A 921,642
LYLY
ENDIMION
822.8
L985en
B17

ARTES
LIBRARY
18.17)
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
CPLURIBUS
UNUM
TUEBOR
SI-QUÆRIS-PENINSULAM-AMŒNAM.
CIRCUMSPICE
GIFT OF THE
TILLEY FAMILY
FROM THE LIBRARY OF
MORRIS PALMER TILLEY
1876-1947
UNIV. OF VIRGINIA, A.B., 1897, A.M., 1899
UNIV. OF LEIPZIG, PH.D., 1902
MEMBER OF THE DEPT. OF ENGLISH
UNIV. OF MICHIGAN, 1906–1947
PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH, 1918-1947
EDITOR OF THE DICTIONARY OF
ELIZABETHAN PROVERBS
:
1
ENDYMION
B17
L
THE MAN IN THE MOON
Played before the Queen's Majesty at Greenwich on
Candlemas Day, at Night, by the Children
of Paul's
BY
JOHN LYLY, M.A.
EDITED WITH
NOTES, BIBLIOGRAPHY, AND A BIOGRAPHICAL
INTRODUCTION
BY
GEORGE P. BAKER
Instructor in English, Harvard University

NEW YORK
HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY
1894
Copyright, 1894,
BY
HENRY HOLT & Co.
ROBERT DRUMmond, electrotyper and PRINTER, NEW YORK.
Library
F
mamis P. Tilley
5·28·48
PREFACE.
THIS edition of Lyly's Endymion has been pre-
pared because, something more than a year ago,
the editor felt the need of an inexpensive edition
of some representative play of the court drama-
tist which could be used by classes in the Eliza-
bethan drama. The text was soon ready, but
when the time came to write the introduction
the editor found much contradiction in regard
to John Lyly's life; much material bearing on
it that had been, apparently, but rapidly read for
its evidence in regard to him; and many years
of his life left blank. It seemed, therefore, worth
while to try to write an account of Lyly's career
which should make use of all the known mate-
rial in regard to him, and should, at the same
time, clear away, if possible, the confusion that
contradictory statements of previous biographers
had caused.
The editor hopes that the introduction throws
some new light on the reasons for the delay in
the publication of Euphues and his England, and
on its connection with the early plays of Lyly;
on the order of the comedies; on the distin-
guishing of what is Lyly's work from what is
not; on the part played by Lyly in the Harvey-
i
M JA
ii
PREFACE.
Nash controversy, and on the dates for the
undated begging letters of Lyly to the Queen.
He hopes, also, that it will lead to a wider
acceptance of the idea originally advanced by
the Rev. Mr. Halpin, that Endymion is an
allegory treating an episode in the relations of
Leicester and Elizabeth, and to a better under-
standing of the history of the children's com-
panies between 1580 and 1600. In the intro-
duction the aim has been to advance no theories
to which evidence does not point the way; to
distinguish carefully what is possible from what
is probable, and both from what is evidently
indisputable. The editor will be very grateful
to any one who will call his attention to errors
or oversights.
He wishes to thank Professor G. L. Kittredge
of Harvard University, for reading the proof of
the text and for many helpful suggestions. He
is also indebted to Professors Goodwin, Ashley,
and Gross of Harvard, Professor Carpenter of
Columbia, Mr. Sidney Lee, the Rev. W. Spar-
row Simpson, D.D., Librarian of St. Paul's
Cathedral, Mrs. M. G. Gibbs of Aylesbury,
England, and Messrs. T. Hall and F. G. Taussig
for aid in details of the text or introduction.
GEO. P. BAKER.
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
Aug. 20, 1894.
JOHN LYLY.
To the careful student of the Elizabethan
drama the life and the writings of John Lyly'
offer a succession of problems. For instance,
the testimony as to the date of his birth is
at first sight contradictory. In that portion
of Euphues and his England in which Lyly
writes in a way plainly autobiographic, Euphues
Glasse for Europe, he says, speaking of the
predecessors of Elizabeth on the throne of Eng-
land: The elder sister the Princes Marie, suc-
ceeded as next heire to the crowne, and as it
chaunced nexte heire to the grave, touching
((
1 ¹ John Lyly's name has been spelled in many ways,
especially in his own day, when the spelling of surnames
was very variable. We find in the mentions of Lyly
from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century the follow-
ing forms of his name: Lilly, Lylli, Lillie, Lilie, Lylie,
Lily, Lillye, Lylly and Lyly. At the end of the only
autograph letter in English of Lyly's now extant, and
also in the postcript, (Lansdowne MSS. XXXVI. 17; given
on pp. cvi, cvii) the dramatist signs himself Jhon. Lyly.
This spelling seems, therefore, as Lyly's own, preferable
to the others.
iii
7
iv
JOHN LYLY.
1
3
whose life, I can say little bicause I was scarce
borne." This gives us only the information
that Lyly was born after July 6, 1553, when
Mary came to the throne, and before Nov. 17,
1558, when she died. Anthony à Wood, how-
ever, tells us that in 1569 "John Lylie or Lylly,
a Kentish man born, became a student in Mag-
dalen College, Oxford, aged 16 or thereabouts.""
This places his birth in 1553 or 1554. Cooper
says: "John Lilly, born in the Weald of Kent
in 1553 or 1554, became a student of Magdalen
College, Oxford, in 1569, but was not matricu-
lated till 8 Oct., 1571, when he was entered as
plebii filius." Foster in his Alumni Oxonienses
says that when Lyly matriculated in 1571 he
was seventeen years old.* That Lyly became a
student at Magdalen College in 1569, but did
not matriculate till 1571, is explained by the
statement of Dr. Bloxam, an authority, that
1571 was the first year of matriculation and
all the members of the college, old and young,
matriculated together, the matriculation would
not fix the date of entrance." Certainly this
evidence as to the date of Lyly's birth is con-
fusing: à Wood and Cooper say 1553 or 1554,
the Alumni Oxonienses 1554; in 1569 he was
1 English Reprints: Lyly. Arber. P. 451.
((
2 Athenæ Oxonienses, I. 676. Ed. 1813.
3 Athenæ Cantab., II. 525. Ed. 1861.
4 Alumni Oxonienses, II. Lyly.
5 English Reprints: Lyly. Arber. Chronicle, ¶ 5.
J
JOHN LYLY.
V
(6
sixteen or thereabouts"; in 1571, two years
later, seventeen.
As Steinhäuser,' however, has shown, these
apparent contradictions may be reconciled.
Oct. 8, 1571, was the date of the first matricu-
lation. If Lyly was born after Oct. 8, 1553, he
could say in the early fall of 1569 that he
was sixteen, for he was much nearer that than
fifteen-roughly speaking, he was "sixteen or
thereabouts." When, in the fall of 1571, the
whole college carefully matriculated, he was,
probably, asked to give his age at his last birth-
day (the usual method at matriculations), and
the answer to that question must have been
seventeen, although shortly after he would have
been eighteen. This reconciling of the differ-
ent statements places the date for Lyly's birth
between Oct. 8, 1553, and January, 1554, and
makes him about five years old when Queen
Mary died.
Where in the "Weald of Kent" Lyly was
born is not known. Reference to the indices
of Hasted's History of Kent will convince a
student that Lyly was an honorable Kentish
name, but did not necessarily mean wealth. Ap-
parently those of the name were staunch sup-
porters of Magdalen College, for à Wood says:
"Which house [Magdalen College] was seldom
1 ¹ John Lyly als Dramatiker. K. Steinhäuser. pp. 1, 2,
note.
vi
JOHN LYLY.
or never without a Lilye (understand me, not
that it bears three lilyes for its arms) from the
first foundation thereof to the latter end of
1
2
queen Elizabeth." It has been customary to
assume that Lyly was poor by birth and through-
out his life, but the evidence for this is not very
conclusive. The impression rests on some words
of Anthony à Wood; on Lyly's Latin letter to
Lord Burleigh in 1574, asking for an appoint-
ment to a fellowship in Magdalen College; on
his holding, apparently, after he was settled in
London, some position in the household of Lord
Burleigh'; and on his frankly stated need, in his
second begging letter to the Queen, after the
choir-boys of St. Paul's had been forbidden to
act. A Wood "conceives that Lyly was
either one of the demies or clerks of that
house" [Magdalen], but Dr. Bloxam, who
made the history of Magdalen College his
special study, weakens this testimony by saying
that "Lylly might have been a poor scholar,
but there is no reason to suppose that he was
either a demy or a clerk." In other words,
there is no evidence in the college records that
¹ Athenæ Oxon., I. 302.
