breathes its last. Leaving the
arrow in the wound in order to mark the owner of the dead animal, the successful archer
dashes on in pursuit of another animal, and does not cease until he has expended all his
store of arrows.
It is the pride of the native hunter to kill a bison with every arrow, and not to shoot
twice at the same animal
. The younger hunters are fierce and anxious rivals in this
sport, knowing that the result of the day's hunt will be the talk of the whole village, and
that on their success or failure will much depend the estimation in which they are held.
So each successive hunt produces its eager competitors for honour, some being desirous:

662
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
of wiping off past disgrace by present success, and others equally anxious to maintain
the reputation which they have gained on former occasions.
Even in those parts of the country where the bow has been almost entirely superseded
by firearms, it is equally a point of honour to kill the bison with a single shot, and to
claim a slain bison for every bullet. In such cases, the hunter takes little pains in
loading his gun. He carries the powder loose in his pocket or bag, scoops hastily a
random quantity into the gun, drops upon it, without any wadding, a bullet wetted in
BISON-HUNTING.
the mouth, and the loading is complete. The muzzle of the gun is kept uppermost until
the moment for firing, when the gun is dropped, aimed, and fired simultaneously, without
being brought to the shoulder.
The skill displayed in managing the horse is the more remarkable, as these Indians
use no bit by which the animal can be guided. They have nothing but a slight hide-
halter tied round the lower jaw of the horse, the only use of which is to cause it to halt
when required. This is popularly called the “lariat," a corruption from the French
word l'arét.
The excitement caused by this chase is indescribable, though Mr. Catlin gives a very
graphic idea in a few words: “I have always counted myself a prudent man, yet I have
often waked, as it were, out of the delirium of the chase, into which I had fallen as into
an agitated sleep, and through which I had passed as through a delightful dream—where
to have died would have been to have remained, riding on, without a struggle or
a pang."
Sometimes the bison is destroyed in a much less sporting manner, the precipice and

BISON-HUNTING.
663
the pound being the two modes which are usually followed. The reader may probably
be aware that, in those parts of North America inhabited by the bison, the surface of the
plain is frequently interrupted by ravines with precipitous sides and of tremendous depth.
When a hunting-party see a herd of bisons within several miles of one of these ravines,
they quietly separate, and steal round the herd, so as to place the bisons between
themselves and the ravine.
They then gently move forward, and the bisons, retreating from them, draw nearer
and nearer to the ravine, at the same time becoming packed closer and closer together.
Suddenly the hunters raise a shout, and dash forward at the bisons. The affrighted
animals take to flight at their best speed, and run on until they reach the edge of the
ravine. Here the foremost bisons try to check themselves, but to no avail, as they are
pressed forward by their companions behind, and thus almost the whole of the herd are
forced over the precipice, and killed by the fall.
Even those in the rear, which at last see their danger, and try to escape, have to run
the gauntlet of their enemies, who allow but very few of them to escape.
A somewhat similar plan is adopted with the pound, into which the bisons are driven
by the hunters.
The pound is an
inclosure made of
felled trees and
branches, with an
opening which
gradually widens.
The bisons are
driven towards
the inclosure, a
SNOW-SHOE. (From my Collection.
task which often
occupies several weeks, and, when they arrive within the fatal arms of the entrance, are
urged forward by means of little fires, which are lighted on either side. Instinct urges
the animals to escape from an element which sweeps over vast districts of country, and
kills every living thing in it, and in their haste they run towards the pound, in which
they are at once shut up. It is fortunate for the hunters that the bisons do not
know their own strength. They could easily break through the walls of the pound,
but they mostly content themselves with turning round and round, and passively await
the arrival of the destroyer. So foolish are they in this respect, and in such numbers
are they killed, that pounds have been built of the bones of slaughtered bisons.
In the winter another plan of hunting the bison is followed. At this time of the
year the fur or "pelt” of the bison is the thickest and warmest, and the skin is of the most
value. It is from these skins that the “ buffalo "rugs and robes are made, without which
out-of-door life would be scarcely endurable in the more northern parts of this vast continent.
During the winter months the prairies assume a new aspect. They are not only
covered with snow, so that the ordinary landmarks are obliterated, but the snow is blown
by the wind into the most fantastic shapes, raised in some places into long and sharply
scarped hills where no hills were, forming level plains where the ground is really cut up
by hollows, and leaving only the tops of eminences bare, whence the snow is blown away
by the tempestuous winds that sweep across the vast expanse. On these hills the bison
congregate for the purpose of grazing, shovelling away with their broad noses the snow
which still clings to the herbage.
The animals instinctively keep clear of the small but treacherous plains and valleys,
knowing that the hidden crevices may at any time swallow them up. Into these valleys
the hunters try to drive them, so that they may be helplessly entangled in the snow,
and
fall easy victims to the spear.
Were it not for some invention whereby the hunters are enabled to skim over the
surface of the snow, the bisons would be in perfect safety, but the snow-shoe lays the poor
animals at the mercy of their pursuers. It is necessary first to describe this ingenious
implement.

664
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
The best form of snow-shoe is seen in the illustration. The shape is that of a fish,
and its framework is made of ash-wood, kept in form by two cross-bars, one in front and
one behind. It is slightly turned up in front. The whole of the space within the
framework is filled in with a close and strongly-made netting of hide thongs, much like
those of a racquet-indeed, the French Canadians use the word “raquet” to repre-
sent the snow-shoe. As the snow-shoe is about five feet in length and eighteen inches or
more in breadth, it is evident that the weight of the wearer is distributed over a large
surface, and that a heavy man wearing these shoes can pass with impunity over snow in
which a child would sink if only supported on its feet.
The most ingenious part of the snow-shoe is the mode by which it is fitted to the
foot. It is evident that if it were fastened firmly to the foot, like the sole of a shoe, the
wearer would be unable to stir a step. The movement of a snow-shoe wearer is some-
what analogous to that of a skater, the shoe being slid over the snow, and not raised and
HUNTING IN THE SNOW.
depressed like shoes in ordinary walking. If the reader will refer to the illustration, he
will see that in the middle and towards the forepart of the shoe there is a square opening,
edged by thongs, very much stronger than than the others.
Just behind the opening is a triangular space crossed by parallel thongs. When the
shoe is to be worn, the foot is placed on it so that the heel rests on the parallel thongs,
and the centre of the foot is supported by the thick cross-thong, called the “bimikibison,
the toes passing into the square opening, which is called the eye of the shoe. In order
to keep the foot in its place, two leathern loops (not shown in the figure) are attached to
the bimikibison, one of which passes over the instep and the other comes round the heel.
As, therefore, the wearer moves along, the feet play freely on the bimikibison, the
heels coming down at each step on the parallel thongs, while the toes move up and down
through the “ eye” of the shoe, which is dragged over the snow by the instep thong, the
heel-strap being only useful in keeping the foot from slipping out backwards.
After some practice, the wearer is able to skim over the snow with astonishing speed,
but to a novice the first attempt is not only awkward, but causes excruciating pain. The
unaccustomed movement of the foot, together with the pressure of the instep strap,

THE SNOW-SHOE.
665
produce a pain peculiar to the snow-shoe, called by the Canadians “mal du raquet.”
Not only does blood stain the snow as the excoriated foot drags the heavy shoe over
the surface, but a pain pervades the whole foot, as if all the little bones were dislocated,
and rubbing against each other. Perseverance is the only cure for the "mal du raquet,"
and after a few days the wearer is able to proceed with perfect comfort.
It often happens that heavy snow-storms fall before the people are able to replace the
shoes, which are generally damaged in the course of the summer months, and in this case
they are obliged to extemporise snow-shoes out of flat boards. These are shorter and
wider than the regular snow-shoes, but are used in much the same manner, the "eye
BISON-HUNTING IN WOLF-SKINS.
being cut out of the board, and the necessary thongs being fixed across the opening.
These simple instruments are called by a name which signifies“ bear's-paw” shoes.
Some of the prairie tribes use very long and comparatively narrow skates, turned up
in
front, and precisely resembling the "skidor” of Northern Europe.
Upborne on the snow-shoe, the American Indian has the bison at his mercy. He
drives the herd from the eminences into the valleys, and while the poor animals are
floundering about in the deep snow, he deliberately selects those which have the largest
and softest “ robes,” and kills them with his spears. Thousands are annually slain in this
manner, their skin removed, and with the exception of the tongue and the hump, which
are the best parts of the bison, the whole of the carcase is left to the prairie-wolves and
birds of
prey.
Before the first snow-shoe hunt, the Indians always perform a dance by way of thanks-
giving to the Great Spirit for sending the snow which will enable them to live in plenty
666
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
so long as it lasts. Several spears are stuck upright in the snow-covered ground, on one
of which are tied a pair of snow-shoes, and on the others sundry sacred feathers and
similar objects. The dancers, clad in hunting-dress, and wearing snow-shoes, go round
and round the spears, imitating the while all the movements of the chase.
On these shoes the native hunters capture the huge moose. They select a time when
there has been a partial thaw followed by a frost, so as to leave a thin crust of ice upon a
substratum of soft snow. As the moose plunges through the snow, it breaks through this
icy crust at every step, cutting its legs frightfully with the broken edges, and so falls an
easy victim.
Another mode of bison-hunting presents a curious analogy with the ingenious method
of ostrich-hunting which is practised by the Bosjesmans of Southern Africa.
Upon the vast plains of North America the so-called wolves prowl in numbers.
They will follow the hunter for weeks together for the sake of the offal of the beasts
which he kills. They will not venture to harn him, but follow him by day at a distance
of half a mile or so, and at night, when he lies down to sleep, they will couch also at a
respectful distance.
Should he wound a bison and not be able to secure it, the wolves are sure to have that
animal sooner or later, and if they manage to detach a single bison from the herd, they
will fairly persecute the wretched animal to death. But they will never venture to attack
a herd of bisons, and, being instinctively aware of the protection afforded by mutual
support, the bisons allow the wolves to approach quite close to them, and, indeed, to
wander freely among the herd. Of this fact the hunters take advantage in the following
manner.
They remove the skin of a large wolf, and put it upon themselves, so that when they
go on all fours the head of the wolf projects just above their own head, and their arms
and legs are partly covered by the skin belonging to the corresponding members of
the wolf.
Thus disguised, they creep slowly and cautiously towards the herd, bearing their bow
and arrows in their left hands. The bisons, whose eyes are none of the best, being over-
shadowed by the masses of black hair that overlap them, think nothing of the supposed
wolves, and allow them to come quite close. Even if an animal more wary than his
comrades does suspect the ruse, the disguised hunter has merely to turn in another direc-
tion, as if the creature he represents has no business with the herd. By degrees, he
contrives to creep close to the bison which he prefers, and drives the flint-headed arrow to
its heart. No report attending the discharge of the arrow, the wounded bison runs for a
few paces, and sinks on the ground, mostly without alarming any of its companions.
The hunter leaves his dying prey, goes off after another victim, and slays it in a similar
fashion.
Thus a skilful hunter will manage to exhaust the whole of his stock of arrows, killing
a bison with each arrow, and yet not alarm the rest of the herd.
Both in hunting and in warfare the equestrian warriors always carry the lasso attached
to the saddles of their horses. It is not, however, kept coiled, as is the case in Mexico,
but is allowed to trail on the ground behind their horse. The object of this custom is
easily understood. It often happens that, whether in the hunt or warfare, the rider is
thrown from his horse. In such a case, as soon as he touches the ground, he seizes the
lasso, stops his well-trained horse with a jerk, leaps on its back, and is at once ready to
renew the combat, or the chase.
The mode in which the natives supply themselves with horses is worth a brief
description.
In various parts of the country the horses have completely acclimatized themselves,
and have run free for many years, so that they have lost all traces of domestication, and
have become as truly wild as the bison and the antelope, assembling in large herds,
headed by the strongest and swiftest animals.
It is from these herds that the natives supply themselves with the horses which of
late years have become absolutely necessary to them; and in most cases the animals are
captured in fair chase after the following manner:-

HORSE-CATCHING.
667
When an American Indian—say a Camanchee—wishes to catch a fresh horse, he
mounts his best steed, and goes in search of the nearest herd. When he has come as
near as he can without being discovered, he dashes at the herd at full speed, and, singling
out one of the horses, as it gallops along, hampered by the multitude of its companions,
flings his lasso over its neck.
As soon as the noose has firmly settled, the hunter leaps off his own steed (which is
trained to remain standing on the same spot until it is wanted), and allows himself to be
dragged along by the affrighted animal, which soon falls, in consequence of being choked
by the leathern cord.
thing
HORSE-CATCHING
When the horse has fallen, the hunter comes cautiously up, keeping the lasso tight
enough to prevent the animal from fairly recovering its breath, and loose enough to guard
against its entire strangulation, and at last is able to place one hand over its eyes and the
other on its nostrils.
The animal is now at his mercy. He breathes strongly into its nostrils, and from
that moment the hitherto wild horse is his slave. In order to impress upon the animal
the fact of its servitude, he hobbles together its fore-feet for a time, and casts a noose over
its lower jaw; but within a wonderfully short period he is able to remove the hobbles, and
to ride the conquered animal into camp. During the time occupied in taming the horse,
it plunges and struggles in the wildest manner; but after this one struggle it yields the
point, and becomes the willing slave of its conqueror. Those who have seen the late Mr.
Rarey operate on a savage horse can easily imagine the scene that takes place on the prairie.
668
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
The rapidity with which this operation is completed is really wonderful. An expe-
rienced hunter is able to chase, capture, and break a wild horse within an hour, and to do
his work so effectually that almost before its companions are out of sight the hitherto
wild animal is being ridden as if it had been born in servitude.
The native hunter, cruel master though he generally is, takes special care not to damp
the spirit of his horse, and prides himself on the bounds and curvets which the creature
makes when it receives its master upon its back.
There is only one drawback to this mode of hunting. It is impossible to capture with
the lasso the best and swiftest specimens. These animals always take command of the
herd, and place themselves at its head. They seem to assume the responsibility as well
as the position of leaders, and, as soon as they fear danger, dart off at full speed, knowing
that the herd will follow them. Consequently, they are often half a mile or more in
advance of their followers, so that the hunter has no chance of overtaking them on a
horse impeded by the weight of a rider.
A rather strange method of horse-taking has been invented since the introduction of
firearms. This is technically named "creasing," and is done in the following manner.
Taking his rifle with him, the hunter creeps as near the herd as he can, and watches until
he fixes on a horse that he thinks will suit him. Waiting till the animal is standing with
its side towards him, he aims carefully at the top of the neck, and fires. If the aim be
correct, the bullet just grazes the neck, and the horse falls as if dead, stunned for the
moment by the shock. It recovers within a very short time, but before it has regained
its feet the hunter is able to come up to the prostrate animal, place his hands over its
eyes, breathe into its nostrils, and thus to subdue it.
This is a very effectual inode of horse-catching; but it is not in favour with those who
want horses for their own riding, because it always breaks the spirit of the animal, and
deprives it of that fire and animation which the native warrior prizes so highly. Indeed,
so careful is the Camanchee of his steed, that he will not mount his favourite war-horse
except in actual warfare, or in the hunt. When he is summoned by his chief, he attends
muster, mounted on a second horse, or hack, and leading his war-horse by the bridle.
The wild horses of North America are a small and neat-limbed, though powerful, breed
of animal. Mr. Catlin says that their value has been much overrated, as even those
which belong to the Camanchees, and are thought to be equal to the best Arab horses, are
on the average worth some twenty pounds each. The chiefs have generally one or two
horses of very superior quality; but as far as the average goes, the Camanchee horse is
not worth more than the above-mentioned sum.
The horses that are generally brought into the market are those that are obtained by
“ creasing." Experienced purchasers, however
, do not care much about such animals.
Creasing
is, moreover, liable to two disadvantages. The hunter is equally in danger of
missing his mark altogether, in which case the whole herd dashes off, and gives no more
chances to the hunter; or of striking too low, in which case the horse is killed on
the spot
In accordance with their usual custom, some of the tribes perform a sacred dance as
a means of bring the bison within their reach. The most characteristic of these per-
formances is the Buffalo-Dance as practised by the Mandans.
Sometimes it happens that the supplies of fresh meat fail. During the greater part
of the year the bisons are scattered with tolerable evenness throughout the land, so that,
the hunters are able to find a sufficiency of game within a few miles of their village, to
supply them with food. Indeed, large herds of bisons can often be seen from the village
itself, their black masses being conspicuous against the verdure of the ground over which
they range.
At certain seasons of the year, however, the animals are sure to withdraw themselves
further and further from the villages, so that the hunters, in order to procure meat, are
obliged to venture so far from their own ground that they are in danger of meeting with
war-parties of an inimical tribe. At last the hunters report to the council of chiefs and
medicine-men that they can no longer find game. A solemn conclave is at once held, and
if, after a few days of patient waiting, during which every adult throughout the com-

THE BUFFALO-DANCE.
669
munity is reduced to a state of semi-starvation, no bisons are found, the buffalo-dance is
ordered.
This remarkable dance is a sort of homage to the Great Spirit, acknowledging that He
can send the animals to them, and praying that He will do so; and, as we shall presently
see, it is a remedy that never fails.
Among the Mandans every man is obliged by law to have a buffalo-mask, i.e. the skin
of the head, with the horns attached to it. Usually to the head is added a strip of skin
some four or five inches wide, extending along the whole length of the animal, and
including the tail. When the wearer puts on his mask, the strip of skin extends down
his back, and the tufted tail drags on the ground behind him.
11
BUFFALO-DANCE.
have worn one of these strange masks, and found it much less inconvenient than
might have been supposed. It is not nearly so cumbrous as the chief's dress of state,
described on page 645. The buffalo-mask is kept by each man at the head of his bed, a
circumstance which gives a strange wildness to the interior of the hut, or lodge, as it is
called, especially if several young warriors sleep in the same lodge.
As soon as soon as the mandate for the buffalo-dance is given, the men repair to their
lodges and bring out their masks, together with the weapons which they are accustomed
to use in the hunt. Ten or fifteen of them arrange themselves in a circle, while the
medicine-men seat themselves on the ground, beating their sacred drums and shaking
their rattles to a rhythmical sort of movement which guides the steps of the dancers.
These move continually in a circle, stamping, yelping, grunting, bellowing, and imitating
in various ways the movements of the bison. The dance goes on day and night without
670
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
cessation, and as it never ceases until bisons are seen, the reader will understand that it
is absolutely effective in bringing them.
The mode in which it is kept up is rather amusing. The medicine-men who beat the
drums and encourage the dancers are relieved from time to time by their companions.
But for the dancers there is supposed to be no relief but death. This difficulty, however,
is surmounted by a sort of legal fiction. When one of the performers has yelped,
stamped, bellowed, and leaped until he can dance no longer, he stoops down and places
his hands on the ground. Another dancer, who is armed with a very weak bow and
arrows with large blunt heads, fits an arrow to his bow, and shoots him. The wounded
dancer falls to the ground, and is seized by the bystanders, who drag him out of the ring,
go through the movements of skinning him and cutting him up, when he is allowed to
l'etire and rest from his labours. As soon as he is dragged out of the ring, another dancer
leaps into his place, and in this way the dance may go on for weeks without cessation.
Meanwhile scouts are posted on all the hills within range, and as soon as one of them
sees the bisons, he gives the signal by tossing his robe in the air in the direction of the
game. Mr. Catlin relates a remarkable instance of the buffalo-dance and its sequel.
Game had been scarce, the dance had been going on for days, and the village was in a
state of increasing distress, when the welcome signal was seen from the hills. The dance
ceased, the young men flew to their arms, sprang on their horses, and dashed off into
the prairie towards the signal.
* In the village, where hunger reigned and starvation was almost ready to look them
in the face, all was instantly turned to joy and gladness. The chief and doctors, who had
been for seven days dealing out minimum rations to the community from the public crib,
now spread before their subjects the contents of their own private caches (i.e. hidden
stores), and the last of everything that could be mustered, that they might eat a thanks-
giving to the Great Spirit for His goodness in sending thein a supply of buffalo meat.
“A general carouse of banqueting ensued, which occupied the greater part of the day,
and their hidden stores, which might have fed them on an emergency for several weeks,
were pretty nearly used up on the occasion. Bones were half picked, dishes half emptied,
and then handed to the dogs. I was not forgotten in the general surfeit
. Several large
and generous wooden bowls of pemmican and other palatable food were sent to my
painting-room, and I received them in this time of scarcity with great pleasure."
When the feast was over, songs and dances set in, and the whole village was filled
with sounds of revelry. Suddenly, in the midst of their mirth, two or three of the
hunters dashed in among the feasters, one having in his hands a still bleeding scalp, another
sitting wounded on his horse, whose white coat was crimsoned with the fast-flowing
blood of the rider, while another was, though unwounded, totally unarmed, having flung
away his weapons in the hurry of flight.
Their fatal story was soon told. The bisons, after whom the hunters had gone, were
nothing more than empty skins, within which a party of Sioux warriors had hidden
themselves, and were imitating the action of the animals which they personated.
Inveterate enemies of the Mandans, they had reconnoitred their village by night, and
ascertained that they were executing the buffalo-dance. Several of them procured bison
skins, and enacted the part of the animals, while their comrades were concealed behind
the bluffs.
Fortunately for the Mandans, their leader became suspicious of the supposed bisons,
and halted his troop before they had quite fallen into the trap, and, when some eighty
or ninety mounted Sioux dashed at them from behind the bluff
, they were just starting
homeward. As it was, however, eight of them fell, a loss which was but ill compensated
by one or two Sioux scalps secured by the Mandans in the hurry of flight. Even
under such untoward circumstances, the buffalo-dance did not lose its reputation, for
within two days a large herd of bisons passed near the village, and afforded an abundant
supply of meat
CHAPTER XIX.
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.—Continued.
RELIGION-THE TERRIBLE ORDEAL OF THE MANDANS-LEGEND OF THE FLOOD-APPROACH OF THE
FIRST MAN-THE GREAT MEDICINE LODGE, AND ITS CONTENTS APPROACH OF THE CANDIDATES,
AND DEPARTURE OF THE FIRST MAN-BUFFALO-DANCE, AND THE BIG CANOE-APPROACH OF
THE EVIL SPIRIT-POWER OF THE MEDICINE-PIPE-COMMENCEMENT OF INITIATION-TRIAL BY
SUSPENSION-SWOON AND RECOVERY-THE LAST RACE-TWO COURAGEOUS INITIATES-LOOKING
AT THE SUN-RAIN-MAKING— THE WHITE BUFFALO-HAIR, AND HIS PROWESS THE MEDICINE-
BAGS AND THE TOTEMS—THE MEDICINE-MAN AT WORK-THE WOUNDED MAN AND SICK GIRL
INITIATION OF THE MIDÉ ORDER--THE PIPES OF PEACE AND WAR.
We now come to the religious ceremonies of these remarkable tribes, and will begin with
the terrible ordeal through which the youths have to pass before they can be acknow-
ledged as men. Among the Mandans, this ordeal, for length and for severity, throws
into the shade all the various ordeals of which we have read. Even the terrible gloves
of the Mundurucú are mild when compared with the horrors of the Mandan initiation.
Until late years this ceremony was quite unknown. Every one who knew the people
was aware that the Mandan youths had to pass through some terrible scenes of torture
before they could take their place among the warriors, but the details of the whole
ceremony were kept a profound secret, and were never betrayed until Mr. Catlin, in his
character of medicine-man (which he had gained by his skill in painting), was permitted
to be present. It is most fortunate that he did so, for the Mandan tribe has utterly
perished, and thus the records of a most extraordinary superstition would have vanished.
The ceremony is a very long and complicated one, and the following is a condensed .
account of it.
The ceremony has a religious aspect, and is, in fact, performed for the sake of pro-
pitiating the Great Spirit in favour of the young men who undergo it, so that he may
make them valiant warriors and successful hunters. It has also another important
object. Being conducted in the presence of the great chief and medicine-man, it enables
the leader of the tribe to watch the behaviour of the young men who pass through the
ordeal, and to decide upon their ability to sustain the various privations of Indian
warfare.
The reader must first be told that among the Mandans there survived the legend of a
flood which covered the earth, and from which only one man escaped in a large canoe.
In the centre of the village there is a large open space, in which is a conventional re-
presentation of the “ big canoe,” in which the First or Only Man escaped. It is not the
least like a canoe, and in fact is nothing more than a sort of tub standing on one end.
It is bound with wooden hoops, and is religiously preserved from injury, not the least
scratch being allowed to defile its smooth surface.
672
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
The ceremony only takes place once in the year, the time being designated by the
full expansion of the willow leaves under the banks of the river. The Mandans possess
the legend of the bird flying to the big canoe with a leaf in its mouth, only with them
the leaf is that of the willow, and not of the olive. The bird itself is held sacred, and,
as it may not be injured, it may often be seen feeding on the tops of the Mandan huts.
Early on the morning of the appointed day, a figure is seen on a distant bluff,
approaching with slow and stately steps. As soon as he is seen, the whole village
becomes a scene of confusion, as if the enemy were attacking it. The dogs are caught
and muzzled, the horses that are feeding on the surrounding pastures are driven into the
village, the warriors paint their faces for battle, seize their spears, string their bows, and
prepare their arrows.
In the midst of the confusion the First Man, or Nu-mohk-muck-a-nah, as he is called
in the Mandan tongue, stalks into the central space, where the chief and principal
warriors receive him and shake hands. He is a strange object to the eye. His nearly
naked body is painted white, a white wolf-skin mantle is thrown over his shoulders, his
head is decorated with plumes of raven's feathers, and in his left hand he bears his
mystery pipe, which he treats with the greatest veneration,
After greeting the chief, he proceeds to the great medicine lodge, which is kept closed
during the year, and has it swept and the floor strewn with fresh green boughs and
aromatic herbs. . Several skulls of men and bisons are laid on the floor, a number of new
ropes are thrown over the beams, a quantity of strong wooden skewers are placed under
them, and in the centre is built a slight platform, on the top of which is laid the chief
medicine or mystery of the tribe. This is so sacred that no one is allowed to approach
it except the conductor of the ceremony, and none but he ever knows what it is.
He next goes to every hut in succession, stands before the gate, and weeps loudly. .
When the owner comes out, the First Man narrates the circumstances of the flood and of
his own escape, and demands an axe or a knife as a sacrifice to the Great Spirit. Every
hut furnishes an edged tool of some kind; and when the tale is completed, they are
carried into the medicine lodge. There they rest until the last day of the ceremonies,
when they are thrown into a deep pool in the river. No one is allowed to touch them,
and there they lie until at some future day they will be discovered, to the great bewilder-
ment of antiquarians.
From the moment that the First Man enters the village a dead silence reigns, a cir-
cumstance quite in opposition to the usual noisy habits of a native village. Where he
sleeps no one kpows, but at dawn of the following morning he again enters the village, as
he had done before, and walks to the medicine-lodge, whither he is followed by the
candidates for initiation walking in Indian file, and each painted fantastically, and
carrying his bow and arrows, his shield, and “medicine-bag.' Of this article we shall
see more in a future page. In silence they seat themselves round the lodge, each having
his weapons hung over his head.
Here they have to sit for four days, during which time they may not communicate
with those on the outside of the hut, and are not allowed to eat, drink, or sleep. When
they have taken their places, the First Man lights his pipe from the fire that is kept
burning in the centre of the lodge, and makes an oration to the candidates, exhorting
them to be courageous and enduring, and praying that the Great Spirit may give them
strength to pass satisfactorily through the ordeal.
He then calls to him an old medicine-man, and appoints him to be master of the
ceremonies, handing him the mystery pipe as a symbol of office. Addressing the assem-
bled company, he takes leave of the chiefs, saying that he will return in another year to
re-open the lodge, and stalks slowly out of the village, disappearing over the bluffs
whence he came. The master of the ceremonies then takes his place in the centre of the
lodge, and relights the pipe, uttering with every whiff of smoke a petition to the Great
Spirit in behalf of the candidates.
For three full days they sit silently round the lodge, but outside it a strange series of
ceremonies takes place.
Chief among them is the buffalo dance, in which the eight actors wear the entire
THE EVIL SPIRIT.
673
skins of bisons, and carry on their backs a large bundle of slight twigs. They also carry
a mystery rattle in one hand, and a slender staff in the other. They arrange themselves
in four pairs round the Big Canoe, each pair corresponding with one of the cardinal points
of the compass. Between each group dances a young man, two of them painted black
and covered with white stars, so as to represent the night, and the other two painted red,
to represent the day.
Beside the Big Canoe sit two medicine-men, wearing the skins of grizzly bears, and
threatening to devour the whole village. In order to appease their hunger, the women
bring continual relays of meat in dishes, which are at once carried off to the prairie by
men painted entirely black, except their heads, which are white. They are thus coloured
in imitation of the bald-headed eagle. As they run to the prairie they are pursued by a
host of little boys painted yellow, with white heads, and called antelopes. After a severe
chase they catch the eagle-men, seize the food, and devour it.
These dances occur several times daily, the performers being summoned by the master
of the ceremonies, who comes out of the medicine-lodge, followed by his immediate
assistants, and proceeds to the Big Canoe, against which he leans, and weeps aloud as if
in dire distress. The dance takes place four times on the first day, eight times on the
second, twelve times on the third, and sixteen times on the fourth ; the sound of the old
man's wailing cry being the signal for the dancers to issue from the hut in which
they dress.
During each performance, the old medicine-men who are beating their drums address
the bystanders, telling them that the Great Spirit is pleased with their invocations, and
that he has given them peace; that even their women and children can hold the mouths
of grizzly bears ; and that the evil spirit who is challenged by these rites has not dared to
make his appearance.
Thirty-two times during the four days this vaunt is made, and no evil spirit appears ;
but after the last day he comes, and a horrible-looking object he is.
On a distant bluff the evil spirit makes his appearance, rushing towards the village
in a wild and devious course. Presently he enters the circle, perfectly naked, with his
body painted black and covered with white rings, his mouth decorated with white inden-
tations like great teeth, and holding in his hand a long magic staff tipped with a red ball,
As he runs along, he slides this ball before him on the ground, and suddenly makes
a rush at the groups of women who are witnessing the ceremony.
They fall back on each other in terror, and shriek for aid, which is given by the
master of the ceremonies. As soon as he hears their cries, he runs from the Big Canoe,
where he has been weeping, and holds his magic pipe in front of the intruder. The demon
is instantly checked by its wondrous influence, and he stands as if petrified, each limb
remaining in the attitude which it had taken when the pipe was held before him.
“This check gave the females an opportunity to get out of reach, and when they were
free from their danger, though all hearts beat yet with the intensest excitement, their
alarm was cooled down into the most exorbitant laughter and shouts of applause at his
sudden defeat, and the awkward and ridiculous posture in which he was stopped and
held. The old man was braced stiff by his side, with his eyeballs glaring him in the face,
whilst the medicine-pipe held in its mystic chain his satanic majesty, annulling all the
powers of his magical wand, and also depriving him of the power of locomotion.
“Surely, no two human beings ever presented a more striking group than these two
individuals did for a few moments, with their eyeballs set in direst mutual hatred upon
each other; both struggling for the supremacy, relying on the potency of their medicine
or mystery; the one held in check, with his body painted black, representing, or rather
assuming to be, O-kee-hee-de (the Evil Spirit), frowning everlasting vengeance on the
other, who sternly gazed him back with a look of exultation and contempt, as he held
him in check and disarmed under the charm of his sacred mystery-pipe.”
This scene is repeatedly enacted, until the powers of the magic pipe are proved against
the assaults of the evil one, and the people have gained confidence in its protection.
The women then begin in their turn to assail their persecutor with jeers and laughter,
until at last one of them snatches up a handful of mud and dashes it in his face. He is
VOL. II.
X X

674
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
at once vanquished by this attack, and begins to weep piteously. Emboldened by this
confession of weakness, another woman snatches away his magic staff, and breaks it
across her knee. The fragments are seized by the surrounding women, who break them
to pieces and fling them at the head of the demon. Being now deprived of all his power,
he runs off across the prairie, followed for half a mile or so by the women, who pelt him
with sticks, stones, and mud, until at last he effects his escape, and the village is rid of
the evil spirit for another year.
Now the remainder of the initiation may proceed.
PAEREST
SCENE IN THE INITIATORY ORDEAL.
The little scaffold with its mystic burden is removed from the centre of the great
medicine-lodge, the hide ropes are passed through apertures in the roof to men who
stand outside, and the master of the ceremonies, and his assistants, together with the
chiefs and braves of the tribe, re-enter the lodge, and take up their positions.
The first candidate is now called, and, wasted by four days of abstinence from food,
drink, or sleep, places himself in front of two of the operators
. One of these, who is
armed with a double-edged knife, purposely blunted and notched, pinches up an inch or
so of the flesh of the shoulder or breast, and pushes the knife through it, between his
finger and thumb and the body of the candidate. The knife is then withdrawn, and one
of the wooden skewers forced through the aperture. This operation is repeated on the
other shoulder or breast, on each arm just below the shoulder and below the elbow, upon
each thigh, and upon each leg just below the knee.
While this operation is being performed, the candidates do not allow the slightest
symptom of pain to escape them, and they even invite the spectators to watch their
MANDAN INITIATORY RITES.
675
countenances, so as to ascertain that they betray no signs of suffering. They may well
do so, for upon the verdict of these chiefs depends the consideration in which they will
be held in after life, and no man has a chance of being appointed the leader of a war-
party if he has been seen to flinch during the ordeal.
As soon as these preparations are completed, two of the hide ropes are lowered from
the roof, and hitched round the skewers on the breast or shoulders. To the others are
hung the weapons of the candidate, while to those of the lower arm and leg are suspended
the skulls of bisons. A signal is then given, and the poor wretch is hauled up into the
air, when he swings suspended only by the two skewers, and sustaining not only his own
weight but that of the heavy skulls, his feet being some six or eight feet from the ground.
In this terrible position he has to remain until nature finally gives way, and he faints.
“Surrounded," writes Mr. Catlin, “ by imps and demons, as they appear, a dozen or
more, who seem to be concocting and devising means for his exquisite agony, gather
around him, when one of the number advances towards him in a sneering manner, and
commences turning him round with a pole which he brings in his hand for that purpose.
This is done in a gentle manner at first, but gradually increased, until the poor fellow,
whose proud spirit can control its agony no longer, bursts out in the most lamentable and
heart-rending cries that the human voice is capable of producing, crying forth a prayer
to the Great Spirit to support and protect him in this dreadful trial, and continually
repeating his confidence in his protection.
In this condition he is continued to be turned faster and faster, and there is no hope
of escape for him, nor the chance for the slightest relief, until, by fainting, his voice
falters, and his strugglings cease, and he hangs a still and apparently lifeless corpse.
When he is by turning gradually brought to this condition, which is generally done
within ten or fifteen minutes, there is a close scrutiny passed upon him among Þis tor-
mentors, who are checking and holding each other back as long as the least struggling or
tremor can be discovered ; lest he should be removed before he is, as they term it,
entirely dead."
When they are satisfied, a signal is given to the rope-holders, and the senseless man
is lowered to the ground, the skewers which passed through his breast are removed, and
the ropes attached to another candidate. Just as he falls, he is allowed to lie, no one
daring to touch him, for he has put himself under the protection of the Great Spirit, and
to help him would be a sacrilege.
When he recovers a little strength, he crawls to another part of the lodge, where sits
a medicine-man with a bison-skull before him, and an axe in his hand. Holding up the
little finger of his left hand as a sacrifice to the Great Spirit, the initiate lays it upon
the skull, when it is severed by a blow from the axe. Sometimes the fore-finger of the
same hand is also offered, so that there are only left the thumb and the two middle
fingers, which are all that are needed to hold the bow.
It is a point of honour with the initiates to recover as quickly as possible from their
swoon, and the chief warriors all watch them narrowly on this point, inasmuch as rapidity
of recovery is a proof that the individual is strong, and capable of enduring the hardships
which every war-party is nearly certain to undergo before their return.
The final scene of the initiation is called the Last Race, and is, if possible, even a more
dreadful trial than any which the candidates have yet undergone.
The reader will remember that, although the skewers by which the young men were
suspended are removed as soon as they are lowered to the ground, there yet remain eight
more, two in each arm, and two in each leg. To each of these is attached a heavy weight,
such as the bison-skull
, and none of them may be drawn out. They must absolutely be
torn out through the flesh by main force, and that this object may be accomplished the Last
Race is run.
Hitherto the ordeal has been confined to the interior of the medicine-lodge,
but the Last Race is run in the open air, and the whole of the inhabitants are spectators.
The master of the ceremonies leaves the medicine-lodge, goes to the Big Canoe, leans
his head against it, and sets up his wailing cry. At the sound of his voice twenty young
men issue from the dressing-hut, all of the same height, and all wearing beautiful war-
dresses of eagle-quills. Each carries in one hand a wreath of willow boughs, and on
X X 2

676
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
reaching the Big Canoe they arrange themselves round it in a circle, holding the wreaths
as connecting links. They then run round the canoe, from left to right, screaming and
yelping at the top of their voices, and going as fast as their legs can carry them.
The candidates are now brought out of the medicine-lodge, each trailing the heavy
weights attached to his limbs, and are placed at equal intervals outside the ring of runners.
As each takes his place, he is given into the charge of two powerful young men, who
pass round each of his wrists a broad leathern strap, which they grasp firmly without
tying
athi
THE LAST RACE.
As soon as all are ready, a signal is given, and the candidates are set running round
the Big Canoe, outside the inner circle, each man being dragged along by his supporters,
until the skulls and other weights tear out the skewers to which they are fastened. The
bystanders yell and applaud at the tops of their voices, so as to drown the groans of the
sufferers, should the force of nature extract a sound from them, and to encourage them to
endure this last trial. It often happens that the flesh is so tough that the skewers cannot
be dragged out, and in such cases the friends of the sufferers jump on the skulls as they
trail along the ground, so as to add their weight to them.
The candidates mostly faint before they have run very far, but they are still dragged
round the circle, and not released until the last weight has been torn away. As soon as
this occurs, the two men who have dragged their senseless charge loosen their holds, and
run away as fast as they can, leaving the body lying on the ground. No one may touch
the poor wretch; and there he lies, a second time in the keeping of the Great Spirit
. After
a few minutes he recovers his senses, rises, and staggers through the crowd to his own hut,
where his friends meet him, and do their best to succour him.
DACOTAH INITIATION.
677
The rule is absolute that the man may not be released until the skewers have been
fairly torn through the flesh. Mr. Catlin relates two remarkable anecdotes illustrative of
this fact. In the one case the skewer had been unfortunately passed under a sinew. The
poor lad was in vain dragged round the ring, and in vain did his friends throw them-
selves on the elk-skull that was hung to him. At last the spectators set up a cry of
distress, and the master of the ceremonies stopped the runners, leaving the senseless body
lying on the ground. Presently the lad recovered himself, looked at the cause of his
torment, and with a pleasant smile crawled on his hands and knees to the prairie, where
he remained for three days longer without food or drink, until suppuration took place, and
enabled him to release himself from his encumbrance. He crawled on his hands and knees
to his home, and, in spite of his sufferings, recovered in a few days.
In the other case, two of the weights attached to the arms could not be removed. The
unfortunate wretch crawled to the precipitous bank of the river, and drove a stake into
the ground. To this stake he fastened the weights by two ropes, and let himself down
half-way to the water. In this terrible position he hung for more than two days, until
the too stubborn flesh at last gave way, and let him fall into the water. He swam to the
side, made his way up the steep bank, and recovered.
Such instances as these, terrible as they are at the time, are never regretted by
those to whom they occur, as they offer means of proving their valour and endurance,
and any one who has overcome them is held in much consideration by the rest of
the tribe.
Dreadful as is the whole scene of suffering, and sufficient to kill an ordinary white
man, several of the warriors have undergone it more than once, and Mr. Catlin saw by
the scars left on the body and limbs that some of the chief Mandan braves had submitted
to the torture no less than five times. Some part of the estimation in which such men
are held is owing to the belief of the Mandans that the annual supply of bisons depends
on the proper fulfilling of these ceremonies, and that the Great Spirit is gratified in pro-
portion to the number of times that the rites are performed. Thus those who have
undergone them repeatedly are benefactors to the tribe in general, and as such receive
their gratitude
A somewhat similar system prevails among the Dacotah, or Sioux Indians, as they
are generally called. This, however, is a voluntary proceeding, very rarely seen, and one
which is intended simply to raise the candidate to the rank of medicine-man.
A tall and slender pole is set firmly in the ground, and to the top of it is fastened one
end of a rope, the other being made into a loop. The candidate for mystic honours takes
his place at the pole before dawn, painted gaily, and holding his medicine-bag in his
hand. Just before the sun rises, two skewers are passed through his breast, as is done by
the Mandans, and the loop of the rope is passed over them.
The man now stands opposite the spot where the sun will rise, fixes his eyes upon it,
and leans backwards so as to throw the whole weight of his body on the rope, his feet
serving more to balance than sustain him. As the sun passes over the heavens, he moves
gradually round, never speaking nor taking his eyes from it; and if he can endure this
torture from sunrise to sunset without fainting, he earns the rank to which he aspires,
together with all the valuable presents which are laid at the foot of the pole by his
admirers.
There is great risk attending this practice. Should the man faint in spite of the
shouts and cheering cries of his friends, and the prayers and songs of the medicine-men
who sit around the pole, chanting and beating their magic drums, his reputation is lost,
and he will ever afterwards be held up to ridicule as one who had the presumption to set
up for a medicine-man, and had no power to sustain the character.
The Mandans have a curious mode of obtaining the rank of medicine-man, resembling
in many points the rain-making ceremonies of Africa. As they depend much for their
subsistence on the maize which they grow, a drought is always a great calamity, and
must be averted if possible. When such an event occurs, the women, whose
. business it
is to till the ground, come to the chiefs and doctors, and beg them to make rain, lest the
corn should die. A council is then held, and the medicine-men assemble in the council-
678
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
house, and go through their preliminary ceremonies. No one is allowed to enter the
house except the medicine-men and those candidates who aspire to that rank.
There are generally ten or fifteen young men who prize that rank so highly that they
are willing to run the risk of failure, and to lose all reputation in their tribe if they fail
in drawing down the rain from the sky. They are called one by one out of the lodge,
and take their position on the roof, when they go through the ceremonies which they
think will produce the desired rain. They stand there from sunrise to sunset, and if no
rain falls, they go to their houses disgraced, and debarred from all hope of being admitted
into the council of the tribe. Should, however, the rain descend, the reputation of the
rain-maker is assured, and he is at once admitted into the council among the chiefs and
greatest braves.
Mr. Catlin relates a curious account of rain-making of which he was a witness.
There had been a drought for some time in the land, and the rain-makers had been at
work for three days. On the first day a man named Wah-kee, or the Shield, essayed his
fortune, and failed. The same fate befell Om-pah, or the Elk, in spite of his head-dress
made of the skin of the raven, the bird that soars amid the storm. Wa-rah-pa, or the
Beaver, also tried and failed; and on the fourth day Wak-a-dah-ha-hee, the White
Buffalo Hair, took his stand on the lodge. He placed his chief reliance on the red
lightnings with which he had painted his shield, and the single arrow which he carried in
his hand.
He made an oration to the people, saying that he was willing to sacrifice himself for the
good of the tribe, and either to bring rain or live with the dogs and old women all his life.
He explained that one candidate had failed because the shield warded off the rain-clouds;
that the second failed because the raven was a bird that soared above the storm, and so
did not care whether it rained or not; and the third failed because the beaver was always
wet, and did not require rain. But as for himself, the red lightnings on his shield should
bring the black thunder-cloud, and his arrow should pierce the cloud and pour the water
on the fields.
Now it happened that just at that time a steamboat, the first that had ever been up
the Missouri, fired a salute from a'twelve-pounder gun, as she came in sight of the
Mandan village. The sound of the gun was naturally taken for thunder, and the village
was filled with joy. Valuable gifts were presented on all sides to the successful candidate,
mothers were bringing their daughters to offer them as his wives, and the medicine-men
were issuing from their lodge in order to admit him formally among themselves.
Suddenly, from his elevated post, Wak-a-dah-ha-hee saw the steamboat ploughing her
way up the river, and emitting the thunder from her sides. He turned to the chiefs and
the assembled multitude, and told them that, though the sounds were not those of thunder,
his medicine was strong, and had brought a thunder-boat to the village. The whole popu-
lation thronged to the bank in silent wonder, and in the excitement of the time even the
rain-maker was forgotten. The passengers landed among the Mandans, and for the rest
of the day all was turmoil and confusion. Just before sunset the White Buffalo Hair
spied a black cloud creeping up from the horizon, unnoticed by the excited crowd. In a
moment he was on the roof of the council-house again, his bow strung and the arrow
brandished in his hand. He renewed his boastings and adjurations, and as the cloud
came over the village, he bent his bow and shot his arrow into the sky. Down came the
rain in torrents, drenching the fortunate rain-maker as he stood on the roof, still
brandishing his thunder-shield and vaunting its power.
The storm continued during the night, but unfortunately a flash of lightning entered
a lodge, and killed a young girl. Consternation reigned throughout the village, and no
one was more frightened than the newly-made medicine-man, who feared that the council
would hold him responsible for the girl's fate, and condemn him to a cruel death. More-
over, he really considered that he was in some way responsible, as he had left the top of
the council-house before he had brought rain.
So, early in the morning, he sent his friends to bring him his three horses, and as the
sun rose, he again mounted the lodge and addressed the people. His medicine was too
strong, he said. “I am young, and I was too fast. I knew not where to stop. The
THE MEDICINE-BAG.
679
92
wigwam of Mah-sish is laid low, and many are the eyes that weep for Ko-ka (the
Antelope). Wak-a-dab-ha-hee gives three horses to gladden the hearts of those that
weep for Ko-ka. His medicine is great. His arrow pierced the black cloud, and the
lightning came, and the thunder-boat also. Who says that the medicine of Wak-a-dah-
ha-hee is not strong?
This ingenious address was received with shouts of applause, and from that time to
his death Wak-a-dah-ha-hee was known by the honourable title of the “Big Double
Medicine.”
We will now glance at the medicine-bag, which plays so important a part among all
the tribes of North America.
When a boy is fourteen or fifteen years old, he is sent into the woods to find his
medicine. He makes a couch of boughs, and then lies without food or drink for several
days, the power of his medicine being in proportion to the length of his fast. So severe
is this discipline that instances have been known when the lad has died from the long
abstinence to which he subjected himself. When he has endured to the utmost, he
yields himself to sleep, and the first beast, bird, or reptile of which he dreams becomes
his “medicine.”
He then returns home, and as soon as he has recovered a little strength, he goes
out
in search of his medicine, and, having killed it, preserves the skin in any shape which
his fancy may dictate. It is mostly sewn up in the form of a bag, and contains one or
two other charms. The reader will see that the size of the medicine-bag is exceedingly
variable, according to the size of the creature from whose skin it is formed. Sometimes
it is three feet or more in length, and often it is so small that it can be concealed under
the garments of the owner.
From the medicine-bag the Indian never parts. He considers its presence absolutely
indispensable to ensure success in any undertaking, and even carries it into battle, where
he trusts to it for protection. Should he lose it in battle, he is utterly disgraced, and
there is only one way of restoring himself to reputation. An Indian can only “ make
his medicine” once, so that he may not restore it by another probation of fasting and
dreaming But if he can slay an enemy in open battle, and take his medicine-bag,
his status in the tribe is restored, and he thenceforth assumes the medicine of the slain
man in exchange for his own. If a man who has not lost his own medicine succeeds in
capturing one from an enemy in fair battle, he is entitled to assume a double-medicine,"
and never loses an opportunity of displaying both the medicine-bags as trophies of his
prowess. Taking a medicine-bag is as honourable as taking a scalp, and the successful
warrior has the further advantage of being doubly protected by the two charms.
Very few instances have been known where an Indian has voluntarily parted with
his medicine-bag, and in such cases scarcely any display of valour will reinstate him in
the opinion of his tribe. Sometimes he can be induced by the solicitation of white men
to bury it, but he treats the grave as if it were that of a revered relation, hovering about
it as much as possible, lying over the sacred spot, and talking to the bag as if it were alive.
Sometimes he offers sacrifices to it; and, if he be a wealthy man, he will offer a horse.
Such a sacrifice as this takes rank as a public ceremony. A long procession goes to
the prairie, the lead being taken by the owner of the medicine-bag, driving before him
the borse, which must always be the best he possesses. The animal is curiously painted
and branded, and is held by a long lasso. When the procession arrives at the appointed
spot, the sacrificer makes a long prayer to the Great Spirit, and then slips the lasso from
the animal, which from that time takes its place among the wild horses of the prairie, and
if at any time caught by the lasso, is at once recognised by the brand, and set free again.
Such a sacrifice as this is appreciated very highly by the tribe, and gives the man the
privilege of recording the circumstance on his mantle and tent. One Mandan chief
sacrificed in this way no less than seventeen horses.
In connexion with the medicine-bag may be mentioned the "totem," or inark by which
each family is known. This is mostly an animal, such as a wolf, a bear, a dog, a tortoise,
&c. If a chief wishes to show that he and his party have passed a given spot, he strikes
with his axe a chip off a tree, and draws on the white surface his totem. Or, if he sends

680
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
an order to a distance, he draws his totem on a piece of bark, and gives it to his
messenger as a token.
To return to the medicine-man.
He is best seen to advantage when exercising his art upon a sick person. He wears for
this purpose one of the most extraordinary dresses which the mind of man ever conceived.
No two medicine-men wear a similar costume, but in all it is absolutely essential that
every article shall be abnormal. Mr. Catlin saw one of these men called in to practise
on a Blackfoot Indian, who had been shot through the body with two bullets. There
was not the least chance of his recovery, but still the medicine-man must be summoned.
AN
MODO
MONO
CETIC
re
Z
ifti
THE MEDICINE-MAN AT WORK.
A ring was formed round the dying man, and a lane was preserved through them,
by which the mystery-man would make his appearance. In a few minutes a general
hush-h-h ran through the assembly as the tinkling and rattling of his ornaments
heralded the approach of the wise man. As he entered the ring, nothing could surpass
the wild grotesqueness of his costume. By way of a coat, he wore the skin of a yellow
bear—an article exceedingly rare in North America, and therefore in itself a powerful
medicine. The skin of the head was formed into a mask, which entirely hid the features
of the enchanter. The skins of various animals dangled from his dress, and in one hand
he held his magic wand, and in the other the mystery-drum, which contained the arcana
of his order.
His actions were worthy of his appearance. He came in with a series of wild jumps
and yells, accompanied with the rattling and beating of his magic drum as he approached
the dying man. Having reached his patient, he began to dance round him to the accom-
THE MEDICINE-MAN.
681
paniment of his drum, to leap over him, to roll him from side to side, and in every
imaginable way to render his last hours unendurable. In fact, the man might well die,
if only to be rid of his physician. In a short time he did die; but the man, not in the
least disconcerted at the failure of his efforts, danced out of the circle as he had entered it,
and went off to his lodge to take off and pack up his official dress.
A somewhat similar scene was witnessed by Mr. P. Kane, in which the mode of
manipulation was almost identical, though the medicine-man, instead of disguising him-
self in a strange dress, went just to the opposite extreme. The story is narrated in
Mr. Kane's “Wanderings of an Artist," being as follows :-
“ About ten o'clock at night I strolled into the village, and on hearing a great noise in
one of the lodges, I entered it, and found an old woman supporting one of the handsomest
Indian girls I had ever seen. She was in a state of nudity. Cross-legged and naked, in
the middle of the room, sat the medicine-man, with a wooden dish of water before him;
twelve or fifteen other men were sitting round the lodge. The object in view was to cure
the girl of a disease affecting her side. As soon as my presence was noticed, a space was
cleared for me to sit down.
“ The officiating medicine-man appeared in a state of profuse perspiration, from the
exertions he had used, and soon took his seat among the rest, as if quite exhausted; a
younger medicine-man then took his place in front of the bowl, and close beside the
patient. Throwing off his blanket, he commenced singing and gesticulating in the most
violent manner, whilst the others kept time by beating with little sticks on hollow wooden
bowls and drums, singing continually. After exercising himself in this manner for about
half an hour, until the perspiration ran down his body, he darted suddenly upon the
young woman, catching hold of her side with his teeth, and shaking her for a few minutes,
while the patient seemed to suffer great agony. He then relinquished his hold, and cried
out he had got it, at the same time holding his hands to his mouth; after which he
plunged them in the water, and pretended to hold down with great difficulty the disease
which he had extracted, lest it might spring out and return to its victim.
At length, having obtained the mastery over it, he turned round to me in an exulting
manner, and held something up between the finger and thumb of each hand, which had
the appearance of a piece of cartilage; whereupon one of the Indians sharpened his knife,
and divided it in two, leaving one in each hand. One of the pieces he threw into the
water and the other into the fire, accompanying the action with a diabolical noise, which
none but a medicine-man can make. After which he got up perfectly satisfied with
himself, although the poor patient seemed to me anything but relieved by the violent
treatment she had undergone."
Mr. Mulhausen relates an amusing anecdote of a native doctor's practice upon himself.
He had suffered so much in a long march that he was at last conipelled to ask for a day's
rest. One of his companions, a medicine-man, immediately tried the effect of his art.
First he kneaded the body, and especially the stomach, of the prostrated traveller with all
his force. This was to drive out the evil spirit; and, in order to effectually exorcise
him, he procured his drum, and seated himself on the ground.
Placing the drum close to the ear of his patient, he kept up a continual rub-a-dub for
two whole hours, singing the magic chant the while, until, in spite of his wounded feet,
Mr. Mulhausen crawled out of the tent in sheer despair. The triumphant doctor wiped
his streaming brows, and, declaring that no evil spirit could withstand such a medicine as
that, gave the signal for resuming the march.
Among the Ojibbeways there is a remarkable ceremony by which an infant is received
into the order of the Midés, a society in soine degree resembling the Freemasons, the
members of which consider themselves as related to each other, and addressing each other
by the names of uncle, aunt, brother, sister, cousin, &c.
A temple, forty feet in length, was constructed for the express purpose, and built of
boughs, like the bowers of the Feast of Tabernacles. It was built east and west, and had
the entrance-door at the eastern end, and the exit-door at the western. In the middle sit
the great Midés, each with his mystery-bag, and opposite them sits the father of the child;
dressed in his full paraphernalia of feathers, furs, and scalp-locks, and holding in his arms
682
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
the child, lying tied on its board after the manner of Indian babies. On either side of
him are the witnesses of the reception, and eastward of the chief Midés lies a large rough
stone, which prevents the evil spirit.
The ceremony begins with an address of the principal Midé, and then the chiefs rise,
and after walking in procession, each of them runs at one of the guests, presenting his
medicine-bag at him, and yelling in quickening accents, “Ho! ho! hohohoho! 07 0
! O!
0! 0! 0 !" As he presents the bag, the breath proceeding from it is supposed to
overcome the person to whom it is presented, who falls down and lies there motionless.
Having struck one person down, the Midé runs round the temple, to allow the medicine-
bag to recover its strength, and then presents it to another victim. This process is
repeated until all the inmates of the hut, with the exception of the officiating Midés,
are lying prostrate on the ground, where they lie until a touch from the same bag restores
them to life and activity. This ceremony is repeated several times during the day, and
is intended to show the virtue of the medicine-bag.
The father then presents his child to the Midés, after which there is another speech
from the chief Mide, and then follows a curious dance, consisting of two leaps to the
right and two to the left alternately. After this, every one produces his medicine-bag,
and tries to blow down everybody else. And, as the bags are covered with tinkling bells,
bits of metal, and shells, and the principal Midés are beating their drums and shaking
their rattles with all their might, it may be imagined that the noise is deafening.
This completed the first part of the ceremony. In the next act, a pile of boughs
covered with a cloth lay in front of the evil stone, and the chief Midé summoned all the
initiated. They formed a procession of men, women, and children, and walked round the
lodge, each stooping over the cloth as he passed, and looking at it. The second time they
stooped closer, and the third time they were seized with convulsive movements as they
approached the cloth, and each ejected from the mouth a little yellow shell upon the cloth.
By the ejection of the shell (which typifies the sinful nature of man) the convulsions
are healed, and, after going once more round the lodge, each performer takes one of the
shells and places it in his medicine-bag.
The last scene was a general feast, and gifts of amulets and charms presented by the
chief Mides to the child.
One of the most pleasing traits in the character of these tribes is the strong religious
feeling which pervades the general tenor of their lives, and which has raised them above
the rank of mere savages. However imperfect may be their ideas on this subject, they
are not idolaters, and give all their worship, either directly or indirectly, to one Great
Spirit, whose aid and protection they continually invoke.
To the Great Spirit they ascribe the possession of all the necessaries and pleasures
of life, and to him they offer their prayers and return their thanks on almost every
occasion. For example, the bisons, on which many of the tribes depend for food,
clothing, and lodging, are held to be direct gifts of the Great Spirit to the red men, and
asked for accordingly. The same is the case with the maize, or Indian corn, and religious
ceremonies are held both at the planting and at the harvest time.
Tobacco is placed in the same category, and the smoke of the plant is considered to
be a sort of incense, which is offered to the Great Spirit whenever a pipe is lighted, one
wreath of smoke being blown silently to each quarter of the heavens, and to the sun, as
an acknowledgment that the tobacco is a gift of the Great Spirit. Indeed, to the Indian
mind there is something peculiarly sacred about tobacco smoke, probably on account of
the soothing, and at the same time exhilarating, properties which have caused its use to
extend to every portion of the globe.
Every religious ceremony is begun and ended with the pipe; war is declared, volun-
teers enlisted, negotiations conducted, and peace concluded, by its means. The character of
the pipe varies with the occasion, the most valued being the sacred calumet, or medicine-
pipe, by which are settled the great questions of war and peace.
Among the Cree Indians the calumet is borne by a man who is solemnly elected to
the office, and who has to pay rather dearly for the honour, from fifteen to twenty horses
being the usual fee which each Pipe-bearer presents to his predecessor on receiving the
THE CALUMET.
683
insignia of office. These, however, are of considerable intrinsic value. They include a
bear-skin, on which he lays the pipe-stem when uncovered, a beautifully-painted skin
tent, in which he is expected to reside, a medicine-rattle of singular virtue, a food-bowl,
and other articles so numerous that two horses are needed to carry them.
During his term of office, the Pipe-bearer is as sacred as the calumet itself. He
always sits on the right side of the lodge, and no one may pass between him and the fire.
He is not even allowed to cut his own food, but this is done by his wives, and the food
placed in the official bowl which has just been mentioned. The pipe, with its innumerable
wrappers, hangs outside the lodge, and is finally enclosed in a large bag, embroidered with
the most brilliant colours which native art can furnish.
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PIPES. (From the Christy Collection.)
When it is uncovered, great ceremony is shown. No matter how severe may be the
weather-sometimes far below zero—the bearer begins his operations by removing all his
garments with the exception of his cloth, and then pours upon a burning coal some fragrant
gum, which fills the place with smoke, He then carefully removes the different wrappers,
fills the bowl with tobacco, and blows the smoke to the four points of the compass, to the
sky, and to the earth, at each puff uttering a prayer to the Great Spirit for assistance
in war against all enemies, and for bison and corn from all quarters. The pipe is replaced
with similar ceremonies. No woman is allowed to see it, and if during the beginning of
the ceremony a single word is spoken, it is looked upon as a very bad omen, and all the
ceremony has to be begun again.
The bowl of the calumet is made of a peculiar stone, found, I believe, only in one place
in the world, namely, in the Great Pipe-stoue Quarry. This is situated in the Coteau
des Prairies, not very far west of Lake Michigan, in the very middle of the Sioux terri-
tory. On this sacred spot the Great Spirit is said to have stood in the ancient times, and
to have called together all the Indian nations. He broke from the rock a piece of stone,
moulded it in his hands into a huge pipe-bowl, and smoked it towards the four quarters
of the compass. Then he told them that the ground was sacred, and that no weapon of
war should be raised in it, for the red stone was their flesh, and belonged equally to them
684
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
all. At the last whiff of the pipe the Great Spirit disappeared in the cloud, and the
whole ground was melted, and became polished as at the present time.
In consequence of this legend, the Indians have the greatest reverence for this place.
They will not allow any white man to touch the stone, or even to approach the place, if
they can keep him away, saying that the stone is their flesh, and that if a white man
takes the red men's flesh, "a hole will be made in their flesh, and the blood will never
stop running.”
Even the natives themselves never take a piece without asking permission of the Great
Spirit, depositing tobacco in the hole whence they dug it, and promising that it shall be
made into a pipe. When Mr. Catlin succeeded in reaching this sacred spot, one of the
chief obstacles lay in the fact that a native had once given a piece of the red stone to
a white man in order to be made into a pipe, and he had made it into a dish, thereby
offending the Great Spirit, and “making the heart of the Indians sick.”
This stone is of a soft, creamy red colour, rather variable in point of tint, and taking
a peculiar polish. It has been analysed, and is said to be a kind of steatite. It is cut into
various fanciful shapes, those shown in the preceding illustration being ordinary examples,
though in some cases the bowls are adorned with figures of men and various animals.
Some of these pipe-heads have two bowls, one in front of the other.
These bowls are fitted with stems worthy of their sacred character. They are
generally made of the stalk of the young ash, and are often adorned in the most elaborate
manner. They are mostly flat, and sometimes are twisted spirally and perforated with
open patterns in such a way that the observer cannot but marvel how the aperture for
the smoke is made. After all, the mode of boring. is simple enough. As every one
knows who has cut a young ash sapling, the centre is occupied with pith. This is easily
burned out with a hot wire, or bored out with a piece of hard wood, and the aperture
is completed.
Afterwards the wood is cut away on two sides, so as to leave only a flat stem, with
the bore occupying the centre. The perforated patterns are next cut at either side of the
bore, being carefully kept clear of it, and if the stem be then softened in boiling water,
it can be made to assume almost any shape. One valued but rather rare form is a
screw, or spiral, and several of the pipes in Mr. Catlin's collection have this form.
The stems are very seldom left bare, but are almost invariably decorated with coloured
porcupine quills, woven into various patterns, sometimes representing the forms of men
and animals
. The calumet is always decorated with a row of eagle-feathers, sometimes
stained scarlet, and being tufted at their ends with slight plumes of hair. Indeed, this
portion of the calumet is formed on exactly the same principle as the head-dress of the
chief, of which a drawing is given on page 645. An example of this kind of pipe is
seen in the upper figure, on page 683. Many pipes, instead of feathers, have long tufts
of hair dyed scarlet. This hair is taken either from the tail of a white horse or that of
a white bison. (See the lower figure in the illustration.) The woodpecker furnishes
many ornaments for these pipes, and sometimes the stem passes through the preserved
skin of a bird, or through that of a particularly beautiful ermine. But whatever may
be the ornament of a medicine-pipe, it is always the very best and most valuable that can
be procured. The stem of the pipe varies from two to four feet.
The natives do not restrict themselves to tobacco, but smoke many narcotic vegetables,
whether leaves, roots, or bark. These are generally mixed with tobacco, and go by the
general name of K'neck-k'neck.
CHAPTER XX.
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.—Continued.
SOCIAL LIFE-MARRIAGE-AN ENTERPRISING BRIDEGROOM, AND HIS SUDDEN ELEVATION TO RANK
TREATMENT OF CHILDREN-THE CRADLE-THE FLAT-HEADED TRIBES AFFECTION OF THE
MOTHERS THE COUCH OF MOURNING-
MOURNING --- ABANDONING THE SICK AND OLD GAMES OF THE
TRIBES-THE SPEAR AND RING GAME-PAGESSAN, OR THE BOWL GAME
THE BOWL GAME--THE BALL-PLAY-
THE BALL-DANCE-STARTING THE GAME, AND EXCITING SCENES—THE WOMEN'S BALL-PLAY---
HORSE-RACING-CANOE-MAKING THE CANOE RACE-PRIMITIVE SAILS—THE LEAPING ROCK-
QUILI ORNAMENTS-BARK-BITING-DISPOSAL OF THE DEADBURIAL OF BLACKBIRD.
THE ordinary social life of these interesting tribes now comes before us. As to marriage,
there is little to distinguish it from the same ceremony among other uncivilized tribes, the
girl being in fact purchased from her father, and her affections not necessarily, though
generally, considered. A man may have as many wives as he can afford to keep, and
when he can purchase four or five, their labour in the field is worth even more to the
household than his exertions in the hunting-field.
Mr. Catlin relates one rather amusing wedding.
There was a young lad, the son of a chief, whom his father started in life with a
handsome wigwam, or tent, nine horses, and many other valuable presents.
On receiving these presents, the young man immediately conceived a plan by which
he could perform an act which would be unique. He went to one of the chiefs, and
asked for the hand of his daughter, promising in return two horses, a gun, and several
pounds of tobacco. The marriage was fixed for a certain day, but the transaction was to
be kept a profound secret until the proper time. Having settled the business, he went to
three other chiefs, and made exactly the same bargain with each of them, and imposed
silence equally upon all.
On the appointed day, he announced to the tribe that he was to be married at a
certain hour. The people assembled, but no one knew who was to be the bride, while each
of the four fathers stood proudly by his daughter, inwardly exulting that he alone was in
the secret.
Presently the young bridegroom advanced to the chief to whom he had made the first
offer, and gave him, according to his promise, the two horses, the gun, and the tobacco.
The other three fathers immediately sprang forwards, each denouncing the whole affair,
and saying that the offer was made to his daughter, and to his alone. In the midst of
great' confusion, which was partially quelled by the chiefs and doctors, the young bride-
groom addressed the assembĪy, saying that he had promised each of the claimants two
horses, a gun, and a certain amount of tobacco in exchange for his daughter, and that he
expected them to fulfil their part of the contract. There was no gainsaying the argument,
and in the sight of the admiring spectators, he delivered the stipulated price into the
hands of the parents, and led off his four brides, two in each hand, to his wigwam.
686
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
The action was so bold, and so perfectly unique, that the doctors immediately deter-
mined that a lad of nineteen who could act in this manner must have a very strong
medicine, and was worthy to be ranked among themselves. So they at once installed
him a member of their mystery, thereby placing him on a level with the greatest of
the tribe, and by that bold coup the lad raised himself from a mere untried warrior
to the height of native ambition, namely, a seat in the council, and a voice in the policy
of the tribe.
The Indian mothers do not have many children, possibly owing to the early age at
which they marry. For example, the ages of the four brides just mentioned ranged from
twelve to fifteen. Two or three is the average, and a family of five is considered quite a
large one.
The children are carried about much in the same way as those of the Araucanians.
A sort of cradle is made by bandaging the infant to a flat board, the feet resting on a
broad hoop that passes over the end of the cradle. Another hoop passes over the face
of the child, and to it are hung sundry little toys and charms; the one for the amuse-
ment of the infant, and the other for its preservation through the many perils of infantile
life. When the mother carries the child, she hangs the cradle on her back by means
of a broad strap that passes over her forehead.
Both the cradle and band are orna-
mented with the most brilliant colours which native art can furnish, and are embroidered
in various patterns with dyed porcupine quills.
Among the tribes which inhabit the banks of the Columbia River, and a considerable
tract that lies contiguous to it, the cradle is put to a singular use, which has earned for
the tribes the general title of Flat-heads.
To the upper part of the cradle is fastened a piece of board, which lies on the child's
forehead. To the other end of the board are fastened two strings, which pass round the
foot or sides of the cradle. As soon as the infant is laid on its back, the upper board is
brought over its forehead, and fastened down by the strings. Every day the pressure is
increased, until at last the head is so flattened that a straight line can be drawn from
the crown of the head to the nose.
This is perhaps the most extraordinary of all the fashionable distortions of the human
body, and the wasp waist of a European belle, the distorted leg of the female. Carib,
and even the cramped foot of the Chinese beauty, appear insignificant when compared
with the flattened head of a Chinnook or Klick-a-tack Indian. Mr. Catlin states that
this custom was one far more extended than is the case at present, and that even the
Choctaw and Chickasaw tribes of Mississippi and Alabama were accustomed to flatten
their heads, their burial-places affording incontrovertible evidence that such must have
been the case, and at no very distant date.
We shall hear more of these tribes in a succeeding chapter.
The reader, especially if he dabble in phrenology, might well imagine that such a
practice must act injuriously upon the mental capacities of those who are subjected to it.
Let us, for example, fancy a skull which has been so ruthlessly compressed that it only
measures an inch and a half, or at the most two inches, in depth, at the back; that it is
in consequence much elongated, and forced outwards at the sides, so that it is nearly
half as wide again as it would have been if it had been permitted to assume its normal
form. The hair, combed down in one place, and expanding in others, would seem to
have its natural capabilities much altered, even if not in many cases destroyed. Yet
those who have mixed with the Flat-headed tribes say that the intellect is in no way
disturbed, much less injured, and that those members of the tribe who have escaped the
flattening process are in no way intellectually superior to those who have undergone it.
Indeed, as Mr. P. Kane observes, in his “Wanderings of an Artist,” the Chinnooks
despise those who retain the original shape of their heads. They always select their slaves
from the round-headed tribes, the flattened head being the sign of freedom.
There is another point about the head-flattening which deserves attention. Seeing
that it is begun almost in the same hour that the infant is born, and is continued for
eight months to a year or more, it might naturally be imagined that it would cause con-
siderable pain to the child, and in many cases be dangerous to life. This, however, is not

SOCIAL LIFE.
687
a
the case; and that it should not be so is one of the many proofs of the extent to which
the human frame may be distorted without permanent injury. Mr. Kane’s remarks
are as follows:
“It might be supposed, from the extent to which this is carried, that the operation
would be attended with great suffering to the infant, but I have never heard the infants
crying or moaning, although I have seen the eyes seemingly starting out of the sockets
from the great pressure. But on the contrary, when the lashings were removed, I have
noticed them cry until they were replaced. From the apparent dulness of the children
while under pressure, I should imagine
that a state of torpor or insensibility is
induced, and that the return to conscious-
ness occasioned by its removal must be
naturally followed by the sense of pain.”
Should a child die before it is old
enough to be released from the cradle, the
mother is not released from her maternal
duties, but, on the contrary, continues to
perform them as assiduously as if the
little creature were living.
After the child is buried, she makes
mourning-cradle," i.e. in the place
which the child had formerly occupied
she places a large bundle of black feathers,
by way of representative of the deceased
infant, and treats it in all respects as if
the little one still occupied the cradle.
She carries it on her back wherever she
goes, and when she rests, stands it upright
against a tree or the side of the hut, and
talks to it as if to a living child. This
custom is continued for at least a year,
and in many cases is extended even beyond
that period.
And, though a bereaved mother may be so poor as scarcely to have sufficient clothing
for herself, she will contrive to decorate the cradle of her lost child with the appropriate
ornaments.
As a rule, the North American Indians are affectionate parents. Mr. Catlin mentions
an instance where he had painted a portrait of a married woman, the daughter of a chief.
Some time afterwards she died, and the father, happening to see and recognise the portrait
of his lost daughter, offered ten horses for it—an enormous price for an American Indian
Of course the portrait was presented to him at once.
Parental affection is fully reciprocated by the children, and the greatest respect paid by
to the elder men. Yet we find even among them, as among so many tribes
which lead a semi-nomad existence, the custom of abandoning the sick and aged when
they are obliged to make a forced march of any distance.
This is generally done at the instance of the victims themselves, who say that they
are old and useless, and can be only an encumbrance to the rest of the tribe. Accord-
ingly, a rude shelter is formed of a bison-hide stretched over four upright rods, under
which the sick man is laid; a basin of water and some food are placed by his side; and
he is left to perish, if not by privation or disease, by the ranging flocks of wolves that
roam the prairies.
We will now pass to a more agreeable phase in the life of these tribes, and take a
glance at their
games.
The game which is perhaps the most popular and widely-spread is almost unin-
telligible to an uninstructed bystander. Its title is Tchung-chee, that being the name of
ble En
FLAT-HEADED WOMAN AND CHILD.
to pay
088
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
the spear which will be presently described. It is played with a ring about three inches
in diameter, made of bone or wood wrapped with cord, and a slight spear, on which are
several little projections of leather. The players roll the ring along the ground, and as it
is about to fall, project the spear so that, as the ring falls, it may receive within it one of
the pieces of leather. If it does so, the player scores one or more points, according to
the particular projection which is caught in the ring, and the mode in which it lies.
Another variation of this game, called Al-kol-lock, has the spear without the leathern
projections, but in their stead six coloured beads are fixed inside the ring. At each end
of the smooth clay course, which is about fifty feet in length, a slight barrier is erected.
The players bowl the ring from one end of the course, run after it, and as it falls after
striking the barrier, throw their spears as described above, the points being reckoned
according to the colour of the bead which lies on them.
The absorption of the players in this game is beyond description. They will play at
it all day, gamble away their horses, their tents, their clothes, and, when they have lost
all their property, will stake themselves, the loser becoming the slave of the winner.
Another game, called Pagessan, or the bowl game, is very popular, though it is a
sedentary one, and lacks the graceful action that gives so great a charm to the preceding
game. It is played with a wooden bowl, containing a number of pieces of wood carved
into various forms; some, which we may call the pieces, having round pedestals on which
to stand, and others, which we will term the pawns, being round, and painted on one side
and plain on the other. The players take the bowl alternately, give it a shake, and set it
in a hole in the ground. The contents are then examined, and the points are scored
according to the number of pieces which stand on their pedestals. If the pawn has its
coloured side upwards, the player scores one point; if it has the plain side uppermost, he
deducts a point from his score. The position of the pawns is entirely a question of
chance, but considerable skill is exerted in getting the pieces to stand on their pedestals.
The game which is most characteristic of the American Indians is the celebrated ball-
game, a modification of which has been introduced into England under the name of La
Crosse. The principle on which it is played is exactly that of foot-ball and hockey,
namely, the driving of a ball through a goal defended by the opposite party. We will
first take the game as it is played by the Choctaws.
A ball is carefully made of white willow-wood, and ornamented with curious designs
drawn upon it with a hot iron. The ball-sticks, or racquets, are much like our own
racquets, but with larger and more slender handles, and with a very much smaller hoop.
Each player carries two of these sticks, one in each hand. The dress of the players is
very simple, being reduced to the waist-cloth, a tail made of white horsehair or quills,
and a mane of dyed horsehair round the neck. The belt by which the tail is sustained
may be as highly ornamented as possible, and the player may paint himself as brilliantly
as he likes, but no other article of clothing is allowed, not even mocassins on the feet.
On the evening of the appointed day, the two parties repair to the ground where the
goals have been already set up, some two hundred yards apart, and there perform the
ball-play dance by torchlight. Exactly in the middle between the goals, where the ball
is to be started, sit four old medicine-men, singing and beating their drums, while the
players are clustered round their respective goals, singing at the top of their voices, and
rattling their ball-sticks together. This dance goes on during the whole of the night, so
that the players are totally deprived of rest-a very bad preparation, as one would think,
for the severe exertion of the ensuing day. All the bets are made on this night, the
articles staked, such as knives, bļankets, guns, cooking utensils, tobacco, and even horses
and dogs, being placed in the custody of the stake-holders, who sit by them and watch
them all night.
About nine o'clock on the next morning the play begins. The four medicine-men, ,
with the ball in their custody, seat themselves as before, midway between the goals, while
the players arrange themselves for the attack and defence. At a given signal, the ball is
flung high in the air, and as it falls, the two opposing sets of players converge upon it.
As there are often several hundred players on each side, it may be imagined that the
scene is a most animated one.

THE BALL-PLAY.
689
“In these desperate struggles for the ball,” writes Mr. Catlin, “where hundreds are
running together, and leaping actually over each other's heads, and darting between their
adversaries' legs, tripping, and throwing, and foiling each other in every possible manner,
and every voice raised to its highest key, in shrill yelps and barks, there are rapid suc-
cessions of feats and incidents that astonish and amuse far beyond the conception of any
one who has not had the singular good luck to witness them.
“In these struggles, every mode is used that can be devised to oppose the progress of
the foremost, who is likely to get the ball; and these obstructions often meet desperate
área
THE BALL-PLAY.
individual resistance, which terminates in a violent scuffle, and sometimes in fisticuffs.
Then their sticks are dropped, and the parties are unmolested, whilst they are settling it
between themselves, except by a general stampedo, to which those are subject who are
down, if the ball happen to pass in their direction. Every weapon, by a rule of all ball-
players, is laid by in the respective encampments, and no man is allowed to go for one;
so that the sudden broils that take place on the ground are presumed to be as suddenly
settled without any probability of much personal injury, and no one is allowed to
interfere in any way with the contentious individuals.
“ There are times when the ball gets to the ground, and such a confused mass is
rushing together around it, and knocking their sticks together, without a possibility of
any one getting or seeing it for the dust that they raise, that the spectator loses his
strength, and everything but his senses; when the condensed mass of ball-sticks and
shins and bloody noses is carried around the different parts of the ground, for a quarter
of an hour at a time, without any one of the masses being able to see the ball, which they
VOL. 11.
Y Y
690
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
are often scuffling for several minutes after it has been thrown off and played over
another part of the ground.
“For each time that the ball was passed between the goals of either party, one was
counted for their game, and they halted for about one minute; when the ball was again.
started by the judges of the play, and a similar struggle ensued; and so on until the
successful party arrived at 100, which was the limit of the play, and accomplished at an
hour's sun, when they took the stakes."
In this game the players are not allowed to strike the ball with their sticks, or catch
it in their hands; though to do so between the netted ends of the sticks, and then to run
away with it, is a feat which each player tries his best to accomplish.
Ball-play among the Sioux is exactly the same in principle as that of the Choctaws,
but the players only carry one stick, which is wielded with both hands.
Sometimes the men are kind enough to indulge the women with a ball-play, and to
present a quantity of goods as prizes, hanging them across a horizontal pole, in order to
stimulate the players by the sight. Such inferior beings as women are not, however,
allowed to use the ball and racquet of their superiors, the men, but play with a couple of
small bags filled with sand, and attached to each other by means of a string about
eighteen inches in length. Each of the players is furnished with two slight sticks, about
two feet in length, and with these sticks they dexterously catch the sand-bags, and fling
them towards the goals. The women play with quite as much enthusiasm as the men, and
the game often assumes the appearance of a general battle rather than of a pastime.
Since the introduction of horses, the American Indians have become very fond of horse-
racing, and bet so recklessly on the speed of their animals that they often lose everything
which they possess. In these races neither the horse nor the rider are allowed to be
costumed in any way, not even a saddle or a girth being allowed.
They also have boat-races, in which the spectators take as much interest as those
who witness the Oxford and Cambridge races. The canoes are mostly propelled by one
man only.
The canoes are of various forms and materials, according to the tribe to which they belong.
For example, the Mandans have an odd, circular vessel, made from a bison-hide, stretched
over a wooden framework. This is called a “bull-boat," and is propelled in a very
singular manner. A woman is the usual paddler, and she stands or kneels with her face
towards the direction in which she intends to proceed, and, thrusting the paddle into the
water as far forward as she can reach, draws it smartly towards her, and thus propels
the boat with considerable speed.
On one occasion, Mr. Catlin and two companions were desirous of crossing the river,
and were packed into one of these bull-boats by the wife of a chief. She then went into
the water, and swam across the river, towing the boat after her. As, however, she neared
the opposite bank, a number of young girls surrounded the canoe, took it into their own
management, and kept it in mid-stream, until the passengers, utterly powerless in such
a craft, ransomed themselves with bead-necklaces and other decorations.
Then there is another kind of canoe, which is simply a hollowed tree-trunk, and
which is graphically called a "dug-out." No very particular care is taken about the
shaping of this simple boat, which is more like a punt than a canoe.
The best and most characteristic form of native canoe is that which is made of the
bark of the birch-tree. The mode of making these canoes is briefly as follows.
Canoe-building is a work in which both sexes take a part. The men first select the
largest and finest birch-trees, with the smoothest skins, and strip off large pieces of the
bark. The women then take charge of the bark, and, while it is still fresh and moist
,
clean and scrape it as if it were leather, and then sew the pieces together, so as to make
the “ cloak” of the future canoe.
While the women are at this work, the men are busily preparing the skeleton of the
This is made of the white cedar, the ribs being cut and scraped until they are
quite thin and light, and held in their places by smaller cross-pieces, and a long thin
piece of wood, which runs round the entire edge of the boat, and is, in fact, the chief
support of the canoe. This is technically called the "maître.”
maître.” No nails are used, the
canoe.
CANOES.
691
whole of the junctions being effected by means of thongs of bass, obtained from the inner
bark of the white cedar.
The skeleton being completed, it is laid upon the cloak, which is brought over the
ribs, firmly lashed to the “ maître,” and then by degrees brought into its proper shape. A
strengthening piece, called the “ faux maître,” is next tied along the whole of the gunwale
in order to protect it from injury, and the interior is lined with cedar boards, scarcely
thicker than pasteboard. When the canoe is finished and dry, the holes through which
the lashings have passed, as well as all the junctions of the bark, are carefully stopped with
pitch obtained from the pine or fir-tree, and the weaker parts of the bark are also
strengthened with a coat of pitch.
These canoes are wonderfully light, as indeed is necessary for the navigation of the
rivers. The many rapids would effectually prevent a boat from passing up the river, were
it not for the plan called "portage.” When the canoe arrives at the foot of a rapid, it is
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MODEL OF A CANOE. (From my Collection.
taken ashore, the crew land, take all the goods out of the canoe, and carry them to the
opposite side of the rapid. They then go back for the canoe itself, launch it in the
smooth water above the rapid, and load it, and proceed on their journey. The accom-
panying figure will give the reader a good idea of the form of the birch-bark canoe.
These vessels can be propelled with wonderful speed, as they sit on the surface like
ducks, and, when empty, scarcely draw two inches of water. The number of paddlers
varies according to the size of the boat, but the course is regulated by the two who sit
respectively in the bow and stern, whom we may for convenience call the “ bow and
“stroke." It is the duty of the “bow” to look carefully ahead for any rocks or any other
obstacles, and, by movements well understood, to indicate their presence to the "stroke,"
who, with a sweep of the paddle, brings the canoe round in the direction indicated by
the “bow.”
The canoes which are used in races are made of birch-bark, and are almost always of
snall size—so small, indeed, that a man can easily carry his canoe on his head from his
house to the water's edge, and then launch it without assistance. Mr. Catlin gives a
very animated description of a canoe-race, the competitors being accompanied by large
canoes, full of their respective friends, who yell encouragements to the antagonists, fire
guns in the air, and render the scene a singularly exciting.one, even to a stranger.
Towards the right hand of the illustration which depicts the canoe-race, on the
following page, the reader may see a curious mode of propelling canoes, which is often
adopted when there is no necessity for speed and the wind is favourable. The man who
acts as “ bow” stands up in the front of the canoe, extends a robe or a blanket in his
two hands, and then he presses the two other corners at the bottom of the boat with
his feet. The robe thus becomes an extemporized sail, of which the man is the mast.
In this manner a canoe is often carried for a considerable distance, to the great relief of
A European would instantly upset the fragile canoe if he tried to stand erect in it;
but the natives are absolutely perfect masters of their little vessels, and seem to move
about in them as easily and firmly as if on dry land. They will load a canoe within an
inch and a half of the water's edge, and paddle it for a whole day, without dreaming of
danger. And an accomplished canoe-man will take a fish-spear in his hand, place a foot
the paddlers.
Y Y 2

692
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
on each gunwale of the boat, and, propelled by a friend in the stern of the boat, dart down
rapids, spearing fish as he shoots along, hauling the struggling fish ont of the water, and
shaking them into the boat behind him.
There is a game which has in it somewhat of a religious aspect. On the border of
the Great Pipe-stone Quarry a solitary rock rises from the plain. It resembles a large
pillar, being only a few feet in diameter, though more than thirty feet in height. It is
situated within a short distance from the edge of the precipice, and the Indians who come
to procure red stone for their pipes often try to leap upon it and back again. The mere
w
CANOE-RACE.
leap to the rock is comparatively easy, but there are two terrible dangers which threaten
the leaper. In the first place, the small, flat surface of the rock is so polished and
smooth, that if the leaper should exert too much power, he must slip off, and be killed on
the sharp rocks below. Should he retain his foot-hold, he has still a difficult task in
regaining the spot whence he sprang, as he can take no run, and the slippery surface of
the rock affords but a slight fulcrum from which he can take his spring.
Before an Indian essays this terrible leap, he offers up many prayers to the Great
Spirit for help and protection, and he has at all events the satisfaction of knowing that,
if he should fail, his body will be buried in the sacred ground of the nation. Those who
succeed leave an arrow sticking in the rock, and have a right to boast of it at every
public meeting when they are called upon to speak. No man would dare to boast of this
feat without having performed it, as he would at once be challenged to visit the Leaping
Rock and to point out his arrow.
If the reader will refer to the figure of the canoe on page 691, he will see that its
sides are decorated with a pattern. This is made by fastening dyed porcupine-quills to
BARK-BITING.
693
the sides of the little vessel. Porcupine-quills are used very largely for ornaments, and,
even though they have been partly superseded by beads, are still in use for decorating
the dresses and utensils of the natives.
These quills are never so long or thick as those of the porcupine of the Old World,
and are naturally white or grey, so that they can easily take any desired dye. They are
first sorted very carefully into their different sizes, the largest rarely exceeding three
inches in length, while the smaller are quite thread-like, and can be passed through the
eye of an ordinary needle. Both ends are sharp. When the native artist desires to
produce a pattern, the design is first drawn on the right side of the bark or leather; the
two ends of the quill are then pushed through the fabric, and fastened on the wrong side,
the quill acting both as needle and thread.
Perhaps the most ingenious mode of making ornaments is that which is practised by
the Ojibbeway women, and called Bark-biting. The following description of this curious
art is given by Mr. Kohl in his " Kitchi-Gami;"_,
“This is an art which the squaws chiefly practise in spring, in their sugar plantations.
Still, they do not all understand it, and only a few are really talented. I heard that a
very celebrated bark-biter resided at the other side of St. Mary's River, in Canada, and
that another, of the name of Angélique Marte, lived in our cataract village. Naturally,
I set out at once to visit the latter.
“ Extraordinary geniuses must usually be sought here, as in Paris, on the fifth floor,
or in some remote faubourg. Our road to Angélique Marte led us past the little cluster
of houses representing our village far into the desert. We came to morasses, and had to
leap from stone to stone. Between large masses of scattered granite block, the remains
of the missiles which the Indians say Menaboju and his father hurled at each other in
the battle they fought here, we at length found the half-decayed birch-hut of our pagan
artiste, who herself was living in it like a hermit.
“The surrounding landscape seemed better adapted for a renversi than for an atélier.
When we preferred our request for some specimen of her tooth-carving, she told us that
all her hopes as regarded her art were concentrated in one tooth. At least she had only
one in her upper jaw properly useful for this operation. She began, however, imme-
diately selecting proper pieces of bark, peeling off the thin skin, and doubling up the
pieces, which she thrust between her teeth.
“As she took up one piece after the other, and went through the operation very
rapidly, one artistic production after the other fell from her lips. We unfolded the bark,
and found on one the figure of a young girl, on another a bouquet of flowers, on a third a
tomahawk, with all its accessories, very correctly designed, as well as several other
objects. The bark is not bitten into holes, but only pressed with the teeth, so that, when
the designs are held up, they resemble, to some extent, those pretty porcelain transparencies
made as light-screens.
We conclude this short history of the American Indian tribes with a few remarks on
the disposal of the dead.
The Mandans take the body of the deceased, clothe it in his best robes and orna-
ments, furnish it with food, pipes, tabacco, and arrows, and wrap it up in skins previously
soaked in water, so as to render them pliant, and cause them to exclude the air as much
as possible. The body is then placed upon a slight scaffold, some seven feet in height,
and left to decay. In process of time, the scaffold gives way and falls, when the relations
of the deceased bury the whole of the remains, with the exception of the skull, which they
place on the ground, forming circles of a hundred or more, all with the faces looking
inward, and all resting on fresh bunches of herbs. In the centre of each circle is a little
mound, on which are placed the skulls of a male and female bison, and on the mound is
planted a long pole, on which hang sundry "medicine " articles, which are supposed to
aid in guarding the remains of the dead.
The relatives constantly visit the skull circles, and the women may often be seen sitting
by the skulls of their dead children for hours together, going on with their work, and
talking to the dead skull as if it were a living child. And, when tired, they will lie

694
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
down with their arms encircling the skull, and sleep there as if in company with the
child itself.
The Sioux and many other tribes lodge their dead in the branches of trees, and the
Chinnooks place them in canoes, which, together with the warrior's utensils accompanying
the dead, are so shattered as to be useless.
The most singular funeral of which a record has been preserved was that of Blackbird
an Omahaw chief.
BURIAL OF BLACKBIRD.
Upon the bank of the Missouri, and in the district over which he ruled, there is a
lofty bluff, the top of which can be seen for a vast distance on every side. When the
chief found that he was dying, he ordered that he should be placed on the back of his
favourite war-horse, and buried on the top of the bluff. The request was carried out to
the letter. On the appointed day, the whole tribe, together with a vast concourse of
spectators, repaired to the bluff, leaving an open space in the middle, where the chief was
to be buried.
Presently, the body of the dead chief was borne up the sides of the bluff, and after
him was led his war-horse, a noble milk-white steed which he had valued exceedingly.
A SINGULAR FUNERAL.
695
When the funeral procession reached the top of the bluff, the dead chief was clothed in
full panoply of war, the feather-plumes on his head, the strung bow, quiver, arrows,
shield, and medicine-bag slung on his back, his scalps, which no other man might take,
hung to his horse's bridle and to his weapons, and his favourite spear in his hand. He
was also furnished with food and drink, to sustain him in his passage to the spirit land,
and with his pipe and filled tobacco-pouch, flint, and steel, so that he might solace himself
with the luxury of smoking.
This done, he was mounted on the back of his horse, and all the chiefs advanced in
their turn to make their farewell speeches to their dead leader. Each, after delivering his
address, rubbed his right hand with vermilion, pressed it against the white coat of the
horse, and left there the scarlet imprint of his hand. Then began the burial. The
warriors brought in their hands pieces of turf, and with them began to raise a huge
mound, in the middle of which the chief and his horse were to be enclosed.
One by one
they placed their turves around the feet of the devoted horse, and so, by degrees, they
built the mound over the animal while yet alive.
The mound, when completed, rose high above the head of the chief thus strangely
buried in its centre, and there he and his horse were left to decay together. On the top
of the mound a cedar post was erected; and this mound has been, ever since it was built,
a familiar landmark to all the surrounding country. This green, flower-spotted mound is
visited by great numbers of travellers, both white and red. The former ascend the bluff
partly out of curiosity to see so strange a tomb, and partly for the sake of the magnificent
view from its summit, while the latter visit it for the sake of paying their respects at the
burial-place of one of their most renowned chiefs and greatest medicine-men.
The custom of burying wives and other victims with the deceased husband seems now
to be extinct among the North American tribes, but such an event has happened within
comparatively late years. There was a Nachez chief, called the Stung Serpent, who died;
and as he was the head chief of the tribe, a considerable number of victims were devoted
for sacrifice. The French, however, remonstrated, and induced the friends of the dead
chief to limit the number to eight or ten. Among them was a beautiful girl, who, though
not his wife, had loved him greatly, and desired to share his grave.
On the day appointed a procession was formed, in which the victims were led in great
state, accompanied by eight relatives of the deceased, who were to act as executioners,
and who bore the fatal cord, the deer-skin which was thrown over the head of the victim,
the tobacco pills which were to be taken before the ceremony, and the other implements
required. When they were all placed at the grave, the chief wife made a speech, in which
she took leave of her children, and the victims, after being strangled, were deposited in
the grave.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE ESQUIMAUX.
APPEARANCE OF THE PEOPLE—THEIR COMPLEXION, AND DIFFICULTY OF SEEING IT-AN ESQUIMAUX
CHILD WASHED AND COMBED-BODILY STRENGTH-DRESS OF THE MEN- THE TAILED COAT-
“MILLING”
BOOTS-DRESS OF THE WOMEN-THE LARGE HOOD AND BOOTS-THE TATTOO, AND
MODE OF PERFORMING IT-HAIR-DRESSING-PREPARING SKINS—THE SNOW-HOUSES, AND MODE OF
BUILDING THEM-CAPTAIN LYONS' DESCRIPTION--INTERNAL ARRANGEMENTS OF THE HUT-ICE
AND BONE HOUSES—THE TUPIC, OR SUMMER DWELLING-FOOD OF THE ESQUIMAUX-A WISE
TRAVELLER.
We now come to those extraordinary people, called by Europeans the ESQUIMAUX (their
own name being Innuit), who, placed amid perpetual ice and snow, have bent those
elements to their own purposes, and pass as happy lives in their inclernent country as do
the apparently more favoured inhabitants of the tropics amid their perpetual verdure.
Indeed, the Esquimaux has a perfect yearning for his beloved country, should he be away
from it. Captain Hall relates the circumstances attendant upon the “death of Kudlago,
a singularly intelligent man, who had visited the United States, and fully learned to
appreciate the advantages of the high civilization which he saw there. But all his
wishes were for home, and he was taken back. As the ship neared his native land, he
fell ill and died, his last words being the eager inquiry, "Do you see ice? Do you
see ice ?'"
In appearance, the Esquimaux are rather a peculiar people. The stature is rather
short, when compared to that of an ordinary European, the average being about five feet
three inches for the men, and two or three inches less for the women.
The complexion is in some cases rather dark, but, as a rule, is not much darker than
that of the inhabitants of Southern Europe. It looks, however, many shades darker, in
consequence of the habits of the Esquimaux, who never wash from their birth to their
death. It is not that they neglect their ablutions, but the very idea of washing never
enters the mind of an Esquimaux, who, unless he has met with white men, has not even
heard of such an operation. When, however, an Esquimaux has been induced to allow
his skin to be cleansed, he is found to lose many shades of his original darkness. There
is an amusing passage in the journal of Captain Hall, given in his “Life with the
Esquimaux," a work to which frequent reference will be made in the next few pages.
“ Kimnaloo has just been Americanized. Captain BM's good wife had made and
sent to her a pretty red dress, a necktie, mittens, belt, &c.
“Mr. Rogers and I, at a suggestion from me, thought it best to commence the change
of nationality with soap and water. The process was slow, that of arriving at the
beautiful little girl, whom we at length found, though deeply imbedded layer after layer
in dirt. Then came the task of making her toilet. With a very coarse comb I com-
menced to disentangle her hair. She had but little, the back part from behind her ears
DRESS
697
having been cut short off on account of severe pains in her head. How patiently she
submitted to the worse than curry-comb process I had to use ! This was the first time
in her life that a comb had been put to her head. Her hair was filled with moss, seal
and reindeer hairs, and many other things, too numerous to call them all by name. Poor
little thing! Yet she was fat and beautiful, the very picture of health. Her cheeks
were as red as the blown rose; Nature's vermilion was upon them.”
The skin is smooth, soft, and yet wonderfully tough, with a sort of unctuous surface,
probably occasioned by the enormous amount of oil and fat which forms the principal
part of their diet. The features are not very pleasing, the face being broad, and the
cheek-bones so high that in many cases, if a flat ruler were laid from cheek to cheek, it
would not touch the nose. As is the case with the Chinese section of this vast race, the
eyes slope rather downwards, and the face is often covered with wrinkles to a wonderful
extent, extending from the eyes down each cheek,
In bodily strength, the Esquimaux present a great contrast to the Andamaners,
who, though short, are possessed of gigantic muscular powers. Captain Lyons found
that the natives could not raise burdens that were easily lifted by his sailors, whereas
an ordinary Andamaner is often a match for two powerful sailors. The neck is strangely
thin and feeble, however well-proportioned the chest may be, and it is a curious fact that
the Esquimaux are almost wholly ignorant of running and jumping. There is but little
beard, and the hair is black, coarse, straight, and lanky.
The general character of the dress is alike in both sexes, so that at a little distance
it is not easy to tell whether the spectator be looking at a man or a woman, both sexes
wearing trousers, and jackets with a large hood, which can either be drawn over the head
or allowed to fall on the shoulders. The jacket of the man is made something like a
broad-tailed dress coat, hanging behind as far as the middle of the calf, and cut away
in front just below the waist. It is mostly made of deer-hide, and the hood is lined and
turned up with white fur, which forms a curious contrast to the dark, broad face within
it. The edge of the coat is generally bordered with a lighter-coloured fur, and is often
decorated with little strips of fur hanging like tassels.
Under this coat is another of similar shape, but of lighter material, and having the
furry side turned inwards. The legs are clothed in two pairs of trousers, the outer pair
being often made of strips of differently coloured deer-skins arranged in parallel stripes,
and having the fur outwards, while the other has the fur inwards, as is the case with the
coats. They only come as low as the knee, so that the joint is often frost-bitten;
but nothing can induce the Esquimaux to outrage fashion by adding a couple of inches
to the garment.
The boots are made of the same materials as the other parts of the dress. In
winter time the Esquimaux wear first a pair of boots with the fur inwards, then slippers
of soft seal-skin so prepared as to be waterproof, then another pair of boots, and, lastly,
strong seal-skin shoes. In the summer time onė pair of boots is sufficient protection.
The soles are made of thicker material than the rest of the garment, and it is the duty
of the women to keep the soles flexible by chewing or “milling” them, an operation which
consumes a considerable part of their time.
Mittens are made of various skins, the hairy side being inwards; and if the
wearer be engaged in fishing, he uses mittens made of watertight seal-skin. During
the summer, light dresses are worn, made of the skins of ducks, with the feathers
inwards. Over all there is sometimes a very thin and light waterproof garment made
of the intestines of the walrus.
The jackets worn by the women have a much longer and narrower tail than those of
the men, and a tolerably deep flap in front. The hood is of enormous size, being used as
a cradle as well as a hood, in which a child of nearly three years old is carried. The
trousers, or rather leggings, are tied to a girdle that passes round the waist, and are so
cut away at the top, that they allow a portion of the skin to be visible between them and
the sides of the jacket, an exposure from which the wearers do not seem to suffer. The
oddest article of the female apparel are however the boots, which more resemble sacks
or buckets than boots, and are simply tied to the girdle by a broad strap that passes up
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THE ESQUIMAUX.
the front of the leg. The boots are used as receptacles for all kinds of portable property,
food included, and in consequence impart a most singular walk, or rather waddle, to the
wearers, who are obliged to keep their feet widely apart, and, as they walk, to swing one
foot round the other, rather than to use the ordinary mode of walking.
The Esquimaux women use the tattoo, called by them the kakeen, and in some places
cover their limbs and a considerable portion of their persons with various patterns. There
are some who mark the forehead, cheeks, and chin, these being mostly proof that the
woman is married, though they are sometimes worn by unmarried females. The mode
in which the kakeen is performed is amusingly told by Captain Lyons, who courageously
submitted to the operation.
My curiosity determined me on seeing how the kakeen was performed, and I accord-
ingly put myself into the hands of Mrs. Kettle, whom I had adopted as my amama,
or mother.
"Having furnished her with a fine needle, she tore with her teeth a thread off a deer's
sinew, and thus prepared the sewing apparatus. She then, without a possibility of
darkening her hands beyond their standard colour, passed her fingers under the bottom
of the stove pot, from whence she collected a quantity of soot. With this, together with
a little oil and much saliva, she soon made a good mixture, and taking a small piece of
whalebone well blackened, she then drew a variety of figures about my arm, differing, as
I easily saw, from those with which she herself was marked; and, calling her housemates,
they all enjoyed a good laugh at the figures, which perhaps conveyed some meaning that
I could not fathom.
“I bad, however, only determined on a few strokes, so that her trouble was in some
measure thrown away. She commenced her work by blackening the thread with soot,
and taking a pretty deep but short stitch in my skin, carefully pressing her thumb on
the wound as the thread passed through it, and beginning each stitch at the place where
the last had ceased. My flesh being tough, she got on but slowly, and, having broken
one needle in trying to force it through, I thought fit, when she had completed forty
stitches, or about two inches, to allow her to desist; then, rubbing the part with oil in
order to stanch the little blood which appeared, she finished the operation. I could now
form an idea of the price paid by the Esquimaux females for their embellishments, which
for a time occasion a slight inflammation and some degree of pain. The colour which
the kakeen assumes when the skin heals is of the same light blue as we see on the
marked arms of seamen.”
The dress of the children is alike in both sexes. None at all is worn until the infant
is nearly three years old, up to which age it is kept naked in its mother's hood. A dress
is then made of fawn-skin, having the jacket, trousers, boots, and hood in one piece, the
only opening being at the back. Into this odd dress the child is put, and the opening
being tied up with a string, the operation of dressing is completed.
The hood or cap is
generally made in the shape of the fawn's head, so that the little Esquimaux has the
strangest appearance imaginable, and scarcely looks like a human being.
As to the hair, the men cut it short over the forehead, and allow the side locks to grow
to their full length, tying them, when very long, over the top of the head in a large knot
projecting over the forehead. The women part the hair in the middle, and make it into
two large tails. A piece of bone or wood is introduced into each of the tails by way of a
stiffener, and they are then bound spirally with a narrow strip of deer-hide, with the fur
outwards. Those women who can afford such a luxury pass the hair through two brass
rings, which are then pressed as closely as possible to the head.
The whole of the operations of preparing the skin and making the clothes are done by
the women, the men having completed their task when they have killed the animals.
The fat, blood, and oil are first sucked from the skins, and the women then scrape the inner
surface with an ingenious instrument, sometimes furnished with teeth, and at other times
plain, like blunt knives. The skins are then rubbed and kneaded, and are dried by being
stretched by pegs to the ground in summer, and laced over a hoop in winter and exposed
to the heat of the lamp, which constitutes the only fire of the Esquimaux.
Bird-skins are prepared in a somewhat similar fashion, and are stripped from the bodies of
SNOW-HOUSES.
699
the birds in a marvellously expeditious manner. With their knife, which exactly resembles
a cheese-cutter, they make an incision round the head and round the outer joint of each
wing. The cut part is then seized between the teeth, and with a pull and a jerk the skin
comes off in one piece, and turned inside out. These skins are considered a great luxury
by the Esquimaux, who bite and suck off the fat which adheres liberally to them.
SCRAPERS. (From the Christy Collection.)
In a country where the thermometer remains many degrees below zero for many
months together, and in which ice and snow are the prevailing features, it is evident that
houses cannot be built after the fashion of those in most countries.
No trees can grow
there, so that wooden houses are out of the question, and in a land where ice has been
known to choke up the iron flue of a stove always kept burning neither clay could be made
into bricks, nor stones cemented with mortar. There is only one substance of which
houses can be made, and this is frozen water, either in the form of snow or ice, the former
being the usual material. These snow-houses, called igloos, are made in a dome-like
form, and are built with a rapidity that is perfectly astonishing.
The general appearance of these strange houses is thus described by Captain Lyous,
in his « Private Journal." “Our astonishment was unbounded, when, after creeping
through some long passages of snow, to enter the different dwellings, we found ourselves
in a cluster of dome-shaped edifices, entirely constructed of snow, which, from their recent
erection, had not been sullied by the smoke of the numerous lamps that were burning, but
admitted the light in most delicate hues of verdigris-green and blue, according to the
thickness of the slab through which it passed. . . . There were five clusters of huts, some
having one, some two, and others three domes, in which thirteen families lived, each
occupying a dome or one side of it, according to their strength. The whole number of
people were twenty-one men, twenty-five women, and eighteen children, making a total of
sixty-four.
The entrance to the building was by a hole about a yard in diameter, which led
through a low arched passage of sufficient breadth for two to pass in a stooping posture,
and about sixteen feet in length; another hole then presented itself, and led through a
similarly-shaped but shorter passage, having at its termination a round opening about two
feet across.
Up this hole we crept one step, and found ourselves in a dome about seven
feet in height, and as many in diameter, from whence the three dwelling-places with
arched roofs were entered. It must be observed that this is the description of a large hut;
the smaller ones, containing one or two families, have the domes somewhat differently
arranged.
“Each dwelling might be averaged at fourteen or sixteen feet in diameter, by six or
seven in height; but as snow alone was used in their construction, and was always at
hand, it might be supposed that there was no particular size, that being of course at the
option of the builder. The laying of the arch was performed in such a manner as would

700
THE ESQUIMAUX.
have satisfied the most regular artist, the key-piece on the top being a large square slab.
The blocks of snow used in the buildings were from four to six inches in thickness,
and about a couple of feet in length, carefully pared with a large knife. Where two
families occupied a dome, a seat was raised on either side two feet in height. These raised
places were used as beds, and covered, in the first place, with whalebone, sprigs of
andromeda, or pieces of seals' skin; over these were spread deer-pelts and deer-skin
clothes, which had a very warm appearance. The pelts were used as blankets, and many
of them had ornamental fringes of leather sewed round their edges.
“ Each dwelling-place was illuminated by a broad piece of transparent fresh-water ice,
of about two feet in diameter, which formed part of the roof, and was placed over the
door. These windows gave a most pleasing light, free from glare, and something like that
ESQUIMAUX DWELLING.
which is thrown through ground glass. We soon learned that the building of a house
was but the work of an hour or two, and that a couple of men-one to cut the slabs and
the other to lay them—were sufficient labourers.
“ For the support of the lamps and cooking apparatus a mound of snow is erected for
each family ; and when the master has two wives or a mother, both have an independent
place, one at each end of the bench.”
In the middle of the hut is erected a slight scaffold, which supports a rudely-made
net, and under the net is placed the one essential piece of furniture of the house, namely,
the lamp. This is a very simple contrivance. It is merely an oval-shaped dish of stone,
round the edge of which is arranged a long wick made of moss. Oil is poured into it,
A WISE TRAVELLER.
701
and a quantity of blubber is heaped in the centre of the lamp, so as to keep up the
supply. Over the lamp is hung the cooking-pot, the size of each being proportioned to
the rank of the possessor. It sometimes happens that two wives occupy the same hut.
In this case, the chief or “ igloo-wife” has the large lamp and the supporting scaffold,
while the other has to content herself with a little lamp and a small pot, which she must
support as she can.
The value of the lamp is simply incalculable, not so much for its use in cooking, as
the Esquimaux like meat raw quite as well as cooked, but for its supply of warmth, for
the water which is obtained by melting snow over it, and for its use in drying clothes.
All garments, the snow being first beaten off them, are placed on the “ dry-net” over the
lamp, where they are gradually dried, and, after being chewed by the women, are fit for
wear again: otherwise they become frozen quite hard, and are no nrore use than if they
were made of ice.
Oil is supplied by chewing blubber, and the women, who always perform the task,
have the curious knack of expressing the oil without allowing a drop of moisture to mix
with it. In one minute a woman can obtain enough oil to fill a lamp two feet in length.
Sometimes, when snow is scarce, the igloo is made of ice. The walls are formed of
this material, and are generally of an octagonal form, the ice-slabs being cemented
together with snow. The domed roof is usually made of snow, but the tunnel, or passage
to the interior, is of ice. Such a house is, when first made, so transparent that, even at
the distance of some paces, those who are within it can be recognised through its walls.
It may seem strange that such materials as snow and ice should be einployed in the
construction of man's dwelling-place, as nothing seems more opposed to comfort; yet these
houses, instead of being cold, are so warm that the inhabitants throw off the greater part,
and sometimes the whole, of their clothes when within them; and the bed of snow on
which they recline is, when covered with the proper amount of skins, even warmer than
a European feather-bed.
In the summer time the Esquimaux prefer the skin hut, or "tupic. This is a mere
tent made of deer-skins thrown over a few sticks, though the supports are sometimes
formed from the bones of whales.
THE food of the Esquimaux is almost wholly of an animal character. In the first
place, the country supplies scarcely any vegetation; and, in the next place, an abundant
supply of animal food is required in order to enable the inhabitants to withstand the
intense cold. The seal and the reindeer form their favourite food, and in both cases the
fat is the part that is most highly valued.
In the reindeer, the fat of the hinder quarters, called by the Esquimaux "toodnoo,"
the portion that is most valued. Captain Hall, who very wisely lived as the Esquimaux
while staying with them, says that it is as much superior to butter as is the best butter
to lard; and when the deer is in good condition, the meat is so tender that a steak
almost falls to pieces if lifted by its edge. Another part of the reindeer is almost as
valuable as the fat. This is the contents of the deer's paunch, eaten raw with slices of
raw venison. It has a slightly acid flavour, like that of sorrel, and if the consumer were
not to know what he was eating, he would be delighted with it.
This was the case with Captain Hall, while partaking of a deer-feast in an igloo. He
tried the deer-flesh, and found it excellent; he then took a morsel of the unknown sub-
stance, and describes it as ambrosial. After eating the greater part of it, he took it to the
light, and was horrified to find the nature of the feast. However, he soon came to the
wise conclusion that epicurism of any kind was nothing but the effect of education, and
that, in consequence, he would ignore his previous prejudices on the subject, and eat
whatever the Esquimaux ate, and as they ate it. As to the quantity consumed, neither
he nor any other white man would be a match for an Esquimaux, who will consume nine
or ten pounds of meat at a sitting, and lie leisurely on his back, being fed by his wife
with pieces of blubber when he is utterly unable to help himself. An Esquimaux finds a
sort of intoxicating effect in utter repletion, which stands him in the stead of fermented
liquors.
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THE ESQUIMAUX.
Putting aside the gourmandizing propensity of the Esquimaux, Captain Hall found that
if he were to live with them, as he intended to do, he must sooner or later come to the
same diet. He determined in making a bold plunge, and eating whatever he saw them eat.
At first it was rather repugnant to his feelings to eat a piece of raw meat that had been
carefully licked by a woman, in order to free it from hairs and other extraneous matters.
But he reflected that, if he had not known of the licking, he would not have discovered it
from the flavour of the meat, and he very wisely ignored the mode in which it had been
cleaned. Similarly, fresh seal's blood just drawn from the animal seemed rather a strange
kind of soup, and the still warm entrails a remarkable sort of after-dinner delicacy. But
finding that the Esquimaux considered them both as very great dainties, he tried them,
and pronounced that the Esquimaux were perfectly right, and that his preconceived ideas
were perfectly wrong.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE ESQUIMAUX.-Continued.
DOMESTIC LIFE - MODES OF HUNTING-SEAL-HUNTING IN THE SNOW-THE INFANT DECOY-THE
--
SEAL'S IGLOO-AN IVORY FLOAT-SEAL TALK -THE HARPOONS AND SPEARS--SPEARING. THE
WALRUS---THE ICE RAFT-THE BOW AND ARROWS AND WRIST-GUARD:-DEER-HUNTING-GROUSE-
SHOOTING-THE WOLF AND FOX TRAPS-THE BIRD-SLING--BEAR-HUNTING—THE MEN'S AND
WOMEN'S BOATS—CONSTRUCTION OF THE KIA, AND MODE OF USING IT—AQUATIC FEATS—THE
WOMEN'S BOAT AND ITS USES THE SLEDGE—THE VARIOUS RUNNERS-SLEDGE DOGS AND THEIR
TRAINING--EXAMPLES OF THEIR CLEVERNESS-BARBEKARK AND THE CAPELINS — MARRIAGE
AND EDUCATION OF CHILDREN-GAMES AND DANCING-RELIGION—THE ANGEKO AND HIS
MYSTERIES- “ IN VINO VERITAS"
--DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD.
DEPENDING wholly upon the products of the chase for their food, the Esquimaux are most
accomplished bunters, and in their peculiar way are simply unequalled by any other
people on earth. Take, for example, their mode of seal-catching. The reader is doubtless
aware that the seal, being a mammal, breathes atmospheric air, and that in consequence
it cannot remain very long under water, but is obliged to come up at certain intervals for
the purpose of breathing. When it dives under the ice, it would therefore be drowned
did it not form for itself certain breathing-holes in the ice. These are very small, not
more than an inch and a half, or at the most two inches, in diameter, and do not penetrate
through the coating of snow that lies on the ice.
The hunter's dog, which is specially trained for this purpose, detects the breathing-hole,
and the master then reverses his harpoon, which has a long, spindle-shąped butt, and
thrusts it through the snow in search of the concealed hole, which often lies under some
two feet of snow. When he has found it, he seats himself by the hole, with his harpoon
ready; and there he will sit until he hears the blowing sound of the seal, when he
drives the harpoon into the hole, and invariably secures his prey. This is the more
difficult, as, if the stroke be wrong by even a quarter of an inch, the seal will not be
struck, and the man is often wearied with waiting and need of sleep.
The patience with which the Esquimaux hunter will watch a seal-hole far surpasses
that of a cat at a mouse-hole. Captain Hall mentions one case, where an Esquimaux, a
notable seal-hunter, actually sat watching a seal-hole for two and a half days and two
nights without either sleep or food. Considering the nature of the climate, such a fact as
this is almost incredible. The poor man, after all his trouble, failed to secure the seal,
but was not disheartened, and, after taking some food, went off again to the seal-hole to
renew his watch.
Some of the Esquimaux seal-hunters use a singularly ingenious instrument for enabling
them to detect the approach of the animal. It consists of a very slender ivory rod, about
twelve inches in length, pointed at one end, and having a round knob at the other. It is
about as thick as a crow-quill
. When the hunter has found a seal-hole, he ties to the
upper end a very fine thread made of sinew, and lowers it into the seal-hole, where it is

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THE ESQUIMAUX.
SSAL-SPEARING.
allowed to dangle by the thread. When the seal comes to breathe, it takes no notice of
so small an object, but rises as usual for air, pushing the little rod before it.
the hunter sees the rod rise, he knows that the seal is there, and drives his spear down
SEAL-HUNTING.
705
1
2
4
IL
3
front of Head larger
WE
the hole. Even a larger float-if we may so call it might be unseen by the seal, but it
would interfere with the passage of the spear.
There is another mode of catching seals, in which the young acts as a decoy for its
mother. The seal, when she is about to produce her young, scratches away the ice until
she comes to the snow, which lies deep upon it. She then scratches away a quantity of
the snow until she has made a dome-like chamber, in form exactly like the snow-hut of
the Esquimaux. The tunnel through the ice is just
large enough to allow the passage of the seal,
while the chamber is about five feet in diameter, so
that a tolerably large platform of ice is left, on which
the creature can rest. Here its young is produced,
and here it remains until the sun melts away the
snow-covering of the chamber, or igloo, as it is
called, by which time the young animal is able to
take care of itself.
At the proper season, the Esquimaux set off in
search of these seal-igloos, and when they are detected
by the dogs, the hunter flings himself on the snow,
thus beating down the roof of the igloo. He then
thrusts his sealing-hook into the igloo, and drags out
the young seal. It is remarkable, by the way, that
the polar bear acts in precisely the same manner,
crushing down the walls of the igloo, and dragging
out the young one with its paws.
When the Esquimaux has secured the young seal,
he ties a long line to one of the hind flippers, and
allows it to slip into the sea through the tunnel,
while he creeps into the igloo with his hook, in
hopes of catching the mother as she comes to help
her young one.
The Esquimaux always kill young
seals by putting the foot on their shoulders, and
pressing firmly down, so as to suffocate it. This
is done for the purpose of preserving the blood.
Sometimes the seal-hunter actually stalks the
wary animal on the ice. The seal has a strange
way of sleeping when lying on the ice. It takes
short naps of only a few seconds duration, and
between then raises its head and looks round to see
if any enemy be approaching. The Esquimaux takes
advantage of this habit; and, lying down on the ice,
he waits for these short naps, and hitches himself
along the ice towards the animal, looking himself
very much like a seal as he lies on the ice, covered
with seal-skin garments. Whenever the seal raises
its head, the hunter stops, begins to paw with his
hands, and utters a curious droning monologue,
HARPOON-HEAD. (From my Collection.)
which is called “seal-talk," and is supposed to act
as a charm. Certain it is, that the seal appears to
be quite gratified by the talk, is put off its guard, and allows the hunter to approach
near enough to make the fatal stroke.
The same kind of “talk” is used when the sealer goes out in his boat, and some of the
hunters are celebrated for the magical power of their song. In seal-hunting from a boat,
a different kind of harpoon is employed. It is longer and slighter than that which is used
for ice-hunting, and is furnished with a float made of a leathern bag inflated with air.
This is fastened to the shaft, and just below it one end of the barpoon-line is secured,
the other end being made fast to the head of the weapon.
VOL. II.
LOOS
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THE ESQUIMAUX.
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2.
3.
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Utiliti
Sedé2072.
When the seal is struck, the shaft
is shaken from the head, so that there
is no danger of its working the weapon
out of the seal by its leverage, and it
acts as a drag, impeding the movements
of the animal, so that the hunter is
able to overtake it in his boat, and to
pierce it with another harpoon. When
the seal is dead, the float serves another
purpose.
Seals, when killed in the
water, almost invariably sink so rapidly
that they cannot be secured. The float,
however, remains at the surface, so that
the successful hunter has only to paddle
to it, take it into the canoe, and haul
the seal on board. Perhaps the most
curious part of the business lies in the
skill with which the hunter carries the
seal home. The boat in which he sits
is entirely covered with skin, except a
small aperture which admits his body,
and yet he lays the body of the seal
upon this slight platform, and manages
to balance it as he paddles homewards,
regardless of the waves upon which his
light little canoe trembles like a cork.
Of these boats we shall presently
see something, and will now merely
look at the weapons which are em-
ployed by the Esquimaux in hunting.
It is worthy of remark that war is
totally unknown among the Esquimaux,
who are perhaps the only people in the
world who possess no war-weapons, and
have no desire to do so. Generally,
when a savage obtains for the first time
possession of fire-arms, he uses them in
Warfare, and by the superiority of his
weapons raises himself to eminence.
The Esquimaux cares for none of these
things. He is essentially a family man,
and when he is fortunate enough to
procure a musket, he simply uses it for
Hunting purposes, never wasting the
precious powder and lead upon the
bodies of his fellow-men. Of fame he
is totally ignorant, except that sort of
local fame which is earned by skill in
hunting. He finds that all his energies
are required to procure food and clothing
for his household, and therefore he does
not expend them upon any other object.
The weapon which is to the Esqui-
maux what the rifle is to the back-
woodsman, the boomerang to the Aus-
tralian, the sword to the Agageer, the
HARPOON AND FISH-SPEAR. (From the Christy Collection.
THE HARPOON.
707
lasso to the South American, and the sumpitan to the Dyak, is the harpoon, a weapon
which undergoes various modifications, according to the use to which it is put, but is.
essentially the same in principle throughout.
The first example is the typical harpoon. It consists of a long wooden shaft, with a
float attached to it, as has already been described on page 705. Owing to the great
scarcity of wood in Esquimaux-land, the greater part being obtained from the casual drift-
wood that floats ashore from wrecks, such a weapon is exceedingly valuable. The shaft
is generally made of a number of pieces of wood lashed together in a most ingenious
fashion.
The barbed head is but loosely fitted to the shaft, a hole in the base of the head
receiving a point at the end of the shaft. It is held in its place by leathern thongs, so
arranged that, as soon as the wounded animal darts away, the shaft is shaken from the
head. The arrangement of the leathern thongs varies according to the kind of weapon: -
The illustration on page 705 shows the head of the harpoon which is used for spearing
the walrus.
It is about nine inches in length, and is made of ivory, either that of the walrus or
the narwhal, probably the former, as it partakes of the curve of the walrus-tooth. It
consists of two pieces, which we will call, for convenience' sake, the body and the head.
The upper part of the body is slightly pointed and rounded, and is meant to be fixed to
the shaft of the harpoon. About an inch and a half from the end two holes are bored,
through which is passed a double thong of leather about as thick as a goose-quill. Next
comes the head, which is a triangular and deeply-barbed piece of ivory, armed with a
thin, flat plate of iron, almost exactly like the armature of the Bosjesman's war-arrow.
Through this head is bored a hole, and through the hole passes the loop of the double
thong already mentioned. At the butt of the head there is a hole, into which is fitted the
conical termination of the body.
By reference to the illustration, the reader will easily comprehend the arrangement:
Fig. 1 shows the entire instrument, the head fitted on the body, and held in its place by
the double thong. Fig. 2 shows the head disjointed from the body. The reader will now
see what a perfect barb this instrument fornis. When the harpoon is hurled at the walrus,
the head penetrates through the tough skin, and, becoming disjointed from the body, sets
at right angles across the little wound which it made on entering, and effectually prevents-
the weapon from being withdrawn. Fig. 3 shows the upper view of the head, and Fig. 4
shows the hole at its base, into which the conical end of the body is loosely fitted.
The line attached to the shaft of this-harpoon is very long and of great strength, and,
when the hunter goes out to catch walrus, is coiled round and round his neck in many
folds, very slightly tied together so as to prevent the successive coils from being entangled
with one another. When the hunter launches his harpoon with the right hand, he with
the left hand simultaneously jerks the coils of rope off his neck, and throws them after
the harpoon. The jerk snaps the slight ligatures, and the animal is “played ” like a
salmon by an angler, until it is utterly wearied with pain, loss of blood, and its struggles,
to escape, and can be brought near enough to receive the fatal wound from a spear.
Casting off the rope in exact time is a most important business, as several hunters-
who have failed to do so have been-caught in the coils of the rope, dragged under the ice,
and there drowned. On the end of the harpoon-line is worked a loop, and, as soon as the
weapon is hurled, the hunter drives a spear-deeply into the ice, slips the loop over it, and
allows the walrus to struggle against the elastic rope until it is quite tired. He then
hauls up the line until he has brought the animal to the ice, snatches up his spear, and
with it inflicts a mortal wound.
One mode of employing this harpoon against the walrus is singularly ingenious.
When the Esquimaux hunters see a number of the animals sleeping on a sheet of ice, they
look out for an ice fragment small enough to be moved, and yet large enough to support
several men. Paddling to the ice, they lift their canoes upon it, bore holes in it, and make
their harpoon-lines fast to the holes. They then gently paddle the whole piece of ice,
men, canoes, and all, to the spot where are lying the drowsy animals, who do not suspect
any danger from a piece of ice floating by.
Z Z 2

708
THE ESQUIMAUX.
Having made their selection, the hunters tell off two men to each walrus, and, at a
given signal, all the harpoons are hurled. The whole herd instantly roll themselves into
the sea, the wounded animals being attached to the piece of ice by the harpoon-lines.
The hunters allow them to tow their ice-raft about until they are exhausted, when they
TEHO
SPEARING THE WALRUS.
launch their canoes, and kill the animals with their spears. As soon as the walrus is
dead, the hunters plug up the holes with little pegs of ivory, for the purpose of preserving
the blood, which is so highly valued by the Esquimaux.
The cord is made of the skin of the largest species of seal.
When the animal is killed, incisions are made, parallel to each other, completely round
the body, and six or seven inches apart. The skin is then removed in broad hoops, which
are afterwards made into thongs by running the knife spirally round them, and so
cutting a continuous strip of hide.
Another kind of spear is shown in the second figure on page 706. The shaft of this
spear is made of wood, but the point and the barbed projections are of ivory. This
spear is chiefly used for catching fish, and is flung by means of a throwing-stick, almost
WEAPONS.
709
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Arrow larger
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in the same manner as the spears of the Australians. The throwing-stick is seen
by the side of the spear. It is made of wood, flattish, and near one end has a hole,
into which the butt of the spear is passed. This is
altogether a much slighter and lighter weapon than
that which has been described.
Bows and arrows are also employed by the
Esquimaux. The former are made of horn, bone,
or wood, and are almost always composed of seve-
ral pieces lashed firmly together. As is the case
with the bows of the North American tribes,
the chief strength is obtained, not so much from
the material of the bow, as from a vast number
of sinew-strings which run down its back. There
are often a hundred or more of these sinews,
which are put on sufficiently tight to give the
bow a slight curvature against the string. The
shape of the bow is rather peculiar, as may be
seen from the accompanying illustration, taken
from a specimen in my collection. Although the
weapon is so powerful, it is seldom used at a greater
distance than twelve, or at most twenty yards.
The length of the bow is on an average three feet
six inches.
The arrows are extremely variable. Some have
wooden shafts tipped with bone, but the shafts of
the best specimens are half bone and half wood,
and the points are armed with a little piece of
iron. The arrows are contained in a quiver, and
the bow is kept in a case. This quiver and bow-
case are generally made of seal-skin, as being
impervious to wet, though they are frequently
made of other materials. My own specimen is
formed from the hide of the reindeer. When the
Esquimaux shoots, he always holds his bow hori-
zontally. The bow-string is made of some fifteen
or twenty sinew-strings, which are loosely twisted,
but not made into a cord.
The bow and arrows are chiefly used in the
capture of the reindeer and in shooting rabbits,
birds, and other small game. The mode of deer-
hunting is very ingenious. When the hunter sees
some deer feeding on the level plain, he takes his
bow and arrows, draws his hood well over his head,
and creeps as close as he can to the spot where
the deer are reposing. Here he begins to bellow
in imitation of the cry with which the deer call
each other, and thus attracts the animals within
the short distance at which an Esquimaux archer
shoots.
Even if he should not use the bellowing call,
he has only to lie patiently on the ground to be
sure that, sooner or later, some of the deer will
Section
come and look at him. They are most inquisitive
animals, and when they see any strange object, they
BOW AND ARROWS. (From my Collection.)
cannot resist satisfying their curiosity by inspecting
it. Providing the object of their curiosity do not
710
THE ESQUIMAUX.
co
1.
2.
move after them, they approach in a series of circles which they gradually narrow,
capering and tossing their heads capriciously, and at last will come within a yard or two
of the motionless hunter, and so fall a victim to the arrow which he has already fitted to
his bow.
Sometimes the deer-hunters adopt an ingenious ruse. Two of them walk near the
deer, and purposely show themselves. When the animals' attention is fixed upon them,
they walk slowly away,
knowing that the innate
curiosity of the deer will
induce them to follow. They
direct their course past some
stone or similar object, when
one of them quickly steps
behind it, while the other
walks onwards as before.
The deer do not notice that
one of the men has dis-
appeared, and so follow the
other, thus coming within a
yard or two of the deadly
arrow,
The arrow is also used
for shooting birds, which are
always killed when sitting,
The Arctic grouse are killed
in great numbers by the
arrow. They pack closely
together, so that an arrow
shot at random among them
can scarcely avoid hitting
one of them; and the birds
are so apathetic that, when
the missile falls among them,
they only fly a few yards
further and then settle, so
that the hunter can pick up
his arrow and shoot it at
them again, until he has shot
the greater number of the
covey.
In order to save the
wrist from the recoil of the
WRIST-GUARD AND FOOKS. (Fron the Christy Collection.)
bow-string, the Esquimaux
wears a very ingenious
guard, composed of several
pieces of bone tied together and fastened on the wrist by a bone button and loop. The
pieces of bone are about four inches in length. Below the wrist-guard are seen some
curiously-formed hooks. No bait is required with them. They are simply moved up
and down in the water so as to attract the attention of the fish, and then are jerked
sharply upwards, so as to catch the fish on one of the projecting points. There are
many varieties of this curious hook, but those which are here shown are the most
characteristic.
There is also an instrument called the Kakeeway, or little nippers, which is used in a
similar manner by the Esquimaux boys. They take a model of a fish made of ivory, tie
a string to it, and troll it about in the water in order to attract the fish, when they are
struck with the kakeeway, and hauled out of the water. The artificial fish are about
IIII||||
INJOUI!!!!!
BEAR-HUNTING.
711
1,
three inches long, and are very neatly made, with eyes of iron pyrites. This is a very
slow process of fish-catching, but the boys, to whom time is of no object, are very fond of
it, and will sit on their heels all day for the chance of catching two or three little fish.
The foxes and wolves are generally taken in traps. There are several kinds of traps,
but they are mostly made on one or the other of two principles. The usual trap is very
like a common mouse-trap, except that it is made of ice instead of wood. It is so long
and narrow that a wolf cannot turn himself in .it, but, if he wishes to retreat, must do so
backwards. The door is a heavy slab of ice, which moves up and down
in two grooves. The door being raised, it is held in position by a line
which passes over the top of the trap, through a hole at the end, and is
then slightly hitched over a peg. A bait is then attached to the end
of the line, and when the wolf pulls it, the door is released, and
effectually secures the animal in the icy prison. A hole is then made in
the side of the trap, and the wolf is speared where he lies.
Foxes are also taken in these traps, but the usual kind of fox-trap is
· made on a different plan. It is built in a form somewhat resembling a
lime-kiln, and the aperture is covered with a piece of whalebone, along
which the animal must walk to get at the bait. As it steps on the
whalebone, the elastic material gives way, lets the fox into the trap, and
then resumes its former position, ready for another victim.
It has already been mentioned that birds are often shot with arrows as
they are sitting. The Esquimaux have a singular instrument by which
they can capture birds on the wing, provided that they do not fly at any
great height from the ground. One of these instruments, which may
be called bird-slings, is shown in the accompanying illustration. It
consists of seven or eight pieces of bone or ivory, or stone, the latter being
preferred on account of its weight. To each of the weights is attached
a sinew cord about two feet six inches in length, and all the ends of the
cords are tied together, their junction being usually. ornamented by a tuft
of feathers. When the Esquimaux sees a bird flying so that it will
tolerably near him, he whirls the sling round his head and flings it at
the bird. As it leaves his hand, all the weights fly apart, on account Eirberged
of the rotatory motion which has been communicated to them, so that
the weapon covers a space of five feet. Should one of the weights or
strings strike the bird, the whole of the sling becomes wrapped round it,
and the bird falls helpless to the ground. The reader will doubtless see
that this sling is in fact a modification of the Patagonian bolas.
In bear-hunting the Esquimaux use either the walrus-harpoon or the
spear, and often both. They set their dogs at the bear, and while he is
engaged in repelling their atiаcks, which are always made at his back and
hind-quarters, the hunter drives the harpoon at him, and fastens the
end of the line to the ice, so as to prevent the bear from escaping.
He then attacks the animal with another harpoon and with his lance, and, fFrom the Christy
avoiding skilfully the repeated attacks which the bear makes upon him,
drives the sharp weapon into the animal's heart.
The Esquimaux are always very careful not to kill a young bear without previously
killing its mother. Should one of them, pressed by hunger
, commit so rash an act, the
whole party to which he belongs are obliged to take the strictest precautions lest they
should be assailed by the mother, who will assuredly follow on their track. They there-
fore proceed for some five or six miles in a straight line, and then suddenly turn off at
right angles, so that the bear may overrun their track as she presses eagerly forward.
This manoeuvre is several times repeated. When the houses are reached, the weapons are
laid ready for use by the bedside, and the sledges are stuck upright outside the house.
This is intended by way of a warning to the sleepers
. The bear is suspicious about the
erect sledge, and always knocks it down before attacking the house, so that the noise of
the falling sledye awakens the sleepers, and puts them on their guard.
pass
th
-BIRD-SLING.
Collection.)
712
THE ESQUIMAUX.
THE two means of transport used by the Esquimaux are the boat and the sledge, both
of which deserve description.
There are two kinds of boats, those of the men and those used by women. The
man's boat is called Kajack or Kia, according to the dialect of the people, and is a very
remarkable piece of workmanship. It is shuttle-shaped, both ends being sharply pointed.
It is made of a very slight framework of wood and whalebone, over which is stretched a
covering of skin. In the middle there is a hole just large enough to admit the body of the
rower, and when he takes his seat, he gathers the skin together and ties it round his
waist, so that the boat is absolutely impervious to water. The average length is twenty-
five feet, and so light are the materials of which it is made, that a man can carry his kia
on his head from the house to the water.
These slight canoes have no keel, and sit so lightly on the water that they can be
propelled over, rather than through, it with wonderful speed. The paddle is a double one,
held in the middle, and used in a manner which is now rendered familiar to us by the
canoes which have so largely taken the place of skiffs. It is between nine and ten feet in
length, small in the middle, which serves as a handle, and gradually widening to the
blades, which are about four inches in width, and edged with ivory, not only for orna
but for strength.
The paddle acts much the same part as the balance-pole to the rope-dancer, and by its
aid the Esquimaux canoe-man can perform really astonishing feats. For example, if two
kias are out together, one of them will remain still, the canoe-man keeping his boat exactly
in the same place, by delicate management of his paddle. The other goes to a distance
at right angles to him, and then, urging his kia to the utmost speed, drives it fairly
over that of his friend. In performing this remarkable feat, the skill of both is equally
tried, for it is quite as difficult to preserve the balance of the stationary kia as to drive
the other over it.
There is one feat which is sometimes performed in order to show the wonderful com-
mand which an Esquimaux has over his little vessel. He does not, however, attempt it
unless another kia is close at hand. After seeing that the skin cover is firmly tied round
his waist, and that his neck and wrists are well secured, the man suddenly flings himself
violently to one side, thus capsizing the kia, and burying himself under water. With a
powerful stroke of his paddle he turns himself and canoe completely over, and brings
himself upright again. A skilful canoe-man will thus turn over and over some twenty
times or so, almost as fast as the eye can follow him, and yet only his face will be in the
least wet.
In the illustration on page 713 both these feats are shown.
The paddler is so tightly tied to the kia, that he is unable to change his position
without assistance, or even to lift a heavy weight, such as a seal. In such a case, he
asks assistance from a companion. The two kias are placed near each other, and paddles
are laid from one to the other, so that for the time they are formed into a double canoe,
which cannot be upset. Small lines of whalebone are stretched across the end of the kia,
and under them are thrust the points of the spears and harpoons, so that they cannot roll
off the boat, and yet are always ready to hānd. An inflated seal's bladder is always
attached to the canoe. When the kia is not in use, it is taken out of the water, and rested
in a reversed position upon the snow-houses, as is seen on page 700.
The second kind of boat is that which is called the Oomiak, and is used by the
women. It is evident that the slight and fragile kia, useful as it is for hunting purposes,
cannot be employed for the conveyance of baggage, or for the transport of more persons
than one, and that therefore some other kind of boat must be made. This is a large,
clumsy, straight-sided, square-ended, flat-bottomed vessel, more like a skin trough than a
canoe, to which it bears about the same analogy as a punt does to a racing skiff. The
framework of the comiak is made of wood and whalebone, and the covering is of seal-skin,
from which the hair has been removed. When wet, these skins are nearly transparent,
so that the forms of the persons sitting in the boat can be indistinctly seen.
The sides of the boat are about three feet in height, and the weight which a well-made
oomiak will carry is really wonderful. Captain Lyons mentions that in one of these

BOATS.
713
boats, measuring twenty-five feet in length by eight in width and three in depth, more
than twenty human beings were conveyed. There are two very clumsy paddles by which
the boat is slowly propelled, and it is steered by another paddle in the stern. The post of
steerer is usually occupied by an old man, who is unable any more to manage the kia, but
is still capable of guiding the oomiak, and of flinging a knife, a harpoon, a seal-hook, or
anything that may come to hand, at the women, if they neglect their paddling.
Da
THE KAJAK AND ITS MANAGEMENT.
To each oomiak there can be attached a very primitive mast, with its sail. The mast is
but a short one, and is stepped in the fore-part of the boat. Towards the top it is pierced,
and in the hollow is placed a sheave, or deeply-grooved wheel of ivory, on which the
halyards run. The sail is that simplest of all sails, the lug, and is made of the intestines
of the walrus, split open so as to form strips of some four inches in width. These strips
are sewn together, and produce a sail which is remarkable both for its strength and its
extreme lightness. The reader will doubtless have noticed the singular contrast between
the canoes of the hot and cold parts of the world. In the former, the canoe and sails are
entirely of vegetable materials, without a particle of hide, sinew, or any animal product;
while, in the latter, the animal world furnishes almost the whole of the materials.
We now come to the sledge, which is quite as important to the Esquimaux as
The materials and form of the sledge differ exceedingly, so that in these respects no
two sledges are alike, while the principle is identical in all. A sledge is nothing more
than two runners, connected with each other by a number of cross-pieces, on which the
driver can sit and the goods be packed,
the canoe.