6
2 See pp. xiv-xvi. ³ See p. cvi, cvii. 4 See p. clx.
5" Demi was the name given to the scholars who re-
ceived half the allowance given to Fellows."-The Col-
leges at Oxford. A. Clark, p. 237.
• Ath. Oxon., I. 676.
'English Reprints Lyly. Chronicle, ¶ 5.
:
1
JOHN LYLY.
vii
!
2
Lyly was poor. That he registered as plebii
filius meant nothing, of course, as to his means.
Nor is there anything in the Latin letter that
distinctly offers poverty as a reason for the ap-
pointment to the fellowship.' A position under
Lord Burleigh by no means necessarily implies
poverty in the person who took it —indeed our
knowledge of the nature of the position referred
to in the letter is too slight for it to be used safely
as evidence either for or against Lyly's poverty.
Even, too, if Lyly did suffer when there was
no longer any company of boys to perform his
plays, that does not mean that he may not have
had a fair start in life and comfortable condi-
tions until the inhibition by the Queen closed
the boys' theatre against him. The evidence
for Lyly's poverty is, then, but weak at best.
1 ¹ Lyly thanks Burleigh for care of him, not asking,
nor expecting it." (p. xvii, note.) When he says,
"If I
be not aided and upheld by such an order, I fail utterly,
for no remedy can be thought of to console me, and
there is no help for me," the words of course refer, not
to his poverty, but rather to his lack of influence with
the Fellows of Magdalen College and his own insufficient
scholarship.
•
•
•
2 "His Lordship was served with men of quality and
stability, for most of the principall Gentlemen in Eng-
land sought to preferre their sonnes and heirs to his
service.
Insomuch as I have nombred in his house
attending on the table, 20 Gentlemen of his retayners,
of 1000 per Ann. a peice in possession and reversion;
and of his ordinary men as manie; some worth 1000.
some 3, 5, 10, yea 20,000/ daily attending his Lordship's
service."-Life of Wm. Cecil. A. Collins, 1732. p. 40.
viii
JOHN LYLY.
On the other hand, there is evidence that favors
a different view. As we shall see in a moment,
Lyly seems to have been rusticated from Oxford
for three years almost immediately on entering
Magdalen.' That he could still go on with his
university course after this long rustication
argues strongly that he was not very poor, and
causes a reader to wonder whether what Lyly
makes old Fidus say in the Euphues and his
England may not be really autobiographic: "I
was borne in the wylde of Kent, of honest Par-
ents, and worshipfull, whose tender cares, (if the
fondnesse of parents may be so termed) pro-
vided all things even from my very cradell, until
their graves, that might either bring me up in
good letters, or make me heire to great lyvings.
I (with-out arrogancie be it spoken) was not in-
feriour in wit to manye, which finding in my
selfe, I flattered my selfe, but in ye ende deceived
my selfe For being of the age of xx. yeares,
there was no trade or kinde of lyfe that either
fitted my humour or served my tourne, but the
Court thinking that place the onely meanes to
clymbe high, and sit sure: Wherein I followed
the vaine of young Souldiours, who iudge nothing
sweeter then warre til they feele the weight, I
was there enterteined as well by the great
friends my father made, as by mine own forward-
nesse, where it being now but Honnie Moone,
¹ See pp. xi, xii.
}
JOHN LYLY.
ix
I endeavoured to courte it with a grace, (almost
past grace,) laying more on my backe then my
friendes could wel beare, having many times a
brave cloke and a thredbare purse.
99 1
Now there is much that is autobiographic in
the two parts of Lyly's Euphues. Of the first
part Lyly said in his dedication of the second
part to Lord Oxenford: "The first picture that
Phydias the first Paynter shadowed, was the
portraiture of his owne person, saying thus: if
it be well, I will paint many besides Phydias, if
ill, it shall offend none but Phydias.
(6
In the like manner fareth it with me (Right
Honourable) who never before handling the
pensill, did for my fyrst counterfaite, coulour
mine owne Euphues, being of this minde, that
if it wer lyked, I would draw more besides
Euphues, if loathed, grieve none but Euphues." "
It is generally admitted, too, that in the Glasse
for Europe of the second part of the Euphues,
Lyly writes autobiographically. It is certainly
noteworthy, therefore, that Lyly, like Fidus, was
born in the weald of Kent; that both regarded
the court as the only place for the ambitious
man; that Fidus was twenty when he first turned
to the Court, and that Lyly, when at twenty, in
1574, he wrote his Latin letter to Lord Burleigh,
was evidently on the road that brought him to a
1 English Reprints: Lyly. p. 268.
2 Idem. p. 213.
X
JOHN LYLY.
1
position in the household of Lord Burleigh and
his success at court; that, if we may believe
what the dramatist says of himself in the Glasse
for Europe, it was "forwardnesse," wit, which
helped both men at court: "It was my fortune to
be acquainted with certaine English Gentlemen,
which brought mee to the court. . . . At the last
comming oftner thether, then it beseemed one of
my degree, yet not so often as they desired my
company, I began to prye after theyr manners,
natures, and lyves." Here is practically the
description by Fidus of an introduction to the
court; only, since the speaker, Euphues, is sup-
posedly a foreigner, the gentlemen, who in the
earlier account were the friends of the father of
Fidus, and not the father, introduce the youth.
When the two accounts coincide so nearly in all
other respects, is it not a temptation to believe
that in the father of Fidus we have a glimpse of
the father of Lyly? If we have, Lyly would have
been by birth what the Lylys in Hasted's History
of Kent seem to have been, what their staunch
support of Magdalen would make them,—not
very poor, but people of the middle class."
Lyly's father might well have been a man in
some comfortable position in life which made
it possible for him to give his son a good start
in the world, but not to leave him much at his
¹ English Reprints: Lyly. P. 442.
2 Hasted's Hist. of Kent.
55, 56.
Vols. ix, p. 76; x. 82; xii.
JOHN LYLY.
xi
death. Certainly, whether we accept this con-
clusion or not, it will be seen that the evidence
-the rustication from Oxford and the words of
Fidus-against early poverty for Lyly is about as
strong as that in favor of it.
Of Lyly's life from his birth to 1569 we know
nothing What he was doing in 1569, 1570, and
1571 to Oct. 8, it would be impossible to say,
were it not for a part of his Address to the Gentle-
men Scholars of Oxford, printed in 1579, in
the second edition of the first part of the
Euphues and before the appearance of the Eng-
land. Here, repelling the charge that had been
made against him of defaming Oxford in some
parts of the Ephoebus of the Anatomie of Wit, he
says: “Yet may I of all the rest most condempne
Oxford of unkindnesse, of vice I cannot, who
seemnd to weane mee before she brought mee
forth, and to give mee boanes to gnaw, before I
could get the teate to sucke. Wherein she
played the nice mother in sending me into the
Countrie to nurse, where I tyred at a drie breast
three yeares, and was at last inforced to weane
my selfe. But it was destinie, for if I had not
ben gathered from the tree in the bud, I should
being blowen have prooved a blast, and as good
it is to be an addle egge, as an idle bird."