714
THE ESQUIMAUX.
The best sledges are those in which the runners are made from the jawbone of the
whale, sawn into narrow planks and cut into the proper shape. They are always shod
with a strip of the same material. Others are made of wood, shod with bone, and in
these cases the wooden part is usually in several pieces, which are lashed together with
hide thongs. In the winter, the hide of the walrus is often used for runners.
It is
fully an inch in thickness, and, when frozen, is very much stronger than a board of the
same thickness.
When neither wood, bone, nor walrus-skin can be procured, the Esquimaux is still at
no loss for runners. He cuts long strips of seal-skin, and sews the edges of each strip
CLER
SLEDGE-DRIVING.
together, so as to make two long tubes. The tubes are next filled with moss and earth,
and water is then poured into them. In a minute or two they are frozen as hard as stone,
and are then ready to form the runners of a sledge. The lower edge of the runner,
whether it be of bone, wood, or skin, is always shod with a coating of ice, which is renewed
as soon as it is worn off by friction, which not only causes the sledge to glide faster over
the frozen surface, but preserves the valuable material of the runners from being rubbed
to pieces.
The cross-bars of the sledge are generally of bone. They project a little beyond the
runners on either side, and are so arranged that the sledge is narrower in front than
behind. They are not lashed too tightly, as they are required to yield to the jerks and
continual strain which the sledge undergoes in its travels.
The sledge is drawn by a team of dogs, varying from seven to ten, or even more,
according to the weight to be carried. They are very simply harnessed to it by a strong
THEIR DOGS.
715
cord, or trace, made of seal-hide, the trace of the leading dog being considerably longer
than that of any of the others. Being accustomed to the work of the sledge as soon as
they can walk, their training is very complete, and a good team will do almost anything
but speak.
A team of seven dogs drew a heavy sledge, full of men, a mile in four minutes and a
half; and Captain Lyons mentions that three dogs drew him the same distance in six
minutes, the weight of the sledge being one hundred pounds. Several times, when
returning to the ships, the sagacious animals brought him and his companions safely to
the vessels, though the night was pitchy dark and the snow-drift blowing about in clouds.
They kept their noses to the ground, and galloped on at full speed, in absolute certainty
of their proper line.
The dogs are guided, not by reins, but by a whip, the lash of which is from eighteen
to thirty feet in length, and the handle only one foot in length, much like the stock-whip
of Australia. A skilful driver makes but little use of the whip when he has a good team
of dogs, but guides the animals partly by his voice, and partly by flinging the lash of the
whip on one side or other of the leader, who perfectly understands the signal. When
they are required to stop, the driver gives a ery almost exactly like the “Woa!” of our
own country. He then throws the lash gently over their backs, when they all lie down,
and will reinain couched in the snow for hours, even during their master's absence.
The worst of these dogs is that they are very quarrelsome, and are apt to snap and
snarl at each other as they gallop along. Sometimes a dog will be exasperated with a
bite, and turn furiously on his assailant, when a general fight takes place, the whole of
the dogs tumbling over each other, and entangling the traces in a manner that none but
an Esquimaux could hope to disentangle. A plentiful application of whip is then made,
which is always resented by the dog which receives the stroke. He chooses to think
that his next neighbour has hurt him, and so bites his ears. Sometimes a dog is so
unruly that the driver is obliged to use his last argument. Making a little hole in the
snow with the toe of his boot, he presses the dog's 'snout into it, and pounds away at it
with the ivory handle of his whip. The dog never howls, nor tries to release himself
, but
only utters a low whine. Such a punishment never has to be repeated, and the dog
always goes quietly for the rest of the day.
The endurance of these animals is wonderful. They are kept in the open air when the
temperature is from thirty to forty degrees below zero. They are very ill fed, being
forced to content themselves with the bones of fish and seals, scraps of hide, and such
very few fragments as their masters cannot devour. Consequently they are always
hungry, and can eat almost anything. Captain Hall mentions that in one night they ate
a whiplash thirty feet long, and that on one occasion a single dog ate in seven seconds a
piece of walrus-hide and blubber six feet long and an inch and a half square.
Yet, in spite of all the hardships which they undergo, they can endure almost any
amount of fatigue without appearing to be the worse for it, and a team has been known
to eat nothing for at least forty-eight hours, to traverse some seventy miles of ground, and
yet to return to their homes apparently as fresh as when they set out.
Many of them are possessed of singular intelligence, especially those which are
trained to chase the seal, the bear, or the deer. One of these doys, named Barbekark,
belonging to Captain Hall
, actually killed a deer himself, took one morsel from the neck,
and then went home and fetched his master to the spot where he had left the dead deer.
He had a brother who equally distinguished himself in seal-catching. He was the lead-
ing dog in the team, and once, while drawing a sledge, he caught sight of a seal on the
ice. He immediately dashed forward at full speed, and just as the seal was plunging into
the water, caught it by the hind flippers. The seal struggled frantically to escape, but the
dog retained his hold, and, aided by his fellows, dragged the seal firmly on the ice, when
it was secured by his master.
A very amusing example of the intelligence of these dogs is related by Captain Hall.
He fed the dogs on “capelins,” a small dried fish, and used to make them stand in a
circle round him, so that each received a capelin in turn. “Now Barbekark, a young and
shrewd dog, took it into his head that he would play a white man's trick. So every time
.
716
THE ESQUIMAUX.
:
6
he received his fish he would back square out, move a distance of three or four dogs, and
force himself in line again, thus receiving double the share of any other dog. But this
joke of Barbekark's bespoke too much of the game many men play upon their fellow-
beings, and, as I noticed it, I determined to check his doggish propensities. Still, the
amusing and the singular way in which he evidently watched me induced a moment's
pause in my intention.
“Each dog thankfully took his capelin as his turn came round, but Barbekark, finding
his share came twice as often as his companions, appeared to shake his tail twice as
thankfully as the others. A twinkle in his eyes as they caught mine seemed to say,
Keep dark; these ignorant fellows don't know the game I'm playing.
I am con-
foundedly hungry. Seeing my face smiling at his trick, he now commenced making
another change, thus getting three portions to each of the others' one. This was enough,
and it was now time for me to reverse the order of Barbekark's game by playing a trick
.
Accordingly, every time I came to him he got no fish, and though he changed his
position three times, yet he got nothing. Now, if ever there was a picture of disap-
pointed plans--of envy at others' fortunes, and sorrow at a sad misfortune-it was to be
found in that dog's countenance as he watched his companions receiving their allowance.
Finding that he could not succeed by any change of his position, he withdrew from the
circle to where I was, and came to me, crowding his way between my legs, and looked
up in my face as if to say, 'I have been a very bad dog. Forgive me, and Barbekark
will cheat his brother dogs no more. Please, sir, give me my share of capelins. I went
the rounds three times more, and let him have the fish, as he had shown himself so
sagacious, and so much like a repentant prodigal dog."
upon him.
MARRIAGE among the Esquimaux is of the very simplest description, and is generally
arranged by the parents of the bride and bridegroom, the latter having nothing to do with
the affair. There is no marriage ceremony, the parties merely going to live in the same
igloo. A man may, and often does, have several wives, and in this case one of them
takes the position of the chief, or igloo-wife, and is supreme under her husband. She has
the largest lamp, the best bed, and the best provision. But she also has the entire
management of the household, such as cooking the food, and drying the clothes on the
“dry-net," This is by no means a sinecure, as it forces her to rise many times in the
night for the purpose of turning the clothes and drying them equally. She also has to
see that the boots are properly "milled."
After a child is born, the mother is obliged to confine herself to her own igloo for
some months, and when the allotted time has expired, she throws off all the clothing
which she has worn, and never wears it again. She then dresses herself in a totally new
suit of clothes, and visits in succession the inhabitants of every igloo. If a second or third
child be born, a separate igloo is always built for the mother, to which she repairs before
the birth of the child, and in which she remains until the customary time has elapsed and
she is able to call upon her neighbours.
The children begin their education at a very early age; the boys being taught to
paddle the kia, to hunt and to fish, and to build igloos; while the girls learn to row the
women's boat, to dress skins, to manage the lamp, to cook, and perform the multitudinous
tasks that fall to their lot. The carving of the Esquimaux women is wonderfully good.
They make spirited, though conventional, imitations of fish, ducks, dogs, and various
animals, from ivory, using in the manufacture nothing but a knife. In the earlier days, ,
before white men visited them, the Esquimaux were obliged to rely entirely upon flint as
a material for their knives, which were exactly like those of the ancient and perished
races. In chopping the flakes off the flint, the Esquimaux employed a very simple instru-
ment (figured on page 717), the use of which showed an exact knowledge of the fracture-
line of flint. It is made of bone and ivory, and is about six inches in length. Iron,
indeed, is of so late introduction, that when Captain Lyons visited the natives, in 1821, he
could purchase a complete harpoon, with its ivory head, float, and line, for a nail; while
a knife would purchase a kia, or indeed anything that was asked in exchange for it.
RELIGION.
717
As may be inferred from the climate, the games of the Esquimaux are but few. They
are wonderful experts at a sort of " cat's-cradle," producing with a piece of string imitations
of seals, reindeer, ducks, canoes, and other objects. The little ivory models of ducks and
other animals, which have already been mentioned, are used in several of the native
games.
Their dances are remarkable for their simplicity, the dancer inventing the steps
according to his own taste. There is a dance in which a number of women stand in
a ring, with their hands under the front flaps of their jackets, and sing, with half-closed
eyes, the inevitable Amna-aya song: these are the band. The dancers are represented by
one man, who takes his place in the middle of the ring, swings his head and arms from
side to side, his long, lank hair flapping in the wind, while he utters sharp yells at
intervals, and occasionally flings one leg as high in the air as his thick garments permit.
The women have a special dance of their own, which consists in kneeling on the
ground, leaping to their feet, and so alternately from knees to feet as fast as they can.
FLINT-CHIPPER. (From the Christy Collection.)
This is really a difficult task when the heavy and clumsy boots are taken into con-
sideration. Sometimes the men challenge each other to dance, and in that case the
challenge is accepted by employing the “koonik,” or national salutation, which is given by
rubbing the noses together, and inhaling strongly through the nostrils.
With regard to religion, the Esquimaux seem to have no very definite idea of the
subject, except that they believe in a future existence, in a heaven and a hell—the latter
being, according to their ideas, dark, full of ice, with snow-storms always blowing, and no
seals. They have also a hazy description of a Supreme Being, and a secondary female
divinity, the special protector of the Esquimaux.
By way of worship, they have sundry medicine-men, or "angekos," as they are called,
who go through a series of strange ceremonies on various occasions, such as illness, or
when a party is setting out on a hunting expedition. They make the people pay heavily
for their services, and rule with a rod of iron, so that no Esquimaux is likely to retain
possession of any valuable piece of property if an angeko should happen to be in the
neighbourhood. They act upon a very simple and intelligent principle, namely, that
the amount of success in "ankooting," or divining, is in exact ratio with the amount
of pay:
Sometimes, in order to impress awe upon their victims, the angekos go through a
series of imposing ceremonies, the performance of which infers a vast amount of practice.
By the present of a knife and some beads, Captain Lyons induced a celebrated angeko,
named Toolemak, to have an interview with à Tornga, or familiar spirit, in the cabin
of the ship
“ All light excluded, our sorcerer began by chanting to his wife with great vehemence,
and she, in return, answered by singing the Amna-aya (the favourite song of the Esqui-
maux), which was not discontinued during the whole ceremony. As far as I could learn,
he afterwards began turning himself rapidly round, and, in a loud, powerful voice,
vociferated for Tornga with great impatience, at the same time blowing and snorting like
a walrus. His noise, impatience, and agitation increased every moment, and he at length
seated himself on the deck, varying his tones, and making a rustling with his clothes.
“Suddenly the voice seemed smothered, and was so managed as to sound as if retreating
beneath the deck, each moment becoming more distant, and ultimately giving the idea of
being many feet below the cabin, where it ceased entirely. His wife now, in answer to
718
THE ESQUIMAUX.
my queries, informed me very seriously that he had dived, and that he would send up
Tornga.
Accordingly, in about half a minute, a distant blowing was heard very slowly
approaching, and a voice which differed from that which we at first had heard was
at times mixed with blowing, until at length both sounds became distinct, and the old
woman informed me that Toroga was come to answer my questions. I accordingly asked
several questions of the sagacious spirit, to each of which inquiries I received an answer
by two loud slaps on the deck, which I was given to understand was favourable.
“A very hollow yet powerful voice, certainly much different from the tones of Toolemak,
now chanted for some time, and a strange jumble of hisses, groans, shouts, and gabblings
like a turkey succeeded in rapid succession. The old woman sang with increased energy,
and, as I took it for granted that this was all intended to astonish the Kabloona, I cried
repeatedly that I was very much afraid. This, as I expected, added fuel to the fire, until
the form immortal, exhausted by its own might, asked leave to retire. The voice gradually
sank from our hearing, as at first, and a very indistinct hissing succeeded. In its advance,
it sounded like the tone produced by the wind upon the bass-cord of an Æolian harp;
this was soon changed to a rapid hiss, like that of a rocket, and Toolemak, with a yell
,
announced his return. I held my breath at the first distant hissing, and twice exhausted
myself; yet our conjuror did not once respire, and even bis returning and powerful yell
was uttered without a previous stop or inspiration of air.
Light being admitted, our wizard, as might be expected, was in a profuse perspiration,
and certainly much exhausted by his exertions, which had continued for at least half an
hour. We now observed a couple of bunches, each consisting of two strips of white
deer-skin and a long piece of sinew, attached to the back of his coat. These we had not
seen before, and were informed that they had been sewn on by Tornga while he was
below." A similar exhibition has been seen by several travellers, and they have expressed
their astonishment at the length of time during which an angeko can howl, hiss, and
gabble without taking breath.
While he is below the earth, the angeko is supposed to visit the habitation of the
particular spirit whom he is addressing, and sometimes gives a detailed account of the
places in which he has been, and of their inhabitants. One female spirit, for example, is
called Aywilliayoo. She commands all the bears, whales; seals, and walruses by means
of her right hand. So, when there is a scarcity of provisions, the angeko makes a visit to
Aywilliayoo and attacks her hand. If he can cut off her nails, the bears immediately are
set free, the loss of one finger-joint liberates the small seals, the second joint sends the
large seals, the knuckles free the whole herds of walrus, while the entire hand liberates
the whale.
In figure this spirit is very tall, and has only one eye and one pigtail, but this is as
large as a man's leg, and descends to her knee. Her house is a very fine one, but Toolemak
did not venture to enter it, because it was guarded by a huge dog with black hind-
quarters and no tail. Her father is no larger than a boy of ten years old, and he has but
one arm, which is always covered with a large bear's-skin mitten. His house is also
handsome, but its entrance is guarded by troops of bears and walruses, who keep up a
continual growling,
Unfortunately for his own credit, Toolemak got drunk one evening, as he might well
be, having consumed in succession nearly ten glasses of rum, or “hot water," as he was
pleased to call it. During his intoxication he became very good-natured, and betrayed
the secrets of his magic art, showing how he altered his voice by covering his face with
his hands and then with his jacket, so as to make the voice appear as if it came from
a continually increasing depth. He finished this singular exhibition by drinking in
succession eleven pints and one gill of water, and within a few minutes became sober
enough to leave the ship and walk to his sledge.
Sometimes the Esquimaux say that they are annoyed by spirits. On one occasion
when a man nicknamed Kettle was eating in Captain Lyons' cabin, he became uneasy,
and frequently ceased eating, a very remarkable circumstance in a hungry Esquimaux.
Presently, he said that there was a spirit sitting on the opposite side of the cabin, making
GOOD QUALITIES.
719
grimaces at him, and preventing him from eating. He asked leave to drive his tormentor
away, which he did by raising a long, bellowing sound, and then blowing sharply on the
ends of his fingers. After this he resumed his meal quietly, and nothing would induce
him to blow on his fingers or raise the exorcising yell again, on the ground that the spirit
was no longer to be seen.
THE Esquimaux possess wonderful powers of drawing. They know scarcely anything
of perspective, but they can make their sketches tell their own tale; while in drawing
from memory a chart of a coast, their skill is really admirable. In Captain Hall's book
there are fac-similes of several native charts and sketches, the most curious of which is
one which was not only drawn but engraved on wood by the native draughtsman. It
represents a woman with a child nestling in the hood behind her back, and is quite equal
in execution to wood-cutting in the earlier stages of the art. The point about it which
most strikes a practised eye is the force and fidelity with which the artist has marked the
texture of the different parts of the dress; the fur coat and trousers edged with leather,
and the white-edged, fur-lined hood, are most admirably managed.
Of music and musical instruments the Esquimaux know little. They have the
Amna-aya song, which has already been mentioned, and they possess one national musical
instrument, called the “ keeloun.” This is something like a tambourine, being formed of
a very thin deer-skin, or the envelope of the whale's liver, stretched over one side of a
wooden hoop. A handle is attached to the hoop, and the instrument is struck with a
stick, not upon the membrane, but upon the hoop.
As a nation they are remarkable for two good qualities, honesty and hospitality.
There are, of course, exceptions to every rule, and such is the case with the Esquimaux.
But the earlier voyagers found that they might leave their knives and axes on shore, and
that not one of them would be touched. Now, to an Esquimaux a steel knife or axe
is more valuable than a box full of sovereigns would be to us, and the honesty of the
Esquimaux was as much tried by the sight of these articles as would be that of our
London poor if a heap of sovereigns were left lying on the pavement.
As to hospitality, their food is considered to be merely common property, so that if
one of the Esquimaux should kill a seal, all his friends and neighbours assemble as a
matter of course to assist in eating it; and even though the family of the successful
hunter should be starving, he will nevertheless invite all his friends to partake of the
food. In this way, it often happens that an entire seal barely affords a single meal to all
who come to share it.
FUNERALS among the Esquimaux are rather variable in their forms. Generally, when
a sick person is on the point of death, a new igloo is built, and carefully fitted with lamp,
provisions, and other furniture. The dying person is carried in-not through the regular
doorway, but through a breach in the wall-placed on the couch, the lamp lighted, and the
provisions laid ready to hand. The attendants then leave the igloo, build up the openings,
and never trouble themselves again about the sick person. The principal reason why the
dying are left alone is, that if the relatives are in the igloo at the moment of death, they are
obliged to throw away the dresses which they were wearing, and never to wear them
again. None of them can tell the reason for this strange belief, but it is so strongly
ingrained in them that no amount of argument can induce them to abandon it.
Sometimes the body of a dead person is simply buried in a hole scooped in the snow,
and sometimes it is laid upon a ledge of rock, accompanied by the lamp, kettle, knives,
spears, and dresses which the deceased used while in life. Similarly, when a child dies,
all its toys are placed with it in the grave, so that it may be supplied with them in the
next world.
The demeanour of the Esquimaux with regard to their dead is a most extraordinary
mixture of affection and unconcern. After having buried the body, whether alive or
dead does not matter, they care nothing about it, and this strange insensibility is even
displayed before the burial. For example, a man's wife had died, leaving a child of a few
weeks old, which in a short time followed its mother. The father was very sorrowful for
720
THE ESQUIMAUX.
his dying child, and was seen in the night lifting the curtains of its bed as it lay ill on
board ship, and sighing deeply. But, on the next day, when he came to the ship, he made
no scruple of laying his meat on the body of the child, and using it as a table at
breakfast.
Once, when Captain Lyons visited the grave where an Esquimaux named Pekooya had
been laid, he found that the wolves and dogs had uncovered the body, and had eaten a
considerable portion of it. He was naturally shocked at the scene, but the natives treated
it with absolute indifference, and though the father and a brother of Pekooya were
witnesses of the desecration, they would not cover up the mangled body, and only
laughed when Captain Lyons remonstrated with them. Moreover, when the body was
buried, it was covered so slightly with snow that the first day's thaw would melt off all
the snow, and leave it to the mercy of the dogs.
Judging from such a fact as this, it might be thought that the Esquimaux had but
little natural affection, and that they were indifferent to the loss of their nearest rela-
tives. Such, however, is not the case. An Esquimaux never passes the grave of an
acquaintance without depositing a piece of meat as an offering, and the surviving rela-
tives often visit the burying-place of their dead, and sit there for hours, talking to them
as if they were still alive. On comparing all the conflicting accounts respecting the
Esquimaux and their dead, it seems likely that they consider the dead body as something
that the deceased once possessed, but cast away at death, and that, as their departed
friend abandoned the body, they on their part need take no trouble about so worthless an
article.
If the reader will refer to the illustration on page 714, he will see that the horizon is
illuminated by strange and wild-looking flashes of light. These represent the Aurora
Borealis, as it often appears in those parts -not pale and flickering as we see it in these
comparatively southern regions, but blazing with all imaginable hues, and giving out a
light that stands the natives in stead of the sun, which in those latitudes is absent for
months at a time. The glory and magnificence of these displays can only be described by
those who have seen them, and very inadequately even by them.
There is an account given by Captain Hall of one of these marvellous exhibitions :-
I had gone on deck several times to look at the beauteous scene, and at nine o'clock was
below in my cabin going to bed, when the captain hailed me with these words, Come
above, Hall, come at once! THE WORLD IS ON FIRE.
“I knew his meaning, and quick as thought I re-dressed myself, scrambled over several
sleeping Innuits close to my berth, and rushed to the companion stairs. In another
moment I reached the deck, and as the cabin-door swung open, a dazzling and over-
powering light, as if the world were really ablaze under the agency of some gorgeously
coloured fires, burst upon my startled senses. How can I describe it? Again I say, No
mortal hand can truthfully do so. Let me however, in feeble, broken words, put down my
thoughts at the time, and try to give some faint idea of what I saw.
My first. thought was, ' Among the gods there is none like unto Thee, O Lord;
neither are any works like unto Thy works!' Then I tried to picture the scene before
Piles of golden light and rainbow light, scattered along the azure vault, extended
from behind the western horizon to the zenith ; thence down to the eastern, within a
belt of space, 20° in width, were the fountains of beams, like fire-threads, that shot with
the rapidity of lightning hither and thither, upward and athwart the great pathway
indicated. No sun, no moon, yet the heavens were a glorious sight, flooded with light.
Even ordinary print could easily have been read on deck.
Flooded with rivers of light! Yes, flooded with light; and such light! Light all
but inconceivable. The golden hues predominated, but in rapid succession prismatic
colours leaped forth.
“We looked, we saw, and trembled; for even as we gazed, the whole belt of aurora
began to be alive with flashes. Then each pile or bank of light became myriads; some
were dropping down the great pathway or belt; others springing up, others leaping with
lightning-flash from one side, while more as quickly passed into the vacated space; some
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AËRIAL PHENOMENA.
721
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twisting themselves into folds, entwining with others like enormous
serpents, and all these movements as quick as the eye could follow.
" It seemed as if there were a struggle with these blazing lights
to reach and occupy the dome above our heads. Then the whole arch
above became crowded. Down, down it came; nearer and nearer it
approached us. Sheets of golden flame, coruscating while leaping
from the auroral belt, seemed as if met in their course by some
mighty agency that turned them into the colours of the rainbow, each
of the seven primary colours 3° in width, sheeted out to 21°, the
prismatic bows at right angles with the belt.
“ While the auroral fires seemed to be descending upon us, one of
our number could not help exclaiming -
«« Hark! hark ! such a display ! almost as if a warfare were going
on among the beauteous lights above---so palpable---so near-it seems
impossible without noise.'
“But no noise accompanied this wondrous display. All was
silence.
“I would here make the remark that the finest displays of the
aurora only last a few moments. Though it may be playing all night,
yet it is only now and then that its grandest displays are made. As
if marshalling forces, gaining strength, compounding material, it con-
tinues on its silent workings. At length it begins its trembling throes;
beauty anon shoots out here and there, when all at once the aurora
flashes into living hosts of powdered coruscating rainbows, belting to
the heavenly dome with such gorgeous grandeur that mortals some-
times tremble to behold."
As these wonderful aërial phenomena are characteristic of the
Arctic regions, another of them is introduced into an illustration.
On page 704 a most extraordinary appearance is seen in the sky just
above the horizon. This is the phenomenon called the Parhelion, or
Mock Sun, which assumes various and most astounding forms, the
sun appearing in the middle, and being surrounded with dimmer
imitations of itself, round which run circular bands of light.
There seems, indeed, to be no end to the extraordinary modifica-
tions of aërial effects which take place in these regions. Captain Hall
described many of them, among which may be mentioned a moon dis-
torted beyond all recognition, its lower limb all crushed and shapeless,
and the whole appearance of the planet like that of a man under the
influence of liquor.
Then the refractive powers of the atmosphere produce most won-
derful effects, destroying all perspective, and bringing into sight all
kinds of objects which, by the ordinary laws of optics, are far out of
sight. All sailors are familiar with the appearance of a vessel high
in the air, sailing, as it were, through the sky with her keel in the
clouds, and the tops of her masts pointing downwards. But in these
regions the refractive powers are even terrible to accustomed eyes, so
wonderful are the sights presented to them.
In one of these strange exhibitions, witnessed by Captain Hall, a
vast white inverted pyramid seemed to form in the sky, and at every
roll of the vessel to dip into the sea. Presently “some land that was
seventy-five miles distant, and the top of it only barely seen in an
ordinary way, had its rocky base brought full in view. The whole
length of this land in sight was the very symbol of distortion.
' Pendant from an even line that stretched across the heavens was a ridge of mountains.
Life hangs upon a little thread, but what think you of mountains hanging upon a thread ?
In my fancy I said, 'If Fate had decreed one of the Sisters to cut that thread while I
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VOL. II.
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722
THE ESQUIMAUX.
eye rested
witnessed the singular spectacle, what convulsions upon the land and sea about us might
not have followed ! But Nature had an admirable way of taking down these rock-giants,
hanging between the heavens and the earth. Arch after arch was at length made in
wondrous grandeur from the rugged and distorted atmospheric land; and, if ever man's
upon the sublime, in an act of God's creative power, it was when He arcuated
the heavens with such a line of stupendous mountains.
“ Between those several mountain arches in the sky were hung icebergs, also inverted,
moving silently and majestically about as the sea-currents shifted those along of which
they were the images. In addition to all this there was a wall of water, so it appeared,
far beyond the apparent horizon. This wall seemed alive with merry dancers of the most
fantastic figures that the imagination could conceive, and its perpendicular columns were
ever playfully changing. Oh, how exquisitely beautiful was this God-made, living wall !
A thousand youthful forms of the fairest outline seemed to be dancing to and fro, their
white arms intertwined, bodies incessantly varying, intermixing, falling, rising, jumping,
skipping, hopping, whirling, waltzing, resting, and again rushing to the mazy dance-never
tired-ever playful—ever light and airy, graceful, and soft to the eye.”
Such, then, is a brief account of the remarkable and interesting Innuit people-a
people which, according to the observation of Captain Hall, are gradually dying out, and
in a few more years will altogether cease to exist,
CHAPTER XXIII.
VANCOUVER'S ISLAND.
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
DEFINITION OF THE AHT TRIBES-APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES--STRENGTH OF GRASP-PECU-
LIARITY OF THE LEGSGAIT OF THE WOMEN-SPEED OF THE MEN-DANCE-THE LIP-
ORNAMENT OF THE WOMEN CLOTHING-THE BOAT CLOAK AND HAT-WEAPONS-THE BOW
AND ARROW-INGENIOUS CONSTRUCTION OF THE BOW-ITS BACKING OF ELASTIC STRINGS-THE
ARROWS AND THEIR SPIRAL FEATHERING-THE FISH-SPEAR AND HARPOON ARROWS THE
HALIBUT HOOK-VARIOUS MODES OF HUNTING—SALMON
SALMON SPEARING BY TORCHLIGHT THE
HERRING-RAKE-HOW TO KEEP THE BOAT FROM SINKING-THE WHALE FISHERY.
BEFORE leaving this part of the world, we will cast a brief glance at the tribes which
inhabit Vancouver's Island. They are singularly interesting, inasmuch as they combine
some of the habits which distinguish the Esquimaux with others of the North American
tribes, and add to them several of the customs which have been already noticed among
the Polynesians, their insular position and peculiar climate no doubt affording the cause
for this curious mixture.
As a type of these tribes, we will take the Auts, though other tribes will be casually
mentioned.
The Ahts may rather be called a nation than a tribe, being divided into some twenty
tribes, the names of which all end in “aht,” as, for example, Ohyaht, Muchlaht, Ayhuttis-
aht, Toquaht, &c. Altogether they number about seventeen hundred. They do not,
however, act together as a nation, and each tribe is perfectly distinct, and often at war
with another.
They are not a tall people, the men averaging a little less than five feet six inches, and
the women being just above five feet. Possibly, from the continual paddling which
they practise almost from childhood, the upper limbs of an Aht are exceedingly strong,
so strong, indeed, that a slight-looking native can carry with ease on his extended fingers
a weight which a white man can scarcely lift. Their power of grasp, probably from the
same cause, is more like the grip of a machine than the grasp of a man; and those who
have had to fight with them have found that if once an Aht be allowed to seize either the
clothing or the hair, the only way to loosen his grasp is to knock him down with a blow
in the throat or in the ribs-he cares nothing for a blow on the head.
When he comes to such close quarters in a quarrel, he has an awkward habit of
grasping the enemy with one hand, and using with the other a knife which he has kept
concealed in his long hair. Fortunately for his white opponent, so extraordinary a
proceeding as a blow from the fist, which deprives him for a time of breath, be-
wilders and alarms him to such an extent that he seldom risks its repetition.
3 A 2
724
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
The legs of the Aht tribes are, as a rule, short, ill-made, bowed, and apparently
deficient in power. This peculiarity is especially noticeable in the women, whose legs are
so bowed, and whose toes are so turned inwards, that they waddle rather than walk, and at
every step they are obliged to cross their feet as a parrot does. The legs of the inland
tribes are, as a rule, better developed than those of the inhabitants of the coast. Yet
these unsightly limbs are by no means deficient in power. An Aht, powerfully built
above, will step out of his canoe, and exhibit a pair of legs scarcely as thick as
his arms, and yet he will walk in the woods for a whole day without showing any signs
of fatigue.
Owing to this form of limb, the natives, though enduring enough, are not swift of
foot, and can be easily overtaken by a white man on the open ground, notwithstanding
the impediments of clothing, and especially of shoes, which hinder the progress of the
pursuer, the pursued usually throwing off the only garment that he wears. Should he
once reach the woods, pursuit is useless, as no white man can follow a naked native
in them.
The colour of the Ahts is a dull, but not dark, brown. Their face is broad and flat,
the nose tolerably well formed when it is not dragged out of shape by rings and other
ornaments, and the cheek-bones are strongly marked and broad, but not high. There is
very little hair on the faces of the men, but that of the head is long, straight, and is
generally allowed to hang loosely over the shoulders, though it is sometimes gathered
into a knot at the back of the head, merely covered by a cap or a wreath of grass. They
are very proud of their hair, so that when an Aht has been guilty of some offence which
is not very serious, the best punishment is to cut off his hair, inasmuch as he will be an
object of constant ridicule until it has grown again. The women divide their hair in the
middle, and tie it in two plaits, one of which hangs at each side of the face, and often has
a piece of lead suspended to the end to keep it straight. Mr. Sproat thinks that the
physical characteristics of the Ahts have been modified by means of a large importation
of Chinese, which took place about the end of the last century, and remarks that the
peculiar Chinese eye is sometimes seen among these natives. Still, even if this be the
fact, the modification can be but slight, as both people are undoubtedly members of the
same great race, though altered by the conditions in which they have respectively been
placed.
Some of the women have a hideously ugly ornament which they wear in their under
lip, just as do the Botocudos of Tropical America. This practice exists only among the
northern tribes, where it is carried out to an enormous extent. As the size of the orna-
ment is gradually increased from childhood, the lip of an old woman will contain an oval
ornament three inches long by two wide. There is a shallow groove round the edge so as
to keep it in its place, and both sides are slightly concave. Sometimes it is used as a
spoon, the woman putting on it a piece of meat that is too hot, and, when it is cool,
turning it into her mouth by a contraction of the lip.
The value that is set upon this horrible disfigurement is almost ludicrous, a woman's
rank being due to the size of her lip-ornament. Possibly, on account of the long time
which must be occupied in stretching the orifice in the lip to the required size, the
opinion of a woman with a large lip is always held in respect; and, if she should be
opposed by a younger person of her own sex, she will contemptuously decline to enter
into argument with a woman who has so small a lip. Some of them wear a shell orna-
ment, like the stem of a clay tobacco-pipe, one or two inches long, stuck through the lip
and projecting forwards at a considerable angle with the chin. This ornament is called
the hai-qua.
As for clothing, the men wear a sort of robe made by themselves, for which they
have in later days substituted a European blanket. They are not at all particular as to
the disposal of this robe, and even if it should fall off do not trouble themselves. The
women also wear the blanket, but always have a small apron in addition to it. In their
canoes they wear a cape.
It is made of cedar-bark string, and is woven in nearly the
same manner as the mat of the New Zealander, which has already been described ;
namely, by stretching the warp threads parallel to each other on a frame, and tying them
WEAPONS.'
725
1
These capes
together at intervals with a cross-thread which represents the woof. A specimen in my
collection has the cross-threads at intervals of half an inch.
It is shaped exactly like the cross section of a boat, straight above, and rounded
below. It measures five feet three inches in width, and three feet six inches in depth in
the centre.
As is usual with such robes, the upper
edge is adorned with a strip of marten fur a quarter
of an inch wide, wound spirally round the selvage so
Section
as to form quite a thick rope of fur.
are the work of the women, who have the manufacture
of all the clothing. Fur bags are made by the simple
process of skinning the marten, the body being then ex-
tricated through a cut made across the abdomen just
below the tail. As the skin comes off it is reversed,
and when dry and properly dressed it is turned with the
fur outwards, and the bag is complete, the tail serving as
a handle. One of these bags in my collection was
presented to me by Lieut. Pusey
The woof-thread is also made of the white pine bark,
and the needle is nothing more than a sharpened twig.
The same useful materials are also employed for the
curious hats which the natives wear in their canoes.
These hats are made on the principle of the sailors'
sou’-westers,” and are fashioned so as to shoot rain
off the shoulders. The outside of the hat is made of
cedar bark, and the inside of white pine bark.
DEPENDING largely upon animal food for their nourish-
ment, the Aht tribes are expert hunters, and make very
ingenious weapons, some of which are shown in the
Back
accompanying and following illustrations, drawn from
Enlarged
my own specimens.
The bow and arrows used by these people are
worthy of a brief description.
The bow is an admirable specimen of savage art, and
must be the result of long experience. It is four feet
three inches in length, and made of one piece of wood.
In general shape it resembles the bow of the Andamans,
though it is not of such gigantic dimensions. In the
middle the wood is rounded, so as to form a handle
which is nearly four inches in circumference. From the
handle to the tips, the wood is gradually flattened and
widened for about fourteen inches, where it is just two
inches wide. From this point it gradually lessens again
to the tip, which is rounded and thickened, so as to
receive the notch for the string.
Were no addition made to the bow it would still be
a very powerful weapon, but the maker has not been
satisfied with the simple wood, and has strengthened
it with a wonderfully complex arrangement of strings
BOW. (From my Collection.)
made of twisted sinews. In my specimen there are
rather more than fifty of these strings, which are laid on the bow and interwoven with
each other in a manner so strong and neat, that the most skilful sailor might be envious
of such a piece of handiwork. Each of these strings is double, the two strands being
about as large as thin whipcord, and when seen against the light they are quite translucent.
They are put on in the following manner. Two deep notches, parallel to the line of
the bow, are made at each tip, these notches serving two purposes-first, the reception of
2
726
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
the bow-strings, and next the support of the strengthening strings. Eight of the
strings, measuring about eleven feet in length, have been doubled, the loop passed over
the tip of the bow, and the strings led along the back over the corresponding notch at the
other tip, and brought back to the middle. These strings lie parallel to each other, and
form a flat belt from one end of the bow to the other. About an inch below the tip,
three other sets of strings are fastened in a somewhat s milar manner, so that four dis-
tinct layers of strings run throughout the length of the weapon.
Even these have not sufficed the maker, who has added six more layers starting from
the widest and flattest part of the bow, so that nearly three feet of the centre of the
weapon are strengthened by no less than twelve layers of sinew strings. By referring to
the illustration, the reader will perceive the extreme ingenuity with which the strings
äre laid on the bow, so that whether the weapon be bent or unstrung, they all keep their
places. So firmly are they lashed to the bow, that even when it is unstrung they are all
as tight as harp-strings.
The string of the bow is made of the same material as those which strengthen the
back, and in consequence of the very great strength of the material, it is much thinner
than the string of an ordinary archer's bow. It is made of two strands, each strand
being about as large as the back strings.
By referring to the illustration a good idea can be gained of this singularly ingenious
weapon. At first the bow is seen as it appears when strung, fig. 3 giving a section of
the wood. At fig. 2 is an enlarged representation of one end of the bow, so as to show
the manner in which the various sets of strings are fastened. At the upper part are seen
the strings which form the first layer, passing over the end of the bow, and filling up the
notch in which they lie. Just below the tip come the second and third sets, which
pass down the bow, where they are met by, and interwoven with, the remainder of the
strings, the whole of them being gathered in the rope with its spiral building. This
beautiful weapon was added to my collection by Lieut. Pusey, R.N.
The arrows are of various kinds, according to the object for which they are intended.
That which is used for ordinary occasions is shown in the uppermost figure of the
following illustration. It is two feet three inches in length, and is headed with bone.
.
LA
julho
4
2
Will
3
ARROWS. (From my Collection.)
There is a peculiarity about these arrows which is worthy of notice. Some time ago
än arrow was patented which had the feathers placed spirally upon the end of the shaft,
so as to give it a rapidly revolving movement when discharged from the bow. The
principle was exactly that of the screw which is applied to steam vessels ; and those who
used the arrow acknowledged that the spiral setting of the feathers not only increased
the power of flight, but enabled the archer to drive his arrow through the wind with
greater ease and certainty than could be obtained with the ordinarily feathered arrow.
There is å vėry old saying that there is nothing new under the sun, and this is the case
with the arrow in question, the savages of Northern America having adopted the same
principle long ago. In their arrows the feathers are set spirally, with a bold curve, and
there is really no difference between the weapon of the savage and the toy of civilization
than the greater neatness and higher finish of the latter.
THE HARPOON.
727
The two lower figures represent the arrow which is used for killing fish. In this
weapon the point is also of bone, but is very much longer, and is double, the two halves
diverging considerably from each other, and being barbed on the inner surface. They are
firmly lashed to the shaft, and their divergence is given by means of two pegs, which are
driven between the shaft and the two portions of the point. If a fish be struck by this
ingenious weapon it cannot possibly escape, the elastic points contracting violently and
holding the fish between them.
It is worthy of notice that a police spear made exactly on the same principle is used
by the Malays. It consists of a handle some seven feet long, from the end of which
project two diverging points. The inner side of each point is
armed with a row of very sharp barbs, all directed backwards.
Thorns are often used for this purpose. Should a criminal try
to escape, the police officer has only to thrust his spear against the
back of the man's neck, when he is at once a prisoner, the barbed
points effectually preventing him from escaping, even should the
officer drop his weapon. The zoological reader will doubtless
remember that the teeth of the snake and of many
fish-the pike, for example—are set on exactly the
same principle.
In some specimens the head is fitted
loosely on the shaft, and connected with it
by means of a string, which is wound
2
4
3
Loose
Fest
Enlarged
然
​@
HARPOON AND ARROWS. (Froni my Collection.)
spirally round it, and when the fish is struck the head is shaken off the shaft, which
serves both as a drag to aid in tiring the fish and as a float by which its presence may
be indicated.
The most ingenious of these arrows is that which is shown in the above illus-
tration. It is used for shooting seals and the larger fish, and is very elaborately
constructed. It measures four feet three inches in length, and is almost deserving of
the name of harpoon rather than arrow.
The shaft is made of very light wood, and is about as thick as a man's finger.
At the butt-end it is feathered in the usual manner, and at the other it is terminated
by a pear-shaped piece of bone an inch in diameter at the thickest part. Into the
end of this bone is bored a small conical hole, which receives the head. This is also
made of bone, and is very small in comparison with the arrow, and is furnished with
728
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBE.
two deeply-cut barbs. As is the case with all harpoon weapons, the head is connected
with the shaft by a line, but in this case there is a peculiarity about the line and its
mode of attachment.
Instead of being a mere double-strand string, it is made of a number of fibres
arranged in three strands, and plaited, not twisted together, so as to form a flat line,
which possesses enormous strength combined with great elasticity and small size. The
mode of attachment is as ingenious as the method of manufacture. The line is a
double one, measuring twelve feet in length. The line is first doubled, the loop is put
through a hole in the point and over the head, so as to secure it, and the two halves
of the line are then lashed together about eighteen inches from the point. One end is then
fastened to the arrow just below the feathers, and the other to the shaft just above the
bone tip, as is shown in fig. 1. The object of this arrangement is evident. As soon as a
seal is struck, it dashes off, shaking the shaft from the barbed head, which remains in its
body. Were the line simply tied to the end of the shaft, the wounded creature would
easily drag it through the water. But, owing to the manner in which the line is fastened,
the shaft is drawn crosswise through the water, and presents so great a resistance that the
seal becomes exhausted with its unavailing struggles," and
comes to the surface, where it is despatched with a second
or third weapon.
The reader will not fail to notice the singular ingenuity
of the arm. First, there is the head made moveable, so
that it shall not be shaken out of the wound by the
leverage of the shaft; next there is the mode of attaching
the head to the shaft, so as to present the greatest re-
sistance to the water; and lastly, there is the line made
of material so strong and elastic that no struggles of the
seal can break it, while at the same time it is so slight as
not to interfere with the archer's aim in the passage of
the arrow through the air.
Besides the harpoon and fish-arrow, these people also use
the hook, which is quite as ingenious in its way as the
implements which have been described. The body of the
hook is of wood, and is exactly in the shape of the capital
HOOK. (From my Collection.)
letter U. The point bends slightly outward, and is charred
at the tip to render it harder. It is also defended and
strengthened by a band of very tough vegetable fibre, which covers it for about three inches.
The barb is a piece of bone, about five inches in length, sharpened like a needle at the
point. This barb is not attached to the point, as is the case with the generality of
hooks, but is fastened to the shank, and is so long that its tip reaches to the middle
of the hook.
At first sight this seems a very inadequate arrangement for securing fish, and looks as
if the creature could easily slip off the unguarded point. If, however, the hook, which
is a very large one, be tested, it will be found astonishingly efficacious. If the point be
inserted between the fingers, as it would be inserted into the jaws of a fish, and then
brought upwards, it will be found that the sharp barb effectually prevents the hook from
being withdrawn.
There is one effect of this mode of fixing the barb which may or may not have been
intended. Should, by any accident, the line become entangled with the hook, and
reverse it, the fish is quite as secure, the long straight barb forming a second hook, to
which it is transferred. When not in use, a cord is passed several times from the point
to the base of the hook, so as to guard it from being warped. The body of this hook is
made of the Douglas pine, and it is brought into shape by steaming. The hook is
chiefly used for catching the halibut, as, for some reason, the Ahts will not use a steel
hook in the capture of this fish.
There is plenty of game, both large and small, in these regions, though the chase is in
all cases a severe one, and tests not only the skill but the endurance of the hunter.
M
W
..

HUNTING
729
There is, for example, the black bear, which is a most valuable animal, its fur being used
for clothing, and its flesh for food. Bear hunting is not carried on at all times of the
year, but is generally followed towards the end of autumn, when the bears are fat, and
about to enter their winter-quarters. Sometimes the Ahts wait until the bear has gone
into retirement, and then spear it in its winter home. Traps are in great favour, because
they do not spoil the skin. They are very simple; the trap consisting of a tree-trunk
heavily loaded with stones, and suspended at one end over the animals track. It is
kept in position by a trigger, to which is attached a slight rope crossing the track. It
is always placed in some spot where a large stump or the root of a fallen tree allows the
trap to be set without disturbing the appearance of the track.
SALMON SPEARING.
Then there are one or two deer, the largest of which is the wapiti, commonly but
erroneously called the elk. The hunter generally takes it by following its track, and
stalking it as it feeds, when the powerful bow drives an arrow to its heart. The skill of
the hunter is shown as much after the deer is dead as during the actual chase. Captain
Mayne mentions that he has seen a wapiti killed, and in a quarter of an hour it has
been skinned, the whole of the flesh removed from the bones, and the skin converted into
mocassins. The natives have rather a strange way of carrying the meat. At their first
halt after killing a deer, they cut the meat into pieces two or three inches square, trans-
fix them with a long stick, and carry the stick upon their shoulder, every now and then
pulling off a piece and eating it as they go along. In this manner the flesh of a deer
vanishes in a wonderfully short time. Very little meat is preserved, the Ahts generally
eating it as soon as the animal is killed.
As to the fish, there are so many that only one or two can be mentioned. The salmon
730
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
is the fish that seems to be the most valued by these fish-eating tribes, and it is caught
,
as with us, in a variety of ways. Sometimes the natives use a rather curious fish-spear
,
about fifteen feet long in the shaft
, and with a double head, made of wapiti bone. The
head is only slightly fixed in the shaft, to which it is attached by a line, as in the harpoon-
arrow already described. Should the fish be a very heavy one, the hunter merely ties to
the line a number of inflated bladders, and causes it to tire itself by useless struggles
before he risks the fracture of the line or loss of the barbed head, one or both of which
events would probably happen if he were to try to secure a fresh and powerful fish.
Sometimes, when the fish are plentiful, they are caught by dropping among them a
stick armed with barbed points and jerking it upwards sharply, until it impales a fish on
one or other of these points.
"Burning the water” is employed in catching salmon, and is carried on by two natives,
one of whom paddles the canoe, while the other stands in the bow, where a torch is kept
burning, and strikes the fish as they glide through the water. Mr. Sproat mentions that
a single canoe has been known to bring back forty fine salmon as the result of a day's
fishing Salmon traps are also employed. These are made after a fashion closely
resembling that of the eel-traps used in this country. They are double baskets, externally
cylindrical, and are set with their mouths directed down the stream. When the fish try
to pass up the stream they enter the basket, and, as the inner basket is very much shorter
than the other, shaped like a sugar-loaf, the salmon finds itself imprisoned between them.
Some of these baskets measure as much as twenty feet in length, and five feet in diameter,
so that they will contain a considerable number of fish.
One of the oddest fishing instruments is that by which the herring is caught. This is
a pole about ten feet in length, flattened at one end like the blade of an oar, and armed
along the edge with projecting spikes. When the fisherman gets among a shoal of
herrings, he plunges his pole into the mass of fish, draws it through them with a peculiar
movement of the arms, so as to transfix the herrings on the spikes, and then shakes them
into his boat. By this mode of fishing, which is called “herring-raking," great numbers
of fish are taken, as well as by the net, which is ingeniously made from fibre obtained
from a native nettle, which reaches eight or ten feet in height.
The Ahts are such keen fishermen that they will often endanger the safety of their
canoes by the quantity of fish with which they will heap them, so that the gunwales are
sunk within an inch or so of the water's edge. In calm weather they can manage well
enough, even with such a burden as this; but if the wind should get up before they can
reach the shore, the danger is very great. Should such an event happen, these enter-
prising fishermen will not throw their cargo overboard to save the boat, but will fasten all
the spare floats round the canoe, so as to keep it from sinking even if filled with water.
There is scarcely any end to the use which is made by the Ahts of these floats, and
with their aid they will attack and conquer even the gigantic whale. The following
account of their mode of whale-fishing is written by Mr. G. M. Sproat:—“A whale-chase
is an affair of some moment. The kind of whale commonly seen on the coast was
described by an old whaling skipper as 'finner,' in which there is not much oil. The
season for fishing whales commences about the end of May or in June. Many whales.
are killed every season by the Nitinahts, who live principally on the seaboard near
Barclay or Nitinaht's Sound. This tribe has a custom, which I have not observed
elsewhere, of separating during spring and summer into small parties, each under a
separate head, but all still continuing under the chiefship of the principal chief of
the tribe.
“Months beforehand preparations are made for the whale-fishing, which is considered
almost a sacred season. I particularly noticed this circumstance from having, in my
boyhood, heard of the Manx custom, in which all the crews of the herring fleet invoke a
blessing before 'shooting' their herring-nets. The honour of using the harpoon in an
Aht tribe is enjoyed but by few—about a dozen in the tribe—who inherit the privilege.
Instances, however, are known of the privilege having been acquired by merit.
Eight or nine men, selected by the harpooner, form the crew of his canoe. For
several moons before the fishing begins these men are compelled to abstain from their
WHALE FISHING.
731
bone spears.
usual food: they live away from their wives, wash their bodies morning, noon, and night,
and rub their skins with twigs or a rough stone. If a canoe is damaged or capsized by a
whale, or any accident happens during the fishing season, it is assumed that some of the
crew have failed in their preparatory offices, and a very strict inquiry is instituted by the
chief men of the tribe. Witnesses are examined, and an investigation made into the
domestic affairs of the accused persons. Should any inculpatory circumstance appear,
the delinquent is severely dealt with, and is often deprived of his rank, and placed under a
ban for months.
“When the whales approach the coast, the fishermen are out all day, let the wind
blow high or not. The canoes have different cruising-grounds, some little distance apart.
The Indian whaling-gear consists of harpoons, lines, inflated seal-skins, and wooden or
The harpoon is often made of a piece of the iron hoop of an ale cask, cut
with a chisel into the shape of a harpoon-blade--two barbs fashioned from the tips of
deer-horns being affixed to this blade with gum. Close to the harpoon the line is of deer
sinews. To this the main line is attached, which is generally made of cedar-twigs laid
together as thick as a three-inch rope. Large inflated skins are fastened to this line about
twelve feet from the harpoon. The weapon itself is then tied slightly to a yew handle
ten feet long
“On getting close, the harpooner, from the bow of his canoe, throws his harpoon at
the whale with full force. As soon as the barb enters, the fastening of the wooden
handle, being but slight, breaks, and becomes detached from the line. The natives raise
a yell, and the whale dives quickly, but the seal-skins impede his movements. Very
long lengths of line are kept in the canoes, and sometimes the lines from several canoes
are joined. On the re-appearance of the whale on the surface, he is attacked from the
nearest canoe; and thus, finally, forty or fifty large buoys are attached to his body. He
struggles violently for a time, and beats and lashes the water in all directions, until,
weakened by loss of blood and fatigued by his exertions, he ceases to struggle, and the
natives despatch him with their short spears. The whale is then taken in tow by
the whole fleet of canoes, the crews yelling and singing, and keeping time with their
paddles.
"Sometimes, after being harpooned, the whale escapes, and takes ropes, harpoons,
seal-skins, and everything with him. Should he die from his wounds, and be found by
another tribe at sea, or on shore within the territorial limits of the finders, the instruments
are returned to the losers, with a large piece of the fish as a present. . Many disputes
arise between tribes on the finding of dead whales near the undefined boundaries of the
tribal territories. If the quarrel is serious, all intercourse ceases, trade is forbidden, and
war is threatened. By and by, when the loss of trade is felt, negotiation is tri
envoy is selected who is of high rank in his own tribe, and, if possible, connected with
the other tribe by marriage. He is usually a quiet man of fluent speech. Wearing
white eagle feathers in his head-dress as a mark of peace, he departs in a small canoe.
Only one female attendant, generally an old slave, accompanies him, to assist in paddling,
as the natives never risk two men on such occasions. The envoy's return is anxiously
awaited. As a general rule, the first proposition is rejected. Objections, references,
counter proposals, frequently make three or four embassies necessary before the question
can be settled. By that time the blubber must be very rancid.”
w
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.Continued.
1
MANUFACTURE OF CANOES-CORRECT
CORRECT EYE OF THE NATIVE BUILDERS- MATERIAL AND SHAPE OF
THE PADDLE
PADDLE-MODE OF USING IT-PATTERN WITH WHICH IT IS DECORATED.-" CUTTING"
THE WAVES-SKILL AND ENDURANCE OF THE PADDLERS- ESCAPE OF A NATIVE-
NATIVE-FEASTS
AMONG THE AHT TRIBES-METHOD OF COOKING-THE WOODEN POTS AND HEATED STONES
HOW THE INDIANS DIED DISTRIBUTION OF PROPERTY, AND ITS CONSEQUENT DESTRUCTION
-SACRED CHARACTER OF A FEAST-THE SACRED MARKS—THE ARTIFICIAL SNOW-STORM—THE
DOCTOR'S. DANCE-ADMIRABLE ACTING-SIMULATED MURDER AND RECOVERY OF THE CORPSE-
THE ROOF-DANCE,
THE canoes in which the Alt tribes make their expeditions are carved out of solid wood.
The tree which is employed for this purpose is a kind of cedar (Thuja gigantea), which
flourishes by the sea. When a native wishes to make a canoe, he looks out for a good
tree as near as possible to the water, and, with the assistance of a comrade, cuts it down.
Now that he has European tools, he can fell a tree with some rapidity, but in the olden
times, when his sole tool was a sort of chisel made of wapiti horn, it was a very slow
process indeed. The only way of using this primitive instrument was by placing the
edge of the chisel against the tree, and striking the butt with a heavy stone, shaped
something like a dumb-bell.
The tree being felled, the bark is stripped off
, and the trunk split lengthwise by
wedges. The next process is to hollow out the inside, which is done entirely by hand,
fire not being employed, as is the case with many savage tribes. The outside is then
dubbed down to the proper thickness by means of an adze formed of a large mussel-shell
fixed in a handle. In this work the natives use no measuring tools, but trust entirely to
the eye; yet their work is so true that, when the boat is completed, it sits lightly on the
water, and is well balanced. Any of my readers who have made even a toy boat will
appreciate the difficulty of this task.
In about three weeks or so the canoe is roughly hewn and hollowed, and then comes
a more difficult business, namely, the bringing it into the peculiar shape which the Ahts
think to be the best. This is done by filling
the canoe with water, and throwing red-hot
stones into it till the water boils. This part of the process is continued for a considerable
time, until the wood is quite soft, and then a number of cross-pieces are driven into the
interior, so as to force the canoe into its proper shape, which it retains ever afterwards.
While the canoe is still soft and comparatively pliant, several slight cross-pieces
are inserted, so as to counteract any tendency towards warping. The outside of the
vessel is next hardened by fire, so as to enable it to resist the attacks of insects, and
also to prevent it from cracking when exposed to the sun. Lastly, the bow and stem
pieces are fixed to the canoe, and the interior is painted of some brilliant colour, usually
red. The outside is generally quite black and highly polished, this effect being produced
by rubbing it plentifully with oil after the fire has done its work. Lastly, a pattern of
some kind is generally painted on the bow and stern.
THE PADDLE.
733
The accompanying figure will give the reader a good idea of the form of this canoe.
It is drawn from a large model brought from Vancouver's Island by Lieut. Pusey, and added
by him to my collection. In this specimen the patterns at the bow and stem are red
and blue. As is mostly the case with canoes made by savages, there is no keel to
the boat.
CANOE. (From my Collection.)
The paddle by which the canoe is propelled is a singularly ingenious one, com-
bining the three qualities of lightness, elasticity, and strength to a really remarkable
extent. The paddle represented in the upper figure of the following illustration is one
of the specimens in my collection. It is four feet six inches in length, and the blade
is about six inches wide at the broadest part. It is shaped with the greatest accuracy, ,
the part where it is grasped by the left hand being nearly cylindrical, and then widening
gradually until it forms the blade. At this part it is very thin—so thin, in fact, that it
seems scarcely able to bear the strain that is put upon it when the paddler urges his
canoe swiftly over the water.
side Vew
von
PADDLES. (From my Collection.)
The lightness of such a paddle is wonderful. The specimen which is figured in.
the illustration only weighs eighteen ounces, being barely half the weight of a similarly-
sized New Zealand paddle. The reader will notice the peculiar handle. This is made
in order to suit the mode of paddling. When the Aht gets into his canoe, he grasps
the paddle with his left hand about eighteen inches from the end, and places his right
hand upon the cross-piece that serves as a handle. The left hand thus acts as a fulcrum ;
upon the right hand works the leverage of the paddle. Below this paddle is figured
another from the Solomon Islands, in order to show how two totally distinct races of
mankind bave hit upon the same invention. There is even a similarity in the form of
their canoes as well as in the shape of their paddles.
The reader will observe that the blade of the paddle is covered with a pattern which
extends some way up the handle. This is the work of the women, who take upon them-
selves the decoration of the paddles after their husbands have shaped them. The colours
employed are generally black and red, the latter hue being obtained by a preparation of
annatto. In this particular specimen, red is the chief colour, the large oval marks on the
side of the blade and on the handle being red, while the more intricate pattern on the
blade is drawn in black.
734
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
No matter what may be the colour of the paddle, the pattern is always of the same
character. I have no doubt in my mind that it is really a conventional mode of depicting
the human face, such as is seen upon the work of many extinct races of mankind; and,
although at a first glance the semblance may not be seen, it is evident to a practised
observer, and is, moreover, quite in character with other works of art found of these
people.
The broad, flat, sharp-edged blade of the paddle is often used for other purposes
besides propelling the canoe. It has already been mentioned that the Ahts will not throw
overboard their cargo of fish, no matter how high the waves may roll, or how deeply the
canoe may be loaded. They watch carefully for the waves, and if one of them comes in
such a manner that it would dash inboard, they have the art of cutting it in two with
a blow from the edge of the paddle, and causing it to fly harmlessly over the little
vessel.
Both in making canoes and in other work where holes have to be bored, the Ahts
make use of a simple drill, forned from the bone of a bird, fixed in a wooden handle.
When it is used, the shaft is taken between the two hands, the point placed on the object
to be bored, and the hands moved swiftly backwards and forwards until the hole is made.
In the same manner, by using a stick instead of a drill, fire is produced, precisely as is
done by the Kaffirs.
The skill of the paddlers is wonderful. Mr. Sproat mentions the escape of an Aht
Indian who had committed several murders, and had contrived to escape from custody.
Finding the place where he had concealed himself, a party set out to recapture him, and
discovered him running across the snow to gain the shelter of a wood. Had he reached
it he would have been safe, so one of the pursuers chased him, and, notwithstanding the
disadvantage of wearing shoes, which soon became clogged by the snow, succeeded in
gaining on him, the Ahts being, as has already been remarked, very poor runners.
The man soon perceived that he was no match for his pursuer iu running, and so,
abandoning his intention of reaching the wood, he turned sharply off towards the river,
flung off his blanket, and leaped into the stream. Presently he was seen making his way
towards a canoe which was made fast to a drift tree in the river, and in a short time he
reached it, looked eagerly into it to see if there were a paddle, scrambled into the boat,
cast it off, and paddled away. Meanwhile two of his pursuers had got into a canoe, and
were paddling after him, so that when he cast the boat loose they were not more than
twenty yards from him. It was, however, quite enough for the fugitive, who forced his
canoe up the stream with a power and rapidity which soon increased the distance between
the two boats, and, in spite of all the efforts of his pursuers, he made his way to the bank
nearly fifty yards ahead of them. As soon as he reached the shore, he jumped out of the
canoe, and dashed into the wood, where it was useless to follow him.
Several times during the struggle Mr. Sproat had the man covered with his revolver,
but the skill, grace, and strength of the fugitive were so admirable that, much to the dis-
content of his companions, he would not fire. He remarks that in such a chase as this
a white man has no chance with an Aht, but that in a long race on the sea the white man
will win, his powers of endurance exceeding those of the savage.
The possession of a canoe is an object of much ambition among the Ahts, as it confers
upon them a sort of distinction, and is looked upon much as is the possession of a carriage
among ourselves.
Each canoe is furnished with a baling instrument, which is always made of wood.
It is, in fact, a large spoon, the bowl being angular, and shaped something like the gable
of a house.
THE domestic manners of the Ahts are, from Mr. Sproat's account, very interesting,
and, as he remarks, if any one only knew their strange language well, and had the stomach
and the nose to live among them during the winter months, he would obtain copious
information respecting them.
Winter is the time mentioned, because during the summer the men are generally
dispersed in their pursuit of game, especially of salmon, which they dry and preserve for
WASTE OF PROPERTY.
735
winter use. But about November they return to their homes, and a time of general
feasting and enjoyment sets in. «Cooking goes on all day, and the revellers are perpetually
feasting, while during times of work they only eat twice in the day, namely in the morning
and evening, and even then do not eat much at each meal. Fish is the principal article
of their diet, and dried salmon is the food which is most plentiful, though they also eat
the flesh of the seal and the whale when they can get it. Of late years the Ahts have
obtained rice and molasses, and apparently with a bad effect upon their health.
The pots in which the food is cooked are made of wood, the water being boiled, not by
placing the pots on the fire, but by heating stones red-hot and throwing them into it.
Rude as this mode of boiling water may seem, it is much more rapid and effectual than
might be imagined, which will account for the wide spreading of the custom. In more than
one place, when the white man visited the natives for the first time, nothing impressed
them so strongly as the fact that, when he boiled water, he put the vessel on the fire.
The capability of making a vessel that would endure such treatment had, in their eyes,
something of the supernatural.
An old native illustrated well the astonishment which they themselves felt when they
saw a kettle placed on the fire for the first time. He narrated the story to Mr. Duncan in
the following quaint but forcible language "The strangers landed, and beckoned the
Indians to come to them and bring them some fish. One of them had over his shoulder
what was supposed to be only a stick. Presently he pointed it at a bird that was flying
past—a violent 'poo' went forth—down came the bird to the ground. The Indians died !
As they revived, they questioned each other as to their state, whether any were dead, and
what each had felt.
“The whites then made signs for a fire to be lighted. The Indians proceeded at once
according to their tedious practice of rubbing two sticks together. The strangers laughed,
and one of them, snatching up a handful of dry grass, struck a spark into a little powder
placed under it. Instantly, another 'poo,' and a blaze! The Indians died ! After this,
the new-comers wanted some fish boiled. The Indians therefore put the fish and some
water into one of their square wooden buckets, and set some stones in the fire, intending,
when they were hot, to cast them into the vessel, and thus boil the food. The whites
were not satisfied with this way. One of them fetched a tin kettle out of the boat, put
the fish and some water into it, and then, strange to say, set it on the fire. The Indians
looked on with astonishment. However, the kettle did not consume, the water did not
run into the fire. Then again the Indians died ! ”
Sometimes a man of consequence issues invitations for a solemn feast, and on such
an occasion he seizes the opportunity of showing his wealth by the liberal distribution
of presents, every individual present receiving a share of the property. Consequently, a
feast always affords a scene of destruction. For example, Captain Mayne mentions that
at one feast which he witnessed, he recognised three sea otter-skins, for one of which
thirty blankets had been offered and refused. Yet, valuable as they were, they were cut
up into little pieces about three inches by one, so that every guest might have a piece.
As each blanket is to the Aht the equivalent of a sovereign among ourselves, the amount
of waste may be imagined. Mr. Duncan, the successful missionary among these people,
relates several instances of the waste of property which takes place both on these and
other occasions. For example, a chief had just built a house, and issued invitations for
a great feast.
“After feasting, I heard he was to give away property to the amount of
four hundred and eighty blankets, of which one hundred and eighty were his own pro-
perty, and the three hundred were to be subscribed by his people.
On the first day of the feast, as much as possible of the property to be given to him
was exhibited in the camp. Hundreds of yards of cotton were flapping in the breeze,
hung from house to house, or on lines put up for the occasion. Furs, too, were nailed up
on the fronts of houses. Those who were going to give away blankets or elk-skins
managed to get a bearer for every one, and exhibited them by making the persons walk in
single file to the house of the chief. On the next day, the cotton which had been hung
out was now brought on the beach, at a good distance from the chief's house, and there
run out at full length, and a number of bearers, about three yards apart, bore it trium-
736
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
phantly away from the giver to the receivers. I suppose that about six to eight hundred
yards were thus disposed of.
“ After all the property the chief is to receive has thus been openly handed to him,
a day or two is taken up in apportioning it for fresh owners. When this is done, all the
chiefs and their families are called together, and each receives according to his or her
position. If, however, a chief's wife is not descended from a chief, she has no share in
this distribution, nor is she ever invited to the same feasts as her husband. Thus do the
chiefs and their people go on reducing themselves to poverty. In the case of the chiefs,
however, this poverty lasts but a short time; they are soon replenished from the next
giving away, but the people only grow rich again according to their industry. One cannot
but pity them, while one laments their folly.
"All the pleasure these poor Indians seem to have in their property is in hoarding it
up for such an occasion as I have described. They never think of appropriating what
they can gather to enhance their comforts, but are satisfied if they can make a display
like this now and then ; so that the man possessing but one blanket seems to be as well
off as the one who possesses twenty ; and thus it is that there is a vast amount of dead
stock accumulated in the camp, doomed never to be used, but only now and then to be
transferred from hand to hand for the mere vanity of the thing.
“There is another way, however, in which property is disposed of even more foolishly.
If a person be insulted, or meet with an accident, or in any way suffers an injury, real or
supposed, either of mind or body, property must at once be sacrificed to avoid disgrace.
A number of blankets, shirts, or cotton, according to the rank of the person, is torn into
small pieces, and carried off.”
Sometimes a feast assumes a sacred character, and such festivals are held during the
latter half of the last month in the year, their object being to induce the demons who
have charge of the weather to give them rain instead of snow. In one of these feasts,
witnessed by Mr. Garrett, the principal part was performed by a female chief, who lay on
her back in the middle of the house as if dead, while all the people assembled were
making a hideous noise, howling, wailing, and beating with sticks the bench on which they
sat, while a young man added to the hubbub by drumming upon a wooden box. After
a while the prostrate woman began to show signs of life, and gradually assumed a sitting
posture. In this attitude she contrived to jump round the room, and exhibited some
extraordinary vagaries, the other occupants of the room alternating dead silence with
deafening uproar at signals from her hand.
The costumes that are worn at such feasts are very remarkable articles, especially the
head-dresses that are worn by the chiefs. They take the form of masks, and are cut out
of solid wood, generally imitating the heads of various birds and beasts, though they
sometimes are carved in the semblance of a grotesque human face. The specimens which
are shown in the illustrations on pp. 737 and 739, will give a good idea of these strange
head-dresses. One of them, which was presented to me by Lieut. Pusey, is carved in
imitation of a beaver's head, and is tied on the wearer's head with strings. There are
holes bored through the eyes, by means of which the wearer is enabled to see, and these
holes are cleverly bored in a slanting direction, so as to coincide with the pupil of the
eye. Some of these masks are made with great goggle-eyes and large jaws. Both the
eyes and the jaws are moveable, and are worked by strings that pass down the back,
so that the wearer can make the eyes roll and the jaws open and close without any
apparent cause.
Sometimes the masks are made in the form of birds, and by a similar arrangement of
cords, the birds can be made to turn their heads from side to side, and to flap their
wings while the wearer speaks. There is a very remarkable specimen of these masks in
the museum at Maidstone. It is double, one mask within another. The outer mask is
divided by lines drawn from forehead to chin, down the centre of the nose, and across
the face, so that it is in four distinct pieces. The pieces all work on hinges, and are so
well fitted to each other that a spectator could not suspect that they were not one solid
piece. Suddenly, while the wearer is dancing, he will fling all the pieces open, and
discover a second and more hideous mask beneath.
196 UU - UWE Mustang
LO nin Lume I Wi-R.
THE DOCTOR'S DANCE.
737
When the chief wishes to pay an extraordinary compliment to a visitor, he puts on a
mask that is fitted with a number of porcupine quills. Upon this head-dress he heaps a
vast quantity of swan's down, which is retained in its position by the quills. He then
dances up to the visitor, and, as he retreats backwards in the dance, gives a jerk with his
head and sends the down flying over him. It is a point of honour that the visitor should
be kept enveloped in a shower of down, as if he were in a snow-storm, and this can only
be done by perpetually dancing and nodding the head, which is kept well supplied with
down by attendants.
.
2.
2.
K-
VESS
I'
LOT
MASK. (From the Christy Collection.)
White feathers and down always signify peace, and hence, when a man sets off on a
mission of peace to a neighbouring tribe with whom there has been a quarrel, he puts
white down on his head, and knows that his person will be as sacred as that of the
bearer of a flag of truce in civilized warfare.
One of the dances practised by the Ahts displays a really wonderful amount of inge-
nuity, and must take no little time to practise. It was witnessed by Mr. Sproat, who
describes it in the following terms.
The different dances are called Nooks in Aht
language. This might be called the “Doctor's (Ooshtukyu) Nook.”
During the song and dance, which at first seemed to present nothing peculiar, a
well-known slave (one, however, who was in a comparatively independent position, being
employed as a sailor on board the steamer Thames), suddenly ceased dancing, and feli
down on the ground apparently in a dying state, and having his face covered with blood.
He did not move or speak, his head fell on one side, his limbs were drawn up, and he
certainly presented a ghastly spectacle. While the dance raged furiously around the
fallen man, the doctor, with some others, seized and dragged him to the other side of the
fire round which they were dancing, placing his naked feet very near the flames.
“After this a pail of water was brought in, and the doctor, who supported the dying
man on his arm, washed the blood from his face; the people beat drums, danced, and
sang, and suddenly the patient sprang to his feet and joined in the dance, none the worse
for the apparently hopeless condition of the moment before. While all this was going
on, I asked the giver of the feast whether it was real blood upon the man's face, and if
he were really wounded. He told me so seriously that it was, that I was at first inclined
to believe him, until he began to explain that the blood which came from the nose and
mouth was owing to the incantations of the medicine-man, and that all the people would
be very angry if he did not afterwards restore him.
VOL. 11.
3 B