That Lyly cannot condemn Oxford for vice,
and his confession in the last sentence of the
1 English Reprints: Lyly. p. 207.
,, 1
xii
JOHN LYLY.
quotation, suggest that almost at once after com-
ing to Oxford he was rusticated for some mis-
conduct serious enough to require a severe
penalty.' Whether the length of the rustication,
three years, was wholly due to the conduct of
Lyly is doubtful, for we must remember that
'in the early months of 1571 a terrible plague
raged in that city [Oxford]. The townsmen
died in great numbers, and the schools were
closed, the students being sent to read with their
tutors in country houses or allowed to return to
their own homes." At such a time, of course,
a rusticated collegian would not be recalled.
Of Lyly at Oxford we know scarcely anything.
À Wood writes-evidently copying, as Pro-
fessor Arber points out," the enthusiastically
1 Fairholt's statement (p. xi., Dramatic Works of John
Lilly) that Lyly was rusticated for "glancing at some
abuses" is the result of a careless reading of the "Ad-
dress to the Gentlemen Scholars." Lyly uses the phrase
which Fairholt quotes, but as follows: "It was reported
of some, and believed of many, that in the Education of
Ephoebus, where mention is made of Universities, that
Oxford was too much either defaced or defamed.
They that invented this toie were unwise, and they
that reported it unkinde, and yet none of them can
prove me unhonest. . . . But suppose I glaunced at some
abuses [i.e. in the Ephoebus] . . . there is no tree but
hath some blast, and shall Oxford then be blamelesse ?"
(pp. 207, 208. Arber.)
2 Philip Sidney. (Heroes of Nations.) H. R. Fox
Bourne.
P. 53.
3 English Reprints: Lyly. Chronology, ¶ 6.
JOHN LYLY.
xiii
inaccurate Blount,' who brought out the first
edition of Lyly's collected plays-that Lyly" was
always averse to the crabbed studies of logic
and philosophy. For so it was that his genie
being naturally bent to the pleasant paths of
poetry (as if Apollo had given to him a wreath
of his own bays, without snatching or struggling),
did in a manner neglect academical studies, yet
not so much but that he took the degrees in
arts, that of master being compleated 1575. At
which time, as he was esteemed at the university
a noted wit so afterwards was in the court of
Q. Elizabeth, where he was also reputed a
rare poet, witty, comical, and facetious." " That
Lyly may have been averse to the crabbed
studies of logic and philosophy," scenes in
Alexander and Campaspe and Sapho and Phao,
and passages in Pappe with an Hatchet, all
satirizing methods of formal logic, certainly
suggest. His early escapade, too, hardly fore-
shadows the close student. Gabriel Harvey,
writing fiercely against Lyly in his Pierce's Super-
erogation, speaks of him as once the foile of
Oxford, now the stale of London," "sometime
the fiddle-stick of Oxford, now the very bable of
(6
2
1 For Blount's words see the preface to the 1632 edi-
tion and Fairholt's Lilly, vol. I. pp. xxx-xxxii.
2 Ath. Oxon. I. 276.
3 A. and C., Act I. Sc. 2. S. and P., Act II. Sc. 2;
Act III. Sc. 2. P. H. p. 52, Saintsbury's ed.
4 Harvey's Works. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 132.
xiv
JOHN LYLY.
99 1
London,' and says: "They were much de-
ceived in him, at Oxford, and in the Savoy, when
master Absalon lived; that tooke him onely
for a dapper and deft companion, or a pert, con-
ceited youth, that had gathered together a fewe
prettie sentences, and could handsomely helpe
younge Euphues to an old simile: and never
thought him any such mighty doer at the
sharpe." Allowing for the anger of Harvey
which exaggerates his statements, we see that
these words show that before Lyly left Oxford
he was prominent there, and noted, at least, for
his cleverness.
April 27, 1573, Lyly took his B.A. On May
16, 1574, he wrote the following Latin letter
to Lord Burleigh, asking to be made a fellow of
Magdalen College :-
"Viro illustrissimo et insignissimo Heroi Do-
mino Burgleo, totius Angliae Thesaurario, Regiae
Maiestatis intimis a concilijs, et patrono suo
colendissimo. J. L.
((
Quod in me tuum alumnum benignitas tua
munifica extiterit (Clarissime Heros) et ultro ne
1 Harvey's Works. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 212.
" Idem. Vol. II. p. 128. Pierce's Supererogation.
3 Fasti Oxon. Wood. Ed. 1815.
4 Lansdowne MSS. XIX. Art. 16. The letter is in-
dorsed: "16 May, 1574. John Lilie, a scholar of Ox-
ford. An epistle for ye Queen's letters to Magdalen
College to admit him fellow."
JOHN LYLY.
XV
expectanti quidem studium, operam, et singu-
larem industriam declaraveris, agnosco pro eo ac
decet supplex tuam humanitatem in literarum
studiosus pietatem. Quare cum incredibilis
mansuetudo tua, non solum merita, sed spem
longe superarit, et quod meus pudor nunquam
rogasset prolixius indulserit, habeo tuo honori
gratias maximas, et vero tantas, quantas meæ
facultatulæ referre nunquam poterunt. Et licet
proiectae cuiusdam audaciae et praefrictae frontis
videri possit, iuvenum rudem et temerarium,
virum amplissimum et prudentem, eum cui nec
aetatis accessio iudicij maturitatem, nec casta
disciplina integritatem morum, nec artium doc-
trina scientiæ supellectilem est elargita, insignis-
simum Heroem, pro regni incolumitate, salute
reip., communium fortunarum defensione excu-
bantem, rursum iniquis precibus interpellare,
et importunius obstrepere. Tamen cum optimi
cuiusque bonitas commune omnium sit per-
fugium, subinde percogitans esse animi excelsi cui
multum subvenit ei velle plurimum opitulari, ad
tuam amplitudinem quam perspectam indies,
suspectam nunquam, probatam saepius habui,
supplici prece accedo, passis manibus tuam
operam, studium, humanitatem implorans.
Haec summa est, in hoc cardo vertitur, haec
Helena, ut tua celsitudo dignetur serenissimae
regiæ magistatis literas (ut minus latine dicam)
mandatorias extorquere, ut ad Magdalenenses.
deferantur quo in eorum societatem te duce pos-
xvi
JOHN LYLY.
sim obrepere, fortunae nostrae tanquam funda-
mento, tibi tanquam firmamento, connituntur.
Nisi his sublever, et sustenter, misere corruo,
nihil enim potest quod me consoletur excogitari
remedij, nec aliquid esset L. nisi tuus honor
tanquam numen quoddam propitium, aut sacra
anchora, aut salutare sydus, et Cynosura prælux-
erit. Adeoque meum corpus tuo honori, et
tenues fortunas tuae voluntati, et animum ad tua
mandata conficienda habes expeditissimum.
Quare in quem saepe celsitudo tua benefica, op-
eræ parata, studium semper promptum feruit,
eundem hoc tempore supplicem et ad pedes tuos
abiectum pro solita tua et incredibili humani-
tate sublevato, ego interim supplices manus ad
deum Opt. Max. tendam ut beneficentia Alex-
andrum, humanitate Traianum, aetate Nestorem,
invicta mentis celsitudine Camillum, Salamonem
prudentia, Davidem sanctimonia, Josiam religi-
onis collapsae instaurandae, et incorruptae con-
servandae cura, possis adaequare. Hoc interim
promitto et spondeo meam nec in imbibendis.
artibus curam, nec in referenda gratia amimum,
nec in perferendo labore industriam, nec in pro-
paganda tua laude studium, nec religionem in
officio, nec fidem in obsequio, unquam defu-
turam. Vale.
(6
'Tuae amplitudinis observantissimus,
"JOANNES LILIUS.""
1 The following will, perhaps, serve as a translation of
Lyly's letter:
JOHN LYLY.
xvii
}
Lyly did not get his fellowship. That, how-
ever, does not mean, necessarily, that Burleigh
did not use some influence for Lyly, for man-
datory letters from the Queen, the method of
nomination to a fellowship asked for by Lyly,
"To the very illustrious man and very distinguished
hero, Lord Burleigh, Lord Treasurer of England, Privy
Councillor to Her Majesty, and his own revered patron,
from J. L.
"Since, most illustrious hero, you have repeatedly
shown your kind generosity to me, your foster-child,
and since you have exhibited a zealous interest, an un-
matched and constant care for me, neither asking nor
expecting it, I suppliantly acknowledge, as I should, your
kindness and your fostering care for students of letters.
Wherefore, since your inconceivable kindness has been
far beyond my desert and my hopes, and has lavishly
granted more than my modest wish ever asked for, I feel
deeply grateful to your Honor for a generosity that my
feeble powers will never enable me to requite. And
though it may seem the height of boldness and barefaced
impudence for an untaught and heedless youth, address-
ing a nobleman of vast power and wisdom, one whose
judgment did not need for ripeness added years, whose
upright character never needed training, whose learning
required no instruction, a most distinguished hero, ever
watchful for the entirety of the realm, the safety of the
State, and the protection of the general welfare, -to dis-
turb him with importunate entreaty, yet, since a great
nobleman's grace is our common refuge, and since I
believe that a man of lofty soul would wish to aid to the
utmost him whom he has already greatly aided, I now
suppliantly come to your nobleness,—which I have wit-
nessed daily, never questioned, and often experienced,-
imploring your help, your interest, your mercy. This is
xviii
JOHN LYLY.
were always unpopular with the officials of Ox-
ford colleges, and just about the time of Lyly's
letter there was specially strong objection made
to them at Magdalen.' Certainly, the opening
lines of Lyly's letter show that for some time
the sum of my entreaty; on this all hinges; this is the
Helen-that your Honor will deign to obtain from Her
Most Gracious Majesty a mandatory letter, (pardon my
Latin,) to be presented to the authorities of Magdalen,
enabling me, under your protection, to join that college,
for my fortune rests on you as its foundation and support.
If I be not aided and upheld by such an order, I fail
utterly, for no new remedy can be thought of to console.
me; and there is no help for me, unless your Honor be
my protecting divinity, my sacred anchor, or shine
upon me as my star of safety, my Cynosure. And my
strength is at your Honor's service, my slender fortunes
at your disposal, my heart and soul ready to execute
your orders. Wherefore, since your Honor, blessing
and ready to aid, has always shown an active interest in
my behalf, now with your accustomed incredible kindness
raise me up, suppliant as I am and prostraté at your feet;
and I will lift my hands in prayer to God Almighty that
you may equal Alexander in well-doing (success), Trajan
in humanity, Nestor in long life, Camillus in invincible
loftiness of soul, Solomon in wisdom, David in holiness,
Josiah in care for the restoring of a downfallen religion
and for keeping it intact. Meantime, this I vow and
promise, that my efforts to acquire knowledge, my deep
gratitude for your favor my industry in performing my
work, my zeal in spreading your renown, my devotion
to duty, and my faithful obedience, shall never falter.
Your Grace's most obedient
"JOHN LYLY."
¹ The Colleges at Oxford, A. Clark, p. 245.
JOHN LYLY.
xix
before 1574, Lord Burleigh had been his patron.
In the Glasse for Europe, written not later than
the summer of 1580, as we shall soon see,' Lyly,
thanking Lord Burleigh by name for past kind-
nesses, shows that he was aided from his first
appeal: “Among the number of all which noble
and wise counsailors, (I can-not but for his honors
sake remember) the most prudent and right
honourable ye Lorde Burgleigh, high Treasurer
of that Realme. . . . This noble man I found
so ready being but a straunger, to do me good,
that neyther I ought to forget him, neyther cease
to pray for him, that as he hath the wisdome of
Nestor, so he may have the age, that having the
policies of Vlysses, he may have his honor,
worthye to lyve long, by whome so manye lyve in
quiet, and not unworthy to be advaunced, by
whose care so many have beene preferred.'
We shall see that in 1582 he apparently held
some position in the household of his patron.
3
55 2
June 1, 1575, Lyly took his M.A.* What he did
between this date and the appearance of Euphues,
The Anatomie of Wit, in the winter of 1579,
Pp. xxvii-xxxvi.
2 English Reprints: Lyly. pp. 441, 442.
3 See pp. civ-cx.
4 Fasti Oxon. À Wood.
5
5 “Dec. 2, 1578. Gabriel Cawood. Licensed unto him
the Anatomie of Witt, compiled by John Lyllie, under
the hande of the bishoppe of London xijd." (Eng.
Reprints Lyly. Chron., ¶ 13.) "My first counterfaite
hatched in the hard winter with the Alcyon" (p. 215).
•
• •
XX
JOHN LYLY.
1
is not known. Mr. Fleay has surmised that
after taking his degree of M.A. at Oxford
he went to London to make his way at court.
That he was ambitious to be a courtier the
words cited on p. x. seem to show, but that
until after the publication of the first part of the
Euphues in 1579 he was regularly at the court
does not seem undebatable. Mr. Fleay sur-
2
mises that Lyly was a candidate for the Mas-
tership of the Revels, which became vacant
in March, 1577, at the death of Sir Thomas
Benger.³ But that a youth of twenty-four who,
1 Chron. Eng. Drama, Fleay. Vol. II. p. 37.
2 Fleay, Idem, p. 38.
3 As there has been some confusion in the statements
as to who was Master of the Revels from 1573-1579, it
may be well to add this list made from the Extracts
from the Accounts of the Revels at Court." In 1571 we
find (p. 1) "Sr Thomas Benger Knighte (being Mr of
the seide office)". He did not, however, sign the ac-
counts; Buggyn, "Clerk comptrouler,' Blagrave,
"Clerke," and J. Arnold, doing this. In May, 1572 (p.
16), occurs the entry : "The Mr of thoffice, vz Sr Thomas
Benger Knighte," but the accounts still lack Benger's
name. From June 1, 1572, to June 1, 1573, Sir John
Fortescue, “M' of the Queenes Matle▪ great Warderobe "
(p. 17), seems to have been in charge of the Revels: Sir
Thomas Benger's name entirely disappears, and Fortes-
cue's is the first on the list of those signing the accounts.
The Mastership did not, however, really become vacant
until March, 1577, when Benger died. Fortescue
seems to have remained in charge until Oct. 1573,
but from that date until March, 1574 (p. 48), "Thomas
JOHN LYLY.
xxi
until 1579, had apparently done nothing to give
him any claim to the place should two years
before have declared himself a candidate for the
reversion does not seem very probable. More-
over, when Lyly, in his first begging letter to the
Queen, speaks of his long, unsuccessful waiting
for the position of Master of the Revels, he makes
no mention of the vacancy from March, 1577, to
December, 1578, or of any bitter disappointment
in regard to it. In compiling a statement of
Blagrave esquier, served therin [the Office of the Revels]
as Master, according to her Maties pleasure signefyed
by the right honorable L. Chamberlaine." From Feb.
1574 to Feb. 1575 Blagrave served again, “appoynted
Master . . . as by sundry Letters from the Lorde
Chamberlayne maye appeare (p. 77). Under this
kind of special appointment Blagrave seems to have
been in charge until Dec. 1578, for though we do not
find his name specially mentioned as the Master's in
the succeeding accounts, we find him signing the ac-
counts where the Master's name should stand, and we
know that Dec. 13, 1578, he was made" Chief Officer,"
but not Master, of the Revels (Fleay, Chron. Hist. p. 37.)