738
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
“I then recalled to mind that in the early part of the day, before the feast, I had seen
the doctor and the slave holding very friendly conferences; and the former had used his
influence to get a pass for the latter to be present at the entertainment, to which, pro-
bably, he had no right to come. I feel sure that many of the Indians really believed in
this exhibition of the doctor's power. When the affair was over, many of the natives
asked me what I thought of it, and referred to it as if it must set at rest for ever any
possible doubts with regard to the abilities of their native doctors. The Indian, who
explained this and other performances to me, said that the cure was not entirely owing to
the doctor, but to the large body of dancers and singers, who all'exerted their hearts to
desire the recovery of the sick man, and so procured the desired effect.”
AHT DANCE.
This simulated production of blood forms an element in several of the Aht dances. In
one of them a man, stripped even of his blanket, is bound with his hands behind him,
and driven about at the end of long cords, while the spectators yell, shout, and hammer
with sticks upon wooden dishes and drums made of bear-skin.
Suddenly, the chief dashes among the people, brandishing a knife, and, on seeing the
bound man, gives chase to him, and to all appearance drives the knife deeply into his
back. Blood pours abundantly from the wound, and the man rushes wildly about in
search of shelter, followed by the chief, who plunges his bloody weapon repeatedly into
the man's back. Exhausted by his wounds and loss of blood the victim staggers, falls,
and dies. His friends gather round the dead body, and carry it outside the house, when
it washes itself, and puts on its blanket.
VARIOUS DANCES.
739
Mr. Sproat remarks of this dance that the illusion is absolutely perfect, and the acting
so lifelike, that the performers would make the fortune of a minor theatre in London. The
red liquid which simulates blood is a mixture of red gum, resin, oil, and water ; and is,
indeed, the material which is used for painting the inside of the canoes.
Another of these “nooks” is called the seal-dance. The performers take off their
blankets, and, though in the depth of winter, go into the sea, and crawl upon the shore,
imitating the movements of the seals as they flounder along the ground. They proceed in
the same manner until they reach the houses, which they enter, and crawl about the
fires, which are purposely kept brightly blazing by being fed with oil. The dance is
finished by jumping up and dancing round the house until the performers are tired.
There is one dance which belongs specially to the Sesaht tribe, and absurd as it may
seem, appears to have in it something of a religious nature, as it is peculiar to that tribe,
and may not be omitted. While the people are singing and dancing within the house, a
number of the performers clamber up the posts, push sonie of the roof-boards aside, get
on the roof, and dance there, making a noise like thunder. As the dancers become
fatigued, they descend from the roof and others take their places, so that there is a
constant stream of men ascending and descending the roof.
After the dance is over, an old man makes a speech to the owner of the house, saying
that he is aware that the roof-boards are damaged by the dance, but at the same time the
ceremony may not be omitted. A number of men then come forward, and each presents
the owner of the house with a small stick, which is a token that the owner will redeem it
with a new roof-board as soon as possible.
BEAVER-MASK OF THE AHT TRIBE.
(From my Collection. See page 736.)
3 B 2
CHAPTER XXV.
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.-Concluded.
ARCHITECTURE OF THE AHTS-SEMI-NOMADIC CHARACTER OF THE PEOPLE THE PERMANENT
FRAMEWORK, AND MOVEABLE WALLS AND ROOFDIVISION OF THE HOUSE-RANK OF THE
OCCUPANTS-OBJECT AND MODE OF MIGRATION--PIPES OF THE AHT TRIBES-LABOUR EXPENDED
IN THEIR MANUFACTURE-RELIGIOUS SYSTEM OF THE TRIBES-AN AHT PROMETHEUS-SOCIETY
OF THE ALLIED THE MEDICINE MEN AND THEIR EDUCATION THE CANNIBALS AND DOG-
EATERS-REVOLTING SCENES—THE TWO CANNIBALS-SACRED RATTLES—TERROR INSPIRED BY
THE MEDICINE MEN—DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD-RESPECT FOR THE CEMETERY.
FROM the account of the Roof-dance in the preceding chapter, it is evident that the
houses are built very strongly, or they would not be able to endure the violent stamping
and jumping which constitute the principal charms of the dance. The houses of the
Ahts are constructed after a very peculiar manner, the posts and framework being
stationary, and the roof and sides moveable. The effect of this arrangement is to enable
the people to shift from one place to another. At each of the spots to which they
migrate they find the framework of their houses ready for them, and all that they have to
do is to carry with them the roofs and walls. The mode of migrating will be presently
described.
The framework of the houses consists of stout posts about twelve inches in diameter,
and twelve feet or so in height, placed at distances of twenty feet from each other. The
top of the post is hollowed so as to receive the cross-pieces which connect them. A house
is some eighty feet in length, and the ridge-pole which supports the roof is made of a
single tree-trunk. The roof, which is gable-shaped, but slopes gently from the back to the
front of the house, so as to throw off the rain, is made of cedar boards, about five feet
long and nearly two inches thick. The walls are made of similar boards lashed to small
upright posts driven into the ground.
Just below the roof a rude framework is extended, on which the inhabitants keep
their stores of food, their weapons, and similar articles. About six feet from the walls, a
strong stockade is erected, so that each house becomes a sort of fortress. There are no
windows, and the only chimney is formed by removing one of the roof-boards above
the fireplace. In many of these houses, the large inside posts are ornamented by
having great faces carved upon them, face-carving being an art in which these tribes
excel, just as is the case with the New Zealanders. Mr. Sproat mentions, that he has seen
a row of such houses extending for the third of a mile along a river's bank, and that the
depth of the houses varied from twenty-five to forty feet.
Inside the house, the earth is dug away for a foot or so in depth, in order to give addi-
tional height to the interior. Every house is partitioned off into several divisions, each of
which is occupied by a family, which is thus separated from the other inhabitants by a sort
of bulk-head about four feet high. These partitions are moveable, so that on occasion of
a great festival they can be taken away, and the whole of the space kept clear. There is
DOMESTIC LIFE.
741
a fire in the middle of each division, and around it are placed wooden couches about nine
inches from the floor, and covered with a whole series of mats by way of bedding.
There is to each building one main entrance, and other small doors which are always
in a corner of one of the divisions. The rank of the different occupants is marked by the
position which they occupy in the house. For example, the chief of the house occupies
the extreme end on the left of the building, the next in rank lives in the corresponding
place at the other end, while the common people occupy the space between the two
great men.
These houses are much more agreeable to the eye than to the nostrils. Having no
windows, and all the stores of salt fish and other provisions being kept in them, the
interior atmosphere is close, fishy, rank, and pungent, the last quality being due to the
wood smoke of the several fires. Neither is the exterior air better than that of the
interior, for the ground is covered with heaps of putrefying heads, tails, and bones of fish,
decaying molluscs, and refuse of all kinds, which is simply flung into heaps and never
removed, the nostrils of the natives being incapable of feeling any annoyance from the
horrible odour that arises from the decomposing heaps.
The ownership of these houses is rather a complicated question. The framework of
the house is generally considered as beiny in several divisions, each division being
called after the name of the owner, while the planks are the common property of the
inhabitants.
When the Ahts wish to move to another spot, which is done for the purpose
of
changing to better fishing, hunting, and fruit-grounds, according to the time of year, they
always migrate by water. They place two large canoes about five or six feet apart, and
connect them together with the planks of the roof and walls, which thus form a platform
on which can be placed the stores and household goods. Mr. Sproat remarks that he has
seen this platform heaped to a height of fourteen feet, only just enough space being left
for the passengers
. As soon as they arrive at their destination, the travellers unpack
the boats, and, assisted by the slaves who have been sent forward in readiness, fix the
boards on the already existing framework, so that in a very short time the house is ready
for the occupants.
These migrations have one beneficial effect. While the people have deserted their
villages, the birds, aided by the elements, the only scavengers of Vancouver's Island, clear
away a considerable portion of the heaps of putrefying rubbish, which would otherwise
become too much even for native endurance.
In the meetings which are held within these houses the pipe naturally plays an
important part; and, as the pipes made by these tribes differ from those of any other part
of the world, a short description is here given of them.
Both in shape and material these pipes are most remarkable. They seem to have
been made for the express object of expending the greatest possible amount of labour
upon the clumsiest possible pipe. I have seen and tried many of these pipes, and, except
that they draw the smoke very well, there is not a redeeming point about them.
In the first place, they are carved—stem and bowl-out of solid stone, a sort of very
dark slate. The upper figure in the illustration on page 742, which represents one of
these pipes in my collection, shows the lightest and least cumbrous form of pipe. Although
only eight inches in length, it weighs six ounces, no trifle for a pipe of that description.
As is usually the case with these pipes, it is adorned with a human figure and a human
head. The figure evidently represents a man seated in a canoe. On account of the
details of dress, it seems likely that it is intended to represent a native-possibly the
carver himself—in European costume, the features being of a strongly-marked Indian
type, while the dress is European. This pipe was presented to me by Lieut. Pusey.
Sometimes the natives absolutely run riot in pipe-making, and expend infinite labour
in making pipes which look utterly unlike pipes, and which cannot be smoked without
the very greatest inconvenience. The lower specimens represent two views of a pipe of
this kind, belonging to T. W. Wood, Esq., which has apparently been made for the
purpose of trying how many heads of men and birds could be compressed into a certain
space. As the reader may observe, the whole character of this carving bears a very strong

742
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
resemblance to the art of the ancient Mexicans, so strong, indeed, that it might almost be
passed off as a specimen of that art.
In total length it is a very little more than eight inches, but from bowl to the mouth-
piece it only measures five inches, the remaining three inches being simply super-
abundant material. The number of heads that the carver has contrived to introduce into
this pipe is really wonderful, the
ingenuity of combination, together
with force of effect, being worthy
of all praise, especially when the
rudeness of the workmanship is
considered.
Taken as a work of art, it is
admirable ; taken as a pipe, it is
detestable. It is so heavy that the
mere exertion of holding it is
fatiguing, and it is so thick and
clumsy that it does not at all adapt
itself to the lips. And, in so cold
a climate, to grasp or to put to the
lips such a piece of hard, cold stone,
must involve very great inconve-
nience.
PIPES.
THE religious ideas of the Aht
tribes are, as may be expected, ex-
ceedingly vague, and are rendered
still more so by the reticence which
a savage always exhibits on such
subjects. Mr. Sproat remarks that he lived for two years among the Ahts, with his mind
constantly directed towards this subject, before he could discover whether the people
believed in any overruling power, or had any idea of a future existence. He then
proceeds to say that “a traveller must have lived for many years among savages, really
as one of themselves, before his opinion as to their mental and spiritual condition is of
any value at all.” How true this statement is, none know better than the missionaries,
who find that even their most promising converts are almost as unwilling to give infor-
mation on such subjects as they were during their state of heathenism.
It is, however, ascertained that the Ahts really have a belief in a deity and in a future
state, and that they possess several legends on these subjects. Some of these legends
treat of a certain Quawteaht, who made the earth and the animals, but would not give
them fire, this being concealed in the body of the cuttle-fish. In those days they needed
fire, because the Indians, who were afterwards to people the earth, were hidden in their
bodies. At last the deer succeeded in discovering the fire, and carried away some of it
in the joint of his hind leg. The reader will doubtless perceive the similarity of this
legend to the old myth of Prometheus.
As far as can be understood, this Quawteaht is the chief of their deities, but they have
a whole host of minor divinities, who preside over the sea, the woods and their inmates
,
as well as rule the elements. So, if a native sees a sudden breeze curl the surface of the
sea, he thinks it signifies the approval of some spirit, and if he should hear a rustling in
the woods for which he cannot account, or a sound which he does not recognise, he
immediately puts it down to the presence of some demon or other.
As might be expected, there are plenty of medicine-men, who have great power over
the people, and are implicitly trusted by them. They have to go through a long and
unpleasant ordeal before they can be admitted into the order of the “ Allied,” as the
medicine-men call themselves. When their education is nearly finished, they go
bush alone, and remain there for several days, fasting until they have received the spiritual
gifts. The society of the Allied is encouraged by the chiefs, not from religious motives,
into the

INITIATION OF THE “ALLIED.”
743
but because they become enriched by it. No one can become an Allied unless he
possesses
considerable wealth, the whole of which he must give away before he can be admitted
into the society. The act of giving away his property is done as ostentatiously as
possible, the candidate being escorted by a large body of men, who shout and make as
great a noise as they can. In front of them goes the candidate, with one end of a large
rope round his waist, the other end being held by fifteen or twenty men, who pretend
that all their strength is required in order to hold him back.
INITIATION OF A DOG-EATER,
men.
Captain Mayne relates a curious anecdote respecting the doings of these medicine-
He was called one evening to see a moon on the beach. On arriving at the spot
he found that the men had made a flat disc of wax to represent the moon, and had
painted a man upon it—they having the belief, which is still prevalent among the illite-
rate of our own country, respecting a man who lives in the moon. They had lighted a
torch and placed it behind the artificial moon, so as to illuminate it, and were supposed to
be holding converse with its inhabitant, much to the awe of the surrounding crowd.
These medicine-men seem to be divided into three parties, or sects. One of them does
not appear to be particularly distinguished, but the other two gradually rise in circum-
stances of horror. The former sect is called the Dog-eaters, a portion of whose initiation
is described by Mr. Duncan.
“Early in the morning the pupils would be out on the beach or on the rocks, in a
state of nudity. Each had a place in front of his own tribe, nor did intense cold inter-
fere in the slightest degree. After the poor creature had crept about, jerking his head
and screaming for some time, a party of men would rush out, and, after surrounding him,
would commence singing. The dog-eating party occasionally carried a dead dog to their
744
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
pupil, who forthwith commenced to tear it in the most dog-like manner. The party of
attendants kept up a low, growling noise, or a whoop, which was seconded by a screech-
ing noise made from an instrument which they believe to be the abode of a spirit.
“In a little time the naked youth would start up again, and proceed a few more yards
in a crouching posture, with his arms pushed out behind him, and tossing his flowing
black hair. All the while he is earnestly watched by the group about him, and when he
pleases to sit down, they again surround him and commence singing. This kind of thing
goes on, with several little additions, for a time.
“Before the prodigy finally retires, he takes a run into every house belonging to his
tribe, and is followed by his train. When this is done, in some cases he has a ramble on
the tops of the same houses, during which he is anxiously watched by his attendants, as
if they expected his flight. By and by he condescends to come down, and they then
follow him to his den, which is signified by a rope made of red bark being hung over the
doorway, so as to prevent any person from ignorantly violating its precincts. None are
allowed to enter that house but those connected with the art : all I know, therefore, of
their further proceedings is, that they keep up a furious hammering, singing, and screech-
ing, for hours during the day."
Even this mode of initiation cannot be very pleasant, involving, as it does, the
devouring of raw dog-flesh; but it is nothing in comparison to that of the most powerful
and dreaded of the three sects, namely, the cannibals. Mr. Duncan was also a witness to
part of the initiation of a cannibal Allied.
In order to give his assistance to the ceremony, a chief ordered one of his slaves, an
old woman, to be killed, and her body flung into the sea. As soon as this was done, the
whole of the uninitiated population left their houses and formed themselves into groups
at a distance from the fatal spot, lest they should also become victims, a fear for which
there was very good reason. Presently two bands of Allied men came rushing along,
producing the most hideous sounds, each being headed by a candidate for membership.
The two candidates advanced with a long creeping step, waving their arms, and jerking
their heads backwards and forwards, so as to make their long hair wave in the breeze.
They pretended for some time to be seeking for the body, and at last they discovered it
and made a simultaneous rush at it. In a moment they were closely surrounded by
their respective bands, but in a few minutes the crowd opened, and out passed the two
men, each bearing half the body of the murdered woman, which they had actually torn in
two with their hands and teeth alone. They then began devouring the body, when the
spectator was unable to endure the sight any longer, and left the spot.
These cannibal medicine-men are the dread of their country. At the cost of such
revolting practices as have been but very lightly touched, they gain such a complete
influence over the people, that they can do exactly as they choose, no man daring to con-
tradict them. Sometimes at a feast one of them will be taken with a fit of inspiration,
and dash among the people, biting like a mad dog at every one whom he meets. On such
occasions it is thought very manly and praiseworthy of the guests to welcome instead of
repelling his attacks, and to offer their arms or shoulders for him to bite. The Allied can-
nibal responds to the invitation by biting at and swallowing a piece of the flesh, and the
man who offers it thinks himself honoured in proportion to the size of the piece that is
removed. The wound thus made is not only productive of excruciating pain, but is also
dangerous, many men having died from the effects of it. Yet they are willing to have
both the pain and the danger for the sake of the honour which is conferred upon them.
The general public have very good reason for getting out of the way when one of
these cannibals chooses to make an excursion in search of a human body. Should not
one be found, the cannibal Allied who escort their companions would think themselves
bound to provide a corpse for his eating, and would seize and kill the first person whom
they met. Therefore, when the sound of the horrid cannibal songs is heard in the dis-
tance, the whole population of a village will desert their houses, take to their canoes, and
remain at a distance from the shore until the danger is over for the time.
These medicine-men are considered all-powerful in the cure of the sick, and are
always called in when any one is ill. They almost invariably say that the malady
, is
MEDICINE-MEN.
745
local, and that it is due to some object or other, which they can extract by their incanta-
tions. In the ceremonies which they employ, they make much use of a rattle, the
material of which does not seem to be of much consequence, provided that it can only
make a noise. For example, a favourite form is a hollow wooden case, carved like a bird
or a frog, and containing a few stones. Some rattles, however, are made on totally
different principles, and resemble the beetle-shell rattle of Guiana that is figured on
page 629. Captain Mayne saw one which was made of three or four dozen puffin-beaks
strung loosely together.
Incisions are often made over the part affected, or the doctor uses the actual cautery
by means of a moxa, made of a pledget of dried flax. These remedies often do have the
effect of relieving pain, and when that is the case, the patient and his friends present the
doctor with liberal gifts, all which, however, he is bound to return should a relapse come
on and the patient die. They even say that, when they are violently excited by their
incantations, they can see the soul of the patient, which they say is in the shape of a
fly, with a long curved proboscis. One man, who had recovered from a dangerous illness,
said that he had seen his own soul, which the medicine-man had caught as it was escaping
from the body, and had put back again.
The noise which these medicine-men make at their incantation is almost indescribable:
Mr. Sproat describes their howling as being perfectly demoniacal, and says that no wild
beast could utter sounds so calculated to strike sudden horror into the heart. Even
himself, though a white man, and in perfect security, has often shuddered at the savage
yells of the mystery-men. Indeed, their object is to keep up the dread in which they
are held, and, in order to do this, they must ever be doing something to keep themselves
before the eyes of the people.
Sometimes they will assemble together on the outskirts of the village, set up a furious
howling, and then rush like a pack of wolves through the village, the cannibals and dog-
eaters tearing to pieces with their teeth any corpses or dogs that they may find. Some-
times a single man will leave the place and bury himself in the woods, whence he will
suddenly rush, quite naked, reduced to a skeleton through his long fast, with his body and
limbs covered with wounds inflicted by himself in his mad violence, and with foam flying
from his lips, while he utters wild yells and beats furiously his drum or shakes his
magic rattle. As is the case in Africa, women as well as men can enter this sacred
order, and exercise quite as powerful an influence over the people as do their male
colleagues.
Sometimes a man will leap up in the night terrified, and crying that he sees a spirit.
All within the house are at once in motion. The women begin to sing, while the
visionary tears his blanket to pieces, snatches feathers from his pillow, eating some of
them, and scattering the others over his head. His nearest relation then makes incisions
in his legs and arms, receives the blood in a dish, and scatters it over the place where
the spirit is supposed to be standing. Should the spirit withstand this exorcism, it is
evident that he wants property. Accordingly the friends of the visionary throw his
property on the fire; his clothes, his mats, and even the very boxes in which they were
kept, go to make up the demands of the spirit, which will not take its leave until all the
property has been destroyed.
THE mode of disposal of the dead varies extremely among the different tribes, and
even in the same tribe is not always uniform. The bodies of slaves and people of no
consequence are simply taken to the burial-ground, which is usually a small island,
wrapped in mats, and merely laid on the ground, covered with sticks and stones.
bodies of chiefs and young girls of rank are placed in boxes, and hoisted into the
branches of trees, where they are allowed to remain. The rank of the person is indicated
by the height to which the body is raised, that of a great chief or of his daughter being
nearly at the top of the tree, while that of an inferior chief will be on one of the lowest
branches.
Over the coffin are thrown blankets and mats, and similar articles are hung on the
boughs of neighbouring trees. They are always torn into strips, partiy perhaps as a sign
746
THE AHTS AND NEIGHBOURING TRIBES.
of mourning, and partly to guard them from being stolen. With the dead man is deposited
all the property which he has not given away before his death, except his best canoe,
his share of the roof and wall-boards, his weapons, and his slaves, all of which belong by
right to his eldest son: In some cases even his house is burned, and in others the posts
are dug up, and the whole house transported to another position.
Near the bodies of chiefs are placed large wooden images intended to represent the
dead man.
One of them, seen by Mr. Sproat, held a skull in its hand, which it was
grimly contemplating; another, which represented a deceased orator, had its hand out-
stretched as in the act of speaking; and a third was shown as if grasping a wolf. The
relatives often visit their burial-places. They come about dark, light a great fire, and
feed it with oil and other inflammable materials, while they wail loudly at intervals.
To the honour of these tribes, it may be said that they never disturb the relics of the
departed, even if they occupy the burial-ground of a hostile tribe. In consequence of the
mode of burial, nothing can have a more dreary or forlorn look than an island which has
been selected as a burial-ground. On the branches of the trees are the mouldering bodies
of the dead, and on their boughs flutter the tattered remains of their clothing. And on
the ground the scene is no better, for it is occupied with decaying boards, broken boxes,
shattered canoes, rotten paddles, and other emblems of decay.
When the dead chief has been a man of very great importance, his emblem or crest is
either painted or carved. In the former case it is painted on the coffin, but in the latter it
is generally placed on a post or a tree near the body. According to Mr. Duncan, if the
crest should happen to be an eagle or a raven, it is carved as if in the act of flying, and
fixed to the edge of the coffin with its wings spread, as if it were typical of the escaping
and aspiring spirit of the dead chief.
ASIA.
INDIA.
CHAPTER I.
THE SOWRAHS AND KHONDS.
LOCALITY OF THE
SOWRAH TRIBE-GENERAL APPEARANCE-THE TARTAR CHARACTER OF THE
FEATURES-DRESS OF THE MEN, THEIR SCANTY COSTUME AND PLENTIFUL ORNAMENTS- CURIOUS
EAR-RINGS-DRISS OF THE WOMEN-MODE OF OBTAINING CLOTHES FOR WINTER USE-WEAPONS
OF THE SOWRAHS-THEIR COURAGE, AND THE APPREHENSION WHICH THEY EXCITE-A SOWRAH
WEDDING-RELIGIOUS SYSTEM OF THE SOWRAHS-THEIR TRUTHFULNESS. THE KHONDS-DRESS
AND APPEARANCETHE KHOND POCKET-FEATURES OF THE WOMEN-THE MERIAH SACRIFICE
AND ITS OBJECT--PROCURING OF THE VICTIM - VARIOUS MODES OF PERFORMING THE SACRIFICE-
SUBSTITUTE FOR THE MERIAH - STRANGE USE OF BRACELETS-THE MERIAHS' INDIFFERENCE TO
THEIR FATE —INFANTICIDE WEAPONS OF THE KHONDS —DEATH OF A BEAR— PRIDE OF THE
KHONDS-SUPERSTITION-BELIEF IN THE POWER OF TRANSFORMATION—A KHOND MARRIAGE.
The reader may remember that the Andaman Islands trench closely upon the shores of
India, thus bringing closely together the two phases of utter savagery that never has
advanced in the scale of humanity, and of a civilization which has advanced to the
utmost limits of which it is capable. In the following pages I propose to give a brief
account of various phases of Indian life, throwing most emphasis upon those which
trench least upon civilization, as being most akin to the objects of this work.
From the figures which illustrate this country, and which are all taken from photo-
graphs, the reader will notice the very distinct type of man which is exhibited through-
out India ; and, though in some of the tribes there is a facial resemblance to the
Australian type, and in others to the Mongolian, it is impossible to mistake an entire
figure in either instance. We will begin with those parts of India which are the least
civilized, and in which the inhabitants retain most of their aboriginal manners and
customs.
THERE is a remarkable hill tribe of India which deserves a short description, as the
people seem to have preserved the original characteristics of their race better than any
other inhabitants of the country. They are called Sowrahs, and live in a tract of country
about lat. 18° 30' E. and long. 19° 30' N.
The Sowrahs are a tolerably well-looking tribe, some of the girls being even hand-
some, were not their faces disfigured by the nose-rings, of which one woman will often
wear three. The men, as is the case with all the Indian tribes, are slenderly built, and
appear to be devoid of muscles, especially in the legs. This apparent slightness, however,
748
INDIA.
conceals great muscular power, as has often been shown in the skirmishes which their
predatory habits constantly entail upon them. In one of these skirmishes a Sowrah who
had been taken prisoner suddenly snatched a bayonet out of the hands of his captor, and
bent the blade double.
There is about the features of the Sowrahs a decidedly Tartar look, which increases
with age, and is marked most strongly in the men. Some photographs of them now
before me exhibit this characteristic very distinctly
marked, and in one case so strongly that, but for
colour and the mode of dressing the hair, the face
might easily be mistaken for those of a genuine
Tartar. Indeed, Mr. Hooper, from whose paper
this account is condensed, thinks that they have a
Tartar origin.
One remarkable point about the Sowrahs is,
that they have no distinction of caste, though they
are divided into two distinct classes, the Hill
Sowrahs and the Sowrahs of the Plain. The
latter are comparatively civilized, and live in vil-
lages, and it is only of the former that this work
will treat.
The dress of the Sowrahs is primitive enough.
The men wear nothing but the “languti,” ¿.e. a
narrow strip of cloth passing round the waist,
through the legs, and tucked into the waistband.
They are, however, very fond of ornaments, though
they care so little about dress, and have their necks
loaded with beads and their ears and nostrils filled
with rings. A photograph of one of these men
shows that he is wearing no less than twenty-seven
bead necklaces, as well as a broad brass collar.
Beside the ordinary ear-rings he wears an orna-
ment which seems rather popular among the
Sowrahs. A hole is bored in the upper part of the
ear, and through it is passed one end of a string
almost four inches in length, to the other end of
which is attached a glittering bead about as large
as a walnut. Some of the Sowrahs also thread
small beads upon the string.
The hair of the men is allowed to grow to a
considerable length, and on festival days it is
gathered into a knot at the back of the head, and
adorned with feathers, mostly those of the peacock.
This mode of dressing the hair gives a very effemi-
(From Col. Lane Fox's Collection.
nate look to the countenance, and on seeing a
photograph of the face alone, especially if it be
that of a young man, it is not very easy at a hasty glance to discover whether it is the
portrait of a man or woman.
The dress of the women consists of a cloth wrapped round the waist. Those women
who have been photographed wear long calico cloths wrapped round them from shoulder
to knee after the ordinary Indian fashion; but it is evident that they have borrowed these
cloths for the occasion, and so, after the custom of all uncivilized people, have contrived,
through anxiety to look their best, to baffle the real object of the photographer, i.e. to
represent them as they really appear. Like the men, they wear an abundance of
necklaces, and also are fond of simple bracelets, consisting of broad metal bands wound
spirally round the wrists. The hair is parted down the middle, but no particular care is
expended upon it.
2
2
BATTLE-AXES.
MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.
749
When the colder weather comes on, and the Sowrahs want more clothing, they do
not make it, but have recourse to the simpler plan of waylaying travellers, killing them,
and taking their garments. In these robberies, as well as in the skirmishes to which
they often tend, the Sowrahs chiefly use the bow and arrow.
The bow is a compara-
tively weak one, only being a yard or so in length, and having a string made of the outer
coating of the bamboo. The arrows are of reed, armed with a flat, many-barbed iron
head. The Sowrahs always lie in wait for their victims, and direct their aim at the
stomach and legs, so that the wounds are always dangerous, and generally mortal.
They also carry a kind of battle-axe. They are a brave as well as a warlike people,
and are the terror of the inhabitants of the plains. Even the Khonds, who will be pre-
sently described, ready as they are to fight among each other, and skilled as they are in the
use of the bow and the battle-axe, stand in awe of the Sowrahs, and do not like to be
drawn into a quarrel with them. They are especially afraid of these enemies, because
the favourite mode of attack with the Sowrahs is to make a raid under cover of night,
and, after securing all the plunder they can seize and doing all the harm in their power,
to return to their hill-fastnesses as rapidly as they issued from them.
General Campbell thinks that their mode of life may have something to do with this
superiority, and that their more abstemious and less dissipated life renders them stronger
and more enduring than their self-indulgent neighbours. In some places, Sowrahs and
Khonds dwell together in tolerable amity, but both of the tribes, although they may
derive their origin from the same source, and both assert themselves to be the aboriginal
inhabitants of the land, and to have a right to its possession, preserve their own charac-
teristic differences so rigidly that there is no difficulty in distinguishing a Sowrah from
a Khond.
The ceremony of marriage is thus described by Mr. Hooper :-“A young man, or his
friends for him, having selected a bride, messengers are sent to her parents, and finally the
young man goes, bearing a pot of toddy, or other present. If the consent of the parents
is obtained, the ceremony is commenced by fixing three posts in the ground, between
which the bride and bridegroom, with their respective friends, assemble, and a feast is
commenced at which nearly every person gets drunk upon toddy.
The bride and bridegroom sit together, while turmeric water is poured on their
heads. Presents of cloth, beads, rings, &c. are exchanged; fowls, and if possible sheep,
are sacrificed to propitiate the demons, and the flesh is then cooked, made up into balls
with some sort of grain, and distributed among the party. On these occasions they all
join in a dance, which seems to consist principally in hopping from one leg to the other,
at each movement snapping their fingers and uttering an ejaculation, while at intervals
the whole of the dancers come bumping together, and then separate.
"If the parents of the bride refuse to consent to the marriage, it frequently happens
that the friends of the bridegroom watch their opportunity, and if the girl is found alone,
they seize and carry her off. The relatives of the girl then pursue and attack the opposite
party, but, even though successful in retaking her, they are prohibited by their customs
from giving her in marriage to any one else. Should such a thing be attempted, the
parties would have to fight it out in a more serious manner with bows and arrows.
The reader will doubtless recognise the similarity of these marriage rites to those
which are practised by savage tribes in many parts of the world.
In the account of the wedding, the propitiation of the demons is mentioned. This is
the key to their religious system, such as it is, and explains the reason for the absence of
caste. The Sowrahs of the Plains seem to have a rather better religious system, but that
of the Hill Sowrahs is simple demonolatry. They seem to have but little notion of
worship, the only ceremonies which have been observed taking place at harvest time.
When the crops reach maturity, the owners set small stones upright in the earth as
emblems of the presiding demons, and lay before them little heaps of each crop. After
the offerings have remained there for some little time, they are consumed at a feast to
which the proprietor of the crops invites his relatives and friends.
When à Sowrah dies, his body is burned, the ashes buried, and a small building

750
INDIA.
erected over the spot. Five days after the burial a pot of toddy is laid on the grave,
round which are placed a number of leaves representing the ancestors of the deceased. A
little toddy is poured upon each leaf, and the remainder is drunk by the people who have
assisted at the ceremony. A somewhat similar rite, but accompanied with feasting, is
celebrated at the end of the first and fourth years after the burial.
According to General Campbell, they do not destroy their female infants, as is done by
too many of the Indian tribes, neither do they practise human sacrifice. Yet they will
SOWRAH MARRIAGE.
sometimes, participate in the remarkable Meriah sacrifice, which will presently be
described, and will travel some distance to do so. They do not, however, seem to attach
very great importance to the rite, and when General Campbell remonstrated with them
on the subject they at once promised to abandon it, and not even to be present as
spectators.
Perhaps the most characteristic trait of the Sowrahs is their absolute truthfulness,
which, according to Mr. Hooper, is the result from their want of capacity to invent a lie.
THE MERIAH SACRIFICE.
751'
THE KHONDS,
In the now renowned district of Orissa live the remarkable tribes called Khonds, who,
like the Sowrahs, appear to be inmediately descended from the aboriginal inhabitants,
and to have retained, though in a somewhat modified form, several of the customs of
their savage forefathers, the chief of which will be briefly described.
The Khonds are active, wiry, and of much darker complexion than the inhabitants of
the plains, and neither sex trouble themselves much about clothing. The men wear a few
yards of coarse cotton round their waists, a separate piece dyed red hanging down behind
like a tail. Their hair is allowed to grow to its full length, and is twisted round and
round the head, and fastened in a knot in front, in which the Khond always keeps a few
cigars made of tobacco rolled in a green leaf. He generally decorates this top-knot with
a piece of red cloth and feathers.
The women wear a rather large cloth round their loins, and decorate themselves with
vast quantities of beads and other ornaments, among which the most conspicuous are
some heavy bracelets, which are little more than thick brass bands twined round their
wrists. Among some of the tribes these ornaments are put to a very tragical use, as we
shall presently see. Slips of red cloth are considered very fashionable ornaments by the
Khond women, and in some cases strings of copper coins are worn by way of necklaces.
These, however, are mostly reserved for the children. There is some excuse for the
anxiety of the Khond women to make the best of themselves, as they are very inferior to
the men in appearance, being short, stumpy, and so plain in features, that they are pro-
nounced by General Campbell to be absolutely repulsive. Some photographs, however,
which are now before me, do not give this impression-perhaps the women were selected
for their good looks.
They are divided into many tribes, and as a rule live in villages varying in population
from forty to ten times the number. We will now proceed to the manners and customs
of the Khond tribes.
THROUGHOUT the whole of Khondistan there is a system of human sacrifice, varying
exceedingly in detail according to the locality, but agreeing in all principal points. There
is one point especially which seems to be the very essence of the sacrifice, and which
is common to all the tribes. The victim, or Meriah, must be bought with a price. Should
a captive be taken in war, he may not be offered as a Meriah by his captor, but he may
be sold for that purpose, and will then be accepted by the priests.
There is no restriction of age, sex, or caste, but adults are thought more acceptable
because they are more costly, and the healthy more likely to propitiate the gods than
the sick or feeble. That the Meriah should be sacrificed is thought an absolutely neces-
sary condition for the prosperity of every undertaking, but especially for the growth of
the
crops, and the Khonds therefore use every endeavour to secure a succession of victims.
Sometimes they purchase children from their parents or relations when they have fallen
into poverty, but, as a rule, they are stolen by a set of robber tribes called Pannoos, who
decoy them into the hills, seize them, and sell them to the Khonds. It is rather remark-
able that although the Khonds avail themselves of the services of the Pannoos, and are
very glad to purchase victims, they bear an intense hatred and contempt towards them,
and, except in the way of business, will have no dealings with them.
The Meriah victims have no reason to complain of their lot, with the one exception
that it must soon come to an end. They are well fed and kindly. treated, and, with the
ruling fatalism of the Oriental character, generally resign themselves to their fate, and
make no efforts to escape. Often a Meriah girl is married to a Khond mian, and allowed

752
INDIA.
to live until she has borne children. These, as well as herself, are liable to be sacrificed,
but must never be offered in the village wherein they were born. In order to avoid this
difficulty, the various towns agree to exchange their Meriah children.
The mode of sacrificing the Meriah is so exceedingly variable that it will be necessary
to give a short abstract of the various modes. In the first place, the Meriah must always
be sacrificed openly in the sight of the people, and this rule is absolute throughout all
the land.
MERIAH SACRIFICE.
In Goomsur, the sacrifice is offered to the Earth-god, Tado Pennor, who is repre-
sented by the emblem of a peacock. When the time is fixed, the victim is selected, and
for a month there is much rejoicing, feasting, and dancing round the Meriah, who is
abundantly supplied with food and drink, and is in all appearance as merry and uncon-
cerned as any of the people. On the day previous to the sacrifice a stout pole is set
up, having on its top the peacock emblem of Tado Pennor, and to it is bound the Meriah.
The people then dance round him, saying in their chants that they do not murder the
victim, but sacrifice one who was bought with a price, and that therefore no sin rests with
them. As the Meriah is previously intoxicated with toddy, he can give no answer, and
his silence is taken as consent to his sacrifice.
Next day he is anointed with oil, and carried round the village, after which he is
brought to the peacock post, at the foot of which is a small pit. A hog is then killed,
and the blood poured into the pit and mixed with the soil, so as to form a thick mud.
The Meriah, who has been previously made senseless from intoxication, is thrown into the
THE MERLAH SACRIFICE.
753
pit with his face pressed into the mire until he is dead. The officiating priest or zani
then cuts off a small piece of the flesh of the victim and buries it near the pit, as an
offering to the earth, and, as soon as he has done so, all the spectators rush upon the
body, hack it to pieces, and carry off the fragments to bury them in their fields as a
propitiation to the earth-deities who produce the crops.
Revolting as this custom is, it is much more merciful than most modes of Meriah
sacrifice, inasmuch as suffocation is not a death involving much physical pain, and the
victim has been previously deprived of his senses.
In Boad, the Meriah is taken round the village, when every one tries to procure one
of his hairs, or to touch his lips with their fingers so that they may anoint their
heads with the sacred moisture. After being drugged into insensibility, he is taken to
the fatal spot, where he is strangled by placing his neck between the two halves of a split
bamboo, the ends of which are then brought together by the priests. The head priest
next breaks the bones of the arms and legs with his axe, and when he has done so, the
body is cut to pieces as in Goomsur.
In Chinna Kimeday a grotesquely cruel mode of sacrifice is employed. In lieu of
the peacock which is used at Goomsur, a large wooden figure of an elephant is placed
on the post, and revolves on a pivot. The Meriah is tied to the extended proboscis of the
elephant, and, amid the yells of the spectators, is whirled round as fast as the figure can
be turned. In this case the Meriah is not drugged. At a signal from the officiating
zani, the crowd rush on the Meriah with their knives, and in a few moments hack him
to pieces as he is tied, still living, on the elephant.
General Campbell, while executing his mission of mercy in Khondistan, saw as many
as fourteen of their elephant images, all of which he caused to be pulled down and
destroyed by the baggage-elephants attached to his force, so that the Khonds might see
that those venerated emblems of a cruel worship were powerless even against the animals
which they simulated. His task was naturally a difficult one, as it involved the abolition
of a rite which had existed from time immemorial, and which no amount of reasoning
could persuade them to be wrong, much less criminal. So deeply was it ingrained in
their nature, that their only idea of his object in setting free so many hundred Meriahs
was, that he might sacrifice them on his own account, in order to bring back water into a
large tank which he was thought to have constructed for the use of his elephants.
In this very place, a most singular circumstance occurred. The English officer was
told that a sacrifice was being actually performed, the victim being a young and hand-
some girl, only fifteen or sixteen years old. He instantly started off with an armed
party, and found the offering of the Meriab already complete, and nothing wanting but
the actual sacrifice. The aged priest was ready to give the signal, and the surrounding
people were mad with excitement, when the armed party came to the rescue, and
demanded the girl. The Khonds, furious as they were, found that they dared not risk
a collision, and
so the party retired with the rescued victim.
The remainder of the story has yet to be told. Scarcely were the English soldiers
out of sight than the assembled Khonds broke out into loud murmurings at their dis-
appointment. At last one of theni hit upon a happy thought. “Why,” said he, “ should
we be debarred from our sacrifice ? See our aged priest. Seventy summers have passed
over his head—what further use is he? Let us sacrifice him.” And forthwith, the old
man was tied on the elephant, spun round, and cut to pieces.
In Maji Deso another mode of sacrifice is employed. They do not keep a large
supply of Meriahs, as do most of the tribes, but buy them immediately before the
sacrifice. The consequence is, that it is very difficult to detect them, except in the very
act of offering the victim. Their mode of killing the Meriah is as follows. The Khonds
surround the victim, and beat him on the head with the heavy metal bracelets which they
are in the habit of wearing. Mostly they kill him in this way, but if they fail in doing
so, they strangle him by å split bamboo, as has already been described. The flesh of
the back is then cut into long and narrow strips, and each person carries off a strip and
suspends it on a pole, which he thrusts into the bed of stream which waters his fields.
In Patna, the mode of sacrifice varies exceedingly. In some cases the victim is stoned,
VOL. II.
30
754
'INDIA.
in others beaten to death with bamboos, together with other barbarous modes of putting
to death. General Campbell remarks, that in this district there are places where sacri-
ficing and non-sacrificing tribes inhabit the same village. They live harmoniously
together until the time of sacrifice, when the non-sacrificing tribes retire to their houses
,
and never pass through the front door of their dwellings until seven days are over, and
the remains of the Meriah buried. After that time, all goes on as usual, until the next
sacrifice takes place.
Bundari appears to be the place where the people adhere most firmly to the Meriah
system. When General Campbell visited this district, they refused to give up the
Meriah, and on the near approach of his force, fled to their hiding-places in the moun-
tains. As he approached Bundari, he found that the people had been actually offering a
sacrifice, and that they had gone off in such haste that they had left behind them the
sacrificial post with the head of a victim hanging to it by the hair, and the fatal knife
suspended beside it. The mode of sacrifice employed in this district is thus described :-
“The sacrifice which had taken place, and which is called Junnah, is performed as
follows, and is always succeeded by the sacrifice of three other human victims, two to
the sun to the east and west, and one in the centre, with the usual barbarities. A stout
wooden post is firmly fixed in the ground. At the foot of it a narrow grave is dug, and
to the top of the post the victim is firmly fastened by the long hair of his head. Four
assistants hold his outstretched arms and legs, the body being suspended horizontally
over the grave, with the face towards the earth. The officiating zani, or priest, standing
on the right side, repeats the following invocation, at intervals hacking with his sacrificing
knife the back part of the shrieking victim's neck -
««O mighty Manicksoro, this is your festal day (to the Khonds the sacrifice is Meriah,
to the Rajahs, Junnah). On account of this sacrifice you have given to Rajahs countries,
guns, and swords. The sacrifice we now offer, you must eat; and we pray that our
battle-axes may be turned into swords, and our bows and arrows into gunpowder and
balls, and if we have any quarrels with other tribes, give us the victory, and preserve us
from the tyranny of Rajahs and other officers.'
Then, addressing the victim, he added, “That we may enjoy prosperity, we offer you
a sacrifice to our god Manicksoro, who will immediately eat you, so be not grieved at our
slaying you. Your parents were aware when we purchased you from them for sixty
gunties (articles) that we did it with intent to sacrifice you; there is, therefore, no sin on
our heads, but on those of your parents. After you are dead, we shall perform your
obsequies."
This speech being concluded, the head of the victim is severed from the body, and
allowed to hang from the post until it is eaten by wild beasts. The knife is also
suspended from the post, and allowed to remain there until the three additional sacrifices
have been offered, when it is removed with many ceremonies. Eight of these posts
were found in the village, and were all destroyed.
It is this mode of sacrifice which is shown in the illustration on page 752. In the
centre is seen the aged priest in the act of sacrificing the Meriah, which in this case is
a young girl. Her head is supported by her long hair, which is tied to the top of the post
,
and her body is held horizontally by the four assistants, who each grasp a hand or a foot.
On the right hand is shown a post, to which hangs the head of the first sacrificed Meriah,
and on the other side is another victim bound by the hair to the post, waiting until the
priest has completed the sacrifice in which he is engaged.
One circumstance connected with the Meriah sacrifice is rather remarkable, namely,
the indifference to their fate that seems to possess the victims. One young man, a
Meriah, said that it was better to be sacrificed among his own people, and to give
them
pleasure, than to live upon the plains. The natives believe that this indifference is caused
by the Meriah food, a mixture of rice, turmeric, and other ingredients, prepared with
certain magical ceremonies. Even the Meriahs themselves have this belief. For
example, three young women were hired by a seller of salt-fish to carry his goods among
the Khonds, and when he got them there, the treacherous dealer solá not only the fish
but the women: Twice the victims attempted to escape, but were recaptured, and after
INFANTICIDE.
755
the second attempt, the Khonds fed them on Meriah food, when they became reconciled
to their fate, and made no further efforts to escape.
Other ties seem to have their effect on the Meriahs. Sometimes a man wishes to buy
à Meriah, that being a very meritorious act; but the cost is so great, amounting on an
average to sixty-five rupees, that the Khond is almost reduced to poverty. Under such
circumstances, he is unable to marry, inasmuch as he cannot pay the heavy price which
is demanded of a bridegroom. Accordingly, he buys a Meriah girl, and takes her as his
wife until the time when she may be required for sacrifice.
It has already been mentioned that children are sold by their parents as Meriahs.
This seems so cruel and heartless a system, that some explanation ought to be offered. It
is very seldom that such a purchase is made, unless the parents be very poor, and fear that
they shall not be able to provide their children with food. In such cases they argue that
it is better for the child to be nourished and kindly treated, and then to die as a sacrifice
to the deities, than to perish by degrees of starvation. Moreover, it is considered rather
a meritorious action for a parent to devote a child to the gods, and, when it is done, the
parents are very proud of such children, and regard them with respect and admiration as
belonging to the deities.
Another reason for the continuance of the Meriah sacrifice is the slight regard in
which the Khonds hold human life, sacrificing that which we consider as priceless
because they are indifferent to it, not only with regard to others, but with regard to
themselves.
That the custom of propitiating the deities of agriculture with living sacrifices should
be entirely abolished could not be expected, and General Campbell found that the best
mode of extinguishing human sacrifice was to induce the Khonds to substitute that of a
beast. This was done in many cases, the sacrificers apologising to the god for the substi-
tution, and begging him, if he should be angry, to vent his wrath, not upon them, but
upon the foreigner who had suggested the alteration. He had no objection to this
arrangement, and, as the crops turned out well afterwards, it was to be supposed that all
parties, the gods included, were satisfied.
A very similar custom was once prevalent among certain tribes of the Lower Amazon.
The name of these tribes was Tapuyos, but this title has now been given to all the
inhabitants of the Lower Amazon district. Prisoners taken in war by them were reserved
for sacrifice. They were treated with extreme kindness, fed in the most liberal manner,
so that they might be plump and fat, and were provided with wives. They were generally
allowed to live for several years, until their wives had borne children. They were then
taken to the place of sacrifice, and killed with a single blow of a club; their children
being carefully reared, for the purpose of undergoing a similar fate after they had
grown up.
Even without reference to the Meriah system, the Khonds are in the habit of killing
their female children. This custom has arisen partly from the fear of poverty, and partly
from the system on which marriages are conducted. The Khonds dislike marrying
among themselves, and seek their wives among distant tribes, alleging as a reason that
they can purchase them at a cheaper rate. But General Campbell tried to show them
that if they were to rear their own female children, they would find them much cheaper
as wives, and recommended them, as a beginning, to marry their Meriah women, for
whom a high price had already been paid.
In some of the hills of Chinna Kimedy, children of both sexes are put to death. As
soon as a child is born, a priest is called to ascertain whether it is to live or die. To
effect this purpose, he employs a plan very like the “Sortes Virgilianæ.” He produces a
book, and, after some prayers, thrusts an iron style at random among the leaves. He
then reads the passage to which the style points, and if it be unfavourable, the child must
die, or the fields would bear no more crops.
The fatal edict having been pronounced, the child is placed in a new earthen vessel
which has been painted in red and black stripes), the cover is fastened down, and the jar
is buried.
Some flowers and rice are laid on the cover, and, after the earth is filled in,
fowl is sacrificed upon the poor little victim's grave.
3 c 2

756
INDIA.
BEFORE leaving these remarkable tribes, we will glance slightly at one or two of their
most characteristic customs.
Their weapons are very simple, consisting of a curious sword fixed to a gauntlet, the
bow and arrow, and the axe. The last is the national weapon of the Khonds, and in its use
they are wonderfully adroit. General Campbell mentions that a British officer was out
in the evening for the purpose of shooting a bear, but only wounded the animal slightly,
instead of killing it outright. The bear started for the hills, but was pursued by several
Khonds, who overtook it, got between the hill and the bear, and then, armed only with
KHONDS AND THE BEAR.
their axes, attacked and hacked the animal to pieces. These axes are about four feet long
in the handle, and have but small heads. These, however, are made of good steel, and in
the practised hand of a Khond the axe is a weapon much more formidable than it looks.
This exhibition of courage is the more remarkable, because the actors in it were Meriah
men who had been rescued from sacrifice. The sword that has been mentioned is a com-
paratively rare weapon, and belongs rather to the Ooryahs than to the Khonds proper.
The Khond tribes seem to be rather fond of quarrelling among each other, and carry
on a kind of desultory or guerilla warfare. Pitched battles they dislike, preferring to
steal cattle from their opponents, and to kill them by stealth to meeting them in
open fight.
Indeed, they pride themselves on doing as much injury as possible to their antagonists
,
while receiving the least possible harm themselves. Accordingly, when the delegates of
two inimical tribes meet for the purpose of restoring peace, some very absurd scenes take
place. The umpires call upon the representatives of the tribes to declare the number of
SUPERSTITIONS.
757
cattle stolen and men killed; and it is generally found that the latter item is equally
balanced, neither party caring to acknowledge that a man of their own tribe has been
killed, unless the adversaries can prove it. They cannot but admit that the man was
killed, but attribute his death to accident, such as being carried off by a tiger, or bitten
by a snake.
Pride forms a great element in the Khond character. The people are fond of their
land, and nothing can induce a Khond to sell one yard of ground to a foreigner, nor even
to part with a single tree that grows on that soil
. Generally, they are too proud to
barter, but leave that business to the Pannoo tribes, by whom, as may be remembered, the
Meriah victims are generally furnished. Among the Khonds there are but two employ-
ments worthy of their dignity, i.e. warfare and agriculture, and all persons are despised
who carry on any other profession or business, even though they may profit by it them-
selves. Yet there is no system of caste among them, such as we find among the Hindoos,
neither have they any prejudice in regard of diet, except perhaps a dislike to milk.
As to the religion of the Khonds, it is of the simplest description, and their worship
is practically comprised in the Meriah sacrifice. There are certain very barbarous sacred
images to be found in the hill-districts, but no one seems to care or even to know much
about them, and the priests, or medicine-men, are as ignorant or careless on the subject
as the people in general.
It ought to be mentioned that very elaborate accounts have been published respecting
the religion of the Khonds, their vast army of deities, and their quadruple souls. But
there is now no doubt that the information upon which these accounts were based was
simply invented by the narrators in order to suit their own purposes.
Putting aside the Meriah system, the Khonds have several superstitions in which
they firmly believe, and the strangest of them is their idea that certain human beings
can transform themselves into tigers. These persons are called “Pulta Bags,” and are very
much dreaded by the people, upon whose fears they intentionally play for the purpose of
extortion. Knowing that the ignorant people believe them to be possessed of such a
power, they extort food, clothing, and other property from them at intervals, saying that
they are poor, and unless supplied with the necessaries of life, they will be forced to
transform theniselves into tigers, and to carry off the cattle.
General Campbell mentions an instance where he was brought in contact with, or
rather in opposition to, this superstition.
An excited crowd came to him, accompanied by several armed men, who guarded two
One of the men then said that he and his son were in the jungle cutting
firewood, when a tiger sprang upon the lad and carried him off. The father pursued the
animal, shouting after it until it turned the corner of the rock, when it disappeared, and
on the top of the rock were then seen the two women. The case was clear. These two
women were Pulta Bags. While in the tiger form they had carried off his son, but,
alarmed by his shouts, had hidden the body of the lad and resumed their human shapes.
On being questioned, the women acknowledged that the story was true, and that they
did possess the power attributed to them. General Campbeli then offered to release
thein, provided that they would transform themselves into tigers in his presence. This,
to his astonishment, they agreed to do, provided that he accompanied them to a neigh-
bouring jungle. Finding, however, that the English general was not so easily frightened
as a Khond warrior, and that they would be taken at their word, they threw themselves
at his feet, and acknowledged their imposture.
A remarkable instance of this belief is narrated by the same writer.
A brave little Khond, belonging to the irregular force, was engaged in a conflict when
several of the energy were killed, among whom was one who was shot by his own hand.
Instead of being proud of his exploit, he was seized with terror, declaring that the man
whom he had killed was a Pulta Bag, and that he would assume the shape of a tiger
and avenge himself
. After the campaign was over, he obtained leave to visit his family,
and, previous to his departure, he brought his uniform, asking that care might be taken
of it, as he felt sure that he should never wear it again. He joined his family, and
lived with them for some weeks, when, as he was watching his cattle, a tiger sprang on
women.
758
INDIA
him, and wounded him so cruelly that he shortly died. Nothing could persuade him
that the tiger was not the man whom he had shot, and the event only strengthened the
hold which the superstition has on the native mind.
Marriage is generally celebrated at the hunting season, probably because the stores
of food and drink are secured for that time, and there is always plenty of food for the
marriage feast. Among them prevails the custom of carrying off the bride. The bride .
groom snatches up the girl and runs off with her, pursued by a number of young women
who try to snatch her from him, or at least pretend to do so. He, however, is protected
by twenty or thirty young men, who keep him and his burden in their midst, and do
their best to shield him from the bamboos, stones, and other missiles which are hurled at
him by the women.
When he reaches the boundaries of his own village, he is supposed
to have won his bride, while the assailing party scamper at full speed to their own
dwellings.
CHAPTER II.
WEAPONS OF INDIA.
> >
«
THE GHOORKA TRIBE AND THEIR FAVOURITE WEAPONBLADE AND CURVED HANDLE OF THE
KOOKERY -MODE OF STRIKING WITH IT-THE ADDITIONAL KNIVES-MAKING WOOTZ
STEEL- —FIGHTING A TIGER-THE HUNTER'S NECKLACE--ROBBERS OF INDIA--THE BURGLAR, THE
BURROWER-THE PURSE-CUTTER-AV INGENIOUS THEFT-STRANGE MODE OF ESCAPING OBSER-
VATION_VARIOUS BOWS-THE PELLET BOW AND ITS DOUBLE STRING—THE REVERSED BOW AND
MODE OF USING IT-STRINGING THE BOW-THE VARIOUS ARROWS-ARMOUR AND CHAIN MAIL-
SIR HOPE GRANT'S SPECIMEN-INDIAN SWORDS AND MODE OF USING THEM--VARIOUS
-VARIOUS DAGGERS
-THE CHAKRA OR QUOIT WEAPON.
ONE of the hill-tribes, called the Ghoorka tribe, is worthy of notice, if only for the
remarkable weapon which they use in preference to any other. It is called the "kookery, "
and is of a very peculiar shape. One of the knives, drawn from a specimen in my collection,
is given in the following illustration. As may be seen by reference to the drawing,
both the blade and hilt are curved. The blade is very thick at the back, my own speci-
men, which is rather a small one, measuring a little more than a quarter of an inch in
thickness. From the back it is thinned off gradually to the edge, which has a curve of
its own, quite different to that of the back, so that the blade is widest as well as thickest
in the middle, and tapers at one end towards the hilt, and at the other towards the point.
The steel of which the blade is formed is of admirable temper, as is shown by the fact
that my specimen, which, to my knowledge, has not been cleaned for thirty years, but has
been hung upon the wall among other weapons, is scarcely touched with rust, and for the
greater part of its surface is burnished like a mirror. Indeed, on turning it about, I can see
reflected upon its polished surface the various objects of the room. The handle is made after
a very remarkable fashion, and the portion which forms the hilt is so small that it shows
the size of the hand for which it was intended. This smallness of hilt is common to all
Indian swords, which cannot be grasped by an ordinary English soldier. My own hand
is a small one, but it is too large even for the heavy sabre or tulwar," while the handle
of the kookery looks as if the weapon were intended for a boy of six or seven years old.
Indeed, the Ghoorkas are so small, that their hands, like those of all Indian races, are
very delicate, about the same size as those of an English boy of seven. The point of the
kookery is as sharp as a needle, so that the weapon answers equally for cutting or stabbing
In consequence of the great thickness of the metal, the blade is exceedingly heavy, and it
is a matter of much wonder how such tiny hands as those of the Ghoorkas can manage
so weighty a weapon, which seems almost as much beyond their strength as does the
Andamaner's gigantic bow to the dwarfish man who wields it. It may be imagined that
a blow from such a weapon as this must be a very terrible one. The very weight of the
blade would drive it half through a man's arm, if it were only allowed to fall from a little
height. But the Ghoorkas have a mode of striking which resembles the “ drawing” cut
of the broadsword, and which urges the sharp edge through flesh and bone alike.
A
760
INDIA.
2
3
5
ZOSTA.jp
.منیشتمنحنانه
Before passing to the mode in which the kookery is used, I may mention that it is not
employed for domestic purposes, being too highly valued by the owner. For such pur-
poses two smaller knives are used, of very similar form, but apparently of inferior metal
,
These are kept in little cases attached to the side of the kookery-sheath, just as is the
case with the knives attached to a Highlander’s dirk, or the arrangement of the Dyak
sword, which has already been described in the article upon Borneo. There is also a little
flat leathern purse, with a double flap.
This is pointed like a knife-sheath, and
is kept in a pocket of its own fastened
upon the larger sheath.
In the illustration the kookery is
shown with all its parts. Fig. 1 shows
the kookery in its scabbard, the top of
the purse and the handles of the sup-
plementary knives being just visible as
s 4
they project from the sheaths. At fig. 2
the kookery itself is drawn, so as to show
the peculiar curve of the blade and the
very small handle. Fig. 3 represents the
purse as it appears when closed, and
figs. 4 and 5 are the supplementary
knives. My own specimen, which, as I
have already mentioned, is a small one,
measures fifteen inches from hilt to point
in a straight line, and twenty-one inches
if measured along the curve of the back.
Its weight is exactly twelve ounces. The
knife is a very plain one, no ornament of
any kind being used, and the maker has
evidently contented himself with ex-
pending all his care upon the blade,
which is forged from the celebrated
« wootz” steel.
This steel is made by the natives
in a very simple but effectual manner.
After smelting the iron out of magnetic
ore, the Indian smith puts small pieces of
it in a crucible, and mixes little bits of
wood with them. He then covers the crucible with green leaves and plenty of clay, and
puts it in his simple furnace. The furnace being lighted, a constant blast of air is driven
through it for about three hours, at the expiration of which time the iron, now converted
into cast-steel, is found in the form of a small cake at the bottom of the crucible.
Wootz steel was at one time much used in England, and great numbers of these cakes
were imported.
In the hands of an experienced wielder this knife is about as formidable a weapon as
can be conceived. Like all really good weapons, its efficiency depends much more upon
the skill than the strength of the wielder, and thus it happens that the little Ghoorka,
a mere boy in point of stature, will cut to pieces a gigantic adversary who does not
understand his mode of onset. The Ghoorka generally strikes upwards with the
kookery, possibly in order to avoid wounding himself should his blow fail
, and possibly
because an upward cut is just the one that can be least guarded against.
Years ago, when we were engaged in the many Indian wars which led at last to
our Oriental empire, the Ghoorkas proved themselves most formidable enemies, as since
they have proved themselves most invaluable allies. Brave as lions, active as monkeys,
and fierce as tigers, the lithe, wiry little men came leaping over the ground to the attack,
moving so quickly, and keeping so far apart from each other, that musketry was no
KOOKERY. (From my Collection.

TIGER-KILLING.
761
use against them. When they came near the soldiers, they suddenly crouched to the
ground, dived under the bayonets, struck upwards at the men with their kookeries,
ripping them open with a single blow, and then, after having done all the mischief
in their power, darting off as rapidly as they had come. Until our men learned this
mode of attack, they were greatly discomfited by their little opponents, who got under
their weapons, cutting or slashing with knives as sharp as razors, and often escaping
unhurt from the midst of bayonets. They would also dash under the bellies of the
officers' horses, rip them open with one blow of the kookery, and aim another at the leg
of the officer as he and his horse fell together,
GHOORKA AND TIGER.
Perhaps no better proof can be given of the power of the weapon, and the dexterity
of the user, than the fact that a Ghoorka will not hesitate to meet a tiger, himself being
armed with nothing but his kookery. He stands in front of the animal, and as it springs
he leaps to the left
, delivering as he does so a blow towards the tiger. As the reader is
aware, all animals of the cat tribe attack by means of the paw; and so the tiger, in
passing the Ghoorka, mechanically strikes at him.
The man is well out of reach of the tiger's paw, but it just comes within the sweep
of
the kookery, and, what with the force of the tiger's stroke, and what with the blow
delivered by the man, the paw is always disabled, and often fairly severed from the limb.
Furious with pain and rage, the tiger leaps round, and makes another spring at his little
enemy. But the Ghoorka is as active as the tiger, and has sprung round as soon as he
delivered his blow, so as to be on the side of the disabled paw. Again the tiger attacks,
762
INDIA.
but this time his blow is useless, and the Ghoorka steps in and delivers at the neck or
throat of the tiger a stroke which generally proves fatal.
The favourite blow is one upon the back of the neck, because it severs the spine, and
the tiger rolls on the ground a lifeless mass. For so fierce is the tiger's fury, that, unless
the animal is rendered absolutely powerless, rage supplies for a few moments the place of
the ebbing life, and enables it to make a last expiring effort. All experienced hunters
2
2
3
6
SUDDIN
10.
NECKLACE. (From my Collection.)
SITE
know and dread the expiring charge of a wounded
lion or tiger, and, if possible, hide themselves as soon
as they inflict the death-wound. If they can do Necklace of above.
so, the animal looks round for its adversary, cannot
see him, and at once succumbs; whereas if it can
espy its enemy, it flings all its strength into one effort, the result of which is frequently
that the man and the tiger are found lying dead together.
Many of these little hunters are decorated with necklaces made from the teeth and
claws of the animals which they kill. One of these necklaces is in my collection, and is
figured in the illustration. It is made of the spoils of various animals, arranged in the
following way. The central and most prominent object is one of the upper canine teeth
of a tiger. The man may well be proud of this, for it is a very fine specimen, measuring
five inches and a half in length, and more than three inches in circumference. This tooth
is shown at fig. 5. At fig. 1 is a claw from a fore-foot of a tiger, evidently the same
animal; and at fig. 9 is a claw of the hind-foot. Figs. 2, 3, 7, 8 are differently-sized teeth
of the crocodile; and figs. 4 and 6 represent claws from the foot of the sloth-bear. The
reader may remember that in all uncivilized countries such spoils are of the highest value,
and play the same part with regard to them that titles and decorations do among more
civilized nations. Consequently, it is almost impossible to procure such ornaments, the
natives having as strong objection to part with them as a holder of the Victoria Cross
would have to resign at the same time his badge and the right to wear it.
AMONG men of such a stamp, leading a half-savage existence, with ideas necessarily
limited to their own range of thought, it is likely that a strange sort of morality should
prevail. We have already seen that there is one existing system in which treacherous
murder, instead of being regarded as a capital offence, is exalted into a religion, and we
may therefore expect that robbery may in some cases be considered as a virtue.
Certain
it is that there are no more accomplished thieves in the world than those of India.
The natives are justly celebrated for their wonderful powers of posture-making and
conjuring, and it is to be expected that, when they turn those powers to an evil use, they
must be most dangerous opponents. Lately a most valuable report has been issued by
the Inspector-General of Prisons, relating to the thieves of Lower Bombay, in the perusal
ADROIT THIEVES.
763
of which it is impossible to restrain a smile, so wonderfully ingenious are the devices
of the thieves, and so astonishing is the skill with which they are employed.
For example, there are the regular burglars, who completely carry out the description
of the Scriptures,“ breaking through the wall and stealing.” Two of these burglars work
together. One acts as sentinel, while the other gently bores a hole through the wall,
large enough to admit the passage of his person. When he has completed the breach, hé
pushes through it a stick, with a piece of grass wrapped round it, so as to look like
à human head. This is done, to ascertain whether the inmates are alarmed, for it some-
times happens that the owner of the house hears the miner at work, and quietly stands
by the side of the hole, armed with a sword or cudgel, with which he strikes at the head
of the robber, as soon as it appears through the wall. Should the sham head be smashed
by a blow from the inside, the thieves escape as fast as they can. If not, one of them
crawls through the breach, steals all the property on which he can lay his hands, and
returns to his comrade, who has been keeping careful watch, and will alarm him, should
danger appear.
Other thieves appear to be more harmless, though they probably steal as much money
as the burglars. They carry in their mouths a tiny knife, with a blade as sharp as that
of a razor. They frequent the bazaars, mix with the crowd, and contrive to feel for the
money which is wrapped up in the girdle. With their little knives, they gently cut the
cloth, noiselessly extract the money, and slink off into the midst of the crowd, where they
can scarcely be detected. In short, they act precisely after the manner of our European
cut-purses.
The most ingenious of all the thieves are those who get into the zenanas, or women's
apartments, and steal their jewellery. As the reader is probably aware, the women's
apartments are in the most central portion of the house, and are so carefully guarded that
little precaution is taken with respect to the costly jewels with which the women deck
themselves so abundantly. The Indian burglar knows of this wealth, and sometimes
manages to steal it. He digs a hole in the ground outside the walls of the house, and
burrows under the foundation until he comes beneath the floor of the zenana. He then
cautiously works his way upwards, and so obtains admission into the apartment. But
even when there his task is not completed, as a large portion of the jewellery consists of
nose-rings and bangles, or bracelets. The skill of these thieves is now shown, for they
will contrive to cut the rings and bangles, remove them from the wearers, and make good
their escape without disturbing the sleeping women.
These adroit burglars often commit the most daring robberies in the very midst of an
army. Knowing the position of the tents, they mark out that which is the residence of
a great man, and creep silently towards it. Arrived at the tent, their sharp knife cuts
a hole, and they glide into the interior without making the slightest noise. Indeed, so
wonderfully adroit are they, that even the very watch-dogs do not discover them, and a
thief has been known actually to step over the body of a dog without disturbing the
animal.
They take an extraordinary pride in their skill, and have not the least objection
to boasting of it. Once, an English officer, who had been robbed of all his valuables,
his clothing included, in the course of a night, was talking to a robber, who made very
light of the exploit, and boasted that if he chose he could steal the blanket from under
him as he slept. Such a challenge as this could not but be accepted, and the officer laid
å wager with the man that his blanket could not be stolen without rousing him.
Accordingly, one morning, when the officer awoke, he found his blanket missing. The
thief came openly with the blanket, restored it, and told him how he had achieved the
theft. It was done by gently tickling the face and hands of the sleeping man, so that he
involuntarily turned on his bed. As he moved, the thief gave the blanket a slight pull,
and so by degrees “coaxed” it away without fairly waking the sleeper.
When these thieves set about their task of robbery, they remove all their clothes, and
rub themselves with oil. Round their neck is a slight string, which holds their razor-
bladed knife, so that, if they should be detected, the pursuer has no hold of them; and
even should he succeed in grasping them, the ready knife is used to sever his wrist and
to deal a fatal stab.