In Dec. 1578, however, "Ed. Tyllney" signed his name
beside Blagrave's to the accounts for Feb. 1577-78 to
Dec. 1578 (p. 124). Now, we know that in July, 1579,
Tylney was made permanent Master of the Revels (Fleay,
Chron. Hist. p. 37), and that he was allowed rent of a
house from Dec. 1578 (Revels' Accounts, pp. 149, 150),
so, evidently, he was given a trial from Dec. 1578, and
finally appointed in July. After March, 1579 (p. 152),
Blagrave's name disappears until 1583 (p. 186). In other
words, then, the real vacancy existed only from March,
1577, to Dec. 1578.
xxii
JOHN LYLY.
his grievances, would he have been likely to
omit so heavy a blow as the appointment of
Tylney? He certainly referred plainly enough in
this and the second letter to other acts that he
considered grievous. It will, too, be seen later
(pp. lxxxix and clxiv) that Mr. Fleay's surmise ill
accords with the probable date of Lyly's first play-
writing and his begging letters to the Queen.
We do know, however, that in 1579 Lyly was
incorporated M.A. at Cambridge.' This and his
words in the Euphues and his England-"There
are also in this Islande two famous Universities,
the one Oxforde, the other Cambridge, both for
the profession of all sciences, for Divinitie,
phisicke, Lawe, and all kinde of learning, excel-
ling all the Universities in Christendome. I was
my selfe in either of them, and like them both so
well, that I meane not in the way of contro-
versie to preferre any for the better in Eng-
lande, but both for the best in the world "2
favor decidedly the idea that some part of the
time between 1575 and 1579 was passed at Cam-
bridge. When we consider, too, the nature of
the first part of the Euphues, as compared with
the second, there is a difference that gives some
color to the idea that, until Euphues, The Anat-
omie of Wit appeared, Lyly was more at the uni-
versities than at the court, though watching his
chance for an opening at the latter. As far as
1 Ath. Cantab. Cooper.
2 English Reprints: Lyly. pp. 435, 436.
JOHN LYLY.
xxiii
the contents of the first part of the Euphues are
concerned, they could, with the exception of the
letters of Euphues to his friends, have been
written away from the court and with no knowl-
edge of it. After the sharp break between the
Euphues and Atheos and the letters, begin the
references to court life and the Queen. Even
these do not show anything like the same close
personal knowledge of the court that the Glasse
does.
What the Anatomie chiefly "anatomizes" is
not, as in the England, the court, but the uni-
versity life. It is, Lyly frankly admitted,' a com-
pilation the story of Euphues and Philautus;
the translation of the Ephebus from Plutarch;
the Atheos (suggested by the ninth, tenth,
eleventh and twelfth chapters of Guevara's Dial
for Princes); the letters in the spirit of Guevara;²
1 "If I seeme to gleane after an others Cart, for a few
eares of corne, or of the Taylors shreds to make me a
lyvery, I will not deny, but that I am one of those Poets,
which the painters faine to come unto Homers bason,
there to lap up, that he doth cast up." (Epist. Dedica-
tory, Euphues and his England, Arber, p. 215.)
"Gabriel Cawood. Licensed unto him the Anatomie
of Witt, compiled by John Lyllie, under the hande of the
bishopp of London . . . xij ª.”
xijd." (Dec. 2, 1578, Stationers'
Register.)
? The letter to Alcius is in subject and treatment sub-
stantially the same as that of Marcus Aurelius to
Epesipo, his nephew, in the Dial for Princes.-Ency.
Brit.
xxiv
JOHN LYLY.
-put together in the style of the Dial, as a youth
still at, or fresh from, the universities might
gather together in the style of the book most af
fecting him at the moment the paraphrases, trans-
lations, and original work he had done from time
to time. Does it not seem probable that Lyly,
ambitious to get an opening at the court, had, as
a brilliant youth, made powerful friends at the
university and occasionally been brought to
court; that most of his time, however, was
spent at the universities until 1579; but that late
in 1578' he brought or sent to the publisher
Cawood in London the first part of the Euphues,
and, in order to win from the courtiers attention
for his book, added, from his slight experience
at the court, the touches as to it and the Queen.
His own words suggest that he wished the book
to repay some obligation which he owed Sir
William West, Lord Delaware. He says: The
one [The Anatomie of Wit] I sent to a noble
man to nurse, who with great love brought him
up, for a yeare,' and "neyther doe I set this
forth for anie devotion in Print, but for duetie
which I owe to my Patron." " What this aid
of Lord Delaware's was we have no evidence
to determine. Certainly, if this book was writ-
ten after four years of court life under the
protection of men like Burleigh, is it not odd
that Lyly, who took naturally to court life, as his
1 See the second half of note I, p. xxiii.
English Reprints Lyly. p. 214.
9, 2
3
3 Idem, p. 205.
.
JOHN LYLY.
XXV
own words show;' who became in his second
book, and remained throughout his life, one of
the most fulsome flatterers of the time; found
occasion only in the last half-dozen pages of his
first book to flatter the Queen,-and then in
words insipid in comparison with the chance
bits he drops by the way in all his later work?
As some one has said, The Anatomie of Wit Lyly
apparently wrote to please himself and satisfy his
conscience, it spoke out clearly and strongly
about abuses of the time; the England was
apparently written to please his readers, and it
is a combination of an intentionally flattering
picture of England, the court, and the Queen,
and a story containing no such direct censure as
that of the Anatomie. The conditions, there-
fore, under which the two were written, the
birthplace of the two, do not seem likely to have
been the same.
The Anatomie of Wit, the first of Lyly's
works, appeared between December, 1578, and
the spring of 1579, for it was licensed in
December, and Lyly says: "The one" (The
¹ See pp. viii-x.
2. Which discourse. I hope you will the rather
pardon for the rudenes in that it is the first."—Epistle
Dedicatorie; Euphues, The Anatomie of Wit, Arber, p.
203. "Who never before handling the pensill, did for
my fyrst counterfaite, colour mine owne Euphues
(Arber, p. 213). "Of the first I was delivered before
my friendes, thought mee conceived" (Arber, p. 214).
xxvi
JOHN LYLY.
2
3
Anatomie) was 'hatched in the hard winter.¹
All the signs of success mark its appearance.
Lyly's friends urged him to give them more of
Euphues; it raised envious detractors; it was
sharply criticised for its supposed censure of
Oxford, and Lyly felt called upon, between the
printing of the first and the second edition (in
1579) of The Anatomie of Wit, to issue his ad-
dress to The Gentleman Scholars of Oxford.
The book made it possible for Lyly to dedicate
his second work to a much greater patron Lord
Oxenford; it started a literary fashion. Sure
sign of success, a second volume, Euphues and
his England was licensed for printing July 24,
1579. But here came a pause in Lyly's rapid
progress. The work thus licensed did not ap-
pear till months afterward.
brought into the worlde, two children. . . . Of
the second" (Euphues and his England) "I went
a whole yeare big, and yet when everye one
thought me ready to lye down, I did then.
quicken But good huswives shall make my ex-
7
5
6
Lyly says:
Lyly says: "I have
1 English Reprints: Lyly. p. 215.
2 "Some there have been that praised mine olde worke,
and urged me to make a new." Idem, p. 213.
3 Idem, pp. 223, 224.
5 Idem, pp. 213–218.
4 Idem, pp. 207, 208.
The English Novel in the Time of Shakespeare. J. J.
Jusserand. Chap. IV. Blount: To the Reader.
7 July 24, 1579, "G. Cawood, Lycenced unto him and
the second part of euphues." Vid. Stationers'
VIª.
Register.
JOHN LYLY.
xxvii
cuse, who know that Hens do not lay egges
when they clucke, but when they cackle, nor
men set forth workes when they promise, but
when they performe. And I in this resemble
the Lappwing, who fearing hir young ones to be
destroyed by passengers, flyeth with a false cry
farre from their nestes, making those that looke
for them seeke where they are are not: So I
suspecting that Euphues would be carped of
some curious Reader, thought by some false
shewe to bringe them in hope of that which
then I meant not, leading them with a longing
of a second part, that they might speake well of
the first, being never farther from my studie,
then when they thought me hovering over it.'
(6
Being a great start from Athens to England,
he [Euphues] thought to stay for the advantage
of a Leape yeare [1580], and had not this yeare
leapt with him, I think he had not yet leapt
hether.""
99 3
"not
Liter-
Lyly speaks of the second book as
daring to bud till the colde were past.
ally interpreted, that would mean the spring of
1580. Lyly's own explanations of the undoubted
fact that the book was not published until the
spring or summer of 1580, become, however, a
little suspicious when we consider some dates in
the Euphues and his England. The last letter
of Philautus to Euphues, received by the latter
1 English Reprints: Lyly. p. 214.
3 Idem, p. 215.
2 Idem, p. 223.
xxviii
JOHN LYLY.
5
9) 1
,, 3
not a" quarter of a yeare
after he left England,
is dated 1 Feb. 1579,2 but in the opening para-
graph of the book Lyly says that Euphues and
Philautus "tooke shipping the first of December
1579 by our English Computation.' In Feb.
1580 they landed at Dover. In Lent, 1580,
Lady Flavia* gave her supper-party, yet in Feb.
1579 Euphues, something like three months
after leaving England, received a letter from
Philautus that does much to bring the story to
a close. Evidently, as both Professor Arber
and Mr. Fleay point out, all the dates in the
the book, except the last, were once earlier, and
for some reason have been changed. Such
changes would show that the book was finished a
considerable time before it was printed, and that
they were made to bring it up to date. If
the dates preceding Feb. 1, 1579, were still
earlier originally, a student must wonder whether
the Euphues and his England was not written
very shortly after the appearance of The Anato-
mie of Wit-that is, in the winter of 1579. The
first set of dates, ending with Feb. 1, 1579, would
then have accorded well with the possible dates
of The Anatomie of Wit.
¹ English Reprints: Lyly. p. 464.
3 Idem, p. 225.
2 Idem, P. 470.
4 Idem, p. 210.
5 Idem, p. 210. Chron. Eng. Drama. Fleay. II. 37, 38.
Mr. Fleay notes that the last date, Feb. 1, 1579, could
not be made to accord with the others unless changed to
July, 1580, or Feb. 1580-81, and that the date of issue
apparently would not permit of either of these dates.
JOHN LYLY.
xxix
It is, however, odd that in the Glasse for
Europe Lyly writes of an event which did not
take place until after Feb. 1579, the date of the
letter of Philautus which seems to have come
to Euphues after he had written the Glasse.'
Here is the passage referred to: "I my selfe
being in England when hir majestie was for hir
recreation in hir Barge upon ye Thames, hard
of a Gun that was shotte off though of the partie
unwittingly, yet to hir noble person daungerously,
which fact she most graciously pardoned, accept-
ing a iust excuse before a great amends, taking
more griefe for hir poore Bargeman, that was a
little hurt, than care for hir selfe that stoode in
greatest hasarde." This refers to an incident
which the popular imagination of Lyly's time con-
strued into an attempt, authorized by Leicester,
on the French ambassador, Simiert. It took
place apparently in May, 1579. The presence
of this passage in the Glasse must mean one
of two things either Lyly wrote the Glasse
for Europe and all the last part of the book
after May, 1579, and did not notice his con-
flict in dates, or he wrote first the Euphues-
Philautus story, and then, some time later,
added the Glasse for Europe. The evident at-
tempt, however, to make the dates throughout
9
1 English Reprints: Lyly. pp. 432, 433, 464.
2 Idem, p. 453.
3 Les Projets de Mariage de la Reine Elisabeth. La
Ferrière. pp. 218, 219.
XXX
JOHN LYLY.
the book consistent shows some care for details,
and gives probability to the idea that the refer-
ence in the Glasse for Europe was overlooked
because it was not in the original plan for the
work, but was added after the Euphues-Philau-
tus story was written. If it was inserted at
the time when the dates were changed and that
of the letter of Philautus forgotten, the conflict
is easy to understand. If, too, a student will com-
pare the two parts of the Euphues, he will see
that the second is much longer than the first;
that most of the additional space is filled by the
Glasse for Europe; that, if he omits the Glasse,"
he needs to add only a few words to make the
remaining parts of the book connect well; that,
because of the omission, the story of Euphues
and Philautus is more effective; and that the
omission gets rid of a decided conflict in dates,
and makes Feb. 1, 1579, a fitting date, by the
original plan, for the last letter of Philautus.
There would seem to be, then, some ground for
suspecting that, though the rest of Euphues and
his England was finished not long after Feb. 1579,
the Glasse for Europe may have been added
some time after the original draft of the book
was completed. Later we shall find other evi-
dence favoring this idea.
2
What was, probably, the cause of this long
delay, for which Lyly makes rather ponderous
¹ English Reprints: Lyly. PP. 432-464.
2 See p. xc.
}
JOHN LYLY.
xxxi
excuses, and for the addition, if it was made, to
the original MSS.? Professor Arber offers no
suggestion. Mr. Fleay,' working with the idea
that from 1575 Lyly was a candidate for Master
of the Revels, thinks, since on the day of the
licensing of the second part of the Euphues the
writ appointing Edmund Tylney Master of the
Revels was issued, that the cause of the delay was
Lyly's bitter disappointment at not getting the
office. Mr. Fleay thinks, too, that had Lyly ob-
tained the position, he intended to dedicate the
book to Lord Burleigh or the Queen. This last
supposition, resting evidently on the praise of the
Queen and Lord Burleigh in the Glasse for
Europe, fails, of course, if by any chance that is
an addition after July, 1579. A possibility that
this is true has been shown. It certainly seems
odd that, if Lyly was a courtier, trying hard to
get the Mastership of the Revels, he had no
inkling until the issuance of the writ of July 29,
1579, that his chances were naught, for Tylney
was certainly connected with the Revels' Office
from Dec. 1578; was apparently appointed on
trial at that time; and his permanent appoint-
ment, merely, settled in July. Could an eager
aspirant for Tylney's position have been wholly
ignorant from December to July of what was
going on? Moreover, though the Euphues and his
England was evidently intended to advance Lyly's
3
1 Chron. Eng. Dram., II. 37, 38. 2 See pp. xxix-xxx.
³ See note, p. xxi.
xxxii
JOHN LYLY.
interests, it does not offer a hint of any special
interest he wished it to forward; and if during
two years Lyly had been, and during the years to
come wished to be, a candidate for Tylney's posi-
tion, does it not seem likely that he would have
let some reference to his special desire slip out
in the second part of the Euphues? Why, too,
even if he was sorely disappointed in his hopes,
should he have delayed for a year a book ready
to be printed,' expected by the public,² and likely
to increase his reputation greatly? If we believe
that the book as originally written contained the
Glasse for Europe, Lyly may, perhaps, be sup-
posed to have hesitated to print that fulsome
flattery when it must sound, in his disappoint-
ment, hypocritical. But was an Elizabethan likely
to delay for a whole year, because of some incon-
sistency between his real feelings and those ex-
pressed by him, the publication of an eagerly-
expected book? Certainly, he could easily have
toned down the panegyric. On the other hand,
there is doubt whether the Glasse was not
added after July, 1579;³ and the flattery in it is
so unstinted as to suggest some special recent
cause for gratitude to the Queen and high
momentary favor, when it was written. When
all this is considered, does it not seem more
likely that the desire for the position of the
Master of the Revels followed rather than pre-
2 English Reprints: Lyly. pp. 213, 214.
¹ See p. xxx.
3 See pp. xxvi, xxvii.
JOHN LYLY.
xxxiii
ceded the appearance of the second part of the
Euphues?
The prolonged delay in publishing a sequel
(written mainly, if not entirely, before its licens-
ing in July, 1579) to a great success, certainly
suggests in the time attending or immediately
following the licensing of the book some very
serious check to Lyly's career,—even royal dis-
favor. For this disfavor, though Mr. Fleay
seems forced to believe in it,' he offers no rea-
son. There is a supposition, however, which
meets the difficulties of the problem as well as
Mr. Fleay's suggestion, and accounts for the
royal disfavor. It is that Lyly was by July,
1579, associated in the Queen's mind with
Lord Leicester, as one of his followers or fac-
tion; it took in nearly all of the court;-
that Lyly shared in the disfavor which Lord
Leicester and his friends lived under from late
July, 1579, till July, 1580; that because of this
disfavor Lyly did not deem it wise to bring out
his book (metaphorically as well as literally)
"until the colde were past," the summer of 1580,
when Leicester and his friends were again in
favor. Certainly that the book, licensed to be
printed just as the storm broke, was delayed,
2
3
4
Note.