764
INDIA.
Then there are other thieves of altogether a sneaking and despicable character.
The burglars have, at all events, the redeeming points of audacity and ingenuity. The
Mooches exhibit neither of these qualities, but act in a way that exactly resembles the
proceedings of the gipsy thieves as described by Mr. Borrow. They lay poison on plantain-
leaves, and drop them about at night among the cattle. The bait is sure to be taken, and
the dead cattle are thrown away next morning. This is exactly what the Mooches have
expected, and they flay the dead cattle and sell their skins.
Sometimes a band of these thieves is pursued, and then the robbers are often driven
to use all their ingenuity in evading their pursuers. One stratagem is marvellously clever.
Should a company of these men succeed in reaching the jungle, there is no hope of cap-
turing them; but when they find that they must be overtaken on a level plain, they are
BHEEL ROBBERS PURSUED.
not without a mode of avoiding detection.
detection. As is the case in many hot countries, the
ground is often cleared by fire, which destroys all the coarse, dry, rank herbage, and leaves
it free for the fresh green blades that at the first rains shoot through the surface. In those
spots where the grass is short, the fire does but little damage; but where it is long, the
flames are powerful enough to destroy the small trees which grow upon them, and to leave
nothing but a number of blackened stumps.
If the thieves think that they cannot pass the plain without being observed, they put
in practice a ruse which they may have borrowed from the habits of many insects. They
strip off all their clothes, place them and their weapons under their little round shields,
which they disperse so as to look like stones, and then dispose themselves in such strange
attitudes that their slender and nearly fleshless limbs bear the most exact resemblance to
the blackened branches of which their bodies represent the trunks. In these attitudes
they will remain fixed until the enemy has passed them, when they slip off as fast as they
can to the nearest jungle.
Before the English had become used to these manoeuvres, a very ludicrous incident
occurred. An officer, with a party of horse, was chasing a small body of Bheel robbers,
and was fast overtaking them. Suddenly the robbers ran behind a rock or some such
obstacle, which hid them for a moment, and, when the soldiers came up, the men had
BOWS.
765
mysteriously disappeared. After an unavailing search, the officer ordered his men to
dismount beside a clump of scorched and withered trees, and, the day being very hot, he
took off his helmet and hung it on a branch by which he was standing. The branch in
question turned out to be the leg of a Bheel, who burst into a scream of laughter, and
Hung the astonished officer to the ground. The clump of scorched trees suddenly became
metamorphosed into men, and the whole party dispersed in different directions before
the soldiers could recover from their surprise, carrying with them the officer's helmet
by way of a trophy.
This stratagem is not confined to one tribe, or even one race, but is practised in
many parts of the world where the country is cleared by means of fire.
We will now examine some of the weapons used by the Indians. I intentionally omit
any description of their fire-arms, as such weapons are of a modern date, and the use of
gunpowder has been imported from other countries. In the following pages will be
described some of the most characteristic weapons of India.
The reader will probably notice that whatever may be their form, there is a nameless
something which designates the country in which they were produced. No matter whether
the weapon has belonged to a rich or a poor man, whether it be plain wood and iron, or
studded with jewels and inlaid with gold, the form remains the same, and there is about
that form a graceful elegance which is peculiar to India. Take, for example, that
simplest of weapons, the kookery, and see how beautiful are the curves of the blade and
handle, and how completely they satisfy the eye. In the same manner we shall find that,
with all the weapons that will be figured, there is always a graceful curve or a well-
balanced arrangement of lines,
We will begin with the bow and arrows.
Many kinds of bows are used by the Hindoos, the most simple of which is made from
a piece of male bamboo. Even this simple weapon is not complete in the eyes of an
Indian without some ornament, and accordingly it is bound at intervals by belts of split
reed drawn tightly round it, and tied up at the back of the bow in a sort of rosette form.
This kind of bow is often used for shooting bullets or stones. For this purpose two
strings are placed side by side, and kept apart by a little piece of wood near one end, so
that in the middle there is an interval of a couple of inches between the strings. A strip
of leather rather more than an inch in width is then sewn to the strings, so that when
the bow is bent the leather is stretched tightly between them.
The bow is used in the following manner. A bullet or stone is placed on the leather,
and the two strings are grasped by the forefinger and thumb of the right hand, so as to
enclose the bullet in the leather. The bow is then drawn and aimed, and when the
strings are released from the pressure of the fingers, they fly asunder and permit the
bullet to escape. The precision that may be obtained by this weapon is really wonderful,
and even Europeans soon learn to pride themselves on their skill with the “pellet-bow. "
Squirrel shooting with this bow is a favourite amusement with many persons, and some
of the natives of rank occasionally amuse themselves with shooting at the earthenware
jars carried on the heads of the women, a successfuł shot smashing the jar to pieces, and
deluging the woman with the water which had been contained in it
.
There is another kind of bow which is much used in different parts of Asia, varying
somewhat in form and material, but similar in principle. The bow is so formed that
when it is unstrung it curves in exactly the opposite direction to the string. The amount
of curvature varies considerably in different bows, the most perfect being that in which
the two ends almost touch each other. The specimen which is shown in fig. 1 of the
illustration on page 766, and which is drawn from a bow in my collection, is a singularly
perfect example of this kind of weapon. It is made in the following manner :
A horn of the buffalo is sawn longitudinally, so as to produce two tapering pieces of
exactly the same size. These are then flattened by heat and pressure, and are trimmed
until when bent they give exactly the same amount of curvature. The handle and the
tips are made of very hard wood, and are fitted to the horn with the greatest care, the
wood which forms tħe tips running for some distance along the under-side of the horn.
766
INDIA.
.
After the handle and tips are fitted in their places, a great number of sinews are laid wet
over the back of the bow, and kneaded so carefully that the wood, the sinews, and the
born seem to be altogether one substance. After this part of the work is finished, the
whole of the bow is covered with repeated layers of a kind of glue, which is very care-
fully smoothed and polished. The bow is practically complete, but the maker is not
satisfied unless he adds plenty of ornament. This is always a sort of conventional flower-
pattern, gilt on a brilliantly coloured background. I possess several such bows, in each
lo
2
A
son
TTLJIVE
3
BOWS AND QUIVER. (From iny Collection.)
of which there is a dissimilarity of colour and pattern. In the bow now before us, the
groundwork is vivid green and scarlet, on which are drawn the most elaborate patterns
of flowers, leaves, and arabesques in gold. It is impossible, on looking at the surface,
not to admire both the beauty of the patterns and the excellence of the paint and
varnish, which can be subjected to such violent treatment as is caused by the bending of
the bow and shooting the arrow, and yet not be cracked to pieces.
The elasticity of this bow is wonderful. I have often tried to string it, but without
effect, and indeed I never saw but one man, the late Colonel Hutchinson, of the Indian
Army, who could do so. It is strung by passing it under one leg, bending it back sharply
over the other leg, at the same time slipping the loop of the string into its notch. A
groove passes along the back of the bow, so as to guide the string. When strung it
assumes quite a different shape, and looks something like the bow which the ancient
sculptors placed in the hands of Cupid. I regret that the bow could not be strung, so as
to give two illustrations of the same bow in its different aspects.
BOWS AND ARROWS.
767
The classical reader may perhaps remember that this weapon is exactly similar to the
ancient Scythian bow. Reference is made to this shape by Athenæus (book x.) when an
unlearned shepherd, trying to describe the letters which formed a name, said that “the
third (i.e. c) was like a Scythian bow.” This kind of bow was of horn, as indeed were
most of the ancient bows.
The length of the bow above mentioned, measured along the back, is a little more
than four feet, whereas the measurement across it as it appears when unbent is only
nineteen inches. The reader will see how useful a bow of this description would be to
a horseman, its peculiar curvature rendering it easy of carriage. It could even be carried
along on the bridle arm, if required, so as to leave the sword hand at liberty, and in a
moment could be strung when needed, by passing it under the leg as the rider sits on horse-
back. Small as this bow seems, almost indeed insignificant in appearance as a weapon,
its performances in skilful hands are something marvellous. With one of these bows an
arrow has been shot to a distance which was said to be six hundred yards, and was
actually not much short of that measurement. And, although so powerful, it is wonder-
fully manageable. Colonel Hutchinson told me that he once saw an archer shoot an
arrow along a corridor, and send the missile through a hole which a bullet had made in
a pane of glass at the end of the corridor.
Next comes a form of bow which is much more common than the preceding. In this
bow the reflex curvature is strongly marked, though not so strongly as in the case of the
weapon just described.
Several of these bows are in my collection, the handsomest of which was presented
to me by J. Allen, Esq. This bow, with its case, its quiver, and store of arrows, is shown
in fig. 2 of the illustration on the previous page. Measuring along the back, the bow
is four feet five inches in length, whereas the space between the two tips is only twenty-
eight inches. The colour with which the bow is painted is bright scarlet, profusely covered
with gilt flowers and arabesques, so that it is a more showy weapon at a distance than
the previous specimen, though it is not nearly so handsome when closely examined, the
patterns being larger and more roughly executed. The bow-string is made of some
vegetable fibre-I think that of some species of aloe—and is very thick, being composed
of nine strands twisted very closely together.
The case, quiver, and straps by which they are held have been once very splendid,
being crimson velvet, so covered with gold embroidery that scarcely any part of the
velvet is visible. The arrows are two feet three inches in length, and are very care-
fully made. The shaft is of reed, and to either end is fixed a piece of hard wood four
inches in length. On one end of the shaft is fixed the point, which is a heavy and
solid quadrangular piece of steel brought to a sharp point. The hard wood at the end
receives the feathers, and is enlarged at the extreme end, so as to allow space for the
nock or notch in which the thick bow-string is received. Both the pieces of hard wood
are coloured, that in which the point is fixed being simply green, but that at the other
end being gilt, and covered with patterns in blue and scarlet.
This is the most common kind of arrow, but there are many varieties, of which I
possess specimens. Several varieties are in many collections, the chief distinction being
in the shape of the point. In most of them it is more or less quadrangular; though in
some it is leaf-shaped, like a spear-head, in others it is conical, and in others round and
blunt. In one of the arrows the place of the lower piece of hard wood is taken by a
solid piece of steel nearly four inches in length, and weighing about three ounces, looking
something like a rather elongated Whitworth bullet.
The most primitive form of Indian arrow is that which is made by the hill tribes.
The shaft is of wood, not of reed, and the head is deeply barbed, and tied to the shaft
with fibre, exactly as is done with the flint-headed arrows, which this weapon almost
precisely resembles in form, though not in material. Instead of feathers, dry leaves are
substituted, cut into the required shape, and passed through slits in the shaft of the
arrow, these slits being afterwards bound up. In one arrow the nock has been formed
in a very strange manner, a piece of wood being lashed to each side of the shaft, and
projecting a little beyond it.
768
INDIA.
Some very beautiful examples of the best kinds of weapons are shown in the accom-
panying illustration. They belong to General Sir Hope Grant, G.C.B. &c., who kindly
allowed them to be drawn for the use of this work. They are splendid instances of
Indian art, one or two of them displaying a most elaborate ornamentation.
The first of the illustrations shows a suit of armour and weapons, which is made of
steel most elaborately engraved and inlaid with gold, the patterns resembling those on
2
4
ooo
6
3
5
SUIT OF ARMOUR INLAID WITH GOLD. (l'rom Sir Hope Grant's Collection.)
the bow, and looking much as if they had been taken from the bow and sunk into the
steel, the freedom and grace of the lines being quite as remarkable as the elaborate
minuteness of the pattern.
In the centre is seen the martial-looking helmet, with its slight feather plume. There
are often several of these plumes in a helmet, their shafts being adorned with gold and
jewels, and placed in sockets projecting from the helmet. In front is seen the flat bar
which protects the nose and upper part of the face from a sword cut. This bar slides up
and down through a groove for the convenience of the wearer. From the helmet depends
a piece of very slight but very strong chain-mail, which falls behind and on either side
of the face, and hangs as low as the shoulders, so that, however abruptly the wearer may
move his head, the folds of the chain-mail protect his neck. In several of these helmets
the links of the mail are gilt, and arranged so as to form patterns, mostly of a diamond
shape.
By the side of the helmet is the curious gauntlet, which extends far up the arm, and
has no joint at the wrist. The absence of the joint, unpleasant as it would be to a
European swordsman, is no obstacle to the proper use of the sword by the Oriental
warrior. If the reader will refer to the figure of the sword, he will see that the hilt is
terminated by a large circular plate of steel
. In a specimen in my own collection, this
plate is three inches in diameter, so that when the sword is grasped after the European
fashion, the plate comes against the wrist, and acts as a fulcrum by which, when a blow
is struck, the leverage of the blade forces the sword out of the grasp.
But the whole system of swordsmanship in India differs essentially from that which is
employed in England, or indeed in Europe generally, strength not being used so much as
WEAPONS.
769
dexterity. For the object of this weapon its curved form is essential. The stroke of
the sword is done by a turn of the wrist more than by a direct blow, so that the curved
edge of the weapon is drawn rapidly over the object of attack.
The mode of employing the Indian sword was illustrated to me by the same Colonel
Hutchinson whose name has already been mentioned.
He took a large mangold-wurzel, and laid it on a table. He then placed the flat side
of the sword upon the root, so that no blow could be dealt, and then, with a slight turn
of the wrist, he drew the blade towards him, and the root fell apart, severed in two
pieces. In the same manner he cut the whole of the root into slices. The feat looked
so easy that I tried it on another root, but, instead of cutting it in two, the edge of the
sword glided off it as if it had been a solid piece of glass, and jarred my arm to the
shoulder. However, after a few lessons, the feat became tolerably easy.
The same effect can also be produced by pushing the blade from the swordsman
instead of drawing it towards him. It is to this delicate drawing cut that the Indian
sword owes its efficiency, the steel of the blade not being nearly of so good a quality as
that of our common dragoon swords, and not being capable of taking so fine an edge.
But if in battle an Indian warrior meets or overtakes an enemy, he does not strike at
him with the whole power of the arm, as is done by our swordsmen, but places the edge
of his weapon against the neck of the enemy, and with a turn of his wrist nearly severs
the head from the body.
In the same illustration is seen the circular shield or target. This is of no great size,
measuring about eighteen inches in diameter, and sometimes even less. It is made of
the hide of the rhinoceros, which, when properly dressed and dried, is of considerable
thickness, as hard as horn, though not so brittle, and almost equally translucent. The
shield is generally adorned with four circular plates of metal, which in an ordinary
specimen are merely of iron, but in a peculiarly handsome one are covered with
lacquered gilding. The reader will doubtless see the alınost exact resemblance between
the Indian shield and the target of the Scotch Highlander.
The other portions of the armour are adorned with gold inlaying, like those parts
which have been described.
The illustration on the following page contains several articles used in warfare, all of
which are drawn from specimens in Sir Hope Grant's collection.
In the centre is seen a coat of mail. This is one of the most beautiful pieces of
armour I have ever seen, each of the links bearing upon it a sentence from the Koran.
Three of the links are given below, drawn of the size of the originals
. If the reader
will reflect upon the vast number of such links which are required to form a coat of mail,
he will appreciate the amount of labour that must have been expended on it, the letters
having to be formed after the links are put together, so that they may not be obliterated
in the forging. The helmet belonging to this suit is seen by its side.
Between the helmet and the coat of mail is a Coorg knife or dagger. This weapon is
sometimes very plain, and sometimes blazes with gold and jewels on the hilt and sheath.
A specimen in my collection is of the former kind, and, though the blade is of good
quality, the handle is only of wood, and is secured to the blade by a stout brass rivet which
passes through the tang. A bold ridge runs along either side of the blade.
Two more characteristic forms of the Indian dagger are shown in the illustration.
On the other side of the coat of mail is one which is in great favour, especially with the
rich. It is made entirely of steel, the two cross-bars constituting the handle. The form
of the blade varies somewhat in different specimens, but the general form is the same in
all. A good specimen in my collection is altogether twenty inches in length, and weighs
exactly a pound, so that it must be rather an awkward weapon for the girdle. The blade,
if it can be so called, is nearly a foot in length, flat towards the handle, and within five
inches of the tips welling suddenly into a sort of quadrangular bayonet, rather more
than half an inch in thickness.
The reader will see that when this dagger is grasped, the steel continuations of the
handle project on either side of the wrist, and effectually guard it and the lower part of
the arm from a sword-blade. The weight of this instrument, as well as the force with
3 D
VOL. II.
770
INDIA
;
which a thrust can be delivered by a straight blow as in boxing, render the weapon well
calculated to drive its way through the folds of dress, or even between the joints of
armour.
Next comes a weapon which would scarcely be recognised as a dagger. It is,
however, a dagger, made from the two horns of the Indian antelope. In the simplest
form of this curious weapon, the horns are arranged with their bases crossing each other
for about six inches. The curvature of the bases thus furnishes a sort of handle,
which can be grasped in such a way that the holder of the weapon can strike right and
left with it, and, among a number of people, could do a vast amount of damage in a very
short time.
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INDIAN ARMS AND ARMOUR.
(From Sir Hope Grant's Collection.
A dagger such as has been described could be made in half an hour, and, indeed, a
temporary weapon might be made in a few minutes by lashing the horns together. But
the Indians prefer to add omament to the weapon, and so they often make a hollow steel
hilt in the form of a cup, with the curved side outward. The hand passes into this
cup as into the basket-ħilt of a single-stick, and is effectually guarded from injury.
The dagger shown in the illustration has one of these steel hilts. In some places this
weapon is in such favour that, instead of making it of antelope horns, with a steel hilt,
the entire dagger is of steel, the points made in imitation of the horns.
The last weapon is one which is used by the Afghans, and is a sort of compromise
between a sword and a dagger. A weapon of a similar form and character is carried by
the Moors.
There is one kind of sword which ought not to be passed without some notice. It is
a most murderous-looking weapon, and is made on precisely the opposite principle to
that of the sword which has already been described. In that form of sword, the edge is
on the outer curve of the blade, which narrows towards the point. In the other sword,
the edge is on the inside curve, and the blade widens greatly at the tip, which is curved
like a bill-hook. Indeed, the weapon bears some resemblance to a bill-hook with a
greatly elongated blade. In a specimen in my collection the blade is very little more
than an inch wide by the hilt, but at the point (or rather the tip, for this part of the
THE CHAKRA.
771
blade is squared,) it is just four inches in width. The weight of this sword is rather
more than two pounds.
Perhaps the reader will scarcely recognise the accompanying illustration as belonging
to the class of weapons. The tall
, conical, black cap is certainly a head-dress, and the
knives that are stuck in its folds, as Irish labourers stick their pipes in their bats, could
easily be used as daggers. Our business, however,
is neither with the hat nor the knives, but with the
circular, quoit-like articles which are hung upon it.
This quoit, or chakra, is a missile weapon, that
bears some resemblance to the boomerang of Australia
or the casting-knife of the Fan tribe, it being in-
tended to cut and not to pierce, as is generally the
case with missiles. It is made of thin steel, and is
sharpened to a razor-like edge on the outside. The
mode of casting it is to spin it on the forefinger and
then to hurl it. The reader may imagine that such
a missile, which not only strikes an object, but revolves
rapidly at the time, must be a very formidable one.
It is generally aimed at the face of the adversary, and
a skilful warrior will hurl four or five in such rapid
succession that it is scarcely possible to avoid being
struck by one of them, and having the face laid open,
or the nose or lip absolutely cut off.
A similar weapon, made of brass instead of steel,
is used by the cattle-poisoning Mooches, who have (From Sir Hope Grant's Collection..)
already been described. They call it by the name of
<< thâu.”
The chakra is the special weapon of Vishnu, and may be seen in the various repre-
sentations of that deity, hanging in one of the hands. Reference is made to this by
Southey in the “Curse of Kehama." Other deities also hold the chakra in the many-
armed images by which the Indian artists clumsily attempt to depict omnipotence. This
takes us to another branch of the subject.
18:31
THE CHAKRA, OR QUOIT WEAPON.
3 D 2
CHAPTER III.
SACRIFICIAL RELIGION.
PRINCIPLE OF HUMAN SACRIFICE-THE SUTTEE, OR WIDOW-BURNING HER FATE DESIRED BY
HERSELF AND HER NEAREST RELATIVES-REASONS FOR THE SACRIFICE-CONTRAST BETWEEN
THE LIFE OF A WIFE AND A WIDOW OF HIGH CASTE-SOCIAL STATUS OF THE BRAHMINS-
HONOUR IN WHICH THE SUTTEE IS HELD-MODE OF CONDUCTING THE SACRIFICE-STRUCTURE
OF THE PILE-COURAGEOUS CONDUCT OF THE VICTIM_ATTEMPTED ESCAPE OF A SUTTEE
BERNIER'S DESCRIPTION-GRADUAL ABOLITION OF THE SUTTEE-THE GODDESS KALI AND HER
WORSHIPPERS-THE THUGS AND THEIR CONSTITUTION--THE SACRED ROOMAL OR NOOSE MODE
OF OFFERING A VICTIM- THE FESTIVAL OF JUGGERNAUT-HARDSHIPS OF THE PILGRIMS-FORM
OF THE IDOL-SELF-SACRIFICE IN THE GANGESSACRIFICE OF BEASTS—THE GODDESS DOORGA
OR KALI-FAKIRS OR JOGISTHEIR VARIOUS MODES OF SELF-TORTURE—THE SWINGING FESTIVAL
THE MOTIONLESS FAKIR.
THERE is no part of the world, not even Africa itself, where the principle of human
sacrifice is so widely spread, and is developed so variously, as in India. Several forms
of human sacrifice, such as the Meriah, which has already been described, belong to
definite districts, and even in them are carried out with certain limitations. Some forms
of the same principle, such as the murders by Thugs or Phânsigars in their worship of the
dread goddess Kali, are restricted to certain societies of men. Again, the victims annually
crushed under the wheels of Juggernaut's car are comparatively few, and can only be
sacrificed in a certain locality, and at certain times.
There is, however, one mode of human sacrifice which at no distant period prevailed
over the whole of India, and has only been checked by the influence of England in those
parts of the country which have been subject to British dominion. Even in those districts
the task has been a very difficult one, and there is no doubt that if the strong hand of
England were ever lifted, the practice would again prevail as it did before.
This form of human sacrifice is the dreadful Suttee, or the death of the widow on the
funeral pyre of her dead husband. Both in Africa and Polynesia we have seen several
instances where the widow is sacrificed on the grave of her husband, so that he may not
find himself wifeless when he reaches the spirit-land. But it is remarkable that even
among the lowest of the savages, whose indifference to inflicting pain is well known, there
are none who exercise such horrible cruelty towards the widow as do the highly-civilized
Hindoos. On referring to the former portions of this work, the reader will see that in
some places the widows are strangled and laid in the grave, in others they are buried
alive, and in others they are killed by a blow of a club (perhaps the most merciful death
that can be inflicted), but that in no instance is the surviving wife burned alive, as is the
case with the Hindoo.
At the first glance, it seems strange that not only should the relatives of the miserable
wife desire her to be burned, but that she herself should wish it, and should adhere to her
SOCIAL STATUS OF THE BRAHMINS.
773
determination in spite of every opportunity of escaping so dreadful a death. Yet the
calm, dispassionate cruelty of the Hindoo nature is shown by the fact that, painful as is
a death by burning, the life of a widow who survives her husband is made so miserable
that the short though sharp agony of the funeral pyre is infinitely preferable to life. She
loses all caste, and a Brahmin widow who refuses to be burned is loathed and despised even
by the very Pariahs, whose shadow would have been a contamination to her during the
lifetime of her husband. The horror of such a life can scarcely be conceived by a
European, even supposing a delịcate girl, bred in the midst of all luxury and refinement, to
be suddenly cast among the most debased of savages without possibility of rescue, and to
be made an object of scorn and contempt even to them.
To realize the depth of utter degradation which a high-caste widow incurs, we must
first see what is her opinion of her own status. The reader is doubtless aware that
the Hindoos are divided into a number of distinct castes, the peculiarity of which is, that
no one can ascend to a superior caste, though he may fall into a lower. Now, of all the
castes, the Brahmins are immeasurably the highest, and the reverence which is paid to
them by their countrymen is almost incredible. Wealth or secular rank have nothing to
do with this reverential feeling. A Hindoo of inferior caste may be, and often is, a man
of almost unbounded wealth, may possess almost unhounded power, and, in his own
way, unbounded pride. But the very poorest of Brahmins is infinitely his superior,
and should he meet one of these exalted beings, he bows before him, and pays divine
honours to him. And, according to his belief, he is right in so doing, the Brahmin being
an incarnation of Deity, sprung from the mouth of Vishnu, the Saviour God himself.
He may be mounted on a magnificent elephant, covered with glittering trappings, he
may be clothed in gorgeous robes and sparkle with costly gems, but before a Brahmin,
with a single cloth round his waist, and bearing the solitary sign of his caste—the slight
cord hung over one shoulder and under the other he is an abject slave. Even if, as
sometimes happens, he should employ a Brahmin as his cook, that Brahmin retains his
rank, and receives the worship of the man by whom he is paid.
According to their sacred books, “when a Brahmin springs to light, he is born above
the world; the chief of all creatures; assigned to guard the treasury of duties, religious
and civil.” According to the same books, the very existence of mankind, and even of the
world itself, depends upon the forbearance of the Brahmins, whose power even exceeds
that of the gods themselves. Should there be one who cannot be slain by the great god
Indra, by Kali
, the goddess of destruction, or even by Vishnu himself, he would be de-
stroyed if a Brahmin were to curse him, as if he were consumed by fire. In the same
spirit, princes were warned not to take the property of the Brahmins, however much in
want of money, for that if these holy men were once enraged, they could by a word
destroy them, their armies, elephants, and horses.
By them, under Brahma, were originally made the earth, the sun, the moon, and the
fire, and by them they could be destroyed. “What prince could gain wealth by oppress-
ing those who, if angry, could frame other worlds, and legions of worlds, could give being
to new gods and mortals ?” Just as these tremendous privileges are independent of the
external circumstances of wealth and rank, so are they independent of individual character.
The pure soul of a Brahmin is beyond all moral elevation, and above all moral pollution.
He may be a man of the purest life and loftiest morality, but he is none the better Brahmin
for that; he may be one of the vilest of debauchees, and be none the worse Brahmin for
that, provided he does not commit any act which would forfeit his caste—such, for
example, as killing a cow, or eating food that had been cooked by an inferior.
To fall from such an estate as this, above humanity and equal to divinity, must
be something almost too terrible to conceive, and we can easily imagine that any death
would be preferable to such a life. But not even the horror of a life like this would
be equivalent to the sufferings of the Indian widow, who believes that her very soul iş
contaminated beyond hope by the loss of her caste, and who feels herself degraded below
the level of those on whom she had looked with an utter loathing that is almost incom-
prehensible to the Western mind. She has to cut off her hair, she has to live on the
coarsest of food, she has to clothe herself in the coarsest of raiment, and altogether to lead
774
INDIA.
a life utterly and hopelessly miserable in every hardship that can afflict the body, and
every reproach that can torture the mind.
On the other side comes the belief, that if she follows the dictates of her religion, and
suffers herself to be burned on the funeral pile of her husband, she qualifies herself for
everlasting happiness. From the moment that the ceremonies of the sacrifice are begun,
she becomes an absolutely sacred being, whose very touch sanctifies the objects on which
she lays her hands, she renders herself a model to be imitated by all her sex, and her
memory is for ever venerated by her family. It is therefore no wonder that, swayed by
such considerations, the Indian widow prefers death to life, and that the sacrifice of the
Suttee has taken such hold upon the people.
Varying slightly in details according to the rank of the individual and the particular
district in which the sacrifice takes place, the ceremony is conducted after the following
manner.
A hole is dug in the ground, over which the funeral pile is raised. The object of the
hole is to supply a current of air by which the fire may be fed. Sticks are then driven
round the edge of the hole to support the materials of the pile, which are dry wood, rushes,
and hemp. These are heaped carefully to a height of four feet or so, and resin and ghee
(i.e. liquid butter) are thrown on the pile, so as to increase the vehemence of the flames.
The body is then taken to the river, on whose bank the pyre is always erected, and
is there washed by the relatives, and afterwards wrapped in a new cloth and laid on
the pile.
During this time the widow stands on the bank, uttering prayers, and waving in her
hand a branch of mango. After the corpse is removed from the water, she descends into
it herself, and, having washed, distributes to her friends all her ornaments, which are
eagerly sought, as being sanctified by having been touched by the sacred hand of a suttee.
She then, is dressed in a new robe, and places herself by the side of the body, to which
she is usually, though not always, lashed. Dry rushes and wood are next heaped over
her, only her head being suffered to be uncovered, so that she may breathe for the short
time she has to live. Two long bamboos are then laid across the pile, the ends being held
by the relations, so as to press her down should she struggle to escape when the flames
reach her. The fire is lighted by her nearest relation, and, if the pile has been properly
constructed, the suttee is soon dead, being killed rather by suffocation from the smoke
than by the flames.
Sometimes, however, when the building of the pile has been entrusted to inexperienced
hands, a terrible scene takes place, the wretched victim trying to escape from the flames
that torture her, and being ruthlessly held down by the bamboo poles across her body.
Dr. Massie relates several instances of attempted escape. In one case, the mode of pre-
paring the pile was evidently the cause of the poor victim's sufferings. At each corner a
stout pole was erected, and from this pole was suspended a second pile, like a canopy,
elevated three or four feet above the surface of the principal pile. This canopy was
chiefly made of logs of wood, and was exceedingly heavy.
After the suttee had been laid upon the pile, and covered with straw saturated with
ghee, the fire was kindled, and the smoke rolled in thick volumes over the head of the
victim. The flames began to blaze fiercely, and if they had been allowed to burn in their
own way, the death of the poor woman would have been almost immediate. But just at
this time four assistants severed with their swords the ropes which upheld the canopy, so
that it fell with its whole weight upon her.
Possibly it was intended as an act of mercy, but its effect was anything but merciful.
For the moment she was stunned by the blow, but the mass of billets checked the action
of the fire, and caused it to burn slowly instead of rapidly. The creeping flames soon
restored her to consciousness through the agony which they inflicted upon her, and she
shrieked pitifully for the help that none would give her, until death at last put an end to
her sufferings.
The same author quotes an account of a suttee who actually did succeed in escaping
from the flames, in spite of the resistance offered by the officiating Brahmins and her
relatives :

THE SUTTEE.
775
Another well-authenticated and brutal instance of this sacrifice occurred about the
same time in a more northern province of India :—The unfortunate Brahminee, of her
own accord, had ascended the funeral pile of her husband's bones, but finding the torture
of the fire more than she could bear, by a violent struggle she threw herself from the
flames, and, tottering to a short distance, fell down. Some gentlemen, who were spectators,
immediately plunged her into the river, which was close by, and thereby saved her from
THE SUTTEE.
being much burnt. She retained her senses completely, and complained of the badness of
the pile, which, she said, consumed her so slowly that she could not bear it; but expressed
her willingness again to try it if they would improve it. They would not do so, and the
poor creature shrunk with dread from the flames, which were now burning intensely,
and refused to go on.
“When the inhuman relations saw this, they took her by the head and heels, and
threw her into the fire, and held her there till they were driven away by the heat; they also
took up large blocks of wood, with which they struck her, in order to deprive her of her
senses; but she again made her escape, and, without any help, ran directly into the river.
The people of her house followed her here, and tried to drown her by pressing her under
the water, but a European gentleman rescued her from them, and she immediately ran
into his arms and cried to him to save her.
"I arrived at the ground as they were bringing her the second time from the river,
and I cannot describe to you the horror I felt on seeing the mangled condition she was
in: almost every inch of ski
inch of skin on her body had been burnt off; her legs and thighs, her
arms and back, were completely raw, her breasts were dreadfully torn, and the skin
hanging from them in threads; the skin and nails of her fingers had peeled wholly off,
776
INDIA
and were hanging to the back of her hands. In fact, I never saw and never read of so
entire a picture of misery as this poor woman displayed. She seemed to dread being
again taken to the fire, and called out to “the Ocha Sahib” to save her. Her friends
seemed no longer inclined to force, and one of her relations, at our instigation, sat down
beside her, and gave her some clothes, and told her they would not. We had her sent to the
hospital, where every inedical assistance was immediately given her, but without hope of
recovery. She lingered in the most excruciating pain for about twenty hours, and then died.””
It is often said that the woman is stupefied with opium or Indian hemp before she is
brought to the pile, and that the bystanders beat drums and shout in order to drown her
shrieks. This, however, is not the case, the woman requiring the use of all her senses to
enable her to go through the various ceremonies which precede the actual burning, and
the pile being generally made so carefully that death is so rapid that the victim scarcely
utters a cry or makes a single struggle to escape.
Additions to the mere burning of the widow have been mentioned by various travellers.
Bernier, for example, says that, while travelling near Agra, he heard that a Suttee was
about to take place. He went to the spot, and there saw a great pit, in the midst of which
was a large pile of wood. On the pile lay the body of a man, and beside it sat a young
and handsome woman, whose dress was almost saturated with oil, as was the wood of the
pile. The fire being lighted, she sat on the pile, and as the flames wrapped her body, she
exclaimed with a loud voice that, according to the Indian belief in the transmigration
of souls, this was the fifth time that she had become a suttee, and that she would have
to do so twice more in order to attain perfection.
Round the edge of the pit danced five women, holding each other by the hand, and
appearing regardless of the fire. Presently the flames seized upon the dress of one of
them; whereupon she detached herself from her companions, and flung herself headlong
into the burning pit. The remaining four continued their dance, and, as the fire caught
their garments, they one by one leaped into the flaming pit. These women, it appeared, ,
had been slaves of the suttee. They were greatly attached to their mistress, and
when they heard her offer the vow to die on the funeral pile, they determined to die
with her.
The same traveller relates a very curious anecdote of a suttee who employed the
dreadful ceremony for a strange purpose.
She was a widow by her own act, having poisoned her husband in order to carry on
an intrigue with a young tailor, a Mohammedan, who was celebrated for his skill in
playing the drum. He, however, was alarmed at her crime, and declined her society. On
account of the caste to which she belonged, the death by burning was not a necessity, but
on her lover's refusal she went to her relations, reported the sudden death of her husband,
and declared that she would be burned with him.
“Her kindred, well satisfied with so generous a resolution, and the great honour that
she did to the whole family, presently had a pit made and filled with wood, exposing the
corpse upon it, and kindling the fire. All being prepared, the woman goes to embrace
and bid farewell to all her kindred that were there about the pit, among whom was also
the tailor, who had been invited to play upon the tabor that day, with many others of
that sort of men, according to the custom of the country. This fury of a woman, being
also come to this young man, made sign as if she would bid him farewell with the rest,
but, instead of gently embracing him, she taketh him with all her force about his collar,
pulls him to the pit, and tumbles him, together with herself, into the ditch, where they
both were soon despatched.”
The date at which the Suttee was instituted is not known, but it was in operation at
the time of Alexander the Great, and must have been established long before. Under
the British rule the Suttee system has gradually been abolished, and we may hope that
never again will the dread scene be repeated.
ERENCE has already been made to several other modifications of human sacrifice,
and we will give a few pages to a description of them.
There is in the Indian mythology a certain dreadful goddess of destruction, named
THE THUGS.
777
Kali. Her statues show her attributes, her many hands being filled with all kinds of
weapons, and her person decorated with a huge necklace of human skulls. In order to
propitiate this terrible divinity, a system has been developed which is perhaps the most
remarkable, illogical, and best-regulated system that is to be found upon the face of the
earth. It is simply murder raised to the rank of a religious rite, and differs from all other
human sacrifices in that blood is not shed, that the victim is always killed by stratagem,
and that the worshippers need neither temple nor altar.
The members of the society call themselves Thugs, from a Hindoo word which
signifies “ deception, and which is given to them in consequence of the mode in which
the victims are entrapped. In some parts of India they are called PĦÂNSIGARS, from a
Sanscrit word which signifies "a noose." Perhaps the strangest point, in this country of
strict and separate caste, is that the Thugs do not belong to one caste, nor even to one
religion. They all agree in worshipping Kali, but in other respects they admit among
their numbers men and women of all castes, and a large number of them are Mahom-
medans, who have no caste at all. Indeed, the Mahommedan Thugs claim for themselves
the origin of the system, though the Hindoos say that it was in existence long before the
time of Mahommed.
They always go in companies, a complete band often consisting of several hundred
persons of all ages and both sexes. As the very essence of the sacrifice is secrecy, they
assume all kinds of disguises, the usual being that of travelling merchants. In this
capacity they act their part to perfection, and endeavour to entice travellers into their
elutches.
For this purpose they have a regular organization. At their head they have a chief,
or Sirdar, who directs the operations of the band. Then an old experienced Thug acts as
instructor, and teaches the younger men how to use the sacred noose by which the victims
are strangled. This is not a cord with a running knot, but a sort of handkerchief, which
is flung round the neck of the unsuspecting man, and suddenly drawn tight. This noose,
or handkerchief, is called the “roomal.” Then come the men who are entrusted with the
noose. These are called Bhuttotes, or stranglers, and are generally men possessing both
strength and activity. Next are the entrappers, or Sothas, namely those whose business
it is to entrap the victim into a convenient spot for his assassination, and to engage his
attention while preparations are being made for his death. Lastly come the Lughaees, or
grave-diggers, who prepare the grave for the reception of the body.
The method in which the Thugs perform their sacrifices is almost exactly like that
which is employed by the modern garotters, except that a noose is used instead of the
arm, and that the victim is always killed, instead of being only made insensible for
a time.
Having pitched upon a person whom they think will be a fit offering for Kali, the
Sothas manage to induce him to come to the fatal spot. Several days are often spent in
this endeavour; for, unless there is every probability that the murder will not be executed
before any except members of their own society, the Thugs will not attempt the traveller's
life. The women and children attached to the band are usually employed as Sothas,
inasmuch as they would excite less suspicion than if they were men.
If the women be
young and handsome, they are the more valuable as decoys; and, horrible to say, even
young girls take the greatest interest in decoying travellers within the fatal noose.
When the party have arrived at the appointed spot, the attention of the traveller is
adroitly directed to some object in front of him, while the Bhuttote who acts the part of
executioner steals quietly behind him. Suddenly the noose is ffung round the victim's
neck, the knee of the murderer is pressed into his back, and in a short time he ceases to
live. Generally the executioner is so adroit at his dread office that the murdered man
makes no resistance, but dies almost without a struggle, the first pressure of the noose
causing insensibility.
The body of the murdered man is then stripped, and his property falls to the band.
Sometimes a whole party of travellers is entrapped by a band of Thugs, and all are simul-
taneously murdered. This is generally the case when several wealthy men travel together,
in which case they and their servants are all murdered in honour of Kali; who, on her
i
778
INDIA.
part, yields to her servants the goods of the murdered men, by way of recompense for
their piety.
The sacrifice over, the body is pierced in several places to prevent it from swelling,
and is then laid in the grave. The soil is carefully filled in, and levelled with such
ingenious care that scarcely any except those who dug the grave can discover it after the
burial. In one case, when an English force was in chase after a band of Thugs, they
passed over ground which was full of bodies, and never suspected it until one of the Thug
prisoners exultingly pointed out grave after grave as proofs of their success.
After the body is buried, and all signs of the murder removed, the Thugs go through
a sort of religious ceremony, sitting round a white cloth, on which are laid the sacred
pickaxes with which the graves are dug, a piece of silver, and some sugar. The Sirdar
then sits on the sheet, facing westward, with the most accomplished stranglers on either
side of him, and distributes the sugar to all present, who eat it in solemn silence. The
sheet is then put away, and to all appearance the Thugs are nothing more than a party
of harmless travellers.
So secretly is the whole business conducted, that the system has only been discovered
within late years. Numbers of persons had mysteriously disappeared; but in India the
natives are singularly apathetic, and it is always easy to account for the disappearance of
a traveller by saying that he has been carried off by a tiger. The Thugs take the greatest
pride in their profession, and, when captured, do not attempt to disguise it, but openly
boast of the number of victims whom they have slain, and describe with glee the method
in which they destroyed them; and, when themselves led to the gallows, they treat the
whole business with calm contempt, having no more care for their own lives than for
those of their victims.
the car.
We now come to another ceremony, in which human life is sacrificed, though as an
adjunct, and not as its essential feature. This is the celebrated procession of Juggernaut,
or Jaganatha. The ceremonies connected with this idol, and indeed the invention of the
idol itself
, seem to be of comparatively modern date, and, except for the great annual
procession of the car, are of little interest.
The great temple of the idol is situated in Orissa, rather more than three hundred
miles south-west from Calcutta. It is a tall, pyramidal tower, some two hundred feet in
height, built of a warm red sandstone, covered with the lime-cement called “ chunam.
Being on the sea-coast, this tower is a most useful landmark to navigators in the Bay
of Bengal.
Once in every year the great festival of Juggernaut takes place, and the huge idol-car
is brought out for the procession. The car is an enormous edifice of wood, more than
forty feet high, and thirty-five feet square. This mass of timber is supported on sixteen
wheels, each more than six feet in diameter, some of the wheels being under the body of
The car itself is plentifully adorned with sculptures of the usual character, and
it is conventionally supposed to be drawn by two great wooden horses, which are attached
to it in readiness for the procession, and kept inside it during the rest of the year.
On the appointed day three idols are placed in the car. The central figure represents
Krishna, and the others are his brother Bala Rama and his sister Sübhadra. They are
nothing but three enormous and hideous busts, not nearly so well carved as the tikis of
New Zealand, and, in fact, much resemble the human figures scribbled on walls by little
boys. Stout and long cables are attached to the car, by means of which the worshippers
of the idol drag it along. The scene that takes place at the procession is most vividly
described by Bruton :-
“ In this chariot, on their great festal days, at night, they place their wicked god,
Jaggarnat; and all the Bramins, being in number nine thousand, attend this great idol,
besides of ashmen and fackeeres (fakirs) some thousands, or more than a good many.
The chariot is most richly adorned with most rich and costly ornaments; and the
aforesaid wheels are placed very complete in a round circle, so artificially that every wheel
doth its proper office without any impediment; for the chariot is aloft, and in the centre
betwixt the wheels: they have also more than two thousand lights with then. And this

THE FESTIVAL OF JUGGERNAUT.
779
chariot, with the idol, is also drawn with the greatest and best men of the town; and
they are so greedy and eager to draw it, that whosoever, by shouldering, crowding, shoving,
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PROCESSION OF JUGGERNAUT.
heaving, thrusting, or in any insolent way, can but lay a hand upon the rope, they think
themselves blessed and happy; and when it is going along the city, there are many that
780
INDIA.
will offer themselves as a sacrifice to this idol, and desperately lie down on the ground,
that the chariot-wheels may run over them, whereby they are killed outright; some get
broken arms, some broken legs, as that many of them are so destroyed; and by this means
they think to merit heaven.”
Another of the earlier writers on this subject states that many persons lie down in the
track of the car a few hours before it starts, and, taking a powerful dose of opium, or
“bhang,” i.e. Indian hemp, meet death while still unconscious.
In former days the annual assemblage at the temple of Juggernaut, which is to the
Hindoos what Mecca is to the Mahommedans, was astonishing, a million and a half of
pilgrims having been considered as the average number. Putting aside the comparative
few who perished under the wheels of the great car (for, indeed, had the whole road been
paved with human bodies, they would have been but a few), the number that died from
privation and suffering was dreadful.
We know by many a sad experience how difficult it is to feed a large army, even with
the great advantage of discipline on the part of the commissariat and the recipients. It
is, therefore, easy to see how terrible must be the privation when a vast multitude,
quadruple the number of any army that ever took the field, arrives simultaneously from
all directions at a place where no arrangements have been made to supply them with
provisions, and where, even if the locality could furnish the requisite food, the greater
number of the pilgrims are totally without money, and therefore unable to pay for food.
In those days the pilgrims perished by thousands, as much victims to Juggernaut as those
who were crushed under his chariot-wheels, and, indeed, suffering a far more lingering
and painful death. Still, according to their belief, they died in the performance of their
duty, and by that death had earned a high place in the paradise of the Hindoos.
Such was the case before the English raj was established in India. Since that time a
gradual but steady diminution has taken place in the number of the pilgrims to Jug-
gernaut's temple; and we have lately seen a most astonishing and portentous event.
Formerly, the vast crowd of worshippers pressed and crowded round the cables by which
the car was drawn, trying to lay but a hand upon the sacred rope. Of late years the
Brahmins have found fewer and fewer devotees for this purpose, and on one occasion, in
spite of all their efforts, the ropes were deserted, and the car left stationary, to get along
as it could.
As to the ido? Juggernaut itself, Bruton giyes a curious description of it, saying that it
is in shape like a serpent with seven heads, and that on the cheeks of each head there are
wings which open and shut and flap about as the car moves along.
An idol in the form of a five-headed cobra is mentioned by Messrs. Tyerman and
Bennett in their “Missionary Voyages." We happened to be visiting a very hand-
somely-built stone temple (at Allahabad) covered with well-executed sculptures of their
idols, holy persons, &c., in stone of the highest relief. In the temple were several stone
idols representing the serpent—the cobra capella, or hooded snake. The largest, which
represents a serpent twelve feet long, with five heads, and the heads all expanded, coiled
into a sort of Gordian knot, is the principal object of worship in this temple.
“ While we were looking at this stone snake, a horrid-looking man, unclothed, rushed
in (he was about twenty-five years old), being covered with ashes, and his huge quantity
of hair matted with mud-dust. His eyes appeared inflamed: he bowed before the
serpent, then prostrated himself, afterwards respectfully touched his head, looked fixedly
upon the serpent, prostrated himself again, then touched it and rushed out, as if in a
paroxysm of delight at the thought of having worshipped this thing. When he got out
of the temple, he walked all round within the verandah, and, having once more bowed at
the door of the temple, he departed with a hurried step. We cannot conceive of any
human being having more the appearance of a demoniac than this miserable creature,
who, nevertheless, is regarded by the poor Hindoos as one of the holiest of men."
ANOTHER form of human sacrifice was intended, like the prostration under Jugger-
naut's car, to take the devotee to Paradise, though by a less painful and less revolting
process.
SACRIFICES.
781
The Ganges has always been reckoned as a most sacred stream, whose waters waslı
from the soul all taint of sin. There is, however, one spot, namely the confluence of
the Jumna with the Ganges, which is so very sacred, that any one who dies there
must of necessity go straight to Paradise. It is evident, therefore, that the simplest plan
of ensuring Paradise is to ensure death at the junction of the rivers. For this purpose the
devotee entered a boat, and tied to each of his feet a chatty or earthenware jar filled with
sand. The boat was rowed into mid-stream, and the devotee dropped overboard into the
river. The boats used for this purpose were kept by Brahmins, who charged a fee for
officiating at the sacrifice.
Sometimes the devotees managed to sacrifice themselves without the assistance of the
Brahmins and their boat. They tied an empty chatty to their waists in front and
behind, and, buoyed up by the empty vessels, paddled themselves with their hands until
they reached the desired spot. They then scooped water into the chatties, until they
were filled, and so sank, the weight of the vessels being sufficient to take them to the
bottom. In like manner are corpses entrusted to the keeping of the holy river, when
the relatives of the deceased are not able to afford the great expense of a funéral pile;
the body is surrounded by lighted straw, so that it is scorched, and therefore considered
to be purified by fire. Two chatties are then fastened to it, the relatives tow the body
into mid-stream, fill the chatties with water, and allow the body to sink. What becomes
of it afterwards they care nothing, and though it be devoured by the many creatures of
prey which haunt the rivers in search of their loathsome food, they are perfectly satisfied
with their share in its disposal.
In many cases beasts are substituted for human sacrifices. A short, stout post is fixed
in the ground, and on its top is cut a deep notch, in which is received the neck of the
animal, the size of the notch and height of the post being suited to the size of the
victim.
Sacrifices are thus offered to Doorga, the goddess of nature, and it is of the utmost
importance that the head of the victim should be severed at a single blow. This is easy
enough with a lamb, or even a goat, but when a buffalo is to be sacrificed, the success
of the blow is so doubtful that many ceremonies are employed to ensure its right per-
formance. The sacrificial knife is a tremendous weapon, shaped something like a
bill-hook, very broad, very heavy, and kept as sharp as a razor. When the sacrifice is to
take place, the buffalo is brought to the post, which stands before the ten-armed image of
Doorga, its horns are painted red, turmeric is poured over its head, water from the Ganges
is sprinkled over it, and garlands of flowers are hung about its neck.
The animal is then placed so that its neck rests in the fork of the post, to which it is
firmly secured by an iron bar which passes through holes in the fork, and presses its
head downwards. The body is supported on a inound of earth in front of the post, and
the legs are drawn apart and held by ropes, so that a movement is impossible. The
sacrificer, always a man of great muscular power, then comes forward and takes the
sacrificial knife from the altar before Doorga's statue, and, together with the assembled
multitude, prays that strength may be given to enable him to fulfil his office.
Amid the breathless silence of the assembled worshippers, he raises the heavy blade,
and with one blow drives it through the neck of the helpless victim. As the head falls
to the ground, it is snatched up by the officiating Brahmins, who offer it to the goddess,
while the people, in a frenzy of delight, dance round the sacrificer, embrace him, chant
songs in his honour, and crown him with garlands of flowers. The body of the buffalo
becomes the property of the spectators, who struggle for it until one party gains the
superiority over the other, and carries off the prize. Around the blood; that lies in pools
on the ground, the multitude crowd, dip their fingers in it, and daub it on their bodies
and on the walls of the temple.
The goddess Doorga, to whom these sacrifices are made, is in fact Kali under another
title; the former name meaning the Inaccessible, and the latter the Black One. She is
represented as the wife of the Destroying God, Shiva, and as the mother of the God of War,
Kartikeya. As Doorga, her many-armed figure is carved of wood, or modelled in paste-
board, and painted rose colour. She is seated cross-legged on a peacock, and surrounded

782
INDIA.
by many other deities of the multitudinous Hindoo mythology. Before her is represented
a man being devoured by a nondescript beast, something like the heraldic griffin.
As soon as the sacrifice is over the goddess is supposed to depart from her image,
which is then taken in procession to the Ganges, and amid the deafening shouts of the
people, the blast of trumpets, and the beating of kettle-drums, is cast into the stream.
The reader may remember that on page 780 was given a short description of a holy
man who came to worship the many-headed snake-god. He was one of the Fakirs, or
Jogis, i.e. ascetics, who in India are wonderfully numerous, and submit themselves to the
most dreadful tortures in honour of their deities. By rights the Fakirs are Mohammedans,
re
PATHFile
INDIAN FAKIRS.
though the English have been accustomed to call both the Mohammedan and Hindoo
ascetics by the common title of Fakir. " Jogi” is the usual title for the Hindoo devotees,
though they are divided into a number of sects, such as Bairágès, Sangasés, Gosárés, &c.
In all ages, and in almost all countries, there have been religious enthusiasts, who
have sought to gain the favour or propitiate the anger of the deity by voluntary suffering,
but there is perhaps no country where we find so great a variety of this principle as we
do in India. There are Mohammedan as well as Hindoo ascetics, and the latter have
this advantage, that they need not belong to any particular caste. To describe fully the
extraordinary proceedings of these men would occupy much more space than can be
afforded, and we will therefore only take a few of the most characteristic examples.
One of the commonest, as well as one of the lightest, of these tortures is, to have the
tongue bored with a red-hot iron. This practice used to prevail largely at Chinsurah, at
the temple of the Bull-god. Under a clump of banyan trees the devotees assembled in
order to inflict various tortures upon themselves, and by far the most common was that of
tongue-boring. The operation was performed by a native smith, who was reckoned very
skilful at it, and at certain seasons he was completely beset by applicants, doubly
clamorous in the first place to have their tongues bored, and in the next to have it done
as cheaply as possible. At these seasons he used to range the applicants in regular lines,
and to take them in their turn, varying his fee according to their number, rank, and
impatience.
THE FAKIRS.
783
reasons.
A strange instance of self-torture is described by Colonel Campbell. At Colar, the
birthplace of Tippoo Sultan, a man was seen marching up and down before a mosque,
chanting a hymn. He was shod with a pair of wooden sandals, not tied but nailed to his
feet by long iron spikes that had been driven through the sole and projected above the
instep. Yet he walked with a firm unconcerned step, and chanted his measured tune as
if utterly unconscious of the horrible torture which each step must have cost him.
Sometimes these devotees show their piety by making long pilgrimages to certain
sacred spots, making the journey as difficult and fanciful as possible. Some will lie on
the ground and roll the whole distance, while others measure the track by prostrating
themselves on their faces, marking the spot where their heads lay, getting up, placing
their feet on the marked spot, and then prostrating themselves again. Sometimes they
will lie on their backs and push themselves along the road by their heels, thus cutting and
bruising their backs terribly against the rough ground.
Some of these men practise a most extraordinary penance in honour of the goddess
Doorga, a penance which in some respects resembles the initiation of the Mandans.
A stout pole, some twenty feet high, is fixed in the ground, and a long bamboo is
placed horizontally over the top, on which it revolves by means of a pivot. Sometimes
two or even three poles cross each other on the top of the post. Ropes hang from each
end of the bamboos, and to half of them are fastened large unbarbed hooks of polished
iron. The devotees having placed themselves under the bamboo, the hooks are run into
their backs, and by persons hauling on the rope at the other end of the bamboo they are
raised into the air. The men who hold the ropes then run in a circle, so as to swing the
devotees round at a great pace, the whole weight of their bodies being borne by the
hooks. While swinging they scatter flowers and other gifts among the spectators, who
eagerly scramble for them, thinking they possess very great virtues.
Both men and women submit to this terrible torture, and do so for a variety of
Some permit themselves to be swung in pure honour of the goddess, some do it
in fulfilment of a vow, while many submit to the operation for pay, acting as substitutes
of persons who have made the vow and are afraid to fulfil it personally, or who prefer
honouring the goddess by deputy rather than in their own person. From one to two
rupees, i.e. from two to four shillings, is considered a fair price to the substitute.
Sometimes the upright post is fastened upon an ordinary bullock-waggon, and is shorter
than when it is fixed in the ground. After the hooks have been inserted, the opposite end
of the bamboo is drawn down, so as to elevate the devotees some thirty feet in the air, and
made fast to the waggon. The cart is then drawn as fast as possible round the enclosure
by six or eight bullocks, which are harnessed to it for the occasion, and selected for their
speed.
In
many instances, the Jogis (pronounced Yogees) perform their penance by keeping
one or more of their limbs in one attitude, until after a time it becomes incapable of
motion, and the muscles almost entirely waste away. Some of these men will hold one
arm stretched upwards to its fullest extent. This is done by supporting the arm by a
cord when the wearied muscles refuse to uphold the limb any longer. In some instances,
where the Jogi has clenched his hand, the nails have grown fairly through the hand, forced
their way through the back, and hung nearly to the wrist.
A
very common practice is to sit completely motionless, in which case the legs become
in time totally incapable of moving, so that the man could not change his position even
if he desired to do so.
In some instances they even go beyond this, and manage to stand
instead of sit, with scarcely any support for their bodies during sleep. One of these men
is described by Mr. Williamson
“Within a few yards of the river on our left stood one of those horrid figures called
a yogee—or Indian saint-a gentleman beggar, who had placed himself in a certain atti-
tude, from which he had vowed never to swerve during the remainder of his life, but to
spend his life in mental abstraction.
He appeared on a platform of earth raised about eighteen inches from the ground.
At one end of this mound (which might be seven feet long by five broad) were erected two
bamboos, seven or eight feet high, and sufficiently apart for him to stand between them.
R
784
INDIA.
At elbow-height a broad board was placed from one bamboo to the other, and upon the
middle of this another piece of plank, two feet long by five inches wide, was fixed, sloping
upwards from him. He therefore, standing on the platform, and resting his arms upon
the cross-bar, held with his hands on each side of the upright sloping board. He seemed
to press equally on either foot, leaning a little forward, with his face turned rather aside,
and raised towards the sun.
“ His personal appearance was squalid and miserable. His body was daubed all over
with blue mud; his hair-long, matted, discoloured to a yellowish brown with exposure--
dangled in all directions. His beard was bushy and black,
and the rest of his face so disfigured with hair, that it
might be said to be all beard.
“Not the slightest motion in one of his limbs, nor in
a muscle of his countenance, was perceptible. He was
altogether without clothing, except a slip of brown stuff
about the loins. He wore the 'poita,' or sacred thread,
indicating that he was a Brahmin. Night and day, it is
understood, the wretched sufferer (if indeed his state can
be called one of suffering) maintains without any variation
this paralysing position.
Mr. Bennett then expresses some disbelief in the con-
stant immobility of the devotee, and evidently suspects him
to be an impostor, who, under cover of night, leaves his post,
and refreshes himself with sleep in a recumbent position.
This, however, was certainly not the case, and indeed the
very language of the account shows that it could not be so.
A very long period must have elapsed before the devotee in
question could have trained his body to remain, as Mr.
Bennett admits was the case, without the movement of a
muscle during the whole time that his proceedings were
watched. And, before such a consummation could have
been attained, the limbs of the man must have been so
entirely stiffened by non-usage, that they would be as in-
flexible as if they had been cut out of wood or stone,
and whether he stood or lay would have been a matter
of perfect indifference. As to sitting, or assuming any
attitude that involved the fiexion of a limb, it would have
FAKIR'S STÁFF AND BACK-SCRATCHER: been utterly impossible.
We may see a similar phenomenon, if it may be so
called, among ourselves. There is not one man in a thousand who preserves the normal
flexibility of his limbs, unless he be a professional athlete. Naturally, the limbs of every
man and woman are as flexible as those of the posture-masters, who can cross their feet
over the back of their necks, pick up a coin with their mouths from the ground between
their heels, or sit on the ground with their legs stretched straight at either side of their
bodies. But, unless men preserve this flexibility by constant use, the limbs become stiff,
and it is quite as difficult
, not to say impossible, for an ordinary Englishman to perform
the feats of the professional acrobat, as it is for the Jogi to bend the knees or ankles that
have been unbent for a series of years.
Moreover, the spectators who assemble round such devotees, and who never leave him
unwatched by day or night, would be very ready to detect any attempt at imposture, and
would be excited by it to such a pitch of religious fury, that the man would be torn to
pieces by the excited crowd. And the very fact that the man was a Brahmin was proof
enough that he was no impostor. By virtue of his Brahminical rank, he was at the
summit of humanity. Had he been a low-caste man, he might with reason have been
suspected of imposture, in order to obtain respect from his countrymen. But, as the man
was already a Brahmin, such imposture was totally needless, and his devotion, superstitious
and fanatical as it might be, was undoubtedly sincere.
RU
CHAPTER IV.
THE INDIANS WITH RELATION TO ANIMALS,
FALCONRY-THE MINA BIRD AND ITS FEATS SNAKE-CHARMERS SUSPICION OF IMPOSTURE-
GENERAL CAMPBELL'S ACCOUNT OF THE COBRA AND THE CHARMER DEATH OF THE MAN-
DIFFICULTY OF THE TASK—THE POISON-FANGS NOT REMOVED.-INITIATION OF A NOVICE
ELEPHANT-HUNTING-CATCHING ELEPHANTS WITH KOOMKIES—TAMING THE CAPTURED ANIMAL
-AN ENTHUSIASTIC KOOMKIE-HUNTING IN NEPAL-JUNG BAHADÔR AND THE ELEPHANTS-
HUNTING WITH TRAINED STAGS AND ANTELOPES—THE CHETAHS OR HUNTING LEOPARDS.
We will end this description of India with a few remarks on one of the chief peculiarities
of native character, namely, the wonderful capacity of the Indians in taming and training
animals.
This capacity develops itself in various ways, some partaking of a religious character,
and being considered as in some sense miraculous, and some only illustrative of the
natural ascendancy which these men exert over beasts, birds, and reptiles.
The Indians are, for example, unsurpassed in their powers of training falcons, which
they teach to attack, not only birds, but antelopes and other game. These falcons are of
course unable of themselves to kill an antelope, but they will mark out any one that has
been designated by their master, and will swoop down upon its head, clinging firmly with
their talons, and buffeting the poor beast about the eyes with their wings, so that it runs
wildly hither and thither, and thus allows itself to be captured by the dogs, from which
it could have escaped had it been able to proceed in a straight line. A thoroughly-
trained falcon is held in very great esteem, and many a petty war, in which many lives
were lost, has been occasioned by the desire of one rajah to possess a falcon owned
by another
Then there is a little bird called the Mina, belonging to the Grakles. It is a pretty
bird, about as large as a starling, with plumage of velvety black, except a white patch on
the wing. From either side of the head proceeds a bright yellow wattle. This bird can
be taught to talk as well as any parrot, and it is said that
, as a rule, the mina's tones more
closely resemble those of the human voice than do those of any parrot. It is very intel-
ligent besides, and can be taught to perform many pretty tricks.
One trick, which is very commonly taught to the bird, is to dart down upon the
women, snatch away the ornaments which they wear on their heads, and carry them to its
master. This is a little trick that is sometimes played by a young man upon the object of
his affections, and is intended to make her grant an interview in order to have her
property restored,
As to reptiles, the cobra seems to be as unlikely a creature to be tamed as any on the
face of the earth. Yet even this terrible serpent, whose bite is nearly certain death, is
tamed by the Indians, and taught to go through certain performances. For example, a
couple of serpent-charmers will come, with their flat baskets and their musical instru-
ments, and begin to give a performance. One of them plays on a rude native pipe, while
VOL. II.
3 E