The au-
1 Chron. Eng. Dram., II. 38. 2 See p. xxxiv.
Philip Sidney. H. R. Fox Bourne. p. 211.
thority here seems to be a MS. in the possession of Mr.
Cottrell-Dormer, at Rousham, near Oxford.
• Euphues and his England, Ep. Ded., Arber. p. 215.
xxxiv
JOHN LYLY.
though eagerly looked for by the public, until
that storm was passing away, is very significant.
Let us look rapidly at the evidence bearing
on the supposition. At just about the date of
the licensing of the England, July 24, 1579,
Simier, the French ambassador, revealed to
Elizabeth the secret marriage of Lord Leicester
to Lettice, Countess of Essex.' Until the
summer of 1580 the resulting disfavor of the
Queen lasted, though with periods of less
severity. During this time the court was much
disturbed by the quarrel, and Leicester's friends
and followers stood by him loyally. Robert
Parsons writes: "And if you will have an evi-
•
1 "Lorsqu'il (Simier) vint annoncer à Élisabeth que le
duc arriverait dans les premiers jours d'août, elle ne
donna aucun ordre pour sa réception. Sa tendresse
pour Leicester parut un instant se réveiller. Il était
urgent de frapper un grand coup; Simier en eut l'audace.
Sans aucune préparation, il apprit à la reine que
Leicester était marié secrètement à Lettice Knollys,
la veuve d'Essex. A cette révélation inattendue, entrant
dans une de ses colères de lionne, elle se roula par terre,
injuriant tous ceux qui l'approchèrent, et refusant de
manger. Elle fit alors enfermer Leicester dans un des
forts de Greenwich. . . . La place était donc libre, le duc
pouvait venir. . . Parti le 2 août, il s'embarqua
à Boulogne, et à son arrivée alla droit à Greenwich."
(Les Projets de Mariage de la Reine Élisabeth. La
Ferrière. pp. 220-21.)
•
Evidently, then, the rupture with Leicester immediately
preceded the coming of the Duc d'Anjou in the first week
of August.
JOHN LYLY.
XXXV
sr
dent Demonstration of this man's [Leicester's]
power and favour in that place, call but to mind
the times when Her Majesty, upon most just
and urgent occasions, did withdraw but a little
her wonted Favour and Countenance from him,
did not all the Court as it were mutiny presently?
Did not every Man hang the Lip, except but a
few, who afterwards paid sweetly for their
mirth? At such a time Lyly, if he was re-
garded by the Queen as in any way connected.
with Leicester, would not have been wise to
bring out the England, for whether it originally
contained the Glasse for Europe or did not,
Lyly could not, as a follower of Leicester, hope
for any special favor for it from the Queen, and
in the troubled condition of the court the book
would not be likely to make the success of its
predecessor among the courtiers.
What, however, is the probability that Lyly
was thus associated with Leicester in the Queen's
mind? Leicester was chancellor of Oxford,²
where Lyly had been a prominent undergradu-
ate. In 1575 Leicester gave his famous enter-
tainment for Elizabeth at Kenilworth, to which
all the neighborhood flocked. Then Lyly was
still at Oxford. Leicester was the patron of actors,
3
¹ Memoirs of Robert Dudley [Robert Parsons]. Col-
lectanea Adamantea, 4 vols., Edinburgh, 1888, II. 39.
2 Leicester was made chancellor 30 Dec. in 7 Eliz. Let-
ters and Memorials of State. A. Collins. Vol. I. p. 45.
3 Laneham's Letter. New Shaks. Society. 1887. Se-
ries VI.
xxxvi
JOHN LYLY.
1
2
playwrights, men of wit. Lyly may well have
known him, therefore, before The Anatomie
made him prominent at the court. Add that
through Leicester lay the way to success at
the court; that there are reasons for believing
that in aid of Leicester's plans at different
times Lyly wrote Endymion and even Sapho
and Phao, since the latter play shows distinctly
that he was no favorer of the marriage with the
Duc d'Anjou ; and does it not seem possible that
by July, 1579, Lyly was already enough con-
nected with the great favorite's interests to feel
unsafe in risking during the year of disfavor the
publication of his book? Then, in the summer
of 1580, when "the cold" was past, he might
well bring out his book and in his satisfaction
add The Glasse for Europe.
9
The book certainly seems to have brought
Lyly desirable results. The formality of his
dedication of the work to Lord Oxenford, the
1 "Hereof also ensueth, that no man may be preferred
in the Court, be he otherwise never so well a deserving
Servant to Her Majesty, except he be one of Leicester's
Faction or Followers: None can receive Grace, except he
stand in good favour; no one may live in continuance
and quiet of Life, except he take it, use it, and acknowl-
edge it from him: so as all the favours, graces, dignities,
preferments, riches and rewards which Her Majesty be-
stoweth, or the Realm can yield must serve to purchase
this mans private friends and favourers, only to advance
his party and fortify his faction." Memoirs of Robert
Dudley. Vol. II. p. 36.
2 See pp. xliii-lxxiv.
3 See p. xl. Foot-note.
JOHN LYLY.
xxxvii
difference in tone between it and that to Lord
Delaware,' seem to mean that at the time of the
dedication Lyly did not know well Lord Oxen-
ford, one of the chief patrons of letters at the
court. Indeed, Gabriel Harvey, writing a dozen
years later, complained that at about this time
Lyly, anxious to curry favor with the Earl, tried
to convince him that Harvey in his lines, The
Mirrour of Tuscanismo, printed in his letters to
Spenser, Three Proper, Wittie, Familiar Letters,
had satirized him. The dedication of this work
3
2
English Reprints: Lyly. pp. 202–204.
The
? The Mirrour of Tuscanismo is one of Harvey's cum-
brous attempts at English verse in classic metres.
Works of Gabriel Harvey. Grosart. Vol. I. p. 183.
"And that was all the Fleeting, that ever I felt ; sav-
ing that an other company of special good fellows,
(whereof he was none of the meanest that bravely threat-
ened to coniure-upp one, which should massacre Mar-
tins wit, or should bee lambackd himself with ten yeares
provision) [see Pappe-with-an Hatchet. Saintsbury,
p. 56] would needs forsooth verye courtly persuade the
Earle of Oxforde, that something in those Letters, and
namely, the Mirrour of Tuscanismo, was palpably in-
tended against him: whose noble Lordeship I protest I
never meante to dishonour with the least preiudicial
word of my Tongue, or pen but ever kept a mindefull
reckoning of many bounden duties toward the same:
Since in the prime of his gallātest youth, hee bestowed
Angels upon me in Christes Colledge in Cambridge, and
otherwise voutsafed me many gracious favours. But the
noble Earle, not disposed to trouble his Jovial mind
with such Saturnine paltery still continued, like his mag-
nificent selfe and that Fleeting also proved, like the
xxxviii
JOHN LYLY.
of Harvey's is dated June 19, 1580, a time almost
identical with that heretofore reached as the
date for the England. Harvey's complaint
seems to show, then, that his work just preceded
or immediately followed the England, which is
dedicated to Lord Oxenford.
It is barely possible, too, that Burleigh, in
recognition of the praise bestowed on him in
the Glasse for Europe, gave Lyly the position
which in 1582' he seems, from a letter written to
the Lord Treasurer, to have been holding for
some time. This is, however, mere supposition.
The most important reward was, of course, to
be looked for from the Queen, who could hardly
fail to give Lyly some recognition for flattery of
her seldom, if ever, surpassed. Not long after
other, a silly bullbear, a sorry puffe of winde, a thing of
nothing."-Foure Letters and Certaine Sonnets. (1592).