786
INDIA.
the other removes the cover of one of the baskets. Out comes the hooded head of the
cobra, which seems as if it were about to glide among the spectators, when a gesture and
a few notes from the piper check its progress, and it begins to rise and fall, and sway
its head from side to side, as if in time to the music.
The men will then take up the venomous reptile, allow it to crawl over their bodies,
tie it round their necks, and take all kinds of liberties with it, the serpent appearing to
labour under some strange fascination, and to be unable or unwilling to use its fangs.
Some persons think that the serpents are innocuous, their poison-fangs having been
extracted. This may be the case in some instances, bụt in thein the performers are not
THE
SNAKE-CHARMING.
the genuine snake-charmers. Moreover, there are several sets of fangs, one behind the
other, so that when one pair is broken or extracted, another pair speedily comes forward.
That the genuine charmers do not depend upon such imposture for their success is
evident from many cases in which the serpents have been carefully examined before and
after the performance, and their fangs found to be perfect in every respect. One such
instance is narrated by General Campbell in his "Indian Journal.” He had previously
been under the impression that the fangs were always removed from the serpents, but the
following circumstance convinced him that the charmers could perform their tricks with
snakes whose fangs were perfect :-
“When I was on General Dalrymple's staff at Trichinopoly, there was a dry well in
the garden which was the favourite haunt of snakes, and in which I shot several. One
morning I discovered a large cobra-capella at the bottom of this well, basking in the sun;
but while I ran to fetch my gun some of the native servants began to pelt him with stones,
SERPENT-CHARMING.
787
and drove him into his hole among the brickwork. I therefore sent for the snake-charmers
to get him out. Two of these worthies having arrived, we lowered them into the well by
means of a rope. One of them, after performing sundry incantations, and sprinkling him-
self and his companion with ashes prepared from the dung of a sacred cow, began to play
a shrill, monotonous ditty upon a pipe ornamented with shells, brass rings, and beads,
while the other stood on one side of the snake's hole, holding a rod furnished at one end
with a slip-noose.
“At first the snake, who had been considerably bullied before he took refuge in his
hole, was deaf to the notes of the charmer, but after half an hour's constant playing the
spell began to operate, and the snake was heard to move. In a few minutes more he
thrust out his head, the horsehair noose was dexterously slipped over it and drawn tight,
and we hoisted up the men dangling their snake in triumph.
“Having carried him to an open space of ground, they released him from the noose,
The enraged snake immediately made a rush at the bystanders, putting to flight a crowd
of native servants who had assembled to witness the sport. The snake-charmer, tapping
him on the tail with a switch, induced him to turn upon himself, and at the same
moment sounding his pipe. The snake coiled himself up, raised his head, expanded his
hood, and appeared about to strike, but, instead of doing so, he remained in the same
position as if fascinated by the music, darting out his slender forked tongue, and following
with his head the motion of the man's knee, which he kept moving from side to side
within a few inches of him, as if tempting him to bite.
“No sooner did the music cease, than the snake darted forward with such fury that it
required great agility on the part of the man to avoid him, and immediately made off as
fast as he could go. The sound of the pipe, however, invariably made him stop, and
obliged him to remain in an upright position as long as the man continued to play.
"After repeating this experiment several times, he placed a fowl within his reach,
which he instantly darted at and bit. The fowl screamed out the moment he was struck,
but ran off, and began picking among his companions as if nothing had happened. I
pulled out my watch to see how long the venom took to operate.
“In about half a minute the comb and wattles of the fowl began to change from a
red to a livid hue, and were soon nearly black, but no other symptom was apparent. In
two minutes it began to stagger, was seized with strong convulsions, fell to the ground,
and continued to struggle violently till it expired, exactly three minutes and a half after
it had been bitten. On plucking the fowl, we found that he had merely been touched on
the extreme point of the pinion. The wound, not larger than the puncture of a needle,
was surrounded by a livid spot, but the remainder of the body, with the exception of the
comb and wattles (which were of a dark livid hue) was of the natural colour, and I after-
wards learned that the coachman, a half-caste, had eaten it.
" The charmer now offered to show us his method of catching snakes, and seizing the
reptile (about five feet long) by the point of the tail with his left hand, he slipped the
right hand along the body with the swiftness of lightning, and grasping him by the
throat with his finger and thumb, held him fast, and forced him to open his jaws and
display his poisonous fangs.
Having now gratified my curiosity, I proposed that the snake should be destroyed,
or at least that his fangs might be extracted, an operation easily performed with a pair of
forceps. But, the snake being a remarkably fine one, the charmer was unwilling to
extract his teeth, as he said the operation sometimes proved fatal, and begged so hard to
be allowed to keep him as he was, that I at last suffered him to put him in a basket and
carry him off
. After this he frequently brought the snake to the house to exhibit him,
and still with his fangs entire, as I ascertained by personal inspection, but so tame that
he handled him freely, and apparently without fear or danger.”
The best proof that the snake's fangs were not extracted is, that some weeks after-
wards the reptile bit the charmer, and killed him.
It seems strange that serpents should be thus subject to man. It is comparatively
easy to tame a bird or a beast, as hunger can be employed in the process, and really is the
chief power, the creature learning to be fond of the person who furnishes it with food.
66
3 E 2
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INDIA
Or, in extreme cases, the power of inflicting pain is employed, so that the animal is ruled
by fear, if not by love.
But, in the case of a snake, the tamer is deprived of both of these adjuncts. As a
serpent only feeds at very long intervals, and possesses an almost inexhaustible power of
fasting, hunger cannot be employed; and its peculiar constitution would render the inflic-
tion of pain useless. The charmer has, therefore, to fall back upon some other mode of
working upon his pupil
, and finds it in music, to which the cobra seems peculiarly
accessible. That it is powerfully influenced by music was known many centuries ago, as
we may see by the references to serpent-charming in the Scriptures. Any music seems to
affect the creature, and, if it can be rendered docile by the harsh sounds that proceed from
the charmer's flute, we may conjecture that more melodious sounds would have a like
effect. Mr. Williams, who was very much inclined to be sceptical on the subject of
serpent-charming, and thought that the poison-fangs were always removed, mentions that
a gentleman at Chinsurah, who was a very excellent violinist, was forced to lay aside his
instrument because the sounds of the violin attracted so many serpents to his house.
Serpent-charming is thought to be a semi-sacred calling, and is one of those cases
where the process of taming partakes of the religious character. The charmers are
regularly initiated into their duties, and undergo certain ceremonies before they are
thought to be impervious to the serpent's teeth. Sometimes a European has been
initiated into these mysteries, as happened to Lady Duff-Gordon, to whom a snake-charmer
took a fancy and offered to initiate her. He and his pupil sat opposite each other, and
joined their hands. The charmer then twisted a cobra round their joined hands, and
repeated some invocation. Both of them afterwards spat on the snake, and the novice
was pronounced to be safe, and enveloped in snakes as a proof of the success of
the incantation.
THERE is perhaps no better instance of the mastery of the Indians over animals than
the manner in which they catch and instruct elephants.
The reader will doubtless remember that, though the elephant is abundant both in
Africa and India, the inhabitants of the former country never attempt to domesticate it.
It has been thought that the African elephant is not trained because it is fiercer than the
Asiatic species or variety, and lacks the intelligence which distinguishes that animal.
This, however, is not the case. The African elephant is as docile and intelligent as that
of Asia, and quite as capable of being trained. The elephants which were used in
the time of the ancient Romans were brought from Africa, and yet we read of the most
wonderful feats which they could perform. Moreover, the African elephants which have
been in the Zoological Gardens for some years are quite as tractable as the Asiatic
animals. The real cause for the non-use of the African elephant is, not its incapacity for
domestication, but the lack of capacity in the Africans to domesticate it.
In almost all cases of domesticated animals, the creatures are born in captivity, so
that they have never been accustomed to a wild life. The Indian, however, does not
trouble himself by breeding elephants, but prefers to capture them when sufficiently
grown to suit his purposes. There are two modes of catching the elephant, one of which
is so ingenious that it deserves some description, however brief. A common way is by
making a large enclosure, called a “keddah," and driving the elephants into it. The
keddah is so made, that when the elephants have fairly entered it they cannot get out
again, and are kept there until subdued by hunger and thirst.
By this mode of elephant-catching, the animals are taken in considerable numbers,
and of all sizes. The genuine elephant-hunter, however, cares little for this method,
and prefers to pick out for himself the best animals, the Indians being exceedingly
particular about their elephants, and an elephant having as many “points as a prize
pigeon or rabbit
In every herd of elephants the males are given to fighting with each other for the
possession of the females, and it often happens that a male, who for some time has
reigned supreme in the herd, is beaten at last. Furious with rage and disappointment, he
leaves the herd, and ranges about by himself
, destroying in his rage everything which

ELEPHANT-HUNTING.
789
opposes him. In this state he is called a “rogue” elephant by the English, and saun
by the natives. Now, furious and dangerous as is the saun, he is always a splendid
animal, scarcely inferior indeed to the master elephant of the herd.
The elephant-
hunters, therefore, are always glad to hear of a saun, and take measures to capture so
valuable a prize.
They possess several female elephants, called “koomkies,” which are used as decoys,
and, strangely enough, take the greatest interest in capturing the saun. When the hunter
goes out on his expedition, he takes with him at least two koomkies, and sometimes three,
if the saun should happen to be a very large one; and in all cases he takes care that the
koomkies shall not be much smaller than the saun,
INDIAN ELEPHANT-HUNTERS.
The hunters, furnished with ropes and the other apparatus for securing the saun, lie
flat on the koomkies' backs, cover themselves with a large dark cloth, and proceed towards
the place where the saun was seen. Often the koomkies carry in their trunks branches of
trees, which they hold in such a manner as to prevent their intended captive from seeing
that they carry anything on their backs. The saun, seeing them approach, loses some of
his fury, and thinks that he is in great good-fortune to meet with females over whom he
can rule as he had done before. He is so delighted with this idea that he fails to perceive
the hunters, who usually slip off behind a tree as they near him, but sometimes boldly
The koomkies then go up to the saun and begin to caress him, one on each side, and
sometimes another in front of him, when three decoys are employed. They caress him,
make much of him, and gradually bring him near a stout tree, where they detain him
retain their post.
790
INDIA.
The hunters then creep under the huge animal, and pass stout ropes round his forelegs,
binding them tightly together, being aided in this by the decoys, who place their trunks so
that their masters cannot be seen, and sometimes even assist him by passing the rope
when he cannot conveniently reach it:
The forelegs being secured, the hunter places round the elephant's hindlegs a pair of
strong fetters. These are made of wood, and open with a hinge of rope. They are
studded inside with sharp iron spikes, and, when clasped round the feet of the elephant,
are fastened to the trunk of the tree with strong ropes.
The elephant being now made fast, the hunters creep away, and are followed by the
koomkies, who receive their masters on their necks, and go off
, leaving the unfortunate
saun to his fate. If he was furious before, he is tenfold more so when he has to add to
disappointment the sense of confinement, and the knowledge that he has been tricked.
He screams with rage, tears branches off the tree, pulls up the grass by the roots and
flings it about, and even tries to break the rope which holds him to the tree, or to pull up the
tree itself by the roots. The spikes with which the wooden fetters are lined give him such
pain, that he is soon forced to desist, and, wearied out with pain and exertion, he becomes
more quiet. On the following day the same men and elephants come to him, and bring
hin a little food; and so they go on until he has learned first to endure, and afterwards to
desire their presence. When they judge him to be sufficiently tamed, strong ropes are
fastened to his legs, and attached to the
koomkies, and, the ligatures round his feet being
removed, he is marched off to his new quarters.
Sometimes he resists, on finding his limbs at liberty. In such a case the koomkies
drag him along by the ropes, while a large male pushes him on from behind, sometimes
using his tusks by way of spurs. When he has been taken to his abode, he is treated
with firm but kind discipline, and is so effectually tamed, that in a few months after he
was ranging wild about the forest he may be seen assisting to convey a refractory brother
to his new home.
The intelligence of the koomkies is really wonderful, and they take quite as much
interest in the pursuit as their masters. Captain Williams mentions an instance where a
gentleman had purchased a koomkie, not knowing her to be such. The mahout or
driver would not mention her capacity, because he very much preferred the ease and comfort
of a gentleman's establishment to the dangers and hardships of a hunter's life. The
wealthy natives of the neighbourhood would not mention it, because each of them hoped
to buy the animal for himself at a less price than would be asked for a koomkie.
One day the animal was inissing, and did not return for several days. However, she
came back, and was harnessed as usual for a walk. When she came to a certain spot, she
became restive, and at last dashed into the jungle, where she brought her master to a fine
saun, whom she had crippled by fastening a chain round his forelegs.
In Nepâl the natives adopt a very dangerous mode of elephant-hunting. They go to
the hunt on elephants, and furnish themselves with very strong ropes, one end of which
is made fast to the body of the riding elephant, and the other furnished with a slip-knot,
to which is attached a line by which the noose can be relaxed. They give chase to the
herd, and, selecting a suitable animal, the hunter dexterously flings the noose upon the
head of the animal just behind its ears and on its brows. The elephant instinctively curls
up its trunk; whereupon the noose slips fairly over its head.
The hunter then checks the pace of his animal
, so that the noose is drawn tightly
round the neck of the captured elephant and causes a partial choking. His speed being
checked, another hunter comes up and flings a second noose, so that by their united force
the captive can be strangled if necessary. Sometimes, when he is very furious, the
hunters are obliged to render him insensible over and over again, before he can be induced
to obey his new masters. The well-known Nepalese ambassador, Jung Bahadûr, was
celebrated for his skill and daring in this dangerous sport.
As an example of the perfect command which the Indian mahouts have over their
animals, Captain Williams mentions an adventure which took place at Chittagong.
During a stormy night, an elephant got loose, and escaped into the forest. Four years
afterwards, when a herd of elephants was driven into a keddah, the mahout, who had
THE DECOY STAG.
791
climbed the palisades to view the enclosed animals, thought that he recognised among
them his missing elephant. His comrades ridiculed him, but he persisted in his idea, and
called the animal by name. The elephant recognised the voice of its driver, and came
towards him. The man was so overjoyed at this, that, regardless of the danger which he
ran, he climbed over the palisades, and called to the elephant to kneel down. The
animal obeyed him, he mounted on its neck, and triumphantly rode it out of the
keddah.
Elephants are sometimes taken in pits, at the bottom of which are laid bundles of
grass in order to break the fall of the heavy animal. The elephants are generally
decoyed into these pits by a tame animal which is guided close to the pit by the mahout,
who has placed certain marks by which he knows its exact locality. Sometimes they are
merely dug in the paths of the elephants, which fall into them in their nightly rambles,
and by their moanings inform the hunter of their proceedings.
In these pits they are forced to remain until they have been tamed by hunger, just as
is the case with those animals that are tied to the trees. When they are sufficiently
tame, the hunter throws into the pit successive bundles of jungle grass. These the
sagacious animal arranges under his feet in such a way that he soon raises himself
sufficiently high to step upon the level earth, where he is received by the hunters and his
tame elephants. These “pitted” elephants, as they are called, are not held in high esti-
mation, as there is always danger that they may have suffered some injury by the fall.
Just as tame elephants are brought to capture the wild animals, so are tame stags
taught to capture those of their own species. An account of the sport is given in the
“ Private Life of an Eastern King:"—-
“I have never heard of trained stags being employed elsewhere as I saw them
employed in Oude. . . . In our rides in the neighbourhood of the lake, near which we
encamped, we lighted upon a fine open country adjoining a forest, which would answer
admirably for the purpose. The adjoining wood was full of the smaller game of Oude, or,
if not smaller, at all events the more harmless, among which the wild deer must be
classed as one.
Skilful beaters were sent off into the forest to drive the deer, as if
unintentionally—that is, without violence, or making much noise-towards the point of
the forest adjoining the open space which I have just mentioned. Here, protected by its
watching guardians, the most warlike and powerful of its males, the herd was congregated
in apparent safety.
We had about a dozen trained stags, all males, with us. These; well acquainted with
the object for which they were sent forward, advanced at a gentle trot over the open ground
towards the skirt of the wood. They were observed at once by the watchers of the herd,
and the boldest of the wild animals advanced to meet them. Whether the intention was
to welcome them peaceably, or to do battle for their pasturage, I cannot tell, but in a few
minutes the parties were engaged in a furious contest
. Head to head, antlers to antlers,
the tame deer and the wild fought with great fury. Each of the tame animals, every one
of them large and formidable, was closely contested with a wild adversary, standing
chiefly on the defensive, not in any feigned battle or mimicry of war, but in a hard-fought
combat. We now made our appearance in the open ground on horseback, advancing
towards the scene of conflict. The deer on the skirts of the wood, seeing us, took to
flight, but those actually engaged maintained their ground, and continued the contest.
"In the meantime a party of native huntsmen, sent for the purpose, gradually drew
near to the wild stags, getting in between them and the forest. What their object was we
were not at the time aware ; indeed it was not one that we could have approved or
encouraged. They made their way to the rear of the wild stags, which were still com-
bating too fiercely to mind them; they approached the animals, and, with a skilful cut of
their long knives, the poor warriors fell hamstrung. We felt pity for the noble animals
as we saw them fall helplessly on the ground, unable longer to continue the contest,
and pushed down by the tame stags. Once down, they were unable to rise again.
“The tame ones were called off in a moment; not one of them pursued his victory.
Their work was done; they obeyed the call of their keepers almost at once, and were led
off like hounds, some of them bearing evidence in their gored chests that the contest

792
INDIA.
in which they had been engaged was no sham, but a reality. As we rode up we saw
them led off, triumphantly capering over the ground as if proud of their exploits, tossing
their fine spreading antlers about joyously, and sometimes looking as if they would enjoy
a little more fighting—this time with each other."
The antelope is sometimes used in a similar manner. The largest and most powerful
male antelopes are trained for the purpose, and are sent towards the herd with nooses
fastened on their horns. The wild antelopes soon come out to fight the intruders, and
are caught by the nooses.
THE HUNTING LEOPARD.
THERE is another sport of which the Indians are very fond, namely, the chase of the
deer by means of the chetah, or hunting leopard. This animal is by no means the same
species as the common leopard, from which it is easily distinguished by its much larger
legs, its comparatively bushy tail, and a crest or ridge of hair along the neck. It is not
so much of a tree-climber as the common leopard, and though it can ascend a tree, very
seldom does so. Whether the common leopard could be trained to catch deer is rather
doubtful. The experiment has not been tried, probably owing to the fact that the chetah
performs its part so well that there is no object in trying another animal.
Chetahs are very docile creatures, and, when tame, seem to be as fond of notice as
cats. This I can personally testify, having been in the same cage with the animals at the
Zoological Gardens, and found them very companionable, even allowing me, though after
some protest in the way of growling and spitting, to take their paws in my hand and push
out the talons.
THE HUNTING LEOPARD.
793
scene ensues.
Those which are used for the sport are led about by their attendants, merely having
a cord round their necks, and are so gentle that no one is afraid to be near them. Lest,
however, they might be irritated, and in a moment of passion do mischief, they wear on
their heads a sort of hood, shaped something like the beaver of an ancient helmet. This
hood is generally worn on the back of the head, but if the keeper should think that his
charge is likely to be mischievous, he has only to slip the hood over the eyes, and the
animal is at once rendered harmless.
When the hunters go out in search of deer, the chetahs are taken on little flat-topped
carts, not unlike the costermongers' barrows of our streets. Each chetah is accompanied
by its keeper, and is kept hooded during the journey. When they have arrived within
sight of deer, the keeper unhoods the animal and points out the prey. The chetah
instantly slips off the cart
, and makes its way towards the deer, gliding along on its belly
like a serpent, and availing itself of every bush and stone by which it can hide its advance.
When it can crawl no closer, it marks out one deer, and springs towards it in a series of
mighty bounds. The horsemen then put their steeds to the gallop, and a most exciting
The chase is never a very long one, for the chetah, though of wonderful swiftness for
a short distance, does not possess the conformation needful for a long chase. Sometimes
a chetah of peculiar excellence will continue the chase for some little time, but, as a rule,
a dozen mighty bounds bring the animal to its prey. We all know the nature of the
cat tribe, and their great dislike to be interrupted while their prey is in their grasp.
Even a common cat has a strong objection to be touched while she has a mouse in her
mouth, and we may therefore wonder how the keepers contrive to make the chetah re-
linquish its prey. This is done either by cutting off part of the leg and giving it to the
chetah, or filling a ladle with its blood and allowing the leopard to lap it. The hood is
then slipped over the eyes, and the chetah allows itself to be replaced in its cart.
Sometimes it is necessary to leave the carty and lead the animal by its chain towards
the place where the animals are known to be. This is always a difficult business, because
the animal becomes so excited that the least noise, or the scent left by a passing deer, will
cause it to raise its head aloft, and stare round for the deer. In a few moments it would
become unmanageable, and dash away from its keeper, were not he prepared for such an
event. He carries with him a kind of ladle, made of a hollowed cocoa-nut shell at the
end of a handle. This is sprinkled on the inside with salt, and as soon as the man
perceives a change of demeanour on the part of his charge, he puts the ladle over the
muzzle of the chetah. The animal licks the salt, forgets the cause of excitement, and
walks on quietly as before.
Some of the great men in India take considerable pride in their chetahs, and have
them paraded daily, covered with mantles of silk heavily embroidered with gold, and
wearing hoods of similarly rich materials.
TARTARY AND CHINA,
CHAPTER Í.
THE MANTCHU TARTARS.
"_THE
MUTUAL INFLUENCE OF THE TARTARS AND CHINESE UPON EACH OTHER-A CHINESE BATTLE
DASH AND COURAGE OF TARTAR HORSEMEN-TARTAR GUNNERS—" CATCHING A TARTAR
BOW, AND MODE OF STRINGING IT-SYSTEMATIC TRAINING OF THE ARCHER-THE TARTAR
ARROW-ATHLETIC EXERCISES-BLOODLESS CONQUEST OF THE TARTARS BY THE CHINESE.
We now proceed to the more civilized portions of the vast Mongolian race, namely
the Tartars, the Chinese, and the Japanese. It will of course be impossible to give
even the briefest account of the numerous nations which have been called Tartars, and
we will therefore confine ourselves to the Mantchu Tartars; who have exercised so
remarkable an influence on the empire of China.
It has been well said, that when a strong people invade and conquer the territory
of a weaker; their conquest has a double effect. The victors impose certain habits and
modes of life upon the vanquished, and, in so doing, generally strengthen them in those
points where they are weak. But, in return, the vanquished exert an influence upon their
conquerors which has precisely the opposite effect, and tends to diminish rather than to
increase their strength. So it has been with the Tartars and the Chinese, whose history
during the last few centuries has been most instructive to the ethnologist-I should
rather say, to the anthropologist.
Just as in one family we invariably find that there are members of very different
powers, and that the possessor of the stronger intellect invariably obtains dominion over
the others, so it has been with the two great divisions of the Asiatic Mongols. The Tartar
is in many points superior to the Chinese, and, as a rule, is easily distinguished even by
his appearance: He possesses more decided features; is more alert in his movements, and
certainly possesses more courage. The Chinese will fight wonderfully well behind walls,
or on board ship, and even in the field display great courage of a quiet nature if they are
led by European officers. But, when left to themselves, they are not good soldiers in the
field, unless opposed to enemies much inferior. Mr. Scarth, who had the opportunity of
witnessing a battle, describes it as an absolute farce.
“One day, when a great many soldiers were out, I saw more of the contest than was
pleasant. Having got into the line of fire, I was forced to take shelter behind a grave,
the bullets striking the grave from each side every second. Why they came my way it
was difficult to discover, for they ought to have passed on the other side of a creek, about
twenty yards distant, to the people they were intended for; but to see the dodging of the
soldiers, then of the rebels, each trying to evade the other, was almost amusing.
“ CATCHING A TARTAR."
795
0
“ One fellow, ready primed and loaded, would rush up the side of a grave-hillock, drop
his matchlock over the top, and, without taking aim, blaze away. There is no ramrod
required for the shot they use; the bullet, or bar of iron, is merely dropped in loose upon
the powder.
* There was a fine scene on an occasion when the Shanghai rebels made a sortie. One
of the men was cut off by an Imperial skirmisher, who had his piece loaded. The rebel
had no time to charge his; so he ran round and round a grave, which was high enough to
keep his enemy from shooting him when on the opposite side. Hare-hunting was nothing
to it. Red-cap described hosts of circles, and the Royalist was fast getting blown, when
the gods took pity on his wind, for, by some unlucky chance, the rebel tripped and fell.
The soldier was at him in a moment, and, to make sure of his prize, put the muzzle of
his matchlock close to Red-cap's head, fired, and took to his heels as fast as he could go.
It is difficult to say who was most astonished, when Mr. Red-cap did exactly the same!
The bullet that dropped down readily on the powder fell out as easily when the barrel
was depressed. The rebel got off with a good singeing of his long hair."
The Tartars, however, are very different men in battle, as was frequently proved during
our wars in China; and though they were comparatively ignorant of the art of war, and
were furnished with weapons that were mere toys in comparison with the arms to which
they were opposed, they showed themselves to be really fornidable antagonists. As
irregular cavalry, they displayed an amount of dash and courage which would make them
most valuable allies, could they be trained by European officers. They boldly charged
in the face of field-batteries of Armstrong guns, and, though the shells burst among them
with murderous precision, they came on in the most gallant manner.
Indeed, a British officer, who was opposed to them, said that scarcely any regular
cavalry would have advanced in the face of such a fire, delivered from fifteen breech-
loading guns. Of course, when they did close, the superior discipline of their oppo-
nents prevailed against them, and the Sikh cavalry of Probyn and Fane at once
routed their undisciplined ranks. But, had they been drilled and commanded by such
men as those who led the Sikh cavalry against them, the issue of the fight might have
been very different.
They served their guns with dauntless courage, and allowed themselves to be cut to
pieces by the Armstrong shell rather than leave them. A single man would some-
times be seen working a gun by himself after his comrades had been killed, and he
expected the same fate every moment; and it therefore happened, that of the slain in that
war by far the greatest number were Tartars. They are better horsemen than the
Chinese, and both themselves and their steeds are hardy, active, and capable of existing
on very little food.
The illustration on page 796 will give the reader an idea of the general appearance
of these gallant men. One of the remarkable points is the method in which they carry
the sword. Instead of hanging it to the waist, and letting it bang against the horse's side,
they pass it under the saddle-flap, where it is held tight by the pressure of the leg.
They thus avoid the jingle and swing of the European sabre, and moreover are free from
the drag of a heavy weapon upon the waist of the rider.
Of the courage displayed by the Tartars under adverse circumstances a curious
instance is given by Mr. "M'Ghee. After one of the charges of Probyn's horse, the
Tartar cavalry, in spite of their skill in evading the thrust of a lance or the stroke of a
sword, had suffered severe loss, and many were stretched on the ground. Among them
was the body of a very powerful man, who had carried a handsome lance. As Mr.
M'Ghee found himself without arms in a rather dangerous position, he thought he would
arm himself with the lance, and began to dismount.
As he took his foot from the stirrup, the supposed dead man sprang to his feet, lance in
hand, and showed fight. An officer just then rode to the rescue with his revolver, and shot
the Tartar in the back. The man fell, but rose again, charged the officer with his lance,
unhorsed him, and made off, but was killed by a lance-thrust from a Sikh horseman.
The fact was, his horse had been killed in battle, and he meant to feign death until he
could find an opportunity of slipping away. Even the wounded men, knowing nothing

796
THE MANTCHU TARTARS.
of the amenities of civilized war, and expecting no quarter, used to fire at the enemy
when they lay writhing with pain on the ground.
These Tartar soldiers are commanded by a general belonging to their own people, and
his immediate subordinate is almost invariably a Tartar also. The office of Tartar general
is one of great importance, because, as the Emperor is always of a Tartar family, it is
thought that the safety of his person and dynasty ought to be confided not to a Chinese,
but to a Tartar. The lieutenant-general, who serves under him, though his post is
perhaps the least lucrative in the Imperial household, is glad to hold the appointment,
because he is usually selected to succeed to the generalship.
TARTAR CAVALRY.
The chief weapons of these soldiers are the bow and the spear, the sword and firearms
playing a comparatively subordinate part. Being good riders, they naturally take to the
spear, the true weapon of a horseman, and are drilled in the various modes of delivering a
thrust, and of avoiding one, the latter feat being performed with a dexterity almost
equalling that of a Camanche Indian. Although they carry firearms with them, they
really place little dependence on the heavy, clumsy weapons which they use, which
require two men to fire them, and generally knock down the firer by the recoil
. Nor do
they care very much for the improved firearms of Europeans, for, as one warrior said, guns
get out of order, spears and swords do not.
The bow of the Tartar (which has spread throughout China) is much on the principle
of the reversed bows which have already been described, though the curve is not so con-
tinuous. The bow is nearly straight for the greater part of its length, and then takes an

ARCHERS.
797
abrupt curve within a foot or so of each end. One of these bows, in my collection, is
nearly six feet in length, and measures two inches in width. About seven inches from
each end, a broad piece of bone nearly an inch in length is fixed to the bow, so that the
string passes over it, and does not strike against the wood.
The strength of these bows is enormous, varying, according to our mode of reckon-
ing, from sixty to ninety pounds. The weapon is strung in manner somewhat resembling
that which has already been described in connexion with Indian bows. It must be done
in a moment, or not at all, and the only method of doing so is, by placing it behind the right
TARTAR ARCHERS.
thigh and in front of the left, and then bending it with a sudden stoop of the body, at
the same time slipping the loop of the string into its notch. My own weapon is so
powerful that I can scarcely make any impression upon it, though I have used my best
efforts.
The soldiers undergo a vast amount of practice in the use of this weapon, of which
they are as proud as were the English archers of their long-bow and cloth-yard arrow.
They have a saying, that the first and most important duty of a soldier is to be a good
archer, and that a man ought even to sleep with a bow in his hands. In order to instruct
them in the proper attitude of an archer, they have invented a simple piece of machinery,
by means of which the soldier undergoes a vast amount of “position drill,” so that he
may learn to keep his body straight and firm, his shoulders immoveable, and his hands in
the right position.
From a beam or branch are suspended two rings, which can be moved up and down,
798
THE MANTCHU TARTARS.
to suit the height of the learner. The young archer places his hands in the rings as far as
the wrists, and then goes through the various movements of the weapon. When he can
satisfy his instructor, a bow is placed in his hands, and he then practises the art of
drawing the string to its proper tension. Lastly, he has an arrow besides, and shoots it
repeatedly. The head of the arrow is blunted, and the target is a piece of stout leather,
hung loosely at a little distance, so that it partially yields to the arrow, and allows the
missile to fall to the ground.
The arrow corresponds to the bow. One of these missiles in my collection is three
feet three inches in length. It is made of some light wood, and is terminated by a flat,
spear-shaped head, two inches long and one inch wide. The other end of the arrow is
expanded, so as to allow a large “nock" for the reception of the thick string, and is bound
with fish-skin as far as the feathers, which are exactly a foot in length. The shaft is
extremely slight in comparison with the length of the arrow.
These men train their muscular powers to a great extent, and have several exercises
for this purpose. One of them is called Suay-tau, or throwing the weight. They have a
nearly square stone, weighing rather more than fifty pounds, and having a handle in a
hollow cut in its upper surface.
The men mark out a square on the ground, and the players stand at some distance
apart. One of them takes the stone, swings it once or twice, and hurls it in the air
towards the next player. It is thrown with such skill that the hollow always comes
uppermost, and the stone descends into the hand with a shock that makes the man spin
round on his heels. The same movement, however, is utilized to give force to the stone;
and so the players pass this heavy weight from one to the other with apparent ease,
and with the regularity of a machine. A similar exercise is conducted with a heavy
sand-bag.
It may easily be imagined how such men would vanquish in battle the comparatively
sluggish Chinese, and how they would impose upon them many of their manners and
customs. But, though they succeeded in their conquest, though they changed the dress of
the Chinese, though they placed a Tartar monarch on the throne, and though they have
been the chief military power in China, they have themselves suffered a far severer,
though slower, conquest at the hands of the vanquished.
The Chinese, being essentially a contemplative and intellectual nation, care very little
for military ability, so that the lowest civil mandarin feels a thorough contempt for the
highest military mandarin, because the active life of the latter precludes him from follow-
ing up those peouliar studies which can raise a Chinese from the state of a peasant to that
of the highest in the land. Especially do the Chinese despise their intellectual capacities,
though they may appreciate and utilize their bodily strength and military prowess,
“The Tartars,” said a Chinese shopkeeper, “are cows.”
The extraordinary reaction of the vanquished upon their conquerors is admirably put
by Mr. Fleming in his “ Travels on Horseback in Mantchu Tartary.”
“By dint of their extraordinary industry, thrifty habits, an unceasing desire to accu-
mulate wealth by any amount of plodding, cunning, or hardship, the Chinaman has wormed
himself beyond the Great Wall, built towns and villages, cultivated every rood of land,
and is at once the farmer and the trader everywhere. He claims the best part of Mant-
churia as his own, and dares even to scandalize the Tartar race in their own capital,
though it is barely two centuries since that race filed in long cavalry troops through those
gates at Shan-kis-Kwan, and were introduced by an indiscreet Chinese general to the vast
empire which they soon conquered and sternly governed.
“Now the Chinese seem the conquerors, for they have not only obtained possession of
the land, and converted it into a region thoroughly Chinese, but they have imposed their
language, their habits and customs, and every trait belonging to them, on those of the
original occupants who chose to mix with them, and ousted out every grim old banner-
man who would not condescend to shopkeeping or handling the spade or plough.
“There is not the most trifling Mantchu word to designate town, hamlet, mountain,
or river, in use among the people nowadays, and anything that might at all tell of the
character and power of the original proprietors is entirely effaced. If the Mantchus
A BLOODLESS CONQUEST.
799
obtained possession of the Dragon Throne at Pekin, partly by force of arms and military
prowess, and partly by perfidy, aided by rebellions among the Chinese themselves ; if
they compelled the hundreds of millions over whom they found cause to rule to alter
their dress, wear tails, and perhaps smoke tobacco;—the people thus subjugated have
made ample retaliation by wiping out every trace of their invaders in their own country,
and leaving the existence of the usurpers all but traditionary in the metropolis where, two
hundred years ago, they held their court, and where one of their kings boldly vowed
vengeance for seven great grievances that he imagined had been brought on him by the
Chinese Emperor.
“Nothing prevents the invasion of the Corea by these wonderful Chinese but the high
palisade that keeps them within the limits of Mantchuria. For, if once they got a footing
in that country, the Coreans would suffer the same fate as the Mantchus, and there is no
telling when these sons of Ham would stop in their bloodless aggrandisement and terri-
torial acquisitiveness.
22
BRACELET OF BOARS' TUSKS-SANDWICH ISLANDS.
(From the United Science Muscum. Compare the necklace on page 762.)
CHAPTER II.
CHINA,
APPEARANCE
OF
THE
CHINESE-MODE OF PLAITING THE
29
TAIL
-THE CHINESE BARBER THE
REFUSE HAIR AND ITS USES-CEREMONIOUS EMPLOYMENT OF THE TAIL-DRESSING THE HAIR
OF THE WOMEN--MUTUAL ASSISTANCE-POWDER FOR THE SKIN, AND. MODE OF APPLYING IT-
SMALL FEET OF THE CHINESE WOMEN-ORIGIN AND DATE OF THE CUSTOM OF COMPRESSING
THE FEET-DRESS OF THE WOMEN-DRESS OF THE MEN-THE BUTTON OF RANK-SYSTEM
OF EXAMINATION--INGENIOUS MODES OF EVASION-EXCEPTION IN FAVOUR OF OLD AGE-THE
66
FAN AND ITS VARIOUS USES CHINESE LANTERNS-THE STALKING-HORSE LANTERN”-FEAST
OF LANTERNS - THE
-THE GREAT DRAGON-CHOPSTICKS, AND THE MODE OF USING THEM THE
CASE OF CHOPSTICKS — FOOD OF THE CHINESE-LIVING CRABS--BIRDS’-NEST SOUP-TEA,
MODE OF PREPARATION.
We now come to China, a country of such extent, so thickly populated, and containing
so many matters of interest, that justice could not be fully done if an entire volume were
devoted to it. We will therefore restrict ourselves to a selection of those particulars
in which the Chinese appear to offer the greatest contrast to Europeans.
The appearance of the Chinese possesses many of the characteristics of the Tartar,
both nations being different branches of the same great family. The Chinese, however
,
are, as a rule, of a less determined and manly cast than the Tartars, and have about them
a sort of effeminacy which accounts for the conquest suffered at their hands.
One of the chief peculiarities in a Chinaman's appearance is his “tail.” This mode
of dressing the hair was imposed upon the Chinese by the Tartars, and has remained in
full force ever since. The Tae-ping rebels, however, viewing the “ tail” as an ignominious
sign of conquest, refuse to wear it, and allow the whole of their hair to grow.
With the loyal Chinese, however, the tail has become quite an institution, and they
regard it with the same sort of reverence which is felt by an Arab, a Turk, or a Persian
for his beard. It is scarcely possible to punish a Chinaman more severely than by cutting
off his tail, and, though he may supply its place with an artificial tail curiously woven
into the hair, he feels the indignity very keenly. Sometimes, when two men are to be
punished severely, they are tied together by their tails, and exposed to the derision of the
public.
The tail bears some resemblance to the scalp-lock of the American Indian, but it
includes very much more hair than is comprehended in the scalp-lock. The Chinaman
shaves the hair from his forehead and round the temples, but leaves a circular patch of
tolerable size, the hair of which is allowed to grow to its full length. Sometimes, if the
patch be not large enough to nourish a sufficient quantity of hair to produce a good tail
,
it is enlarged by allowing more and more hair to grow at each successive shaving. On
an average, the head is shaved once in ten days, and no one would venture to go into good
society unless the hair of his head were clean shaven. As for his face, he has so few
hairs upon it, that he does not trouble the barber very much with his countenance.

SHAVING AND HAIR-CUTTING.
801
Owing to the position of the tail, a man cannot dress it properly without aid, and,
chiefly for this purpose, the peripatetic barber has become quite an institution in China.
One of these men is shown in the accompanying illustration, as employed upon a customer.
All the materials of his trade are carried at the ends of a bamboo pole, which the barber
carries in yoke fashion across his shoulders. When his services are required, he puts
down his load, arranges his simple apparatus in a few moments, and sets to work
upon
the cherished tail of his customer.
Very little capital is required to set up a barber in trade. There is the razor, a most
primitive triangle of steel, two inches long by one inch wide, which costs, perhaps, three
halfpence, or twopence if it be of the best kind. There is the linen strop, which costs
a penny, and a bamboo seat and table, which cost, perhaps, twopence each. There is
one expensive article, namely, the brass basin, but, as a rule, a Chinese barber can be well
CHINESE BARBER.
set up in trade at the expenditure of about six or seven shillings, and can make a good
living by his business. This sum includes a supply of black silk, wherewith to supple-
ment the tails of his customers, and a few locks of real hair, with which he can supply
artificial tails in cases where they are denied by nature.
The customer always holds a sort of basin in which to catch the clippings of hair.
These are preserved, not from any superstitious ideas, as is the case in many parts of the
world, but are put aside for the hair-collector, who makes his daily rounds with his basket
on his back. The contents of the basket are carefully utilised. The long hair combed
from women's heads is separated and made into false tails for the men, while the short
pieces shaven from men's heads are used as manure, a tiny pinch of hair being inserted
into the ground with each seed or plantlet.
In consequence of the universal practice of shaving the head and wearing a tail, the
number of barbers is very great, and in 1858 they were said to exceed seven thousand in
Canton alone.
The right management of the tail is, among the Chinese, what the management of t
hat is among ourselves. For example, it is a mark of respect to allow the tail to ]
at full length, and any one who ventured to address an equal without having hi
3F
VOL. II.

802
CHINA.
hanging down his back would be thought as boorish as would an Englishman who went
into a lady's drawing-room without removing his hat. When the people are at work,
they always coil the cherished tail round their heads, so as to get it out of the way; but
if a man of superior rank should happen to pass, down go all the tails at once.
During the late war in China, the common people soon found that the English, in their
ignorance of Chinese customs, did not trouble themselves whether the tails hung down
their backs or were twisted round their heads. Accordingly, Oriental-like, they took
advantage of this ignorance, and, though they would lower their tails for the meanest
official who happened to pass near them, they made no sign even when an English general
came by. However, one of the English officers discovered this ruse, and every now and then
one of them used to go through the streets and compel every Chinaman to let down his tail.
The tail is never entirely com-
posed of the hair of the wearer.
Sometimes it is almost wholly arti-
ficial, a completely new tail being
fixed to a worn-out stump, and, as a
general rule, the last eighteen inches
are almost entirely made of black
silk. Besides being a mark of fashion,
the tail is often utilised. A sailor,
for example, will tie his hat to his
head with his tail when the wind
rises, and a schoolmaster sometimes
uses his tail in lieu of a cane.
Absurd as the tail looks when
worn by any except a Chinese or
Tartar, it certainly does seem appro-
priate to their cast of countenance,
and it is to be doubted whether the
Tartar conquerors did not confer a
benefit instead of inflicting an injury
on the Chinese by the enforcement
of the tail.
The hair of the women is not
shaven, but, on the contrary, additions are made to it. While they are unmarried, it
hangs down the back in a long queue, like that of the men; but when they marry,
it is dressed in various fantastic forms. There is a very fashionable ornament in China
called the Butterfly's Wings. This is a quantity of false hair made in fanciful imitation
of a huge butterfly, and fastened to the back of a woman's head. Fashions, how-
ever, vary in different parts of China, and even in the same locality the women are
not tied to the absolute uniformity which distinguishes the hair of the men.
One
mode of hair-dressing which is very prevalent makes the hair look very much like a
teapot, the long tresses being held in their place by a strong cement made from wood
shavings. Another mode of hair-dressing which prevails in Northern China is thus
described by Mr. Fleming: “Here it is dressed and gummed in the form of an ingot of
sycee silver, which is something in shape like a cream-jug, or an oval cup wide at the top and
narrow at the bottom, with a piece scooped out of the edge at each side, and with bright-
coloured flowers fastened by, or stuck about with, skewers and pins, that stand out like
porcupine quills. Though their necks be ever so dirty, and their faces not much better,
yet the hair must be as exquisitely trimmed and plastered, according to the local rage, as
that in a wax model seen in a London barber's shop-window."
In the above illustration two women are shown, who render aid to each other
in arranging their hair after the "teapot” fashion. In the households of Chinese
pmen, dressing-cases are considered almost the chief requisites of life. In the drawers
the combs, pins, and paint for the cheeks and lips, and the white powder which is
d into the skin. This powder is made from white marble, which is broken small
MUTUAL ASSISTANCE.
THE “ GOLDEN LILY.”
803
with a hammer, and then thrown into a tub in which revolve two stones turned by a
buffalo, just like the wheels which are used in making gunpowder. The coarsely-ground
mass is then transferred, together with water, to a second mill, in which it is reduced to
a mixture like cream. This creamy substance is then levigated in a succession of tubs,
the sediment of which is taken out and returned to the mill, and the remainder is
allowed to settle, the superfluous water drawn off, and the sediment pressed, while still
moist, into cakes.
When used it is not only rubbed on the skin, but actually worked into it with string,
which is placed on the hands in a sort of cat's-cradle, and worked backwards and
forwards until the required effect is produced. This powder is also used to give rice a
factitious whiteness. The coarser portions are employed for making whitewash and
whitening mortar.
Many of the Chinese of both sexes are remarkable for the great length to which they
allow their nails to grow. This is supposed to be a sign of rank or literary occupation,
inasmuch as the nails would be broken by
any laborious work. For this purpose,
they are kept carefully oiled to prevent
them from being brittle, and are further
preserved by being enclosed in tubes which
slip over the end of the finger. These tubes
are sometimes of bamboo, sometimes of
silver, and a few of the most precious
minerals.
The feet of the Chinese women are
often more strangely decorated than their
heads.
A vast number of the women have
their feet cramped by bandages into a
state which renders them little better
than mere pegs on which to walk, or
rather totter. It is not only the rich
who are thus deformed, but the poorest
often have their feet cramped. The opera-
tion is begun at a very early age, so that
the feet of the full-grown woman may
not exceed in size that of a child of five
or six. Bandages are bound firmly round
the foot in such a way as to force it into an arched shape, the heel being pressed
forward and the ball of the foot backward, while the four middle toes are bent under the
foot, and so completely squeezed into its substance that they almost lose their identity.
In fact, the member is made artificially into a club-foot, which, repugnant as it may be
to European eyes, is the delight of the Chinese, who call it metaphorically by the name
of "golden lily."
Clay models of these “golden lilies” are sold at many of the shops ; and as they are
very accurate imitations of the foot, and it is almost impossible to induce a Chinese
woman to remove the bandages and exhibit the member, a representation of one of these
models is here given. The gait of the woman is necessarily reduced to an awkward
waddle. There is no play of the beautiful machinery of the human foot, and the wearer
of the “golden lily” walks exactly as she would do if she had no feet at all
. Indeed, her
gait' is even more awkward, inasmuch as the weight of the body is thrown forward
upon the gȚeat toe, than which nothing can be imagined more opposed to the real inten-
tion of the foot.
Fast walking is impossible with these feet, and running is out of the question, the
women being obliged to support themselves by holding to walls or other objects, or to
balance themselves by holding out their arms at right angles to their bodies
. Indeed,
even when walking quietly in the house, the woman generally leans on the various
CHINESE WOMAN'S SHOE AND MODEL OF A FOOT.
(From my Collection.)
3 F 2
804
CHINA.
0
articles of furniture as she passes them, the act appearing to be instinctive, and one of
which she is not conscious. Stairs are of course a difficulty in the way of “golden lilies.”
Fortunately, there are not many stairs in a Chinese dwelling-house, the living rooms of
which are mostly on the ground-floor. I have noticed that a small-footed Chinawoman
can ascend stairs easily enough, but that she always holds by the banisters or wall as
she descends.
The deformity in question does not end with the foot. As the toes and ankles are
deprived of motion, the muscles which work them, and which form the calf of the leg,
gradually dwindle away for want of use, so that from the ankle to the knee the leg is
scarcely thicker than a broomstick.
Utterly hideous as is this deformity, it is coveted by all, and those who do not
possess it try to look as if they did. This they achieve by making an artificial “golden
lily” of wood, putting it into a fashionable shoe, and fastening the contrivance on the
sole of the real and serviceable foot. Mr. Milne remarks that a nurse, if called up
suddenly in the night, will make her appearance walking firmly on her full-sized bare
feet, instead of hobbling along with the fashionable waddle which she has been exhibiting
by day. By a similar ruse the boys who enact female parts on the stage imitate not only
the feet but the peculiar walk of the women, and do it with such perfection that
no one who was not in the secret would have the least idea that they are not what they
pretend to be.
Of the origin or date of the custom nothing is known, though there are various
legends which attempt to account for both. One legend, for exainple, attributes it to an
empress of China named Tan-key, who lived some three thousand years ago, and who,
having club feet by nature, induced her husband to impose the same deformity on all his
female subjects. Another legend states that a certain empress was discovered in the
chamber of a courtier, and laid the fault on her feet, which carried her against her will.
The emperor accepted the excuse, but cut off the fore-part of her feet in order to render
them more subordinate for the future. Another legend, which is a very popular one,
attributes the custom to a certain prince named Le-yuh, who in consequence was con-
demned to seven hundred years' torture in the infernal regions, and to make with his own
hands one million shoes for the women.
The dress of the Chinese varies greatly according to the rank of the individual and
the season of the year. Without going into detail, which would occupy too much time,
it is sufficient to say that the principle of the dress is similar, not only among different
classes, but with the two sexes, the coat and trousers being the principal articles, modified
in material and form according to circumstances. The dress of a mandarin or noble, and
of his wife, may be seen in the illustration on the opposite page. The richness of material
and beauty of work displayed in some of these dresses are really marvellous. They are
generally of the most delicate silks, and are covered with embroidery of such harmonious
colouring and exquisite workmanship as no country can equal.
It is not, however, the richness of dress which denotes rank among the Chinese. The
symbol of social status is simply a spherical " button,” about as large as a boy's playing
marble, placed on the apex of the cap. The different colours and materials of the buttons
designate the rank, the “ blue ribbon” being a plain red coral button. The possession of
these buttons is an object of high ambition for the Chinese, and its value is increased
by the fact that there is no hereditary rank in China, and that the coveted button must
be earned, and can neither be purchased nor given by favour.
It can only be gained by passing through a series of examinations, each increasing in
severity, and no candidate for high rank being permitted to compete unless he can show
the certificate that he has gained the rank immediately below it. The examinations are
conducted in a building expressly made for the purpose. It has double walls, between
which sentinels are continually pacing. The gates are watched in the strictest manner,
and each candidate is locked into a tiny cell, after having undergone the strictest search
in order to ascertain that he has not carried in any scrap of writing that may help him in
the examination.
The examiners themselves are conveyed from a distance, and surrounded by troops, só

THE BUTTON.”
805
that no one can approach them; and so careful are the officers who conduct the examina-
tion that the examiners are not allowed to see the original passages written by the candi-
dates, but only copies made by official scribes. When they have passed a paper as
satisfactory, the original is produced, the two are compared, and not until then does any
one know the name of the writer, which has been pasted between two leaves.
The precautions are most stringent, but the ingenuity exercised in evasion sometimes
conquers all the barriers set up between a candidate and external assistance. Sometimes
a man, already a graduate, will manage to substitute himself for the candidate, write all
the essays, and contrive a second change on leaving the place, so that the real candi-
در کلن
NICOLE
MARCALENDROMULUI
ETTI
MANDARIN AND WIFE.
date takes up the substituted essays. Sometimes a friend within the building will learn
the subject of the essays, write them in tiny characters on very thin paper, enclose the
paper in wax, and drop it into the water which is supplied to the candidates. One man
of peculiar daring hit on the plan of getting a friend to tunnel under the walls of the
college, and push the required documents through the floor of the cell. Should any such
attempt be discovered, the candidate is at once ejected, and disqualified from a second
attempt.
The Chinese have good reason to be ambitious of the honours of a button, as even the
very lowest button exempts the wearer from military service and from arrest by the
police. The bearer of this coveted symbol becomes at once one of the privileged classes ;
he wears an official costume when he likes, and is qualified to enter as candidate for still
higher honours. Such privileges are worth much trouble to obtain, and accordingly the
rejected candidates will enter the examination year after year, even until they are grey-
806
CHINA.
headed. With the respect for old age which is one of the most pleasing characterstics of
the Chinese, there is a law that if a man should attend the examinations annually until
he is eighty years of age, and still be unable to pass, he is invested with an honorary degree,
and may wear the button and official dress honoris causâ. The same rule holds good with
the higher degrees.
The very highest posts in the kingdom are denoted by a peacock's feather, which
falls down the side of the cap. The gradations in rank of the feather-wearers are marked
by the number of "eyes” in the ornament, the summit of a Chinaman's ambition being
to wear a feather with three eyes, denoting a rank only inferior to that of the emperor.
There is one article common to all ranks and both sexes, and equally indispensable
to all. This is the fan, an article without which a Chinaman is never seen. The richer
people carry the fan in a beautifully embroidered case hung to their girdles; but the
poorer class content themselves with sticking it between the collar of the jacket and the
back of the neck. Whenever the hand is not actually at work on some task, the fan is
in it, and in motion—not violently agitated, as is mostly the case in Europe, but kept
playing with a gentle, constant, and almost imperceptible movement of the wrist, so as to
maintain a continuous though slight current of air.
Sometimes, in very hot weather, a stout mandarin will quietly lift up the skirts of his
jacket, place his fan under the garment, and send a current of cool air round his body;
and this done, he drops the skirts afresh into their place, and directs the refreshing breeze
over his countenance. Sometimes it is used by way of a parasol, the man holding it over
his head as he walks along. Sometimes the schoolmaster uses it by way of a ferrule, and
raps his pupils unmercifully on the knuckles; and so inveterate is the use of the fan,
that soldiers, while serving their guns, have been observed quietly fanning themselves in
the midst of a brisk fire of shot, shell, and bullets.
The materials and patterns of Chinese fans are innumerable. They are made of paper,
silk, satin, palm-leaf, wood, feathers, horn, or ivory. Some of them are made so that
when they are opened from left to right they form very good fans, but when spread from
right to left all the sticks fall apart, and look as if they never could be united again.
Those which are made of paper have various patterns painted or printed on them, and
thousands are annually sold on which are complete maps of the larger Chinese cities,
having every street and lane marked. Those which are made of silk or satin are covered
with the most exquisite embroidery; while the horn and ivory fans are cut into patterns so
slight and so delicate that they look more like lace than the material of which they really
are composed. The wooden fans are made in much the same way, though the workman-
ship is necessarily coarser: the material of these fans is sandal-wood, the aromatic odour
of which is much prized by the Chinese.
Choice sentences and aphorisms from celebrated authors are often written on the fan;
and it is the custom for Chinese gentlemen to exchange autographs written on each
other's fans. The price of these fans varies according to the material and workmanship,
common ones being worth about four or five for a penny, while a first-class fan will cost
several pounds.
The lantern is as almost as characteristic of the Chinese as the fan, inasmuch as every
one who goes abroad after dark is obliged by law to carry a lantern, whereas he need not
carry a fan unless he chooses. These lanterns have of late years become very common in
England, the subdued light which they give through their coloured envelopes having a
very pretty effect at night, especially in conservatories. There is a wonderful variety of
these lanterns, some of them being most complicated in structure, enormous in size, and
hung round with an intricate arrangement of scarlet tassels. Others are made of a
balloon-like shape, the framework being a delicate net of bamboo, over which is spread
a sheet of very thin paper saturated with varnish, so that it is nearly as transparent as
glass. Figures of various kinds are painted upon the lantern, and so great is the sale of
these articles, that many artists make a good living by painting them. Generally, when
a man buys a lantern, he purchases a plain one, and then takes it to the painter to be
decorated. The name of the owner is often placed upon his lantern, together with his
address, and sometimes the lantern is used as a representative of himself.

NEW YEAR'S FESTIVAL.
807
Many of the lanterns shut up flat, on the principle of the fan; some of them open out
into cylinders, and some into spherical and oval shapes.
NEW YEAR'S FESTIVAL.
One of the most ingenious of these articles is the “ stalking-horse lantern," which is
only used for festivals. It is of large size, and contains several tapers.
, Above the tapers
808
CHINA.
is a horizontal paddlewheel, which is set revolving by the current of air caused by the
flame, and froin the wheel silk threads are led to a series of little automaton figures of
men, women, birds, beasts, &c., all of which move their arms, legs, and wings as the wheel
runs round. A good specimen of this lantern is really a wonderful piece of work, the
threads crossing each other in the most complicated style, but never getting out of order.
So completely is the Chinese a lantern-carrying being, that, during our war in China,
when a battery had been silenced by our fire in a night attack, and the garrison driven
out, the men were seen running away in all directions, each with a lighted lantern in his
hand, as if to direct the aim of the enemy's musketry.
In connexion with this subject, the celebrated Feast of Lanterns must not be omitted.
In this remarkable ceremony, every lantern that can be lighted seems to be used, and the
Chinese on this occasion bring out the complicated “stalking-horse lantern” which has
just been described. The chief object, however, is the Great Dragon. The body of the
Dragon is made of a number of lanterns, each as large as a beer-barrel, and having large
candles fastened within it. Nearly a hundred of these joints are sometimes used in the
construction of a single Dragon, each joint being tied to its neighbour, so as to keep them
at the same distance from each other. At one end is an enormous head with gaping jaws,
and at the other is a tail of proportionate dimensions.
This Dragon is carried through the streets and villages, and has a most picturesque effect
as it goes winding along its course, the bearers contriving to give it an undulating move-
ment by means of the sticks to which the different joints are attached. A similar festival
is held in the autumn. Accompanying the Dragon are a number of men dressed in various
fantastic ways, as representations of the attendants of the gods. Some of them have
heads like oxen, others like horses, and they are all armed with curious pronged weapons.
Then there are simulated giants and dwarfs, the former being carried on the shoulders of
men whose legs are concealed by the robes of the image, and the latter by boys whose
heads are received into the hats which the images wear. Iu neither instance do the
bearers trouble themselves to conceal their faces.
Various ceremonies of a like nature are enacted, of which no description can be given
for want of space.
Of the Chinaman's social habits none has been more widely known than the use of
the “chopsticks,” or the two little rods by means of which the solid food is eaten. This
is not the Chinese name, but is one invented by foreigners, who have employed the term
as a sort of equivalent for the “kwai-tsze,” or nimble-lads, as they are very appropriately
termed by the Chinese. Originally they were simply two slips of bamboo, but now they are
of wood, bone, ivory, or sometimes silver. Two pairs of chopsticks in my collection are
nearly ten inches in length, and about as thick at the base as a snall goose-quill,
tapering gradually to half the thickness at the tip.
Much misunderstanding prevails as to the use of the chopsticks, many persons
supposing that they are held one in each hand, after the manner of knives and forks in
Europe. These curious implements are both held in the right hand after the following
manner, One of them is taken much as a pen is held, except that, instead of being held
by the thumb and forefinger, it passes between the tips of the second and third fingers.
This chopstick is always kept stationary. The second chopstick is held lightly between
the thumb and forefinger, and can be worked so as to press with its tip against the point
of the other, and act after the manner of pincers.
The adroitness displayed by the Chinese in the use of these implements is worthy of
all admiration, I have seen them pick up single grains of rice with the chopsticks, dip
them in soy, and carry them to the mouth with perfect precision; and, indeed, after some
few lessons, I could do it tolerably well myself. In eating rice after the usual manner,
the tips of the chopsticks are crossed, and the rice lifted with them as if on a spoon. If,
however, the man be very hungry, he does not trouble himself about such refinement, but
holds the bowl to his lips, and scoops the rice into his mouth with a celerity that must be
seen to be believed. In point of speed a spoon would be nothing compared with the
chopstick.
THE CHOPSTICKS.
809
The reader must understand that the Chinese never carve at table, thinking that to do
so is an utterly barbarous and disgusting custom. The meat is brought to table ready cut
up into small morsels, which can be taken up with the chopsticks. The only use made
of a knife at table is to separate any small pieces of meat that may adhere together; and
for this purpose, a narrow, long-bladed knife is generally kept in the same sheath with the
chopstick.
:
10
COTI?
DOUDUTTU72.
17! TOT
VE
نان تن
Set
nililoliittillittu Luluiili
3
6
2
4.
9
7
3
uljumu TIL
Y
5
(From my Collection.)
CHOPSTICKS.
(Lent by Mr. Wareham.)
As a rule, every Chinaman who can afford so cheap a luxury has his chopstick-case
hanging from his girdle. The case is made of different materials, such as shagreen,
tortoiseshell
, and ivory. Specimens of the two latter kinds of case are in my collection.
The ordinary case contains the two chopsticks, the knife, and a flat ivory toothpick. One
of these cases, made of tortoiseshell, is shown in the above illustration (Fig. 1), the
chopsticks (2), the toothpick (3), and the knife (4) being seen by the side of it.
Sometimes, however, a wealthy man will carry a much more complicated set of table
apparatus, a very good specimen of which, kindly lent by Mr. Wareham, is shown in the
illustration. First we see a cylindrical case suspended by a strap, and, on examining it,
we find that the top and bottom are moveable, and slide up and down the strap. Within
810
CHINA.
this case are the usual chopsticks, the knife, and the toothpick, but beside them there is
a spoon for eating soup, a neat little quatrefoil saucer for soy, and a peculiar two-pronged
fork, with its prongs united in the middle by a floriated ornament.
As to the food of the Chinese, it varies according to the wealth of the individual, so
that a man of property would not think of eating the food which the poor man thinks
luxurious. In fact, it is much the same as with ourselves, so that it is impossible to make
the dietary of one station the sample for that of the nation in general. There are, perhaps,
one or two articles of food which ought to be casually mentioned. One, which is not
generally known, is rather graphically described by Mr. Milne :-"Like other Chinese, he"
(i.e. a Chinese officer named Le) “invited me to dine with him on an early day after our
acquaintance was formed. On this occasion I met at his table with a peculiar dish, which
I had never seen under the roof of any other host, though I was informed that it was not
a monopoly of Mr. Le's taste.
“When our party of six had seated themselves at the centre table, my attention was
attracted by a covered dish, something unusual at a Chinese meal. On a certain signal,
the cover was removed, and presently the face of the table was covered with juvenile
crabs, which made their exodus from the dish with all possible rapidity. The crablets had
been thrown into a plate of vinegar just as the company sat down--such an immersion
making them more brisk and lively than usual. But the sprightly sport of the infant
crabs, was soon checked by each guest seizing which he could, dashing it into his mouth,
and swallowing the whole morsel without ceremony.
"Determined to do as the Chinese did, I tried this novelty also with one. With two I
succeeded, finding the shell soft and gelatinous, for they were tiny creatures, not more
than a day or two old. But I was compelled to give in to the third, who had resolved to
take vengeance, and gave my lower lip a nip so sharp and severe as to make me
relinquish my hold, and likewise desist from any further experiment of this nature.”
The celebrated birds'-nests, which the Chinese convert into soup, are not, as some
persons seem to think, made of sticks, and straws, and wool, but are formed from the
gelatinous substance obtained by masticating a sort of seaweed. The nests are trans-
parent, as if made of gelatine, and when placed in hot water they dissolve as readily.
The nest, when dissolved, is very much like the well-known "Irish moss," or carrageen;
and I fully believe that, if the Chinese were to obtain the seaweed itself, and prepare it
like the nests, it would answer every purpose. I possess specimens both of the seaweed
and the nest, and, after tasting both, have found them to be identical in flavour and
consistence. And, as the seaweed might be obtained for about ten shillings per hundred-
weight, and the finest kind of nest costs eight hundred pounds for the same amount,
the importation of the seaweed instead of the nests from Java might be a good
speculation.
With regard to the great staple of the country, namely tea, very little can be said
here. In the first place, the public is very well informed on the subject
, and, in the next,
the tea question is so large that it would occupy far too great space. The mode of
preparing tea differs much from that practised by ourselves. Instead of allowing the tea
to be made and then to stand for a considerable time, the Chinaman puts a little tea into
a cup, pours boiling rain-water on it, inverts the saucer over it, so as to prevent the aroma
from escaping, and drinks it immediately, using the saucer as a strainer whereby to keep the
tea-leaves out of his mouth. As to adulterating the tea with such abominations as cream
and sugar, he would be horrified at the idea. The Chinese never use milk for themselves,
though of late years they have learned to milk their buffaloes for the service of the
foreigner, and they consume sugar in almost every shape except in tea.
We in England who use either of these accessories cannot understand the true flavour
of tea, the aroma of which is as much destroyed by such admixture as would be that of
the choicest wine. Even those who do not spoil their tea in the usual manner can
seldom know what the best tea is, because it is never sent to England. Not in China can
a foreigner purchase it, as it is not made for general sale, but is reserved for “ cumshaws,”
or presents.
&
CHAPTER III.
CHINA-(continued).
WARFARE.
WEAPONS OF THE CHINESE-BREECH-LOADING CANNON-VARIOUS FORMS OF THE JINGALL
CHINESE ARTILLERYMEN AND THEIR MAGAZINE-BOWS AND ARROWS --THE REPEATING CROSS-
BOW AND ITS MECHANISM - CONSTRUCTION OF THE ARROWS-CHINESE SWORDS—THE DOUBLE
SWORD, AND MODE OF USING IT---TWO-HANDED SWORDS-CRUELTY OF THE VICTORS-VARIOUS
MODES OF TORTURE-KNEELING ON THE CHAIN-THE CANGUE-FINGER AND ANKLE SQUEEZING
- USE OF TORTURE IN MONEY-GETTING--THE LARGE AND SMALL BAMBOO-MODE OF EVADING
IT-EXPOSURE IN A CAGE-THE HOT-WATER SNAKE CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS-SUICIDE BY
ORDER--STRANGLING-CRUCIFIXION PREFERRED TO BEHEADING-EXECUTION OF A THIEF
SAWING ASUNDER-CONDUCT OF THE MANDARINS-THE UMBRELLA OF A THOUSAND PEOPLE
-THE ROBE OF HONOUR-TRANSFER OF RANK, .
1
WITHOUT going into the question of warfare in China, we will mention one or two of the
characteristic weapons.
Fire-arms have apparently been known to them for ages, but in all the years that we
have been acquainted with China, no improvement has been made in these weapons, the
cannon, the jingall, and the hand-gun being as rude and ineffective as they were two
centuries ago. The cannon are little more than thick tubes of iron, mostly hooped to
strengthen them, and of various lengths and bores. As to preserving any exactness of
size in the bores, the Chinese care little for it, and, if the ball is too small to fit the
cannon, they wrap it up in cotton and then push it upon the powder. Wadding is
thought to be needless in fire-arms. It is rather remarkable, however, that the Chinese
have used breech-loading cannon from time immemorial. Each of these guns is supplied
with several separate chambers, which can be kept loaded, and dropped one by one into
the aperture of the gun as fast as they can be fired.
*Clumsy as may be the jingall, it appears to be the most efficient of the Chinese fire-
arms. It looks something like a duck-gun, and is supposed to carry an ounce ball,
though the missiles sent from it are generally of a very miscellaneous character
. Some
of these guns are pivoted and fixed on tripod stands, while others are either supported on
the shoulder of an assistant gunner while the firer takes aim, or rest upon two supports
which are pivoted to the stock not very far from the muzzle of the gun. Of the manner
in which the jingall is fired, Captain Blakiston gives a very amusing account, the whole
proceeding having a very ludicrous aspect to an English artillery officer.
"We explained to them that we should like to see some practice with their artillery,
on which the bombardier, as he seemed to be, went to the powder magazine, which was
an old sack carefully tied up and lying under a bed in the hut, and brought forth the
charge in a tea-cup. Then he mounted on a stool, and poured the powder in at the
muzzle ; the jingall was thumped on the ground, and with a long bamboo, which served
as a ramrod, they rammed the powder home. A little of the
A little of the already soft powder was
then mealed, and the touch-hole filled with it.
812
CHINA.
1
“One man then held on tight to the butt, while another, coming out with a hot poker,
discharged the weapon, the effect of which in noise and smoke was marvellous; but the
poor fellow who was doing the marksman was knocked heels over head backwards. He
seemed, however, quite accustomed to that sort of thing, for, picking himself up in a
a minute, he performed what I certainly took for the coup d'état of the whole proceeding.
Suddenly swinging round the jingall on its pivot, he applied his mouth to the muzzle,
and blew violently down it, which sent the remaining sparks flying out of the vent, and
and then swung it back into its former position, by which mancuvre he nearly knocked
my companion off his legs.
“The piece was then left with its muzzle inclined well upwards, so that any rain which
might fall would trickle nicely down the barrel and accumulate at the breech. The picket
seemed to be without any shot for their jingall, for we tried to get them to put one in, so
that we might fire across the bows of our junks, in order to test the courage of the boat
coolies. Probably shot are not used in the warfare of the interior: our after experience
was favourable to this supposition.”
Captain Blakiston rather maliciously adds, that the picket was placed there for the
purpose of giving an alarm by running away as soon as any body of rebels might come
in sight.
I possess a specimen of the jingall. It is exactly seven feet in length, and is, in fact,
nothing more than a heavy iron tube mounted on a stock, and supplied with the rudest
imaginable arrangement for the match. Altogether, I think that the risk of firing it
would be rather greater than that of being fired at with it.
As for the bow and arrow, they are substantially the same as that which has been
described when treating of the Tartars, the weapon having been taken up by the Chinese
and its use carefully learned after the same fashion as has been mentioned.
The most characteristic Chinese weapon with which I am acquainted is the repeating
crossbow (shown on the opposite page), which, by simply working a lever backwards and
forwards, drops the arrows in succession in front of the string, draws the bow, shoots
the missile, and supplies its place with another. The particular weapon from which the
drawings are taken was said to have been one of the many arms which were captured in
the Peiho fort.
It is not at all easy to describe the working of this curious bow, but, with the aid of
the illustration, I will try to make it intelligible.
The bow itself is made of three strong, separate pieces of bamboo, overlapping each
other like the plates of a carriage-spring, which indeed it exactly resembles. This is
mounted on a stock, and, as the bow is intended for wall defence, it is supported in the
middle by a pivot. So far, we have a simple crossbow; we have now to see how
the repeating machinery is constructed. Upon the upper surface of the stock lies an
oblong box, which we will call the “slide." It is just wide and long enough to contain
the arrows, and is open above, so as to allow them to be dropped into it. When in the
slide, the arrows necessarily lie one above the other, and, in order to prevent them from
being jerked out of the slide by the shock of the bowstring, the opening can be closed by
a little wooden shutter which slides over it,
Through the lower part of the slide a transverse slit is cut, and the bowstring is led
through this cut, so that the string presses the slide upon the stock. Now we come to the
lever. It is shaped like the Greek letter II, the cross-piece forming the handle. The
lever is jointed to the stock by an iron pin or bolt, and to the slide by another bolt. Now,
if the lever be worked to and fro, the slide is pushed backwards and forwards along the
stock, but without any other result.
Supposing that we wish to make the lever draw the bow, we have only to cut a notch
in the under part of the slit through which the string is led. As the slide passes along
the stock, the string by its own pressure falls into the notch, and is drawn back, together
with the slide, thus bending the bow. Still, however much we may work the lever, the
string will remain in the notch, and must therefore be thrown out by a kind of trigger.
This is self-acting, and is equally simple and ingenious. Immediately under the notch
which holds the string, a wooden peg plays loosely through a hole. When the slide is
REPEATING CROSSBOW.
813
thrust forward and the string falls into the notch, it pushes the peg out of the hole. But
when the lever and slide are drawn backwards to their full extent, the lower end of the
peg strikes against the stock, so that it is forced violently through the hole, and pushes
the string out of the notch.
We will now refer to the illustration. Fig. 1 represents the bow as it appears after
the lever and slide have been thrust forward, and the string has fallen into the notch.
Fig. 2 represents it as it appears when the lever has been brought back, and the string
released.
a...
1.
E
..
L.
H
K
А.
2.
Arrows
Sectron
REPEATING CROSSBOW (From my Collection.)
A is the bow, made of three layers of male bamboo, the two outer being the longest.
B is the string. This is made of very thick catgut, as is needed to withstand the amount
of friction which it has to undergo, and the violent shock of the bow. It is fastened in
a wonderfully ingenious manner, by a “hitch” rather than a knot, so that it is drawn
tighter in proportion to the tension. It passes round the end of the bow, through a hole,
and then presses upon itself.
cc show the stock, and D is the slide. E is the opening of the slide, through
which the arrows are introduced into it, and it is shown as partially closed by the little
shutter F.
The lever is seen at G, together with the two pins which connect it with the
stock and the slide. I shows the notch in the slide which receives the string. I is the
pivot on which the weapon rests, K is the handle, and L the place whence the arrows
issue.
If the reader should have followed this description carefully, he will see that the only
limit to the rapidity of fire is the quickness with which the lever can be worked to and
fro. As it is thrust forward, the string drops into its notch, the trigger-peg is set, and an
814
CHINA.
arrow falls with its butt just in front of the string. When it is drawn sharply back, the
string is released by the trigger-peg, the arrow is propelled, and another falls into its
place. If, therefore, a boy be kept at work supplying the slide with arrows, a constant
stream of missiles can be poured from this weapon.
The arrows are very much like the “bolts” of the old English cross-bow. They are
armed with heavy and solid steel heads, and are feathered in a very ingenious manner.
The feathers are so slight, that at first sight they appear as if they were mere black
scratches on the shaft. They are, however, feathers, projecting barely the fiftieth of an
inch from the shaft, but being arranged in a slightly spiral form, so as to catch the air,
and impart a rotatory motion to the arrow. By the side of the crossbow on fig. 2 is seen
a bundle of the arrows.
The strength of this bow is very great, though not so great as I have been told. It
possesses but little powers of aim, and against a single and moving adversary would be
useless. · But for the purpose for which it is designed, namely, a wall-piece which will
pour a series of missiles upon a body of men, it is
a very
efficient
weapon, and can make
itself felt even against the modern rifle. The range of this bow is said to be four hundred
yards, but I should think that its extreme effective range is at the most from sixty to
eighty yards, and that even in that case it would be almost useless, except against large
bodies of soldiers.
Of swords the Chinese have an abundant variety. Some are single-handed swords,
and there is one device by which two swords are carried in the same sheath, and are used
one in each hand. I have seen the two-sword exercise performed, and can understand
that, when opposed to any person not acquainted with the weapon, the Chinese swords-
man would be irresistible. But in spite of the two swords, which fly about the wielder's
head like the sails of a mill, and the agility with which the Chinese fencer leaps about
and presents first one side and then the other to his antagonist, I cannot but think that
any ordinary fencer would be able to keep himself out of reach, and also to get in his
point, in spite of the whirling blades of his adversary.
Two-handed swords are much used. One of these weapons in my collection is five
feet six inches in length, and weighs rather more than four pounds and a quarter. The
blade is three feet in length and two inches in width. The thickness of metal at the back
is a quarter of an inch near the hilt, diminishing slightly towards the point. The whole
of the blade has a very slight curve. The handle is beautifully wrapped with narrow
braid, so as to form an intricate pattern.
There is another weapon, the blade of which exactly resembles that of the two-handed
sword, but it is set at the end of a long handle some six or seven feet in length, so that,
although it will inflict a fatal wound when it does strike an enemy, it is a most un-
manageable implement, and must take so long for the bearer to recover himself, in case he
misses his blow, that he would be quite at the mercy of an active antagonist.
Should they be victorious in battle, the Chinese are cruel conquerors, and are apt to
inflict horrible tortures, not only upon their prisoners of war, but even upon the un-
offending inhabitants of the vanquished land. They carry this love for torture even into
civil life, and display a horrible ingenuity in producing the greatest possible suffering with
the least apparent means of inflicting it. For example, one of the ordinary punishments
in China is the compulsory kneeling
bare-legged on a coiled chain. This does not sound
particularly dreadful, bụt the agony that is caused is indescribable, especially as two officers
stand by the sufferer and prevent him from seeking even a transient relief by shifting his
posture. Broken crockery is sometimes substituted for the chain.
The most common punishment in China is that of the cangue, a sort of moveable
pillory. A piece of wood, some four feet square and nearly four inches in thickness, has
a hole in the middle, through which the culprit's head is passed. The machine opens
with a hinge, and when closed is locked, and a placard designating the offence is pasted
As long as the cangue is worn, the unhappy delinquent cannot feed himself, so
that he would be starved to death were he not fed by casual contributions. Fortunately,
it is considered a meritorious action to feed a prisoner in the cangue, so that little risk of
actual starvation is run, and the principal terror of the cangue lies in the pain caused by
on it.
VARIOUS PUNISHMENTS.
815
carrying such a weight upon the neck and shoulders. This instrument is often worn for
weeks, and sometimes for three months, which is the extent of its legal use.
Finger-squeezing is another torture which is frequently used. Four pieces of bamboo
are tied loosely together at one end, and a string passes through the other ends, so arranged
that by drawing it they can be pulled closely together. The fingers are introduced between
the bamboos, and by pulling at the string they can be almost crushed to pieces. This
torture is often employed by the mandarins, when endeavouring to extort money from
persons whom they suspect of concealing their wealth. The ankles are squeezed after a
similar fashion, only in this case the bamboos are much larger. Both these modes of
torture are shown in the illustration,
BE
14.
he
A
MODES OF TORTURE.
Most of the so-called minor tortures, i.e. those which are not directly aimed at life,
are employed for the purpose of extorting money. The fact is, the mandarins who are
set over districts only have a limited term of office, and may, indeed, be transferred at
any time. As during their term of office they have to make up a certain sum demanded
by their superiors, and have also to keep up considerable state on a nominal salary, it
follows that they oppress the people to the utmost of their power, looking upon them
merely in the light of tax-producing animals. It is, therefore, no wonder that a Chinaman
of any ability strives for literary rank, and the privilege of wearing the button which
exempts him from arrest except by imperial order.
Beating with the bamboo is another common punishment. There are two kinds of
bamboo for this purpose, the small and the large; the latter being capable of producing
death if used with severity. Indeed, even the lesser bamboo, if the blows be struck with
816
CHINA.
the edge, instead of the flat, bruises the flesh so completely as to bring on mortification, of
which the sufferer is sure to die in a few days. This punishment is chiefly used by the
peculative mandarins, in order to extort money, and is employed for men and women
alike; the only difference being that the man is thrown prostrate on the ground, while
the woman suffers in a kneeling posture.
A man of forethought, however, never suffers much from the bamboo, and, if possible,
nothing at all. In the former case, he bribes the executioner, who strikes so as to produce
a very effective sounding blow, but in reality inflicts very little injury. In the latter case,
he bribes a man to act as a substitute, and, just as the first blow is about to be struck,
some of the officers, who are also bribed, get between the judge and the culprit, while the
latter rolls out of the way, and the substitute takes his place. A similar ruse is enacted
at the completion of the punishment. It may seem strange that any one should act as a
substitute in such a business; but in China men care little for their skins, or even for
their lives, and it is possible to purchase a substitute even for capital punishment, the
chief difficulty being not to bribe the substitute, but to find enough money to bribe all the
officials, who must act in concert.
Powerful as they niay be, the mandarins have not all the power of life and death,
though they can inflict punishments which practically lead to the same result. Mr. Milné
mentions a case of this kind. Two men had been arrested in the act of robbing a house
during a fire. This is rightly held to be the most heinous kind of theft, and is generally
punished with decapitation. The mandarin of the district had not the power to inflict
death, but contrived to manage that the men should die. Accordingly, he had two tall
bamboo cages made, placed a man inside each, and tied him by his tail to the top bars of
the cage. The cages were placed in the open air, in charge of officers, who would not
allow any communication with the offenders. The natural consequence was, that privation
of food, drink, sleep, and rest of any kind, together with exposure to the elements, killed
the men as effectually as the sword of the executioner.
A modification of this mode of punishment is by covering the top of the cage with a
board through a hole in which the head of the sufferer passes. It is, in fact, a fixed
cangue. The top of the cage is adjusted so that the man is forced to stand on tiptoe as
he is suspended by the neck. His hands being bound behind him, relief is impossible.
This mode of punishment is shown in the last figure but one, on the right-hand side.
The other figures speak for themselves, except that of the kneeling figure with
snakes coiled round his body. These snakes are tubes of soft metal, fashioned in the
shape of snakes with open mouths. They are coiled round the naked limbs and body of
the sufferer, and boiling water is then poured into them, producing the most horrible
torture.
As to capital punishments, they are inflicted in various ways. The mode that is
thought to be the least terrible is the command to commit suicide, because in that case
they can avoid the mangling of the body, and so make their appearance in the spirit-world
whole and entire. This is a privilege only accorded to officers of very high rank, and is
conferred upon them by sending the “silken cord.” No cord is really sent, but the
mandate implies the instrument of death. When it is received, the doomed man takes
some of his nearest relatives and most valued friends to his house, fastens the silken cord
to a beam, places himself on a stool, passes the noose round his neck, and then leaps off
the stool, and so dies. Officers of lower rank, when they see that they will probably be
condemned to death, generally anticipate their sentence by hanging themselves on their
own responsibility.
For criminals of no status, strangulation is the mode of death most preferred. It is
accomplished in a manner exactly resembling the Spanish garotte. The criminal stands
with his back to a post, through which a hole is bored at the level of his neck. The two
ends of a cord are passed through the hole, the loop embracing the man's neck. The ends
are then twisted round a stick, and, by a few rapid turns of the stick, the man is killed.
The rapidity of the process is such that Mr. Lockhart mentions an instance where he and
a friend saw a file of soldiers coming along, carrying a pole and a pinioned man in a
basket. They stopped, lashed the pole to an upright post, took the man out of the basket,
EXECUTION OF A THIEF.
817
tied him to the pole, and strangled him before the foreigners could make out what they
were doing. The strange part of the business was that the officials had bribed the
apparent culprit and his friends, as they wanted to make the foreigners believe that he
was an opium-smuggler, and that they were doing their best to stop the trade. Truly it is
a strange country!
To beheading the Chinese have the strongest aversion, because they shrink from the
idea of appearing headless in the next world, and they will therefore do all in their power
to avoid it. A most remarkable instance of the extent to which a Chinaman will
go
to
avoid decapitation is given in the following extract from a letter to an Indian newspaper.
The man was a well-known and most abandoned criminal, who with his wife had been
arrested.
“On his trial before his judge he refused to criminate himself, although repeatedly
scourged until his back was raw. If a female witness fails in giving satisfactory evidence
in a court of justice, she is beaten with a leather strap across the mouth. His wife, desirous
of sparing her husband, refused to give evidence, but after two or three applications of
strap her courage gave way. She confessed his guilt
. The prisoner was then sentenced
to decapitation-deemed by the Chinese to be the most severe of punishments, because
they imagine that if a man leaves this world minus any of his members, he appears in
the same condition in the next. The culprit, therefore, prayed to be crucified instead of
being beheaded.
The cross was of the Latin form, the foot being inserted in a stout plank, and the
criminal, standing on a board, had nails driven through his feet, and his hands stretched and
nailed to the cross-beam. His legs were fastened to the cross with an iron chain, and his
arms bound with cords, and on the cord round his waist was inserted a piece of wood on
which was written his name and offence; a similar piece on his right arm contained his
sentence—namely, to remain on the cross night and day until he died; another on his
left arm had the name of the judge, with his titles and offices.
“The criminal was nailed to the cross inside the Yamun in the presence of the
magistrate, and then carried by four coolies to one of the principal thoroughfares leading
from the city, where he was left during the day, but removed at night inside the
prison for fear of his friends attempting to rescue him, and again carried forth at daylight
in charge of two soldiers. He was crucified at noon on the Wednesday, and Mr. Jones
conversed with him at five in the evening. He complained of a pain in the chest, and
thirst. On Thursday he slept for some hours, when the cross was laid down within the
jail compound. No one was allowed to supply him with food or drink, and during the
day there was quite a fair in front of the cross, people being attracted from a distance,
and the sweetmeat-vendors driving a large trade.
"On Saturday he was still alive, when the Taotai was appealed to by a foreigner to put
an end to the wretch's sufferings, and he immediately gave orders that the vinegar should
be administered, which he expected would produce immediate death ; but the result was
otherwise, and at sunset, when the cross was taken within the jail
, two soldiers with
stout bamboos broke both his legs, and then strangled him.”
It is no matter of wonder that the woman confessed her husband's guilt, for the face
is sometimes beaten with a hard leather strap until the jaws are broken, and the whole
of the lips fall from them. In all probability she was quite as guilty as her husband,
so that she was not altogether deserving of pity.
Decapitation is always conducted with much judicial solemnity, and, as a rule, is
restricted to certain seasons of the year, when large batches of criminals are executed.
There are, however, occasional exceptions to the rule. The instrument employed is a
sword made expressly for the purpose. It is a two-handed weapon, very heavy, and with
a very broad blade. The executioners pride themselves on their skill in its management,
and, in order to show their powers, will draw a black-ink line round a turnip, and sever it
at a blow, the cut never passing on either side of the line. Before a man is admitted
to be an executioner, he is obliged to prove his ability by this test.
The criminal is carried to tlie place of execution in a bamboo cage, and by his side is
the basket in which his head will be removed. He is pinioned in a very effective manner.
VOL. II.
3 G

818
CHINA.
The middle of a long and thin rope is passed across the back of his neck, and the ends
are crossed on the chest, and brought under the arms. They are then twisted round the
arms, the wrists tied together behind the back, and the ends fastened to the portion of
rope upon the neck.
A slip of paper containing his name, crime, and sentence is fixed
to a reed, and stuck at the back of his head.
On arriving at the place of execution, the officials remove the paper, and take it to
the presiding mandarin, who writes on it in red ink the warrant for execution. The paper
is then replaced, a rope loop is passed over the head of the culprit, and the end given to
LAKI
1535
PUTERE
DECAPITATION
an assistant, who draws the head forward so as to stretch the neck, while a second
assistant holds the body from behind; and in a moment the head is severed from the
body. The head is taken away, and generally hung up in a bamboo-cage near the scene
of the crime, with a label announcing the name and offence of the criminal, and the name
of the presiding mandarin by whose order he was executed. In some places these heads
are unpleasantly numerous. In
many cases the
rope
and assistants are not employed.
There is even a lower depth of degradation than mere beheading. This is called “cutting
into small pieces.” Before striking the fatal blow, the executioner makes long but not deep
cuts on the face and in all the fleshy parts of the body, taking care to avoid the chief
blood vessels, so that when the culprit is released by the loss of his head, he may enter
the next world not only without a head, but with scarcely any flesh on his bones.
The last of the punishments which will be mentioned in this work is that of sawing
asunder, a punishment which of late years has been but rarely inflicted, and we may
SAWING ASUNDER
819
hope is dying out, though in reality it does not cause nearly as much pain to the sufferer
as many of the minor punishments.
The mode in which it is performed may be seen from an anecdote related by Mr.
Fleming, in the work which has been already quoted. There was a distinguished
Imperial officer named Sun-kwei, who was taken prisoner by the rebel leader Kih-
yung. Knowing the ability of his prisoner, the rebel leader offered to spare his life on
the condition that he would accept a command in his army. Sun-kwei fatly refused to
do so, saying that as he was defeated he must die, for that to take service against his
emperor was impossible. Bribes, threats, and promises were of no avail, and at last
Kih-yung ordered his prisoner to be sawn asunder.
The executioners began to exercise their dreadful office, but with all their endeavours
could not make the saw enter the body of their victim, who only jeered at them for their
ignorance in not knowing how to saw a man asunder. At last Sun-kwei was good
enough to instruct them in their business. “You dead dogs and slaves," said he, "if you
would saw a man asunder, you should compress his body between two planks; but how
could you know it ?” The men followed his advice, and sawed him and the planks
asunder at the same time, he never relenting, but scoffing at them to the last moment.
It is with some reluctance that I describe, however briefly, these horrible scenes, but
to pass over them would be to omit some of the most characteristic traits of this strange
people. Those who know the Chinese nation will be aware that I have touched the
subject very lightly, and that the most revolting modes of punishment have not been
mentioned at all.
ALTHOUGH the mandarins are generally hated by those over whom they are placed,
there are exceptions to the usual rule, and men are found who resist the temptation of
extorting money from the people—a temptation which is rendered the stronger because a
mandarin who can report that his district has paid a very large sum into the Imperial
treasury is sure of promotion, and if he has “squeezed ” a large tribute out of a district
that previously had paid but a small sum, he may almost reckon on obtaining the coveted
peacock's feather, with all its privileges.
When an honest and kind-hearted mandarin vacates his post at the expiration of his
term of office, the people subscribe to present him with an umbrella of state, called
“ The Umbrella of Ten Thousand of the People." It is made of red silk and satin, with
three rows of flounces, and bears upon it the names of the chief donors written in golden
characters. When he takes his formal leave of office, the umbrella is carried in procession
by his attendants, and he is followed for a certain distance by those who presented it.
The highest honorary reward of this kind that can be given is an outer garment made
of the same material as the umbrella, and also decorated with the names of the principal
donors. This robe of honour is carried in procession, hung within a kind of pavilion that
all may see it, and accompanied by a band of music. Such a robe is very seldom
presented, and the recipient naturally values it very highly.
While treating of honorary rewards, one particular kind must be mentioned. If a
man distinguishes himself greatly, and feels that he is under great obligation to some
person who has no real claim on him, he will solicit some high title from the emperor,
and then ask permission to transfer it to his benefactor. Thus it has frequently happened
that a man, without any rank of his own, has taken upon himself the education of a
young lad of promising abilities, and has been afterwards rewarded by finding himself
raised even to a higher rank than that of his protégé. Sometimes, when a man who has
been thus educated is presented to a higher title, the emperor bestows on his benefactor
the lower rank from which he has been raised. Thus it will be seen that in this country
every incentive is employed to promote education among the people, and that not only
the educated man obtains the reward which his powers have earned, but that those by
whom he was educated have their share in his honours.
3 G 2
CHAPTER IV.
CHINA-(continued).
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS.
OPIUM-SMOKING-SINGULAR
SINGULAR RESULT OF THE HABIT_MODE OF USING THE OPIUM PIPE-TOBACCO-
SMOKING THE WATER-PIPE-WEIGHTS AND MEASURES-THE STEELYARD AND ITS USES
BOAT-LIFE IN CHINA-CORMORANT-FISHING — FISH-SPEARING-CATCHING FISH WITH THE FEET
-THE DUCK-BOATS-AGRICULTURE-MODE OF IRRIGATION-CHINESE MUSIC AND INSTRUMENTS
A SKILFUL VIOLINIST-CHINESE SINGING--ART IN CHINA-PORCELAIN-CARVING IN IVORY
AND JADE-MAGIC MIRRORS-RESPECT TO AGE.
We will conclude this subject with a short account of the miscellaneous manners and
customs of the Chinese.
Among the chief of their characteristic customs is opium-smoking, a vice which is
terribly prevalent, but which is not so universally injurious as is often stated. Of course,
those who have allowed themselves to be enslaved by it become gradually debased, but
the proportion of those who do so is very small, though, by the terrible sight which they
present, they are brought prominently into notice. It seems, moreover, that the quantity
consumed at a time is not of so much importance as the regularity of the habit.
Let a man once fall into the way of smoking opium, though it be but one pipe, at
a certain hour of the day, that pipe will be an absolute necessity, and he takes it, not so
much to procure pleasure, as to allay the horribly painful craving from which he suffers.
In fact, a man destroys his health by opium-smoking in China, much as a drunkard does
in England, not so much by taking immoderate doses occasionally, but by making a habit
of taking small doses repeatedly. From such a habit as this very few have the courage
to break themselves, the powers of their mind being shattered as well as those of
the body.
A confirmed opium-smoker really cannot exist beyond a certain time without the
deadly drug, and those who are forced to exert themselves are generally provided with
some opium pills, which they take in order to give them strength until they can obtain the
desired pipe. An anecdote illustrative of this practice is narrated by Mr. Cobbold in his
“ Pictures of the Chinese :
“A small salesman, or pedlar, was seen toiling along with great difficulty through the
gates of Ningpo, as if straining every nerve to reach some desired point; he was seen to
stagger and fall, and his bundle flew from him out of his reach. While many pass by,
some good Samaritan comes to him, lifts up his head, and asks what is the matter, and
what he can do for him. He has just strength to whisper, 'My good friend, please to
untie that bundle ; you will find a small box in the centre; give me two or three the
pills which are in it, and I shall be all right.' It was soon done; the opium pills had
their desired effect, and he was soon able to rise and pursue his journey to his inn.”
OPIUM-SMOKING.
821
OPIUM PIPE. (From my Collection.)
This most graphically describes the extreme state of exhaustion which comes on if the
usual period of taking the pipe has passed by. The pedlar thought, no doubt, he had
strength just to reach his inn, where he would have thrown himself upon a bed and
called for the opium pipe; but he miscalculated by a few minutes his power of endurance,
and the pills (often resorted to in like cases of extremity), when supplied him by his
friend, perhaps saved him from an untimely end. Very similar scenes have happened to
foreigners travelling in sedan chairs through the country, the bearers having been obliged
to stop and take a little of the opium, in order to prevent complete exhaustion.
A long
hour or more, in the middle of the day, has frequently to be allowed, nominally for the
sake of dinner and rest, but really, in some instances, for the opium pipe.
The pipe which is used for smoking opium is not in the least like that which is
employed for tobacco. The stem is about as large as an ordinary office-ruler, and it has
a hole near one end, into which the shank of the bowl is fixed. The bowl itself is about
as large as a Ribstone pippin, and
nearly of the same shape, the bud
representing the tiny aperture in
which the opium is placed, and the
stalk representing the shank which
fits into the stem. These pipes are
made of various materials, soine
being mere bamboo and wood, while
others have bowls of the finest
porcelain, and the stem richly enamelled. My own specimen has the stem twenty
inches in length, and an inch and a half in diameter, the bore not being large enough
to admit an ordinary crow-quill. The bowl is of some light-coloured wood, well varnished,
and covered with landscape scenes in black lines. Although it has not been in use for
many years, it still smells strongly of opium, showing that it had been saturated with
the fumes of the drug before it came into my possession.
The mode of using it is as follows. The smoker has a couch prepared, together with
a little lamp, and his usual supply of the prepared opium. He lays his head on the
pillow, with a long needle-like implement places over the aperture of the bowl a little
piece of the opium, about as large as a mustard-seed, holds it to the flame of the lamp,
and, with a long and steady inspiration, the whole of the opium is drawn into the lungs
in the state of vapour. The smoke is retained for a few seconds, and then expelled. The
generality of opium-smokers are content with one pipe, but the votary of the drug will
sometimes take as many as twelve in succession before he is completely under the influence
of the opium. As he finishes the last morsel of opium, the pipe falls from his hand, and he
passes into that dreamland for which he has bartered everything that makes life precious.
The terrible scenes which have so often been related take place for the most part at the
opium-shops, places which are nominally illegal, but which carry on their trade by pay-
ment of periodical bribes to the ruling official of the place. In Tien-tsin alone there were
upwards of three hundred of these shops, in which opium could be purchased or sold
wholesale, or could be refined for smoking, and consumed on the premises.
There is only one redeeming point in opium-smoking, namely, that it does not produce
the brutal scenes which too often take place in the gin-palaces of this country. Mr.
Fleming remarks of this vice :
“ If opium-smoking is a great evil among the Chinese people, as it is no doubt, yet
they endeavour to hide it--they are ashamed of it; and it offends neither the eyes nor
the hearing by offensive publicity. It is not made a parade of by night and by day,
neither does it give rise to mad revels and murderous riots. Its effects on the health may
be more prejudicial than our habits of alcohol-drinking, but yet it is hard to see any of
those broken-down creatures that one reads about.”
Indeed, the Chinese themselves, who are apt to drink more than they ought of a fiery
liquid called samshu, say that the spirit is far more injurious than the drug.
We will now see how the Chinese smoke tobacco. The pipe which is ordinarily used
has a very little bowl of brass, at the end of a slight stem about as large as a drawing-
822
CHINA.
A
pencil. The bowl is scarcely large enough to hold the half of a boy's playing-marble
and is almost exactly like the Japanese pipe, which will be presently described.
A pipe that is very much in fashion, especially with the women, is a kind of water-
pipe, the form of which will be best understood from the accompanying illustration. The
pipe is made of brass, and can stand upright in the position shown in the drawing.
The enlarged portion at the bottom is filled with water, through which the smoke passes,
as in a hookah. The little brass tube which serves
the purpose of a bowl can be drawn out of the
body of the pipe, so as to be charged afresh ; and
in most cases each pipe is supplied with several
bowls, so that they can be used successively as
wanted. Only three whiffs are taken at a time;
and indeed the quantity of tobacco used is so
small, that more would be almost out of the
question. For this pipe, tobacco is prepared in
à peculiar manner, a minute quantity of arsenic
being mixed with it.
21:42
ONË peculiarity about the Chinese is their
almost universal employment of weight as a
measure. With the exception of objects of art,
nearly everything is bought by weight, and the
consequence is, that the most absurd modes of
increasing the weight are often employed. Fowls
and ducks, for example, are sold alive by weight,
so that the dishonest vendor has a habit of
cramming with stones before he brings them to
market. Fish are also taken to market while still
living, and are improved in appearance by being
blown up with bellows, and in weight by being
crammed with stones. Through the lips of each
fish a ring is passed, so that it may be at once
taken from the water and hung upon the hook
of the balance. Nor is the fish-dealer particular
as to the sufferings of the creatures which he sells,
and he has not the least hesitation in cutting off a
pound or two in case his customer does not wish
to purchase an entire fish.
In these transactions the Chinese do not
use scales, but employ a "steelyard” balance,
made of various materials and various sizes, according to the object for which it was
intended. That which is meant for ordinary market use is made of wood, and is marked
at regular distances by small brass studs, so as to designate the exact places on which the
weight should be hung. Those which are intended for finer work are of ivory. One of
these balances is in my collection, and is shown in the illustration on page 823.
It is kept in a case, which looks something like two wooden spoons laid upon each
other, so that their bowls enclose any object placed between them. They are united by a
rivet or pivot, which passes through the ends of the handles, enabling them to be separated
at will by drawing them sideways. In order to prevent them from coming apart needlessly,
a ring of bamboo is plaited loosely round the stem, so that when it is slipped towards the
bowl, the two halves of the case are kept together, and when it is slid to the end of the
stem, they can be separated. In one of the halves of the bowl a large hole is scooped,
in which the pan of the balance lies, and a smaller hole is cut for the reception of the
weight. The steelyard itself lies in a groove cut along the inside of the stem. The reader
will see that when the apparatus is closed, it lies very compactly, and can be stuck into
the girdle ready for use at any moment.
WATER-PIPE.
(Lent by Mr. Wareham.)
THE BALANCE.
823
The “yard” of this balance is of ivory, and is longer and more slender than the chop-
sticks which have already been described. In my specimen it is eleven inches in length,
and the sixth of an inch in diameter in the thickest part. Three distinct sets of marks
are made upon it, and there are three separate fulcra, so that when the weight exceeds the
amount which can be measured with one fulcrum, the second or third fulcrum can be used
with its own set of marks.
The arrangement of these marks is a fertile source of dispute among the Chinese.
There is no standard by which all the balances can be regulated, but each dealer has his
own balance, and his own arrangement of the gradations upon it. The natural conse-
quence is, that quarrels take place with every purchase, and that a vast amount of time
Holder
Full size, showing marking
case open
Shut
CHINESE BALANCE. (From my Collection.)
is wasted upon disputes which might easily be avoided, were the Government to establish
a standard balance, by which all others might be graduated. Time, however, is not of the
least importance to a Chinese, and as a prolonged bargain has a positive fascination for
him, it is probable that such a regulation would not be popular, and would indeed be
evaded in every mode which Chinese ingenuity could invent.
The larger steelyards have a hook whereon to hang the article to be weighed, but those
which are intended for weighing small and valuable objects are furnished with a shallow
brass pan, attached to the end of the balance by four silken threads.
THE extraordinary economy which distinguishes the Chinese is characteristically shown
in the population which crowds the rivers near the principal towns. A vivid picture of
Chinese boat-life is given by Mr. Tiffany, in his “American's Sojourn in the Celestial
Empire.” After describing the various kinds of boats that he has seen, he proceeds as
follows :-
824
CHINA.
“We have passed through several miles of boats, and have not seeu the quarter of
them. It is, indeed, impossible to give an idea of their number. Some say that there are
as many as seventy thousand of them at the city of Canton alone. But let us be content
with forty thousand. Then fancy forty thousand wild swans, closely packed together,
floating on some wide pond, and mostly restless, and you would say that they would cover
many acres of their element. Now, by the enchantment of imagination, convert the pond
into the roaring Pekiang river, the swans into boats of every shape and size, the notes of
the birds into the yells, the shrieks, the piercing voices of the river people, and you may
have the actual scene before you.
And all these boats, miles upon miles, from border to border, are densely packed with
human beings in every stage of life, in almost every occupation that exists upon the
shore that they seldom trespass upon; and there they are born and earn their scanty
bread, and there they die.
“The boats are moored side by side, in long-reaching thousands, so that the canal
which they form stretches to a point in the distance. In the Shaneem quarter, above the
foreign factories, they form large squares and avenues. Forty thousand floating tenements
would, under any circumstances, be considered a singular sight, but here the swarming
occupants give them the appearance of a mighty metropolis."
It seems strange that so vast a population should live on the river, within pistol-shot
of the land, and yet that the greater number of them, from their birth to their death, have
never known what it is to put a foot on the shore. When one of the older boatmen does
so for the first time, he can hardly walk, the firm land being as difficult for him to tread
as the deck of a tossing vessel to a landsman.
Though the smallest of all the vessels that traverse a Chinese river, the sampans are
perhaps the most conspicuous. They are rather small boats, drawing but little water,
and for the most part propelled by two women, one sitting in the bow with her oar, and
the other stationed in the stern, working the huge implement, half oar, half rudder, by
which the boat is at once propelled and guided. Many of the boat-steerers are quite
young girls, but they manage their craft with wonderful skill and power, hardly ever
touching another boat, no matter how many may be darting about the river, and, with
one mighty sweep of the huge scull, sending the boat clear of the obstacle from whiclı
escape seemed impossible but a second before. To the eye of a foreigner, the boatwomen
are more pleasing in appearance than their sisters of the land, inasmuch as their
feet are allowed to assume their proper shape, and exposure to the air and exercise
take away the sickly, pasty complexion which often distinguishes the better-class
women on shore, and is heightened by the white powder with which they persist in
disfiguring themselves.
Some of the mandarin boats present the greatest possible contrast to the little sam-
pans. They are, in fact, floating palaces, decorated in the most picturesque and sumptuous
manner, and furnished with every luxury that a wealthy Chinaman can command. They
often have thirty or forty oars of a side, are gaily bedecked with flags and brilliant
lanterns, and mostly carry several cannon, together with abundance of firearms, in order
to deter the pirates, who would be likely to swoop down upon an unarmed vessel, kill
the passengers, and seize the boat for their own purposes.
In connexion with the river life of the Chinese may be mentioned the various modes
of fishing. The most celebrated method is that in which the fish are caught by cor-
morants. The fisherman has several of these birds, which are trained to the sport, and
indeed are bred from the egg for the purpose, and sold at high prices when fully trained.
The man goes out in a boat or on a raft, accompanied by his birds, and when he comes
to a favourable spot, sends them into the water. They immediately dive, and dart upon
the fish, which they are taught to bring to the boat.
Should the fish be too large, the man generally takes both fish and bird into his boat
by means of a net at the end of a handle ; and often when a bird has captured a very
large fish, and is likely to lose it, one or two of its companions will come to its assistance,
and by their united efforts hold the fish until their master can come up. ' A ring is put

FISHING
825
loosely round the throats of the birds, so that they cannot swallow the fish even if they
desire to do so; but a well-trained cormorant will no more eat a fish than a well-trained
pointer will eat a partridge. Each time that the cormorant brings a fish to the boat, it is
rewarded with a mouthful of food, generally a morsel of eel, its master raising the ring to
allow it to swallow.
Fishing with cormorants is almost invariably carried on at high tide, and near bridges,
as fish always love to congregate under shelter. At such times the bridges are always
crowded with spectators watching the feats of the cormorants. The bridge represented in
the illustration is a well-known structure of stone, called the Bridge of the Cloudy Hills.
FISHING WITII CORMORANTS.
The raft on which the fisherman is standing is made of five or six bamboos, about twenty
feet in length. Now and then a cormorant which has not completed its course of training
is so delighted when it catches a fish, that it swims away from its master as fast as it can.
The fisherman, however, can propel his light raft faster than the cormorant can swim,
and soon brings the truant to reason. This sport has recently been introduced into England,
and bids fair to be successful.
Though caring little for sport, and pursuing game merely for the “pot,” the Chinese
employ one or two methods of fishing which have the sporting element in them—i.e. which
give the quarry a fair chance of escape. Such, for example, is fish-spearing, which is
practised after rather a curious manner. The fisherman generally takes his stand upon
a low bridge, and is furnished with a trident spear and a decoy fish. The decoy fish is
prepared by lacing a strip of wood to either side of its dorsal fin, and to these sticks a
slight line is fastened.
826
CHINA
man.
All being prepared, the fisherman takes his place on the bridge, drops the decoy into
the water, and ties the end of the line to a stick like a fishing-rod, while he holds the
three-pronged spear in his right hand. As large a fish as the sportsman can procure is
used for the decoy; and as it swims about, its fellows come up to it, apparently attracted
by its peculiar movements. As they come within reach, they are struck with the trident,
and deposited in the fisherman's basket,
A
very inferior kind of fishing is carried on in places where the bed of the river is
muddy. The fisherman wades into the river up to his knees or more, and every now and
then strikes the surface of the water violently. As he does so, the fish which love such
localities dive under the mud, where they are felt and held down by the bare feet of the
As soon as he feels the wriggling of a fish under his foot, he stoops down, often
having to plunge entirely under water, draws the fish from under his foot, and drops it
into his basket. It is evident that only small fish can be caught by this method. "I have
tried it myself, and found that after a little trouble it was easy to catch any quantity of
small flounders and similar fish-too small, indeed, to be of any use except to the thrifty
Chinese, two of whom will buy a duck's head and divide it for their dinner.
Among the other river industries may be mentioned the system of duck-feeding that
is there carried on. · Vast quantities of ducks' eggs are hatched by artificial heat, and are
purchased, when only a day or two old, by the persons who make their living by feeding
and selling the birds. One favourite mode of duck-feeding is to keep the birds in a boat
fitted up for the purpose, and to take the boat along the banks of the river. At low
water the keeper lets out the ducks, which find abundance of food in the multitudinous
creatures that swarm in the mud, and when he thinks fit, he recalls them by a signal.
As soon as they hear the signal, they hurry to the boat with an alacrity that seems rather
ludicrous, unless the spectator knows that the last duck always gets a sharp blow from
a switch.
THE characteristic thrift of the Chinese is well shown in their various agricultural
operations, which are marvellously successful, not only on account of the real skill and
knowledge possessed by the Chinese, but by reason of the systematic and ceaseless labour
bestowed upon the various crops. Not a weed is allowed to absorb the nutriment which
ought to go to the rice, and between the rows of plants the labourer creeps on his hands
and knees, searching for every weed, and working with his fingers the earth round every
root. Taken alone, this is hard and disagreeable work, but, as the rice is planted in mud,
as sharp stones are often hidden under the mud, and as leeches abound in it, the hardships
of a rice-weeder's life may be conceived.
The water which is so necessary for the crop is mostly supplied by mechanical means.
If the agriculturist is fortunate enough to have land near the river or canal, his task is
comparatively easy. He has only to erect a certain number of water-engines. These are
almost all on the same principle—i.e. an endless chain passing over two wheels, and
drawing the water through an inclined trough. The wheels are generally worked by men,
who turn them with their feet, supporting themselves on a horizontal bamboo. A larger
and more complicated apparatus is worked by a buffalo.
At the smaller wheels all labour, as Mr. Milne observes :-“In working them the
energies of every household appeared taxed to the utmost vigour, as if each individual felt
convinced of the necessity of his personal aid in securing a good and plentiful crop. I
saw both young and old leaning on the same frame, treading the same wheel, and humming
together their rustic song as they trod. Boys six years of age kept the step very well
with men of fifty, and if too small to mount the wheel, they were placed on the ground
to work the paddles with their little hands; and women, too, whose tiny and compressed
feet disable them from treading the mill, stood at the feet of the men, keeping time with
their hands. ... None were indolent. There was no cessation, nor was there exemption
from labour; and, while they fought among the thorns and thistles with which the
ground had been cursed, and with the sweat of the brow under a blazing sun sowed,
weeded, and watered the earth, no murmurs were heard, save the undulating sound of
the husbandman's song as it waved over the field.” Those women who are fortunate
MUSIC.
827
enough to possess feet of the natural size work as hard in the field as the men do, and are
then almost as scantily attired, a wide and short pair of trousers, and a wide hat to shelter
them from the sun, being all the clothing they care for.
Though the earth be poor, the Chinese agriculturist forces it to bear, for every sub-
stance which can serve as manure is carefully saved for that purpose. Not only do the
Chinese dispose of all the refuse of their houses and streets in the fields, but, as we have
seen, even the little scraps of hair that are shaved from the head are saved and used as
manure. Indeed, it is only by means of this exceeding economy that the inhabitants of
so densely populated a country can sustain life.
Front
Back
film
Our concluding notes on Chinese life must be few and short.
According to their own ideas, they are as much adepts in music as in the other arts
and sciences, which, as they believe, have placed them at the very summit of humanity.
They have a tolerable variety of musical instru-
ments, the most common of which is the San-hien,
a sort of three-stringed guitar, with a very long
neck and a very little cylindrical body. The
strings are of silk, and are struck with a thin slip
of bamboo at the end of the finger. Then, as a
type of stringed instruments played with a bow,
may be mentioned the Urh-heen, or two-stringed
fiddles, the sounds of which are generally very
disagreeable—that is, when produced for Chinese
ears; but when the player desires to imitate the
characteristics of European music, he can do so
very perfectly, as is shown by Mr. Fleming :-
In one of the most thronged streets I was, on
one afternoon, elbowing my way along, exploring
the 'Heavenly Ford,' when the sound of a violin
playing a well-known waltz fixed my attention
in a by-lane : and there, instead of a hairy Briton
flourishing a bow over a Cremona, was a blind
beggar eliciting those pleasant notes with as great
precision and tone from the rude and weighty
mallet-shaped urh-heen, as if he had been all his
public life first violin at the opera.
2."
The same traveller remarks of the vocal music
of the Chinese, that "a Chinaman rehearsing a song
MOUTH-ORGAN. (From my Collection.
looks and gives utterance to such goat-like bleats,
that it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that
he is labouring under a violent attack of chronic whooping-cough, combined with inter-
mittent seizures of hiccough-the 'dying falls' of the inhuman falsetto at the end of each
verse finishing in the most confounding hysterical perturbations of the vocal chords."
There are several Chinese wind instruments. For instance, there is a clarionet, called
Shu-teh, an instrument with a very loud and piercing note, and a peculiar “mouth-organ,
in which are a number of pipes. One of these instruments, drawn from a specimen in
my collection, is shown in the illustration. It contains sixteen pipes, of different lengths,
arranged in pairs. Some of the pipes, however, are “ dummies," and are only inserted to
give the instrument an appearance of regularity. The length of the pipes has nothing to
do with the pitch of the note, as they speak by means of brass vibrators inserted into the
lower end, exactly like those of harmoniums. The pipes are bound together by means of
a horn band that passes around them. When it is used, the player blows into the pro-
jecting mouthpiece, and with his fingers stops or opens the apertures in the pipes. The
tone of this instrument is not pleasing to European ears.
Strange as Chinese music seems to us, and unpleasant as are the odd and unexpected
intervals of their melodies, the art is evidently cultivated among the people, and there is
828
CHINA.
W
scarcely a house without its musical instrument of some kind. In the evening, according
to Mr. Fleming, “in passing through the narrow streets, one is sure to hear from the dimly-
lighted houses the squealing, incoherent, and distorted vibrations tumbling out on the night
air with a spasmodic reality and a foreignness of style that at once remind the listener of
the outlandish country he is in.” The preference of the Chinese for the strange, wild, abrupt
intervals of their own music is not, as the reader may see, merely occasioned by ignorance
of a more perfect scale, but is the result of deliberate choice on their part. They have
no objection to European music. On the contrary, they are pleased to express their
approbation of it, but with the proviso that it is decidedly inferior to their own.
a
FROM Music we turn to Art. In their own line of art the Chinese are unsurpassed,
not to say inimitable. Ignorant of perspective as they may be, there is a quaint force
and vigour about their lines that is worthy of all praise, while their rich softness of
colour can scarcely be equalled. From time immemorial they have been acquainted with
the art of colour-printing from wooden blocks, and some of their oldest examples of
colour-printing are so full of life and spirit, despite their exaggeration of gesture, and
their alınost ludicrous per-
spective, that the best English
artists have admired them
sincerely
Of their porcelain, in which
they simply stand alone, it is
impossible to treat fully in
such a work as this, as the
subject would demand
volume to itself. Their carved
work in ivory is familiarly
known throughout the greater
part of the civilized world.
In many of these carvings
the object of the artist seems
to have been, not to develop
any beauties of form, but to
show his power of achiev-
ing seeming impossibilities.
Among the best-known forms
of Chinese carving may be
reckoned the sets of concen-
SPECIMENS OF CHINESE ART. (From Sir Hope Grant's Collection.)
tric balls, which are cut out
of solid ivory, or at least are
said to be so made.
There is quite a controversy about the mode of cutting these balls, and even those
who have spent much time in China, and are thoroughly acquainted with the arts and
manufactures of the country, disagree on this subject, some saying that the balls are
really cut from solid ivory, and others that each ball is made of two separate portions,
which are joined very artificially by cement, and can be separated by steeping in boiling
water. Of the two explanations I am rather inclined to believe the former, as none of
those who say that the balls can be separated seem to have tried the experiment for
themselves. The mode of cutting these curious specimens of art is said to be by boring
conical holes from the circumference of the ball to its centre with a spherical piece of
ivory, and the detaching each ball in succession with curved tools.
The jade carving of China is also celebrated. This material is remarkable for the
beautifully soft polish which can be given to it, and, as it is a rare mineral and exceed-
iugly hard, coming next in that respect to the ruby, articles made of jade are valued very
highly by the Chinese. In the accompanying illustration are shown a number of jade
carvings belonging to Sir Hope Grant, who kindly allowed me to have them engraved for
FILIAL RESPECT.
829
even more.
this work. The bowl in the front is carved in imitation of a water-lily, the handle being
formed from the flower-stem. The ring which hangs from the handle is cut from the
same piece of jade. Just behind it is a jar of the same material, which is a wonderful
specimen of carving, and admirably shows the patient industry of the Chinese worker.
The second small bowl in the front, and the jar behind it, are also of jade.
The elegant jar which occupies the centre of the group is a splendid specimen of
enamel, and beside it is a large piece of lapis lazuli, on which is engraved a poem
written by the emperor himself.
The celebrated Summer Palace or Yuen-ming-yuen, which was sacked and burned by
the English and French forces, was filled with splendid specimens of jade carving, some
of which are shown in the preceding illustration. There are three kinds of jade, the cream-
coloured, the clear white, and the bright green. This last is the most esteemed, and is so
valuable that a single bead, not so large as a boy's playing-marble, is worth a pound, or
Some necklaces made of these beads were sold after the destruction of the
Summer Palace, and though they only contained about a hundred and fifty beads, a hundred
and twenty pounds were given for them, the Chinese commissioners thinking that they
were sold at a very cheap rate. The Chinese name for this jade is “ feh-tsui.”
One of the most remarkable instances of Chinese art is the magic mirror. This article
is a circular plate of metal rather more than a quarter of an inch thick, having its face
smooth and highly polished, and its back dark, and ornamented with various patterns,
among which four Chinese characters are conspicuous. These characters are in honour of
literature, and seem to be generally employed for the decoration of these mirrors.
When used simply for the purpose of reflecting the face, the mirrors present nothing
worthy of notice, but when they are held to the sun, and the beams thrown upon a white
surface, the whole of the characters on the back are shown in the reflection. The mirror
will even show its powers when used with a lamp, but the sun is required to bring out
the characters clearly. A small but excellent specimen of this mirror was presented to
me by Dr. Flaxman Spurrell, and always excites great admiration wherever it is shown.
Not the least trace of any figure is to be found in the face of the mirror, and the higher
the polish given to the face, the clearer is the representation of the figures on the back.
Several theories have been promulgated respecting the mode of making these extra-
ordinary mirrors, the most probable one being that the characters and patterns on the
back are made of a harder and more condensed nietal than that of the rest of the mirror,
and that, when a high polish is given to the face, the difference of the metal is not
perceptible, except by the mode in which it reflects light.
THERE is much to say respecting the customs of the Chinese. The small space,
however, which remains will not permit us to treat fully of such wide subjects as religion,
marriage, and disposal of the dead, and that they should be cursorily treated is impos-
sible. We will therefore conclude with one of the most pleasing traits in the Chinese
character, namely, the respect paid to old age.
According to Mr. Milne, * The sacred regard which Chinese pay to the claims of
kindred secures to the patriarchs of respectable families ample support in the advanced
and helpless stage of their pilgrimage ; and charity often relieves poor septuagenarians
whose relations may be unable to supply them with comforts or necessaries at their
mature age. In China one's feelings are not harrowed with the sad spectacle of an aged
parent discarded by his children, and left to perish, unattended and unnursed, under a
scorching sun, or on the banks of a rolling river. But you will see the tottering senior,
man or woman, who has not the means to hire a sedan, led through the alleys and streets
by a son or a grandchild-commanding the spontaneous respect of each passer-by, the
homage of every junior.
“The deference of the polloi to the extreme sections of old age is manifest likewise
from the tablets and monuments you may any day stumble upon, that have been erected
by public subscription to the memory of octogenarians, nonagenarians, and centenarians.
Nor is the Governinent backward in encouraging this, but the reverse.
Hence I have
often seen very aged men and women in the streets, arrayed in yellow, i.e. imperial, robes,
830
CHINA.
the gift of the emperor, in mark of honour, and out of respect to their grey hairs." The
reader will remember that an honorary degree is given to competitors who have reached
an advanced age.
On one occasion, the emperor called together about four thousand old men at his
palace, entertained them with a banquet, at which they were served by his own children
and grandchildren, presented each of them with money and a yellow robe, and conferred
upon the oldest of the assembly, a man aged one hundred and eleven years, the rank and
dress of a mandarin.
Family festivals are held, something like the silver and golden wedding of the
Germans, to celebrate each decade of life, and so important do the Chinese consider these
festivals that they are often held by chidren even after the death of their parents, the
only difference being that they have somewhat of a funereal cast, white, the colour of
mourning, being substituted for red, the colour of joy. On those occasions the children
offer gifts, and no present is thought to be more grateful to the recipient than a very
handsome coffin. All Chinese who can afford it purchase during their lifetime a coffin as
handsome as their means will permit, and so, should they not have been able to purchase
this their last resting-place, their children think themselves honoured by taking the
purchase into their own hands. These coffins are nearly square, are made of immense
thickness, and are so carefully cemented that the body may be kept in them without
needing burial.
Filial respect is inculcated into the Chinese with their earliest breath, and their
youthful minds are filled with legends of pious children. For example: Wu Mang was
the son of parents who were too poor to possess mosquito curtains. So at night Wu
Mang used to allow the mosquitoes to feed upon him, hoping that they would prefer a
young boy to aged people. Wang Liang lost his mother, and had a step-mother who
disliked him. Still he behaved to her as though she had been his own mother, and once,
when she wished for some fresh fish and the river was frozen, Wang Liang went to the
river, took off his clothes, and lay on the ice, hoping to melt it. Suddenly, in reward for
his filial conduct, the ice opened, and out leaped two fine carp, which he took to his
step-mother. Again, Lae, when he was seventy years of age, dressed and behaved like
a child, in order that his parents should not be troubled, when looking at him, with the
idea of their own age.
In every town or village, the oldest persons are treated with the greatest considera-
tion, not on account of their rank or wealth, but of their age. Every one gives way to
them, they have the best places in the theatres, are brought forward at every public
spectacle, and are indulged in every possible way. Such has been the custom from time
immemorial in this great nation, which was civilized when the inhabitants of England
were naked savages. The oldest civilized nation in the world, they have honoured their
fathers and their mothers, and their days have been long in the land.
JA P A N.
CHAPTER I.
POSITION AND NAME
OF
JAPAN-APPEARANCE
OF
THE
JAPANESE-DRESS OF THE MEN_USE OF
SLEEVES- HAIR-DRESSINGCOURT DRESS—THE
TATTOO
AND
ITS
USESA STREET SCENE IN
JAPAN-DRESS OF THE WOMEN-ARRANGEMENT OF THE HAIR-THE ANCIENT HAIR-PINS_USE
OF PAINT-BLACKENING TEETH AND PULLING OUT EYEBROWS— MR. OLIPHANT'S OPINION UPON
THE CUSTOM-DISREGARD OF CLOTHING THE PUBLIC BATHSHOMERIC SIMPLICITY-JAPANESE
DRAWINGS--TRAVELLING IN JAPAN-A LADY ON HORSEBACK-JAPANESE RIDERS —THE GAME
OF MALL-HORSE ACCOUTREMENTS—A SINGULAR HORSESHOE—THE NORIMON, OR PALANQUIN-
FASHION OF THE POLE—THE CANGO, OR CHAIR-A NOBLE IN HIS NORIMON-ATHLETIC POWERS
OF THE JAPANESE--THE LADDER-BALANCING, TOP-SPINNING, AND BUTTERFLY TRICK.
The Empire of JAPAN extends over a vast cluster of islands, of different sizes, situated on
the north-eastern coast of Asia. There are nearly four thousand of these islands, but the
kingdom practically consists of three chief islands, Niphon, Kiou-siou or Kew-sew,
and Sikok, or Sitkokf. The first of these islands gives its name to the entire empire,
our word Japan not having even a Japanese origin, but being a corruption of the Chinese
rendering of the word Niphon, ¿.e. Land of the Sunrise. As might be inferred, it is
within the island of Niphon that the capital, Jeddo or Yedo, is placed.
The complexion of the Japanese is yellowish, with a little brown, and in many cases
is no darker than that of a Portuguese or southern Italian. The eyes are small, and not
so much sunk in the head as those of the Chinese; the hair is black, straight, and coarse,
and the nose, though thick, is well formed. Their stature is about equal to that of ordinary
Europeans, and their limbs, though not large, are often very powerful, a slightly-made
Japanese being able to lift easily a weight which a stalwart Englishman would find a
heavy burden.
The dress of the Japanese is very peculiar, and well suited to their features and com-
plexion. Although it has about it something of a Chinese aspect
, it is as distinct from
the Chinese as is the character of the two people. As in China, the dress consists of
much the same articles with both sexes, that of the women differing from male apparel
chiefly in the comparative length of the robes and the mode of "dressing the hair. A
male Japanese may or may not wear trousers, his liberty in this point being absolute,
sometimes amounting to a practical dispensation with all dress whatever.
The chief articles of male dress are robes of differing lengths, one being worn upon
the other, until a man will sometimes carry four or five robes at once. They are girt
round the waist with a broad sash, so that if the wearer wishes to remove his dress, he
has only to loosen the sash, and draw his arms out of the sleeves, when all the garments
fall to the ground together
. The sleeves are very large, and, being partly closed at the
ends, are used as pockets, in which are carried various little articles of portable property.
832
JAPAN.
In the sleeves, for example, are carried the squares of white paper which serve as pocket-
handkerchiefs, and which are always thrown away when used; and in the same convenient
receptacle the Japanese guest will carry off the remains of the feast to which he has been
invited, such being the custom of this strange country.
The material of these robes differs according to the wealth and quality of the wearer,
some being of simple cotton, while those of the higher classes are made of the finest silks,
and ornamented with the device or arms of the family, embroidered on the breast and
back of the outer robe.
The hair of the men is dressed in a very singular manner. The front and temples of
the head are shaved, as in China, and the remaining hair is made into a tail, as is the case
with the Chinese. The hair, however, is not allowed to grow to its utmost length, and to
hang down the back, but is made into a short queue, about three inches in length, and as
thick as the finger, and is turned up over the top of the head. Generally the head is
bare, but it is sometimes covered with a hat. The hats differ much in shape. That which
is in general use is nearly flat, and is fastened to the head by six strings, two of which
pass under the chin, two are crossed at the back of the head, and two more are passed
under the nose. A hat thus fastened gives to the head a very singular aspect, making
the face look as if it had suffered from a severe accident, and was covered with
bandages. Some hats look like beehives, and entirely conceal the features, and are worn
by outlaws, or “lonins," and disgraced nobles. Sometimes the men pass a piece of stuff
over their heads in such a way as to hide the forehead and chin, and only to leave the
eyes, nose, and mouth exposed; and in winter they throw over the hat a piece of cloth,
which is tied over the nose so as to shield that member from the cold blasts.
Men of consideration also wear a scarf over the shoulders, its length being regulated
by the rank of the wearer, and thus serving to indicate the amount of courtesy which is
due from one man to another. When two Japanese gentlemen meet, they bow until the
ends of the scarf touch the ground. It is evident, therefore, that the man who, in virtue
of his rank, wears the longer scarf, has the less distance to bow.
In addition to the ordinary costume, the dress of ceremony has two extraordinary
additions. The first is the "kami-samo," respecting which the Japanese are exceedingly
punctilious. It consists of a piece of stuff which is folded back over the shoulders in a
fan-like form, and gives a most extraordinary and awkward look to the wearer. Courtiers
wear another article of dress which is exactly opposed to our customs.
In European courts the nether garments are abbreviated, and only come to the knee;
in Japan the custom is reversed. When the nobles appear before the emperor, they
wear a pair of trousers with legs fully twice as long as those of the wearer, so that in
walking they trail a yard or so on the ground. Walking in such garments is an art
which can only be attained by long practice, and which, even when learned, is nothing
more than an ungainly shuffle, threatening every moment to throw the courtier on his
face. The attitudes which are assumed by fashionable courtiers are so absurd that the
Japanese picture-books abound in caricatures of noblemen at court. The object of this
curious custom is probably to give the wearer of the court dress an aspect as if he were
kneeling instead of standing.
Men of the better classes always appear in public carefully dressed, but those of the
lower orders consider themselves sufficiently clothed if they have a mere strip of cloth
like the " languti” of India. Coolies for example, labourers of various kinds, post-
runners, &c., wear nothing but the cloth-strip while at work.
Mr. Oliphant, in his “ Narrative,"mentions this fact in connexion with the custom of
tattooing, which is carried out in Japan to as much perfection as in Polynesia. Some,
however, denied themselves the benefit of dress, apparently for the purpose of exhibiting
the brilliant patterns in which their skins were tattooed. One man had a monster crab
in the small of his back, and a pretty cottage on his chest. It is rather fashionable to
have scarlet fish playing sportively between your shoulders. The scarlet tattooing presents
a very disgusting appearance. The skin looks as if it had been carefully peeled off into
the required pattern.
" On a really well-tattooed man there is not an inch of the body which does not form
(0

DRESS.
833
part of a pictorial representation. If the general effect is not agreeable, it is perfectly
decent, for the skin ceases to look bare, or like skin at all; it rather resembles a harle-
quin's costume. It must be dreadful to feel that one can never undress again. Yet
what anguish does not the victim undergo, in order to put himself into a permanent suit
of red dye and gunpowder!” The Japanese are very fond of their children, and in
summer time a man may often be seen in the streets, wearing nothing but the cloth strip,
and carrying in his arms his infant child, who has no clothing whatever.
Sometimes a man will appear in a costume which even seems more absurd than the
almost entire nudity which has just been mentioned, and will walk about in a hat, a
short jacket, and nothing else but the cloth.
Elle
!!!
U
THE STREET BALLAD-SINGER.
In the accompanying illustration the artist has shown a number of the ordinary
costumes as they appear when the wearers are gathered round a ballad-singer. The most
conspicuous figure is that of a Samourai or Yaconin, an armed retainer of a nobleman,
swaggering along with the two swords emblematic of his office, and his features nearly
hidden under his hat. The men wearing the extraordinary piebald dresses are a sort of
street constable, who accompany a man of rank on his journey, and who jingle an iron
rod laden with rings, in order to warn people to get out of the way of the great man.
The other figures of men are arranged so as to show the mode of dressing the hair, and
one or two varieties of costume.
The general appearance of the women's dress is well shown by a figure opposite to
that of the Samourai. The dress is almost exactly like that of the men, except that the
materials are generally finer, and the sash which confines the garments to the waist is
3
VOL. II.
834
JAPAN.
very broad, and gathered up into a large and peculiar knot, almost exactly like the
"panier” of European fashion. Both sexes wear stockings made like mittens, and having
a separate place for the reception of the great toe. Without this provision, they would
not be able to wear the peculiar sandals and clogs of the country, which are held on the
foot by a Y-shaped strap, the fork of which passes between the great and the second toe.
The clogs that are worn by the women very much resemble those of the Malays in
general shape, and, awkward as they look, are easily manageable after a little practice.
Some clogs in my collection elevate the foot of the wearer six inches above the ground,
but I have found that walking, or rather shuffling, in them is not at all difficult.
The chief distinction between masculine and feminine attire lies in the hair. Whereas
the men shave nearly the whole of the head, the women allow their hair to grow, and
even add to it when they do not possess a sufficient amount to produce the extraordinary
forms into which they twist their locks. Various fashions of hair-dressing prevail in
different parts of the country, but in all cases the women take extraordinary pains with
their heads, and twist their hair into elaborate and fantastic patterns, which scarcely any
European hair-dresser could equal.
Hair-pins are very fashionable, not so much for the purpose of confining the locks in
their places, as of mere adornment. The pins are of enormous size, seven or eight inches
in length, and half an inch wide, and are made of various substances, such as tortoiseshell
,
carved wood, and ivory. Some of the most characteristic hair-pins are made of glass.
They are hollow, and nearly filled with some coloured liquid, so that at every movement
of the wearer an air-bubble runs from one end of the pin to the other. Sometimes a
woman will wear a dozen or more of these pins in her hair, so that at a little distance
her head looks as if a bundle of firewood had been stuck loosely into it.
Having pleasing features by nature, it may be expected that the women do their best
to disfigure them by art. The soft pale brown of their complexions is made ghastly and
hideous by white paint, with which the face, neck, and bust are thickly covered. The
natural pink of the lips is rendered disgusting by a layer of red paint, the white teeth
are blackened, and the eyebrows are pulled out. This style of adornment belongs only
to the married women, so that a really pretty girl will in a few hours transform herself
into a repulsive hag.
Mr. Oliphant, in the work which has already been mentioned, gives rather a humorous
reason for this strange custom. “The first impression of the fair sex which the traveller
receives in a Japanese crowd is in the highest degree unfavourable; the ghastly appearance
of the faces and bosoms, thickly coated with powder, the absence of eyebrows, and the
blackened teeth, produce a mosť painful and disagreeable effect. Were it not for this
abominable custom, Japanese women would probably rank high among Eastern beauties,
certainly far before Chinese.
All Japanese writers whom I have read upon the subject affirm that to have no
eyebrows and black teeth is considered a beauty in Japan, and that the object of the
process is to add to the charms of the fair one. The result of my inquiry and observation,
however, rather led me to form an opposite conclusion.
“ In the first place, young ladies do not, as a rule, neglect any opportunity of
improving their looks; but no Japanese young ladies, even after they are out,' think of
taking this method of increasing their powers of fascination; they colour their lips and
cheeks, and deck their hair, but it is not until they have made a conquest of some lucky
swain, that, to prove their devotion to him, they begin to blacken their teeth and pull
out their eyebrows.
"He, privileged being, is called upon to exhibit no such test of his affection : on the
contrary, his lawful wife having so far disfigured herself as to render it impossible that
she should be attractive to any one else, seems to lose her charms for her husband as
well. So he places her at the head of his establishment; and adds to it an indefinite
number of handmaidens, who neither pull out their eyebrows nor blacken their teeth.
Hence it seems not difficult to account for the phenomenon which is universally admitted,
that while Japanese wives are celebrated for their virtue, their husbands are no less
notorious for their licentiousness.”

BATHS.
835
While
upon the subject of dress, we must not pass unnoticed the extraordinary ideas
which the Japanese have on the subject. Possessed as they are of much taste in dress,
and having certain complete costumes for various ranks, it seems very remarkable that
they are utterly indifferent to clothing considered in the light of covering. They attach no
sense of indelicacy to exposure of the person, and men, women, and children may be seen
bathing exposed to the sight of every passer-by.
Even their public baths, though some of them have two doors, one for men and one
for women, are common to both sexes, and in those baths which are specially set apart.
for women the attendant is often a man. Sometimes there is a partition, about breast-
high, to separate the sexes, but the usual baths have no such refinement. The baths are
merely shallow pans or depressions in the floor, in which the bathers sit while they pour
over themselves abundant supplies of hot and cold water. Baths of this nature are
attached to all the “ tea-houses," so that travellers can refresh themselves with a bath, in
true Homeric style, before they take their
meals. And, in Homeric style also, the
attendants are women. The baths are
known by a dark blue strip of cloth which
hangs like a banner over the doorway.
Europeans, when they first visit the
country, are rather surprised when they
pass along the streets to see a whole
family “tubbing” in front of their houses,
or, when they pass a public bath, to see
5
the inmates run out to look at the strangers;
but they very soon become used to such
spectacles, and think no more of them
than do the Japanese themselves.
Sir Rutherford Alcock, in dealing with
this subject, and illustrating it by a
Japanese drawing representing a bath
tenanted by a man, a boy, and five women,
makes the following remarks :-“ Men and
women steaming in the bathing-houses
raise themselves to the open bars of the
lattice fronts to look out, the interior behind
them presenting a view very faithfully
represented in the following sketch by a
native artist.
“In reference to which, I cannot help
feeling there is some danger of doing in-
justice to the womanhood of Japan if we judge them by our rules of decency and modesty.
Where there is no sense of immodesty, no consciousness of wrong-doing, there is, or may
be, a like absence of any sinful or depraving feeling. It is a custom of the country.
Fathers, brothers, and husbands all sanction it; and from childhood the feeling must
grow up as effectually shielding them from self-reproach or shame, as their sisters in
Europe in adopting low dresses in the ball-room, or any other generally-adopted fashion
of
garments or amusements. There is much in the usual appearance and expression of
Japanese women to lead to this conclusion. Any one of the real performers in the above
scene-a bathing saturnalia as it may appear to us—when all is over and the toilet
completed, will leave the bath-door a very picture of womanly reserve and modesty."
Certainly, no woman can be more decently clad than those of Japan, as we may see
by any of the multitudinous native drawings; and that they should attach no sense of
decency to the dress, or indecency to its absence, is one of the many strange characteristics
of this remarkable and enigmatic country.
The travelling-dress of the women is little more than their ordinary costume, plus a
large flat hat, which serves as a parasol. Japanese picture books abound with illustrations
1111, 4 (1)
JAPANESE LADY IN THE RAIN.
3 1 2
836
JAPAN.
Tech
of women travelling, and, multitudinous as they are, each has always some characteristic
point, and no two are exactly alike. Sometimes we see the women sauntering quietly
along the river-bank, sometimes they are being carried across the river on the shoulders
of men, or, if they be of importance, in " norimons” or chairs borne by six or eight coolies.
Some of the drawings depict women as sitting in boats, as being caught in a heavy snow
or rain-storm, as walking by moonlight, and as they appear when riding.
The attitude and general appearance of a female equestrian in Japan differ con-
siderably from those of a European. Side-saddles are unknown, the fair rider perching
herself upon a saddle which lifts her high above the back of the animal, concealing her
body downwards, holding on tightly by the front part of the saddle, and, in fact, giving
herself a look very much resembling that of a gaily-attired monkey on horseback. This
mode of riding is even followed by the opposite sex, the retainers of the high nobles sitting
in their lofty saddles in very much
the same attitude as that employed
by the women, and being in conse-
quence absolutely useless, except
in looks, as cavalry.
Yet, when they choose, the
Japanese can ride tolerably, as is
shown by the fact of a game which
is played among them, in which the
competitors are all mounted. In
this game the players have to
contend against very great dis-
advantages. In the first place, the
horses which they bestride are
wretched animals, mere
mere rough
ponies, and the accoutrements are
so clumsy, that it is a wonder how
the horse can be guided at all.
According to our ideas, a horse is
guided by the pressure of the leg
and the touch of the rein, but the
Japanese saddles render such guid-
ance impossible.
The former mode is prevented by the shape of the saddle, which has large flaps of
stiff leather hanging so low that the heel or knee of the rider has no effect upon
the
animal ; and the latter mode is nearly as impossible as the former, by reason of the
bit and the fashion of riding. The bit is a mere light snaffle placed loosely in the
mouth, and the reivs are used, not so much for the purpose of guiding the horse as
of keeping the rider in his seat. The horsemen grasp a rein tightly in each hand,
and so hang on to the bit. The natural consequence is, that the mouths of the horses
are nearly as tough as the leather saddle-flaps, and the animals always go with their
noses in the air, so as to counteract the perpetual haul on the bridle.
The game which is played under these untoward conditions is a sort of mall. A
large space is marked out, and at each end is a curtain. At some few feet from the
ground a circular hole is cut in the curtain. Each player is furnished with a long-
handled, small-headed racket, almost exactly resembling that which is employed by the
North American Indians in their ball play (p. 689). The object of the game is to
pick up the ball from the ground with the racket, and to throw it through the hole. In
order that there may be doubt whether the ball has really passed through the hole, a net
is hung loosely on the opposite side of the hole, and receives the ball.
:. The players arrange themselves in two parties, distinguished by colours, and the chief
point of the game is to pursue the opponent as he is galloping triumphantly towards the
goal, and knock the ball out of the racket just as he is going to throw it through
the hole.
LADY ON HORSEBACK.

HORSE ACCOUTREMENTS.
837
The stirrups used by the Japanese are very curious in shape, and not at all like the
ordinary models. Their general outline resembles that of the letter S, the foot being
thrust into the opening as far as it will go. The comparatively small stirrups used by
Europeans are as troublesome to the Japanese as would be the tiny triangular stirrups of
Patagonia to an English rider.
The strangest part of horse equipment in Japan is, however, the shoe. Our idea of a
horseshoe is a metallic plate to protect the horse against hard ground. The Japanese
shoe is made of plaited straw, and is, in fact, nothing more than a straw sandal tied to
RUNNUUMINIMINICANA LITIGILAMU IKITT
BALL GAME.
the foot, giving it a very clumsy appearance. As may be imagined, their shoes never last
very long, and on a stony road are soon cut to pieces. The rider, therefore, takes a supply
of shoes with him, and renews them as fast as they are worn out. Indeed, a journey is
often roughly calculated as a distance of so many shoes. .
Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that the horse is seldom used in
travelling. None but a poor noble will condescend to ride from one place to another,
as it might be supposed that he could not afford the retinue which is required to
carry him. Sometimes a nobleman will condescend to ride in public, but then his horse
must be held by two grooms, who tug continually at the poor animal's mouth, and
shout continually, “ Chai! chai!” i.e. gently, for håste is always thought undignified by
the Japanese, and a person of consideration would suffer a great infraction of dignity if
he allowed himself to hurry over the road.
For those who can afford so expensive a luxury, the usual mode of conveyance is a
sort of palanquin called a Norimon. It is a square cage, hung from a pole, and
838
JAPAN.
carried by four men, two in front and two behind. For Japanese travellers this is a
very comfortable conveyance, but for Europeans, who are not accustomed to the crouching
attitude so characteristic of the Japanese, even a short journey in a norimon is a source
of torture, the unfortunate passenger finding great difficulty in getting into the machine,
and, when the journey is over, almost as much difficulty in getting out again, his limbs
being stiff and cramped by the position into which they have been forced.
The pole of the norimon is stout, and very long; and it is a matter of rivalry between
young and fashionable men to have their norimon poles as long and as profusely decorated
as possible. When the coolies carry the norinion, they hoist it on their shoulders at a
signal from their master, and step along at some three miles an hour. In many parts the
coolies much resemble the palanquin-bearers of India, but are in this respect superior,
that they travel in silence, and do not weary the soul of their master by the per-
petual grunts and moans with which the Indian bearers are accustomed to lighten their
journey.
Uncomfortable as is the norimon, there is a popular conveyance which is even more
painful to European limbs. This is called the Cango, and it bears about the same
relationship to the norimon as a wheelbarrow does to a carriage. Indeed, if the reader
can imagine the wheel, the legs, and handle of a wheelbarrow to be removed, and the body
of the machine to be hung from a pole, he can form some idea of a cango. In the
norimon the inmate has to crouch, in the cango he has almost to tie limself in a knot.
Yet the Japanese limbs are so supple, that cango employers travel for many successive
hours without being in the least oppressed by the attitude which they are compelled to
assume. Cangos are largely used in Japan, and are indeed what cabs are to Londoners,
the norimons supplying the place of carriages.
When a great noble or Daimio travels, he always uses the norimon, partly because it
is the most luxurious conveyance which he knows, and partly because it gives him an
excuse for displaying the strength of his retinue, which is about the only mode of osten-
tation known to the Japanese. The norimon is preceded by some of the men called
Samourais, or Yaconins, i.e. men who are permitted to attach themselves to his service, and
thereby to gain the privilege of wearing two swords. As their master passes along, they
continually utter the word "Shitanirio!” i.e. kneel down, whereupou every one that hears it
must at once prostrate himself on the ground, or remain erect at his peril. The most
serious quarrels that have arisen between strangers and the natives in Japan have
originated in this custom, the strangers either not knowing the custom, or refusing to
comply with it lest they should compromise the dignity of their nation. Refusing to
obey such an order is sure to cause a quarrel, and is likely to end in loss of life, as the
Yaconins who give the order to kneel are always ready to enforce obedience with their
swords.
Around the norimon is a crowd of servants, each wearing his master's badge on his
back, and each armed according to his rank. Some led horses generally accompany
the procession, so that the great man may ride when he is tired of the norimon, and a
number of coolies bear umbrellas covered with waterproof cases, and large boxes on
poles. These boxes are almost invariably empty, but are conventionally supposed to
contain the stores of baggage without which so great a man could not be expected to
stir. Superior officers in norimons, and inferior officers on horseback, accompany the
procession, for which a passage is kept by a number of men fantastically dressed in
harlequin-like suits of various colours. Each of them carries a long iron rod, to which
are attached a number of rings made of the same metal. As they walk they strike the
end of the rod against the ground at each step, so that a clashing sort of jingle is
produced, and strikes awe into the people.
That the Japanese should be such poor horsemen is very singular, considering the
marvellous perfection to which they have brought other athletic exercises. As “acrobats"
the performers are far superior to those of any other nation, performing the most
audacious and apparently impossible feats with an absolute precision which quite
removes any idea of danger.
1

A DAIMIO TRAVELLING.
839
Until the Japanese gymnasts came to this country, we were inclined to treat the
accounts of travellers as exaggerated, but they proved to be capable of performing any
A DAIMIO TRAVELLING.
feats which our professional athletes could achieve, and many others which they never
even dreamt of attempting. For example, nothing seems much more difficult than for a
840
JAPAN
man to lie on his back and balance on the soles of his feet a ladder thirty feet high.
But when we add that to the top of the ladder a second ladder was attached at right
angles, like the top of the letter F, and that a boy went up and down the ladder, and
even crawled to the end of the cross piece and there hung by his instep, while the ladder
was balanced on the soles of the reclining man's feet, we appear to be romancing rather
than relating a fact. Yet this astonishing performance was repeated day after day, and
nothing was more wonderful than the elaborate perfection and finish of the performance.
The heavy ladder was placed on the upturned feet, and in a moment it was as steady as
if it had been planted in the ground. Though, owing to the cross piece, it was con-
siderably inclined, its steadiness was not impaired, and even when the boy ascended and
descended it, causing the centre of gravity to be continually altered, there was not the
slightest wavering perceptible.
So with the other feats achieved by these remarkable performers. Everything was
done with the deliberation which forms an essential part of the Japanese nature,
but there were no needless delays, and whether the man was balancing the ladder
on his feet, or whether he was spinning tops and making them act as if they were
rational beings, or whether he was making two paper butterflies flutter about as if
they were real insects
, the same quiet perfection characterised the whole of the per-
formance, and every feat was done with such consummate ease that it looked as if it really
required no skill at all. The extraordinary life which the Japanese performers contrive
to infuse into inanimate objects is almost incredible. Had not the feat been actually
seen, it would be scarcely possible to believe that a top could be spun, and then launched
off to perform the following feats without being even touched.
It ascended an inclined plane to a temple, the doors of which were closed. It
knocked open one of the doors, entered the temple, waited inside some time, and then
knocked open another door at right angles to the former, and emerged. It then went
over an inclined bridge, entered another temple, and went upstairs, emerging at an upper
story. It then proceeded along an inclined plane standing at right angles to the temple,
and passed over a drawbridge, which was immediately lifted, leaving a gap over which
the top had to pass in order to get back again. However, by the loosing of a catch, the
top was flung over the gap, and went on as gaily as ever, finishing with entering a third
temple, ringing a bell inside, coming out again, and running over two more bridges into
the hands of the spinner, having traversed some forty feet, besides the work in the
temples.
The same man spun a top upon the edge of a sword, making it pass from one end of
the blade to the other. He fung the top in the air and threw the string at it: the top
caught the middle of the string by the peg, wound itself up, and was again flung into
the air, spinning faster than before. It was then caught on the slender stem of a pipe,
along which it ran as if alive, was passed behind the back, and caught again in front, and
lastly, was received upon the hem of the sleeve, made to spin up the garment, over the
neck and shoulders, and down the sleeve of the opposite side. It was also made to spin
upon a slight string stretched from the wall, and to pass backwards and forwards as long
as the spinner chose.
Some of these tops required no string, but were merely spun with the hand; they
could be taken up and put down again, still spinning, or they could be stood on their
heads and still spin, or they could be built into a perfect edifice of tops, three or four
spinning upon each other, sometimes each leaning in a different direction, and then being
brought upright by a touch of the ever-ready fan. The concluding feat was a very
curious one. Some thirty feet above the heads of the spectators was hung a model of a
temple, from which depended a string. The chief top-spinner then took a small but
very heavy top, wound up its string, and flung the top in the air, drawing back the arm
so that the top came flying into his hand. He went under the temple, gave the pendent
string a half turn round the peg, and away went the top into the temple, bursting open
its doors, and flinging out a quantity of rose-leaves, which came fluttering down round
the top as it descended the string, and fell into the hands of the performer.
CHAPTER II.
MISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS.
SUMPTUARY LAWS-SYSTEM OF ESPIONAGE-THE DUPLICATE EMPIRE-POWERS OF THE TYCOON
AND MIKADO—THE DAIMIOS AND THEIR RETAINERS—THE TWO SWORDS-LONINS, OR OUTLAWS
JAPANESE FENCERS-DEFENSIVE ARMOUR-ARCHERY-THE HAPPY DESPATCH-PUBLIC EXE-
CUTIONS-ARCHITECTURE-REASONS FOR ITS FRAGILITY—PRECAUTIONS AGAINST FIRE-SIMPLE
HABITS OF THE JAPANESE-AMUSEMENTS AND GAMESWRESTLERS-THEATRES IN JAPAN-
CURIOUS ARRANGEMENT OF PLAYS—THE TEA-HOUSES AND THEIR ATTENDANTS-JAPANESE ART
-THE PORTABLE INKSTAND-THE CRANE, HERON, AND STORK--THE SNOW-CLOAK -- SILK MADE
BY NOBLES.
IN Japan there is a tolerably strict code of sumptuary laws, certain modes of dress and
the power of carrying certain weapons being denied to all except the privileged classes.
We will, therefore, take a hasty glance at the different ranks in Japan.
With regard to all official ranks a duplicate system exists throughout the kingdom.
At the head of the government there are two emperors, the civil emperor, or Tycoon, and
the spiritual emperor, or Mikado. The former of these potentates (whose title is some-
times spelled as Siogoon) is the real administrator of the empire, although he is nominally
inferior to the Mikado, an inferiority which is carefully marked by certain visits of
ceremony paid to the Mikado, but is not allowed to proceed beyond mere etiquette.
Indeed, the powers of the Tycoon himself are practically limited, though theoretically
unbounded, and the government is in fact exercised by the nobles, through a double
council, one of which is chosen by the emperor, and the other selected by the nobles
from themselves. Every man who is employed in the duties of government has his
duplicate, or “shadow," as he is called; he is subject to espionage on every side, and is
himself a spy on others.
This system, uncomfortable as it may appear, has its advantages. According to Mr.
Oliphant : “One most beneficial result arising from this universal system of espionage-
for it extends through all classes of society-is the entire probity of every Government
employé. So far as we could learn or see, they were incorruptible. When men can
neither offer nor receive bribes; when it is almost impossible, even indirectly, to exercise
corrupt influences, there is little fear of the demoralization of public departments of the
State. In this respect Japan affords a brilliant contrast to China, and even to some
European countries. So long as this purity exists, even though purchased at the cost of
secret espial, there can be little cause to fear the decadence of Japan.”
It is as well to mention in this place that the word Tycoon, or Tai-kû, is not of Japanese,
but of Chinese origin, and that it came into use through its insertion in an official
document, the unlucky minister who employed it having in consequence fallen into
disgrace and poverty. The name of Tycoon is never applied to him by the Japanese, who
use instead the title which has been conferred upon him by his nominal superior, the
Mikado
842
JAPAN.
The Mikado, or spiritual emperor, is held in the greatest veneration, and many of
the honours paid to him are almost identical with those which are rendered to the Grand
Lama of Thibet. He is too sacred to touch the earth with his feet, and is carried on
men's shoulders on the rare occasions when he moves from one part of the palace to
another. Outside it he never goes. He is too holy to wear any garment twice, or to use
any article a second time, and, should any one venture to wear or use a garment or utensil
sanctified by his touch, he would bring down on himself the vengeance of heaven.
Consequently, every garment that he has worn or every wooden utensil which he has
employed is burned, and those which are made of earthenware are broken.
A similar rule extends to his wives, of whoin he has twelve, one of them being the
head wife or queen. A curious piece of etiquette is practised by the wives of the
Mikado. All other women dress their hair into fantastic shapes, but the Mikado's wives
are obliged to allow their hair to flow at length down their backs. In consequence of
the innumerable restrictions to which he is subjected, the Mikado generally becomes
tired of his comfortless rank, and resigns in favour of his heir.
Next come the Daimios or nobles, who, as among ourselves, are of different ranks,
and who are the real rulers of the country. The difficulties which foreigners have
experienced in Japan have almost invariably been caused by the Daimios, who fear
that their position as feudal nobles may be endangered by the introduction of foreigners
into the country. The greater Daimios are as formidable as were the great barons of
early English history, and in like manner keep vast numbers of armed retainers. There
is a general idea that in Japan every man wears a pair of swords. This is far from
being the case, as none are permitted to wear even one sword unless he be in the service
of the State. Even the wealthiest merchant may not wear a sword unless he is enrolled
among the retainers of a Daimio, and, as the privilege is a great one, it is purchased for
a certain annual sum. This indirect tribute is a lucrative source of income to the
Daimios, and enables them to maintain the enormous retinue with which they are
surrounded.
The higher classes in Japan are privileged to wear a garment called the “hakkama.
This is much like the huge petticoat-trousers of the French Zouave, and is indeed a
very full and abundantly plaited petticoat, sewn together in the middle, and gathered in
at the knees. The wearers are inordinately proud of this garment, and, though one of the
unprivileged classes may purchase the right to carry a sword, no expenditure of money
will enable a man to wear the hakkama.
The most troublesome of the retainers are the Yaconins or Samourais, men who have
been admirably described by Sir Rutherford Alcock in his “ Capital of the Tycoon :
“All of a certain rank are armed with this formidable weapon projecting from their
belt; swords, like everything else in Japan, to our worse confusion, being double, without
much or any obvious distinction between military and civil, or between Tycoon's officers
and Daimios' retainers. These are the classes which furnish suitable specimens of that
extinct species of the race in Europe still remembered as Swashbucklers—swaggering, blus-
tering bullies; many cowardly enough to strike an enemy in the back, or cut down an
unarmed and inoffensive man; but also supplying numbers ever ready to fling their own
lives away in accomplishing a revenge, or carrying out the orders of their chief.
They are all entitled to the privilege of two swords, rank and file, and are saluted
by the unprivileged (professional, mercantile, and agricultural classes) as Sama, or Lord.
With a rolling straddie in his gait
, reminding one of Mr. Kinglake's graphic description of
the Janissary, and due to the same cause—the heavy, projecting blades at his waist, and
the swaddling-clothes round his body—the Japanese Samourai or Yaconin moves on in a
very ungainly fashion, the hilts of his two swords at least a foot in advance of his person,
very handy, to all appearance, for an enemy's grasp. One is a heavy, two-handled
weapon, pointed and sharp as a razor; the other short, like a Roman sword, and religiously
kept in the same serviceable state.
“In the use of these he is no mean adept. He seldom requires a second thrust with
the shorter weapon, but strikes home at a single thrust, as was fatally proved at a later
period; while with the longer weapon he severs a limb at a blow. Such a fellow is a
9
men
DAIMIOS AND THEIR RETAINERS.
843
man to whom all peace-loving subjects and prudent people habitually give as wide a
berth as they can. Often drunk, and always insolent, he is to be met with in the
quarters of the town where the tea-houses most abound; or returning about dusk
from his day's debauch, with a red and bloated face, and not over-steady on his legs,
the terror of all the unarmed population and street dogs. Happy for the former, when
he is content with trying the edge of a new sword on the quadrupeds; and many a poor
crippled animal is to be seen limping about, slashed over the back, or with more hideous
evidences of brutality. But, at other times, it is some coolie or inoffensive shopkeeper,
who, coming unadvisedly between the wind and his nobility,' is just as mercilessly cut
down at a blow.”
In some sort of a way, each noble is responsible for the acts of his retainers. There-
,
their master-say the assassination of some one whom he dislikes--they formally divest
themselves of his protection, and become “lonins," or outlaws, or almost exactly the
same as the "masterless-men" of the feudal English days. Each of them carries with
him a paper on which his renunciation is written, and to perform such an act is thought
extremely honourable. Nearly all the men who murdered Europeans were lonins.
Ei
SWORDS. (From my Collection.)
t
The swords which these men wear in virtue of their rank are most formidable
weapons, the temper of the steel, the balance of the weapon, and the slight curve of the
edge being all that can be desired. They are finished with the utmost care, and every
part receives the minutest attention. A very beautiful specimen of the shorter sword
was presented to me by C. Allen, Esq., of Blackheath. It measures two feet four inches
in total length, of which the handle occupies nearly nine inches. This roomy handle of
the Japanese sword presents a remarkable contrast with the small and cramped hilts of
the Indian weapons. It affords an admirable grasp for the hand, being covered with
diamond-shaped pattern of silken cord twisted over a basis of rough skate-skin. The
blade is a little more than an inch in width, and even after a stay of many years in this
country is as bright as a mirror and sharp as a razor.
Indeed, for a hand-to-hand encounter, it would be difficult to find a more formidable
weapon, even the kookery of India being inferior to it, as being heavier and less manage-
able. It is equally adapted for thrusting or cutting, and is so effective for the former
purpose that one of these swords has been driven completely through a man's body by a
single thrust. The balance of the weapon is admirable, and, though it is somewhat
unsightly, it can be managed with perfect ease.
The amount of labour that has been bestowed on this particular weapon is really
astonishing. The effect is not in the least obtrusive, and it is only by close examination
that its beauties can be seen. The blade is left entirely without ornament, its excellence
being shown by its high polish and sharp edge. But, with the exception of the blade,

844
JAPAN.
every portion of the weapon has its ornament. On the guard is represented a buffalo
grazing under a tree, the groundwork being of bronze, and the leaves of the tree and the
herbage being gold. Between the silken cords of the hilt and the skate-skin are inserted
two beautifully-executed models, in bronze, of a bow and arrows, the feathers of the
arrows and wrappings of the head being gilt. One of these models is inserted on either
side of the hilt, which is terminated by a richly-engraved bronze ornament.
ARMOUR
In the upper part of the sheath is kept a small knife, somewhat similar in shape to
that which is kept in the chopstick-case of the Chinese. The handle of the knife is
bronze, and is adorned with the figure of a crayfish, beautifully wrought in gold, together
with a banner and one or two other devices. The sheath itself is a wonderful piece of
workmanship. At a little distance it looks as if it were covered with dark-brown leather;
but a closer inspection shows that it is entirely covered with a minute and delicate pattern
that looks as if it had been traced with a needle's point, and must have cost the artist
a very considerable expenditure of labour.
The larger sword is made after precisely the same pattern, except that it is four feet
in length, and must be used with both hands. With one of these swords a Japanese will
ARMOUR.
845
strike off a limb at a single blow; and so sharp are they, that an executioner, in beheading
a criminal, scarcely raises the sword a foot for his stroke. The Japanese swordsmen
practise the use of their weapon by means of sham swords, with which they fence, the
combatants padding their limbs and sides and covering their faces with wire masks. They
have a very dangerous cut, which is made by the mere motion of unsheathing the sword,
and takes effect at a distance where an inexperienced person would think himself safe.
So good is the temper of these weapons, that a Japanese has been known to sever a
thick iron bolt with a single blow, the edge of the sword not showing the slightest indica-
tion of the severe test to which it had been put. The Japanese name for the large sword
is "ken;" that of the shorter, “ kattan."
Defensive armour was at one time much worn by the Japanese, though at the present
day the introduction of improved firearms has caused them to abandon armour, except for
purposes of show. Two complete suits of Japanese armour are shown on the opposite page,
differing in detail, but similar in principle. The armour is made of multitudinous plates
hung upon cloth, and profusely ornamented by gilding. Though very light, it is strong
enough to resist the blow of the long sword, though it is worse than useless against rifled
firearms. Indeed, had it not been for the recent disuse of protective armour, we
should scarcely have been able to procure a suit; but, finding their suits of mail to be
practically useless, the Japanese nobles very generously presented many of them to their
foreign guests, and allowed others to be sold.
The oddest part of the suit is the helmet, with its appendages. The fantastic crest is
very light, being made of exceedingly thin material, covered with gilding; and is so slight
that a blow with a stick would crush it. Perhaps the reader may wonder at the beards
which apparently depend from the chins of the soldiers. The fact is, the helmet is
furnished with a very complete visor, shaped like a mask, which covers the whole of the
face, and is decorated with a large grey beard and moustache, in order to strike terror into
the beholders.
The bow is a favourite weapon with the Japanese, who expend nearly as much labour
upon it as they do upon the sword. It is mostly japanned in black, and adorned with
various decorations. Some of these bows are very powerful, and are strung in rather a
peculiar manner, the archer placing the lower end of the bow on the ground, and grasping
the upper end with his right hand. He plants his right foot on the middle of the bow,
bends it with the united powers of his foot and right hand, and with his left slips the
string into its place. The arrows are made like those of China, but, in accordance with
the national character of the people, are more highly finished.
One of the strangest weapons used by the Japanese is the war-fan. Like the Chinese,
the Japanese are never without the fan, and are obliged, by force of long habit, to take it
into battle. The fan which is kept for this purpose has its sheath made of iron, and is of
very large size, so that if the warrior be surprised without his sword, he is sure to have
his fan ready by way of a club. These fans are decorated with the national emblem,
a red sun on a black ground.
In connexion with the Japanese weapons must be mentioned some of their modes of
punishment. The first is the celebrated Hara-kiri, or Happy Despatch, and consists of
suicide by ripping open the abdomen with two cuts in the form of a cross.
Only the upper classes are privileged to perform the Happy Despatch, and to them it
is in reality a privilege. If a Japanese official has failed in some duty, or committed
some act which is likely to call upon him the anger of his superiors, he applies for per-
mission to perform the Hara-kiri. At the appointed time, he assembles his friends,
dresses himself in white, as a token of innocence, gives an entertainment, and makes a
speech upon the position in which he is placed. He then takes the fatal knife, and as he
raises his clothing for the purpose of inflicting the wounds, a good swordsman comes
behind him, bearing a two-handed sword "ken.” The victim begins the Hara-kiri,
but, as soon as he has made a slight incision, his head is swept off, so that death is not
the result of the horrid wounds in the abdomen.
Sometimes, however, when time presses, the victim is obliged to perform the Hara-kiri
as he can, and in that case dies from the self-inflicted wounds. For example, in several
:
846
JAPAN.
cases where assassination has been attempted, and notably in the celebrated attack on the
British Legation, when the would-be assassins were chased on the succeeding day, it was
found that three of them had committed the Hara-kiri, two of whom were already dead,
but one was still living and was captured. In these cases the weapon used for the purpose
is the shorter sword, or “kattan."
When a man has committed the Hara-kiri, he is supposed to have died an honourable
death, and so to have earned for himself a reputation as a brave man. His family are
proud of him, and his memory is reverenced. But should he lose his life by the hand of
the executioner, his whole property is confiscated, his family falls under ban, and his
name is held as infamous. It will be seen, therefore, that the Hara-kiri is really a very
great privilege, especially among a people so entirely indifferent to life as the Japanese.
Public executions are very simply carried out.
The criminal is taken to the spot on
a horse, and when he arrives, is bound, and made to kneel on the ground over a hole which
is to receive his head. The executioner, who uses the “ken" above-named, arranges the
culprit's head in the proper position, and, apparently without any effort, decapitates the
man with a blow. The old traveller Purchas very neatly expresses the mode of execution
by a single word. After narrating the preliminaries, he states that the criminal “holds
out his head, presently wiped off.”
Crucifixion is employed by the Japanese as well as by the Chinese, and is mostly
reserved for high treason. Minor punishments are not much in vogue, inasmuch as a
theft above a certain sum entails the penalty of death, and so does a theft of a smaller
sum if repeated. Flogging and banishment are sometimes employed as punishments.
The dreadful tortures to which the earlier Christian missionaries and their converts were
subjected appear to be reserved for political and religious offenders.
The architecture of the Japanese is rather peculiar. Owing to the physical condition
of the country, and its liability to earthquakes, the houses are not remarkable for size or
beauty. Private houses are never of any great height, a little exceeding forty feet being
the utmost limit
. They are built of wood, and, wherever possible, are only one story in
height. They have a very ingenious mode of dividing their houses into rooms. Instead
of using permanent walls for that purpose, they prefer folding screens made of wood and
paper, so that they can alter at will the size and shape of the rooms.
The floors are covered with mats, which serve also as measurements. They are beau-
tifully made of straw and rushes, are several inches in thickness, and by law are obliged
to be exactly of the same dimensions, i.e. one “kin," or seven feet four and a half inches,
in length, and half as much in breadth. The window-frames are moveable, and, instead
of glass, are filled with oiled paper, mica, and the translucent shell of the great pearl
oyster. The partitions of the houses and all the posts are curiously varnished and
painted, and the Japanese, essentially a cleanly people, are very careful in keeping the
interior of their houses in the best possible order. Like many Orientals, they always
remove their sandals before entering a house, and no one even enters a shop without
slipping off his shoes.
The roof is also of wood, and is generally composed of thick boards, which are kept
in their places by wooden pegs, or by heavy stones laid upon them. The ends of the
roof project considerably beyond the walls, so that they protect the doorways from the
sun. On the roof of each house is kept a tub full of water, and near at hand is a broom,
so that, in case of a fire, all the wooden roofs are at once drenched with water. The
extremely inflammable nature of the materials renders this precaution needful ; and, in
addition, there are cisterns and tubs kept in the streets, together with tolerably effective
fire-engines.
The furniture of the houses is on the same simple plan as the edifices themselves. A
Japanese, no matter what his rank or wealth, has but little furniture. From the highest
Daimio to the ordinary workman, the furniture of the houses is much the same. The
room is bare, and floored by mats; a few shelves hold some cups and saucers, and there
are generally several small trays on stands. This, with a few coverlids and small pillow,
made of wood and having a padding on the top, constitutes the furniture of the living-
1
ARCHITECTURE AND AMUSEMENTS.
847
room,
As to the kitchen, one or two small moveable stoves, a few pans of metal, and
some brooms, are all that are needed.
The Japanese cannot in the least understand why their Western visitors should en-
cumber themselves with such quantities of furniture, which, to them, are not only useless,
but absolutely in their way. They need neither tables, chairs, sideboards, nor bedsteads,
and care nothing for large and handsome rooms.
Some years ago, when preparations were made for the reception of a British Consul in
Hakodadi, it was almost impossible to find any place that could accommodate him.
However, after much trouble, a locality was found. After the arrangements had been
made, the Japanese Governor rose, took Sir R. Alcock by the hand, and led him through
a corridor to a little room, or rather closet, nine feet by six, and quietly remarked that in
that room his successor would be installed.
Sir R. Alcock has some very pertinent remarks on this subject :-“As we slowly
wended our way through the streets, I had full opportunity of observing the absence of
all the things we deem so essential to comfort, and which crowd our rooms almost to the
exclusion, and certainly to the great inconvenience, of the people who are intended to
occupy them, as well as to the detriment of the proprietor's purse.
“If European joints could only be made supple enough to enable their owners to dis-
pense with sofas and chairs, and, par conséquence, with tables; and we were hardy enough
to lie on straw mats, six feet by three, stuffed with fine straw, and beautifully made with
a silk border, so as to form a sort of reticulated carpet for rooms of any size ; the solution
of that much-debated question, the possibility of marrying on 4001. a year, might cer-
tainly be predicted with something like unanimity in favour of matrimony. The
upholsterer's bill can never offer any impediment to a young couple in Japan.
“Their future house is taken, containing generally three or four little rooms, in which
clean mats are put. Each then brings to the housekeeping a cotton stuffed quilt, and a
box of wearing apparel for their own personal use; a pan to cook the rice, half-a-dozen
larger cups and trays to eat off
, a large tub to bathe and wash in are added, on the general
account: and these complete the establishment.”
Such being the simplicity of the house and furniture, it is evident that loss by fire-
an event by no means uncommon-is not nearly so severe as is the case with us. The
Japanese have, however, a very sincere dread of fire, and at the end of every principal
street there is an elevated station, furnished with a bell, by means of which information
can be given as to the part of the city in which the fire rages, so that all can go to assist
in extinguishing it. Fires are of almost daily occurrence, and whole streets are levelled
at a time. The Japanese take these fires as a matter of course, and look on the destruc-
tion of an entire quarter with characteristic equanimity. Indeed, they calculate that,
taking one part with another, Yedo is burned down once in every seven years; and so
they build their houses with the least possible expense, considering them to be sooner or
later food for fire.
OF the amusements of the Japanese only a very short account can be given. First
among them must be placed the calm and contemplative amusement of the pipe, in
which the Japanese indulge largely. The pipe which they use is very small
, the bowl
being scarcely large enough to contain a moderately-sized pea. The tobacco is very mild,
something like Turkish tobacco, and it is smoked by drawing the vapour into the lungs,
so that the whole of the tobacco is consumed at one inhalation. The ashes are then
turned out of the pipe, which is replaced in its case, and the smoke is leisurely exhaled.
A Japanese will smoke thirty or forty such pipes in a morning.
The illustration on the following page represents a pipe with its case and pouch. The
length of the pipe is a little more than nine inches. The stem is black, lacquered and
varnished, and the bowl and mouthpiece are of white metal. The case and pouch are
made of black leather, something like morocco; and the latter is edged with metal, and
stiffened at the bottom with a strip of skate-skin.
Games for children are almost identical with those used in England; the ball, the
shuttlecock, the stilt, the kite, and the hoop, being all common toys. As for adults, they
848
JAPAN.
have dice, the theatre, the wrestling matches. The dice are prohibited by law, and so
they are made so minute as to be easily concealed. A pair of dice and their box are so
small that they can be concealed between the tips of two fingers, the dice being barely
the tenth of an inch in diameter, and the box just large enough to hold them.
The wrestling matches are very singular performances.
The wrestlers are the
strangest imaginable beings, being fattened to the last possible degree, so that they seem
incapable of any feats of activity. Yet one of these elephantine men took in his arms a
sack of rice weighing a hundred and twenty-five pounds, and turned repeated somersaults
with as much ease as any light and unencumbered gymnast could do. The wrestlers are
kept by the Daimios, who are very proud of them, and fond of exhibiting their powers.
Each wrestler is supplied with several attendants, and clad in magnificent garments, the
privilege of wearing two swords being also accorded to them. When they perform, all
their robes are removed, leaving them in the wrestler's garb, a fringed apron, embroidered
with the cognizance of their patron.
ELE
PIPE AND POUCH. (From my Collection.)
In wrestling, they try, not only to throw their antagonist, but to push him out of the
arena, a man who is forced beyond the boundary being held as vanquished. One of these
encounters is vividly described by an American traveller.
They were, in fact, like a pair of fierce bulls, whose nature they had not only
acquired, but even their look and movements. As they continued to eye each other,
they stamped the ground heavily, pawing as it were with impatience, and then, stooping
their huge bodies, they grasped handfuls of the earth, and flung it with an angry toss
over their backs, or rubbed it impatiently between their massive palms, or under their
stalwart shoulders. They now crouched down low, still keeping their eyes fixed upon
one another, and watching each movement, when, in a moment, they had both simul-
taneously heaved their massive frames in opposing force, body to body, with a shock that
might have stunned an ox.
“ The equilibrium of their monstrous persons was hardly disturbed by the encounter,
the effect of which was barely visible in the quiver of the hanging flesh of their bodies.
As they came together, they had flung their brawny arms about each other, and were
now entwined in a desperate struggle, with all their strength, to throw their antagonist.
Their great muscles rose with the distinct outline of the sculptured form of a colossal
THE TEA-HOUSES.
849
Hercules, their bloated faces swelled up with gushes of red blood, which seemed almost
to burst through the skin, and their bodies palpitated with savage emotion as the struggle
continued. At last one of the antagonists fell with his immense weight upon the ground,
and, being declared vanquished, he was assisted to his feet and conducted out of
the ring."
The theatres much resemble those of the Chinese, the building being a mere tem-
porary shed, and the parts of the women taken by young lads. The plays last for some
two hours, and the Japanese have a very odd plan of arranging them. Suppose that five
plays are to be acted in a day: the performers go through the first act of the first play,
then the first act of the second play, and so on until they have taken in succession the
first act of every play. They then take the second act of each play, and so on until the
whole are concluded. The object of this custom is, to enable spectators to see one act,
go away, and come again in time for the next act. Often, however, the spectators remain
throughout the entire day, and in that case refreshments are openly consumed. It is
mor
du
0013
我​只​夫​狂
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111.
CAPTURE OF THE TRUANTS.
also thought correct for ladies to change their dress as often as possible during the day,
so that there is as much change of costume in front of the stage as upon it. In these
plays there is generally a considerable amount of love-making, and a still greater amount
of fighting, the “ terrific combat” being an acknowledged essential of the Japanese stage.
Perhaps the most characteristic and most perplexing institution of Japan is that of
the Tea-house. In many points the whole tone of thought differs so much in Japan from
anything that we Westerns have learned, that it is scarcely possible for two so diverse
people to judge each other fairly. We have already seen that nudity conveys no ideas
of indecency to a Japanese, the people having been accustomed to it from infancy, and
thinking no more of it than do infants
. In the tea-houses we find a state of things
which in Europe would be, and rightly, stigmatized as national immorality: in Japan
it is taken as a matter of course. These tea-houses are situated in the most picturesque
spots, and are furnished with every luxury. The extraordinary part of them is, that the
attendants are young women, who are sold for a term of years to a life of vice. They are
purchased by the proprietors of the tea-houses, and instructed in various accomplishments,
3 1
VOL. II.
850
JAPAN.
so as to make them agreeable companions. No sort of infamy attaches to them, men of
high rank taking their wives and families to the tea-houses, so that they may benefit by
the many accomplishments of the attendants.
When the term of servitude is over, the girls retire from their business, and may
re-enter their families without losing the regard of their relatives. Many enter a
Buddhist order of mendicant nuns, but the greater number find husbands. It is one of
the most startling characteristics of this strange people that institutions such as this
should exist, and yet that female virtue should be so highly valued. No sooner does one
of these girls marry, than she is supposed to begin her life afresh, and, no matter what
may have been their previous lives, no wives are more faithful than those of the Japanese.
The only resting-point in this mass of contradiction is, that, though the girls incur no
shame for the course of life into which they have been sold, the keepers of the tea-houses
are looked upon as utterly infamous, and no one of respectability will associate with
them.
That the men should resort to such places is no matter of surprise, but that they
should be accompanied by their wives is rather remarkable.
2
M
pen out of case
Oreiz
PEN AND CASE. (From my Collection.)
Sometimes the husbands prefer to go without their wives, and in that case the ladies
are apt to resent the neglect. The illustration on page 849 is copied from a Japanese
book in my collection, and is a good example of the humorous power which a Japanese
artist can put into his work. The engraving tells its own story. Two husbands are
going off together, and are caught by their wives. The different expressions thrown into
the faces and action of the truants are admirably given the surprise and horror of the
one, who has evidently allowed his wife to be ruler in the house, and the dogged deter-
mination of the other to get away, are rendered with such force that no European artist
could surpass the effect.
We cannot take leave of this remarkable people without a few remarks upon the statė
of art among them.
The Japanese are evidently an art-loving people. Fond as they are of the grotesque
in art, they are capable of appreciating its highest qualities; and, indeed, a Japanese
workman can scarcely make any article of ordinary use without producing some agreeable
combination of lines in colour.
Even the pen, or rather the brush, with which they write is enclosed in an ingenious
and decidedly artistic case, as will be seen by the accompanying illustration. The case is
DRAWING-BOOKS.
-85:1
made of bronze, and consists of a hollow stem and a square bowl closed by a lid. The
bowl contains Indian ink, and into the hollow stem the pen is passed. When not in use
the
pen
is slipped into the stem, and the lid is closed and kept down by twisting over it
the string which hangs from the end of the case, and which is decorated with a ball of
agate.
One reason for the excellence of Japanese art is, that the artists, instead of copying
from each other, invariably go to nature for their models. They have teachers just as we
do, but the great object of these professors is to teach their pupils how to produce the
greatest effect with the fewest lines. Book after book may be seen entirely filled with
studies for the guidance of the young artists, in which the master has depicted various scenes
with as few lines as possible. One of these books is entirely filled with studies of falling
rain, and, monotonous as the subject may seem, no two drawings are in the least alike,
and a separate and forcible character is given to each sketch. Another book has nothing
CANDLESTICK AND CENSERS. (From Sir Hope Grant's Cullection,
but outlines of landscape scenery, while some are entirely filled with grass-blades, some
bending in the wind, others beaten down by rain, and others flourishing boldly upright.
The ban boo is another favourite subject; and so highly do the Japanese prize the skill
displayed by a master, that they will often purchase at a high price a piece of paper
with nothing on it but a few strokes of the brush, the harmony of the composition
and the balance of the different lines of beauty being thoroughly appreciated by
an artistic eye.
Studying as the Japanese do in the school of nature, they are marvellously apt at
expressing attitude, whether of man, beast, or bird. They never have any difficulty in
disposing of the arms of their figures, and, no matter what may be the action, there is
always an ease about it which betrays the artist's hand even in the rudest figures. Among
living objects the crane appears to be the special favourite of the Japanese, its popularity
being shared, though not equalled, by the stork and the heron.
These birds are protected both by law and popular opinion, and in consequence are
so tame that the native artists have abundant opportunities of studying their attitudes,
which they do with a patient love for the subject that is almost beyond praise. : No
3 1 2
852
JAPAN
2
Dm ATOMTO DO: 12.10:10 AD DE
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figure is so frequently introduced in Japanese art as the crane, and so thoroughly is
the bird understood, that it is scarcely possible to find in all the figures of cranes, whether
cast in bronze, drawn on paper, or embossed and painted on articles of furniture, two
specimens in which the attitude is exactly the same. With us, even the professional
animal painters are apt to take a sketch or two, and copy them over and over again, often
repeating errors as well as excellences, while the Japanese artist has too genuine a love
for his subject to descend to any such course. Day by day he studies his living models,
fills his book with sketches taken rapidly, but truly, and so has always at hand a supply
of genuine and original attitudes.
In order to show how admirably the Japanese artist can represent the crane, I have
introduced on page 851 drawings of some beautiful specimens in Sir Hope Grant's collection.
The reader cannot fail to perceive the consummate knowledge of the bird which is
displayed in these figures, while the perfection of the work and the delicate finish of the
detail are almost beyond praise. Nothing can be more true to nature than the three
attitudes there shown. In one case, the bird stands upright and contemplative on one leg,
after the manner of its kind. In
the second instance, the bird is
standing on a tortoise, and, as the
neck is thrown into action, both
legs are used for support. Then,
GEDAQOUPONPONDEGAN
in the flying bird, whose body
10:2900:0002.1QW
serves as a censer, the attitude
of the outspread wings and out-
stretched legs is just as true to
nature as the others, all the atti-
tudes having been undoubtedly
taken from nature.
The beautiful fire-screen which
is shown on page 853 exhibits
three more drawings of this fa-
vourite bird, neither of the atti-
tudes resembling those of the
figures already described.
)
The porcelain of the Japanese
is singularly beautiful, and some-
SNOW-CLOAK. (From my Collection.)
times is adorned with ornaments
which may be reckoned under the
head of "conceits." For instance,
a cup will be adorned with a representation of pleasure-boats on the river. With a needle
the tiny windows of the boats can be raised, when a party of ladies and gentlemen
drinking tea are discovered inside the boat. Sometimes a little tortoise may be seen
reposing quietly at the bottom of the cup, until the hot tea is poured into it, when the
creature rises to the surface, shaking its head and kicking with its legs as if in pain from
the hot liquid.
In Japanese pictures certain curious figures may be seen, looking as if human beings
had been wrapped in a bundle of rushes. This strange costume is the snow-cloak of
the ordinary Japanese, and is shown in detail in the accompanying illustration. For
mere rain the Japanese generally wear a sort of overcoat made of oiled paper, very thin,
nearly transparent, and very efficient, though it is easily torn. But when a snow-storm
comes on, the Japanese endues another garment, which is made in a way equally simple
and effective.
A sort of skeleton is made of network, the meshes being about two inches in diameter.
Upon each point of the mesh is tied a bunch of vegetable fibre, like very fine grass,
the bundles being about as thick as an ordinary pencil where they are tied, and spreading
towards the ends. The garment thus made is exceedingly light, and answers its purpose
in the most admirable manner. The bunches of fibres overlapping each other like the
THE SNOW-CLOAK.
853
.
tiles of a house, keep the snow far from the body, while any snow that may melt simply
runs along the fibres and drops to the ground. To wet this snow-cloak through is almost
impossible, even the jet of a garden-engine having little effect upon it except when quite
close, while no amount of snow would be able to force a drop of water through the loose
texture of the material.
The Japanese silks have long been celebrated, but there is one kind of which scarcely
anything is known in England.
During Lord Elgin's mission to Japan, a number of rolls of silk were presented to the
members of the embassy. They were all in strips about three yards long and one wide,
so that they seemed to be useless. They happened, however, to be exceedingly valuable;
in fact, absolutely priceless, as no money could buy them. They were made by exiled
nobles, who were punished by being sent to the island of Fatsizio, where they spend their
time in making these peculiar silks. No one below a certain rank is allowed to wear the
silk which has been woven by noble fingers, or even to have the fabric in the house, and
in consequence not a piece ever even found its way to the shops.
The subject of Japanese art is most interesting, but we must now close our notice,
and proceed to the next people on our list.
Mun
Hiitin
JAPANESE FIRE-SCREEN.
(From Sir Hope Grant's Collection.)
SIA M.
DUPLEX GOVERNMENT-PERSONAL CHARACTER OF THE KING-THE LATE FIRST KING AND HIS
ACCOMPLISHMENTS-APPEARANCE OF THE SIAMESE-THE MODE OF ARRANGING THE HAIR--DRESS
———
OF BOTH SEXES-CEREMONIES IN SIAM-AUDIENCE OF A NOBLE-ACTORS AND THEIR COSTUMES
-AN ACTRESS IN ROYAL ROBES—THE ARISTOCRATIC ELBOW-PRECAUTIONS AGAINST CRIME
SYSTEM OF PUNISHMENT—RELIGION OF SIAM—THE WHITE ELEPHANT, AND REASON OF THE
HONOURS THAT ARE PAID TO IT-HAIRS OF THE TAIL-ARCHITECTURE OF SIAM---THE FUNERAL
PILE,
In the empire of Siam, and its dependent kingdoms, Laos and Cambodia, we find the
principle of the duplex rule which we have already seen existing in Japan, though in
these cases the distinction between the two kings is merely one of dignity, and has
nothing to do with the secular and spiritual element, as in Japan. In Siam, the two
kings are mostly near relations, and often brothers; and sometimes, though by no means
as a rule, the Second King becomes First King on the death of his superior. Practically,
the whole of the royal power is vested in the First King, the secondary ruler being,
although enjoying royal rank, nothing more than the first subject in the land.
In China and Japan, the personal character of the king seems to exercise but little
influence over the people. This is not the case with Siam, in which country the influence
of the king pervades the whole of the realm, and is of infinite importance for good or evil.
The Siamese have been very fortunate in the king who lately held the First Throne. As
is the custom with the Siamese kings, he spent a series of years in a Buddhist monastery,
secluding himself from all society, even from that of his own children. During twenty-
seven years he devoted himself to the studies which he thought would fit him for his
future office; and when he mounted the throne in 1851, being then about forty-seven
years of age, he astonished every one by his learning. He had made himself master of
the history and geography of his own country; he was good enough astronomer to cal-
culate eclipses, and determine the latitude and longitude of a place. He could speak and
write English so well, that he was a valued contributor to the scientific journals of Hong
Kong, and, on account of his writings, was elected a member of the Asiatic Society. He
was a fair Latin and French scholar, was thoroughly acquainted with all the various
dialects of Siam and Indo-China, and was also learned in Sanskrit, a language of which
he was very fond.
He was always desirous of attracting to him any English people who could give him
instruction, and showed his preference for Great Britain by invariably wearing a Glengary

THE KING OF SIAM.
855
cap, except on occasions of ceremony, when he had to wear the heavy national crown;
and, strange to say, to judge from several photographic portraits of the King in various
costumes, the Glengary cap suits his countenance better than any other head-dress. The full
Siamese name of the King was Phra Chomklau chau yu hua; but the Sanskrit form, which
he always used, was Somdetch Phra Paramendra Maha Mongkut. He generally signed his
name as S. P. P. M. Mongkut. His name before he came to the throne was Chau Fa Yai.
PAENEN
THE LATE FIRST KING OF SIAM.
The death of this wise ruler and accomplished gentleman was a very severe loss to Siam,
and was felt even among the scientific societies of Europe.
A portrait of this remarkable man is here given, dressed in the costume which he
usually wore. The Glengury cap gives a curiously Europeanized look to his face; but as,
contrary to the habit of the bare-headed Siamese, he constantly wore it, he is drawn with
it upon his head.
his head. I possess portraits of him in several dresses, but that which he
generally wore is selected as being the most characteristic of the man. The general
appearance of the royal robes of a Siamese king will be seen in the portrait of an actress,
on another page.
856
SIAM.
yu hua
His brother, Chau Fa Noi, was by universal consent made the Second King, or
Wanqua. When he received the crown, he took the name of Somdetch Piu Klau Chau
hua. The choice was in both cases an excellent one, the brothers resembling each
other in their love of literature, and their anxiety to promote the welfare of their people
by the arts of peace, and not of war.
to
We will now turn to the general appearance of the Siamese.
They are rather small, but well-proportioned, and their colour is a warm olive. The
hair of the men is shaved, except a tuft upon the top of the head, which is kept rather
short; and the hair being black and coarse, the tuft looks as if a short brush had been
stuck on the head. According to Siamese ideas, the tuft resembles the closed lotus flower.
This tuft is held in the highest esteem ; and for anyone even to give indications of
approaching the head-tuft of a great man, is considered either as a deadly insult or a
mark of utter ignorance of manners. When a young Siamese comes of age, the head-
tuft is shaved with great ceremonies, the relations being called together, priests being
invited to recite prayers and wash the head of the young man, and all the family
resources being drawn upon for the feast. The exact moment of the shaving is announced
by a musket-shot. After the tuft is removed, the lad is sent to the pagodas to be taught
by the priests, and many of them never leave these quiet retreats, but enter the ranks of
the regular priesthood.
Even the women wear the hair-tuft, but in their case the hair is allowed to grow
a greater length, and is carefully oiled and tended. The woman's head-tuft is said to
represent the lotus flower opened. The head is seldom covered, the cap worn by King
S. Phra Mongkut being quite an exceptional instance. As for clothing, the Siamese care
but little for it, though the great people wear the most costly robes on state occasions.
But even the highest mandarins content themselves during the warmer months of the
year with the single garment called the Pa-nung. This is a wide strip of strong Indian
chintz, generally having a pattern of stars upon a ground of dark blue, green, red, or
chocolate. When worn, “the Siamese place the middle of this, when opened, to the
small of the back, bringing the two ends round the body before, and the upper edges,
being twisted together, are tucked in between the body and the cloth. The part hanging
is folded in large pleats, passed between the legs, and tucked in behind as before." (See
Bowring's "Kingdom and People of Siam.")
Sometimes the men have a white cloth hanging loosely over their shoulders, and
occasionally throw it over their heads. When walking in the open air, a broad palm-
leaf hat is used to keep off the sunbeams, and is worn by both sexes alike.
There is very little difference in the dress of the sexes. When very young, girls wear
a light and airy costume of turmeric powder, which gives them a rich yellow hue, and
imparts its colour to everything with which they come in contact. Up to the age of ten
or eleven, they generally wear a slight gold or silver string round the waist, from the
centre of which depends a heart-shaped piece of the same metal
, and, when they reach
adult years, they assume the regular woman's dress. This consists of the chintz or
figured silk wrapper, which, however, falls little below the knees, and a piece of lighter
stuff thrown over one shoulder and under the other. This latter article of dress is,
however, of little importance, and, even when used, it often falls off the shoulder, and is
not replaced. Even the Queen of Siam, when in state dress, wears nothing but these two
garments. As a rule, the feet are bare, embroidered slippers being only occasionally used
by great people.
The appearance of the king in his royal robes may be seen from the portrait of a
celebrated actress on the following page. În Siam, as in China, the actors are dressed in
the most magnificent style, and wear costumes made on the pattern of those worn by
royalty. To all appearance, they are quite as splendid as the real dresses, for gilding can
be made to look quite as well as solid gold, and sham jewels can be made larger and
more gorgeous than real gems. The reader will notice that upon the fingers the actress
wears inordinately long nail-preservers, which are considered as indicating that the nails
beneath are of proportionate length.

THEATRICALS.
857
The actors in the king's theatre are all his own women, of whom he has some
six or seven hundred, together with an average of five attendants to each woman. No
male is allowed to enter this department of the palace, which is presided over by ladies
chosen from the noblest families in the land. These plays are all in dumb show, accom-
panied by music, which in Siam is of a much sweeter character than is usual in that part
of the world. Besides the chief actors, at least a hundred attendants assist in the play,
ACTRESS IN ROYAL ROBES.
all being magnificently attired. The play is continued ad infinitum. When any of the
spectators become wearied, they retire for a while, and then return, and it is thought a
compliment to the principal guest to ask him the hour at which he would like the play
to be stopped.
The veritable crown is shaped much like the mock ornaments of the actress. The
King brought for the inspection of Sir J. Bowring the crown used at his coronation.
is very heavy, weighing about four pounds, and is of enormous value, being covered with
valuable diamonds, that which terminates the peak being of very great size and splendour.
The King also exhibited the sword of state, with its golden scabbard covered with jewels.
It

858
SIAM.
When the sword is drawn, it is seen to be double, one blade being inserted into the other,
as into a second sheath. The inner blade is of steel, and the outer of a softer metal.
The handle is of wood, and, like the sheath, is profusely adorned with jewels.
The Siamese are among the most ceremonious people, and in this respect equal, even
if they do not surpass, the Chinese and Japanese. Their very language is a series of
forms, by which persons of different rank address each other; and, although there may
be no distinction of dress between a nobleman and a peasant, the difference of rank is
marked far more strongly than could be done by mere dress. It is an essential point of
etiquette, for example, that the person of inferior rank should always keep his head below
that of his superior.
AUDIENCE OF A SUPERIOR.
Should a man of low degree meet a nobleman, the former will stoop at the distance of
thirty or forty yards, sink on his knees as his superior approaches, and finally prostrate
himself on his face. Should he wish to present anything to his superior, he must do so
by pushing it along the ground, and, indeed, must carry out in appearance the formal
mode of address in which he likens himself to a worm. Just as the peasants grovel
before the nobles, so do the nobles before the king; and if either of them has a petition
to offer, he must put it in a jar, and so crawl and push it along the ground as humbly
as if he were a mere peasant. Siamese artists are fond of depicting the various modes of
approaching a superior, and never forget to indicate the great man by two points. In the
first place, he sits erect, while the others crouch ; and, in the second, he leans on his left
arm, and bends the left elbow inwards. This most strange and ungraceful attitude is a
mark of high birth and breeding, the children of both sexes being trained to reverse the
elbow-joint at a very early age.
THE WHITE ELEPHANT.
859
As may be expected from the progress of civilization, the Siamese have a tolerably ,
complete code of laws, which are administered by regularly appointed officers. The laws
are rather severe, though not much more so than were our own a century ago. Murder,
for example, is punished with death; and in every case of murder or suicide, the houses
within a circle of eighty yards from the spot on which the crime was committed are
considered responsible, and fined heavily. This curious law forces the people to be very
cautious with regard to quarrels, and to check them before the two antagonists become
sufficiently irritated to seek each other's life. This respect for human life contrasts
strongly with the utter indifference with which it is regarded in China and Japan.
Nobles of very high rank are exempt from capital punishment in one way, i.e. their
blood may not be shed; but, if guilty of a capital offence, they are put into sacks, and
beaten to death with clubs made of sandal-wood. Some punishments are meant to
inflict ignominy. Such, for example, is that of a bonze, or priest, who is detected in
breaking his vow of chastity. He is taken to a public place, stripped of his sacred
yellow robe, flogged until the blood streams down his back, and then kept in the king's
stables for the rest of his life, employed in cutting grass for the elephants.
Another similar punishment is inflicted on laymen. A cangue is fastened round his
neck, his hands and wrists are chained, and he is taken round the city, preceded by
drums and cymbals. The worst part of the punishment is, that he is compelled to pro-
claim his crime aloud as he passes through the streets; and if he ceases to do so, or drops
his voice, he is beaten severely with the flat of a sword. Prisoners are mostly employed
on public works, and at night they are all fastened together with one long chain.
Of the religion of the Siamese it is impossible to treat, because Buddhism is far too
wide and intricate a subject to be discussed in a few pages. There is, however, one
modification of this religion which must be mentioned ; namely, the divine honours paid
to the White Elephant.
By the Siamese, these animals are thought to be the incarnations of some future
Buddha, and are accordingly viewed with the deepest respect. The fortunate man who
captures a white elephant sends the news to the capital, and in return for the auspicious
news is thenceforth freed, with his posterity, from all taxation and liability to military
service. A road is cut through the forest, and a magnificent raft is built on the Meinam
river, for the reception of the sacred animal. When the elephant reaches the raft, he is
taken on board under a splendid canopy, and kept in good temper by gifts of cakes and
sweetmeats. Meanwhile, a noble of the highest rank, sometimes even the First King him-
self, goes in a state barge to meet the elephant, accompanied by a host of boats with flags
and music, and escorts the sacred animal to the capital, each boat trying to attach a rope to
the raft. When arrived, the animal is taken to the palace, when he receives some lofty
title, and is then led to the magnificent house prepared for him, where, to the end of his
life, he is petted and pampered and has everything his own way, the king himself
deeming it an honour if the sacred beast will condescend to feed out of his hand. On
the head of the elephant is placed a royal crown, his tusks are encircled with precious
rings, and a royal umbrella is carried over him when he goes to bathe.
When the animal dies, the hairs of the tail are reserved as relics of a divine incar-
nation, and the body is buried with royal honours. The hairs of the tail are set in golden
handles, profusely adorned with precious stones; and the reader may possibly remember
that the First King, Somdetch Phra Mongkut, sent one of these tufts to Queen Victoria,
as a priceless proof of the estimation in which he held her. The King also gave the
ambassador, Sir J. Bowring, a few hairs from the tail, as a gift about equal to that of
the Garter in England, and when, to the great grief of the nation, the elephant died in
1855, the King sent Sir J. Bowring, as a further mark of his favour, a small piece of
the skin preserved in spirits of wine.
The colour of the elephant is not really white, but a sort of pale, brick-dust red.
Albino animals of all kinds are venerated by the Siamese, the white monkey being in
rank next to the white elephant. This veneration is so marked that a talapoin—a sort of
preaching fakir-who will not condescend to salute the King himself, bows humbly if he
should see even a white cock, much more a white monkey.
860
SIAM.
The architecture of Siam deserves a brief notice. It possesses some of the character-
istics of Chinese, Japanese, and Burmese, but has an aspect that belongs peculiarly to
itself
. Ordinary houses are of comparatively small dimensions, but the temples are often
of enormous size, and in their way are exceedingly beautiful. They are full of lofty and
gabled roofs, five or six of which often rise above each other, in fantastic beauty, so as to
lead the eye upwards to the central tower. This is always a sort of spire or pinnacle,
which is made of a succession of stories, and is terminated by the slender emblem of
sovereignty, namely, an ornament that looks like a series of spread umbrellas placed over
each other, and become less and less as they approach the summit.
The whole of the tower is profusely adorned with grotesque statues in strange atti-
tudes, and there is scarcely a square foot which is undecorated in some way or other.
The general appearance of these splendid edifices may be seen from the illustration
which represents a reception by a prince (p. 858). Through the open end of the court is
seen the great Temple of Bangkok, situated near the bank of the river, over which it towers
much as does St. Paul's over the Thames.
The palaces are built on much the same model, and their gates are often guarded by
gigantic figures carved in stone. At the door of the Hall of Audience at Bangkok are
two figures made of granite. They are sixty feet in height, and represent men with the.
tails of fish projecting from the spine. In fact, they are almost exact reproductions of the
Assyrian Dagon, as it is represented on the Nineveh sculptures.
The funeral pile on (or rather in) which is burned the body of a king or any of the
royal family, is built on the same principle as the temples, and is in fact a temple, though
made of combustible materials. There is before me a photograph of the funeral pile which
was made for the body of the First King's son, and another of a pile erected for the
purpose of consuming the body of his wife. They are very similar in appearance, being
temples made of wood and canvas, covered with gilt paper. They are about a hundred
and twenty feet in height, and on the photograph, where the nature of the material is not
shown, look like magnificent specimens of Siamese architecture.
The central spire, terminated with its royal emblem, rises in the centre, and round it
are clustered gables, roofs, pinnacles, and pillars, in bewildering profusion. The door is
guarded by two gigantic statues, and the body lies in the centre of the building, hidden
by curtains. On account of the flimsiness of the materials, to all the pinnacles are attached
slight ropes, which are fastened firmly to the ground, so that they act like the “stays”
of a ship's mast. Inflammable as are the wood, paper, and canvas of which the edifice
is made, they are rendered still more so by being saturated with oil, tar, and similarly
combustible substances. Vast, therefore, as is the building, a very short time suffices to
consume it, and the intense heat reduces the corpse to a mere heap of ashes, which are
gathered together, and solemnly placed in the temple dedicated to that purpose.
ANCIENT EUROPE.
THE SWISS LAKE-DWELLERS:
DISCOVERY
OF THE DWELLINGS AND RELICS-MODE OF BUILDING THE
HOUSES POPULATIOV OF
THE LAKES-GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE RELICS.
MANY of my readers may be aware of the remarkable discovery that was made in 1853-4,
showing that even in Europe there lived at one time a race of men having exactly the
same habits as the swamp-dwellers of New Guinea, or the lake-dwellers of Maracaibo,
on the Amazon. During the winter months of those two years, the weather in Switzer-
land was very dry and very cold, so that the rivers did not receive their usual supplies
of water. Consequently, the water in the lakes fell far below its usual level, and this
disclosed the remarkable fact that in those lakes had once been assemblages of human
habitations, built upon piles driven into the bed of the lake.
These houses, appropriately called “Pfahlbauten,” or Pile-buildings, were, as their
name implies, built upon piles; and it is a most interesting fact, that not only have the
piles been discovered, on which the houses were built, but also fragments of the walls of
those houses ; many specimens of the weapons and implements of the inhabitants
, their
ornaments, and even their food, have been brought to light, after having been buried for
centuries beneath the water.
The resemblance, not to say the identity, between many articles found under the
waters of the Swiss lakes and those which are still used by savage tribes of the Western
hemisphere is absolutely startling; and not the least remarkable point about the relics
which have just been discovered is, that several of them are identical with inventions
which we fondly deem to be modern.
The chief part of these lake-dwellings were constructed during the Stone period,
i. e. a period when axes, spear-heads, &c. were made of stone, the use of fire being un-
known. This is proved by the quantity of stone weapons and implements which have
been found in the lakes. That various improvements have been made in the architecture
is also shown by the difference in details of construction.
From the relics that have been discovered, it is easy to see what these lake-dwellings
must have been. They were built on a scaffolding made of piles driven into the bed of
the lake, and connected with cross-beams, so as to make the foundation for a platform.
Upon this platform the huts themselves were built. They were mostly circular, and the
walls were made of wattle, rendered weather-tight by the clay, which could be obtained
in any quantity from the bed of the lake.
862
ANCIENT EUROPE,
The reason for building these edifices is analogous to the feeling which induces
military engineers to surround their forts with moats filled with water. In those
primitive times, man waged an unequal war against the wild animals, such as the bear,
the wolf, and the boar, and in consequence, these lacustrine habitations proved to be
strongholds which such enemies could not assault. It is natural, also, that persons thus
threatened should congregate together, and in consequence we find that in one lake alone,
that of Neufchâtel, a population of some 5,000 had congregated.
A vast number of relics of this bygone age have been recovered from the lakes, and
are of absorbing interest to the anthropologist. In the first place, the original piles have
been discovered, still standing, and several have been drawn, in order to ascertain the
depth to which they were driven. Portions of the wattled walls of the huts have also
been found, together with great numbers of stone implements, denoting a very early age.
Great quantities of pottery have also been found, the crescent being a favourite ornament,
and several utensils of a crescentic shape having been discovered.
Then, as time went on, men improved upon their earlier works, and took to metal
instead of stone, as examples of which may be mentioned the wonderful series of metallic
objects that have been found in the lakes. There are axes, spear and arrow-heads, neck-
laces, bracelets, and hair-pins, and-most remarkable—there is the very article that was
patented some years since as the “Safety Pin” for nurseries.
As to the food which these people ate, we have abundant evidence in the way of
bones belonging to various animals, and strangest of all—specimens of bread have
been discovered. As may be supposed, the bread in question was of the coarsest possible
character, the grains of corn being roasted, slightly ground, and then pressed into lumps,
which may by courtesy be termed cakes. Even fruits have been found ready cut and
prepared for consumption, the apple being the most plentiful of these fruits. Seeds of
different fruits, such as the plum, the raspberry, and the blackberry, have been found,
together with the shells of hazel and beech-nuts, showing that all these different fruits
were used for food in the olden times now so long passed away.
INDEX.
Djibbas, 514, 519.
Vjours, 487, 502.
Dôrs, 487, 494.
Dory, ii. 237.
Dyaks, Land, ii. 453,
Dyaks, Sea, ii. 453.
Hindoos, ii. 772.
Hottentots, 240.
Hovas, 772.
Huili-chés, ii. 543.
1.
E.
Eastern Islands, ii. 441.
Egbas, 659.
Errumanga, ii. 306.
Esquimaux, ii. 640-696.
Europe, Ancient, ii. 861.
Illinoans, ii. 457.
India, ii. 772.
Indians, Gran Chaco, ii.
568.
Indians, North American,
ii. 640.
Ireland, New, ii. 301.
Ishogos, 531.
Isle of Pines Men, ii. 209.
F.
J.
A.
Barolongs, 312.
Batlapis, 312.
Abyssinia, 714.
Batlares, 319.
Aççawoios, ii, 580.
Batokas, 386.
Admiralty Islanders, ii. 303. Batongas, 386.
Ahitas, ii: 242.
Batoonas, 373.
Ahts, ii. 723.
Bayeyes, 2, 373.
Ajitas, ii. 242.
Bechuanas, 1, 312.
Alapu-chés, ii, 543.
Bedouins, 758.
Alfoërs, ii. 228.
Begharmis, 700, 708.
Alfouras, ii. 228.
Blackfeet, ii. 641.
Amakosa, 2.
Bonny, 670.
Amaponda, 2.
Bornabi, ii. 446.
Amaswazi, 2.
Bornuese, 689.
Amatonga, 2.
Bosjesmen, 264.
Amazonians, ii. 573.
Bouka, ii. 304.
Amazons, 637.
Brahmins, ii. 772.
Amazulu, 2.
Britain, New, ii. 301.
Andamaners, ii. 210. Brumer's Island, ii. 230.
Angolese, 408–422.
Bubés, 681.
Apingis, 541, 545.
Bushmen, 264.
Apongos, 541.
Araucanians, ii. 543.
Arawaks, ii. 580, 614.
C.
Areiteum, ii. 306.
Ashangos, 531, 535.
Caledonians, New, ii. 203.
Ashanti, 622.
Camanchees, ii. 657.
Ashiras, 555.
Cammas, 563.
Australia, ii. 2.
Caribs, ii. 580–622.
Ayhuttisahts, ii. 723. Caroline Islands, ii. 444.
Chickasaws, ii. 686.
Chinese, ii. 794, 800.
B.
Chinnooks, ii. 680.
Choctaws, ii. 686.
Badémas, 399–406.
Chuanas, 1.
Bahuriotsi, 312.
Commis, 563.
Bakalais, 549.
Congoese, 681-685.
Bakobas, 373.
Cook's Islanders, ii. 370.
Bakotus, 319.
Crow tribe, ii. 640.
Bakwains, 312.
Balondas, 408.
Balondos, 408.
D.
Bamairis, 319.
Bamangwato, 325.
Dahomans, 629.
Bantus, 1.
Damaras, 225, 338.
Banyais, 399.
Dankallis, 747.
Baris, 514-516.
Dinkas, 514-523.
Fans, 590.
Fantix, 610, 617.
Fiji, ii. 247.
Flat-heads, ii. 686.
Fuegians, ii. 513.
Japanese, ii. 794.
K.
G.
Kora, 300.
Korannas, 300.
Gallas, 746.
Koraquas, 300.
Ganis, 477.
Ghou Damup, 338.
Ghoorkas,.ii. 759.
L.
Gilbert Islands, ii. 444.
Gonaquas, 304.
Land Dyaks, ii. 453.
Gran Chaco Indians, ii. 568. Latookas, 505.
Griquas, 304.
Guiana, ii, 580.
M.
1
H.
Hamoa, ii. 343.
Hamran Arabs, 749, 751.
Haraforas, ii. 228.
Hassaniyehs, 758–765.
Hebrides, New, ii. 304.
Hervey Islands, ii. 370.
Macoushies, ii. 580.
Madagascar, 771.
Madis, 477.
Makobas, 373.
Makololos, 360.
Malagasy, 758, 771.
Malays, ii. 242, 453.
Malicolo, ii. 307.
864
INDEX
A
R.
Nicobar, ii. 219.
Niué, ii. 393.
North American Indians,
ii. 640.
Nubia, 749.
Nuehrs, 514, 521.
Rangitani, ii. 110.
Romanzoff Island, ii. 444.
Tibboos, 700, 704.
Tonga, ii. 308.
Toquahts, ii. 723.
Tuaricks, 700, 706.
0.
Mandans, ii. 641, 671.
Mandingoes, 677
Manganjas, 393, 386.
Mantatees, 319.
Mantchu Tartars, ii. 794.
Maoris, ii. 106.
Mapu-chés, ii. 543.
Mara-chés, ii. 543.
Marquesans, ii. 383.
Marshall Islanders, ii. 444.
Mexico, ii. 636.
Minatarees, ii. 641.
Mincopies, ii. 211.
Moheendas, 442.
Mongolians, ii. 794.
Monkey Men, ii. 224. .
Mpongwes, 582, 586.
Muchlahts, ii. 723.
Mundurucus, ii. 573.
Musguese, 700, 711.
Obbos, 482.
Obongos, 531, 538.
Oerlams, 304.
Ohyahts, ii. 723.
Ojibbeways, ii. 693.
Otaheitans, ii. 398.
Outanatas, ii. 224.
Ovahereros, 350.
Ovambos, 350.
Ovampos, 350.
Ovaquangaris, 355.
Ovatjumba, 338.
S.
V.
Savage Island, ii. 393.
Samoa, ii. 343.
Vancouver's Islanders, ii.
San Christoval, ii. 302. .
723.
Sandwich Islands, ii. 427.
W.
Saquas, 274.
Sea Dyaks, ii. 453.
Sechuanas, 1.
Wagando, 455.
Shekianis, 582.
Wagogo, 427.
Shillooks, 514, 527.
Wahuma, 442.
Shirs, 514.
Waikato, ii. 110.
Shooas, 700.
Wanyambo, 442.
Siam, ii. 854.
Wanyamuezi, 427, 430.
Sioux, ii. 641.
Wanyoro, 467.
Society Islands, ii. 398.
Waraus, ii. 580.
Solomon Islands, ii. 299.
Wasagara, 451.
Somaulis, 747.
Watusi, 452.
Sowrahs, ii. 747.
Wazaramo, 449.
Swazi, 2.
Weezees, 430.
Swiss Lake-dwellers, ii. 861. Western Islands, ii. 444. .
N.
P.
Namaquas, 2, 300.
Neam-Nams, 487.
Negritos, ii. 242.
New Britain, ii. 301.
New Caledonia, ii. 203.
New Hebrides, ii. 304.
New Treland, ii. 301.
New Zealand, ii. 106.
Nga-te-kahuhuna, ii. 110.
T.
Z.
Papuans, ii. 221.
Patagonia, ii. 524.
Pehuen-chés, ii. 543.
Pelew Island, ii. 447.
Ponda, 2.
Tahiti, ii. 398.
Tanna Island, ii. 305.
Tartars, Mantchu, ii. 794.
Zealanders, New, ii. 106.
Zingian Tribes, 1.
Zulus, 2.
THE END.
4
R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS, BREAD STREET HILL.
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