Harvey's Works. Grosart. Vol. 1. pp. 183, 184.
Papp-hatchet, desirous for his benefit, to currie favour
with a noble Earle; and in defecte of other meanes
of Commendatiō, labouring to insinuate himselfe by
smooth glosing, and coûterfait suggestiōs, (it is a Courtly
feate to snatch the least occasionet of advantage, with
a nimble dexteritie); some yeares since provoked me, to
make the best of it, inconsiderately; to speake like a
frend, unfrendly; to say, as it was, intolerably; without
private cause, or any reason in the world: (for in truth I
looved him, in hope praysed him, many wayes favored
him, and never any way offended him)."- Pierce's
Supererogation. (1589). Harvey's Works. Grosart.
Vol. II. pp. 122, 123. 1589.
¹ See pp. civ-cvii.
JOHN LYLY.
xxxix
1
the publication of the second part of the Euphues
would have been a fitting time for the Queen to
entertain Lyly, as he says she did, as one of her
servants by her "owne gratious favour. That
she should have "strengthened" this "with con-
dicions, that I should ayme all my courses at the
Revells (I dare not saye with a promise, but
a hopefull Item to the rev'con)" suggests some
preceding success by Lyly in dramatic work.
If Lyly had been a disappointed aspirant for the
position of Master of the Revels, would the
phrase "with condicions" rather than permis-
sion or advice have been used?
2
If, now, we look at Lyly's comedies, there
seems to be some reason to think that by the
summer of 1580 he had done some dramatic
work; that, therefore, these "condicions" had a
cause. Just when John Lyly became a drama-
tist is unsettled. Mr. Fleay says in 1581. Yet
there is evidence which seems to point to an
even earlier date. Before April 1, 1585,³ Lyly
had printed two plays, Alexander and Campaspe
(at first called Alexander Campaspe and Diogenes)
and Sapho and Phao (entered as Sapho), and had
obtained a license for, but had not printed, a
third, Galatea (in the license called Tityrus and
Galatea).* There is no internal evidence in
¹ See Lyly's first letter to the Queen, p. clvi.
2 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 38.
3 Idem. p. 36.
4 In this Introduction, the names of the plays, with the
2
xl
JOHN LYLY.
Alexander and Campaspe that makes it possible
to place narrow limits within which it must have
been written. The evident allegory of Sapho
and Phao' shows, however, that the play must
have been written after the irate departure of the
Duc d'Alençon from England in February, 1582.
Gallathea gives us no internal evidence as to
the date of its original draft, except that it fol-
lowed Sapho and Phao.' The earliest date that
exception of Endymion, are spelled as they are in
Blount's and Fairholt's editions.
¹ The Prince left England Feb. 6, 1582 (Chron. Eng.
Dr., vol. II. p. 40). For similarities between the play
and incidents in the negotiations of the Prince for the
hand of Elizabeth compare pp. 471-486, Camden's
Annals of Elizabeth in Kennet's Complete History of
England (1706), vol. II., with Sapho and Phao, particu-
larly Act III. Sc. 3, Sc. 4; Act V. Sc. 2 and 3. These
similarities show pretty clearly that Lyly was "glancing
at court history which was recent when the play was
produced.
2 "DIANA. I have Cupid, and will keepe him; not
to dandle in my lap, whom I abhorre in my heart; but
to laugh him to scorne that hath made in my virgins'
hearts such deepe scarres.-Gallathea, Act V. Sc. 3.
"VENUS. Sir boy, where have you beene? alwaies
taken, first by Sapho, now by Diana; how hapneth it,
you unhappie elphe ?"-Gallathea, Act V. Sc. 3.
Thou
"SAPHO. Sweet Cupid, strike Phao with it.
shalt sit in my lap, I will rocke thee asleepe, and feed
thee with all fine knackes.
*
*
*
"VENUS. I marvaile Cupid commeth not all this while.
How now, in Saphoes lap!
JOHN LYLY.
xli
these plays give, then, is after February, 1582,
but a play of Lyly's, Endymion, not printed
until 1591, seems from its contents to belong to
this early group, and to suggest an even earlier
date for dramatic work by Lyly.
He who wishes an illustration of the saying
Qui s'excuse, s'accuse will find it in the epilogue
of Endymion :
"Most High and Happy Princess, we must
tell you a tale of the Man in the Moon which
if it seem ridiculous for the method, or superflu-
ous for the matter, or for the means incredible,
for three faults we can make but one excuse.
It is a tale of the Man in the Moon" (i.e., a
fable, a fiction).
"It was forbidden in old time to dispute of
Chimæra, because it was a fiction; we hope in
our times none will apply pastimes, because they
are fancies; for there liveth none under the sun
that knows what to make of the Man in the
Moon. We present neither comedy, nor tragedy,
"SAPHO. Yea, Venus, what say you to it?"-Sapho
and Phao, Act V. Sc. 2.
These cross-references in Gallathea (the first pointed
out by Mr. Fleay, Chron. Eng. Dr., p. 41; the second
not apparently noticed hitherto) show plainly that Galla-
thea followed Sapho and Phao, and suggest that, even if
not acted until after the first suppression of the St. Paul's
boys, it was composed immediately after Sapho and
Phao. Unless it was to follow that play immediately,
would not such a reference to a detail, the dandling, in
Sapho and Phao have been causeless?
xlii
JOHN LYLY.
nor story, nor anything but that whosoever
heareth may say this: Why, here is a tale of the
Man in the Moon.'
There can be no doubt that the writer of these
words felt that certain places in his play would
seem to the quick-witted courtiers to glance at
events in court-life or in the politics of the time.
Those who hold that Endymion is not a political
allegory of course accept this deprecatory speech
as entirely sincere, and are forced to believe that
in writing a mythological comedy Lyly found
himself obliged to suggest analogies which
needed some apology. What in the myth he
chose obliged him to do this, and why, if he
feared dangerous applications of parts of his
play to recent events, he left these places un-
changed, are, with this view, not quite clear.
One is rather driven to the other conclusion, that
this deprecatory tone is not genuine, but merely
calls attention to the analogies, piquing the
curiosity and arousing the ingenuity of the audi-
ence.
The difference, too, between the tone of the
prologue and the epilogue is in itself suggestive.
The prologue skilfully deprecates any anger that
application of parts of the play to current
events might arouse, soothes in order that a hear-
ing may be obtained. The epilogue is more ag-
gressive. The play has been heard. Therefore
1 See p. 3.
JOHN LYLY.
xliii
the actors speak out frankly, and, practically
admitting a purpose in their work, defy their
enemies, if the Queen but favor the play.
"Dread Sovereign, the malicious that seek to
overthrow us with threats do but stiffen our
thoughts, and make them sturdier in storms; but
if Your Highness vouchsafe with your favorable
beams to glance upon us, we shall not only stoop,
but, with all humility, lay both our hands and our
hearts at Your Majesty's feet." What, then,
were the applications feared by the actors, why
were they feared, and who were these "malicious
enemies"?
1
In 1847 the Rev. N. J. Halpin' first suggested
that Endymion is a political allegory, and made
a list of identifications of the dramatis persona.
To him it seemed "highly probable" that En-
dymion is the Earl of Leicester; Cynthia, the
Queen; Tellus, the Countess of Sheffield;
Eumenides, the Earl of Sussex; Floscula, the
Countess of Essex; Corsites, Sir Edmund Staf-
ford; and "probable" that Semele is Lady
Frances Sidney; Dipsas, the Countess of Shrews-
bury; Geron, the Earl of Shrewsbury. He
bases his identifications on the similarity be-
tween incidents in the play and in the lives of
these people. Mr. Halpin's main idea, that En-
1 See p. 109.
3
2 Oberon's Vision. N. J. Halpin. Shaks. So. 1847, pp.
49-108.
3 Idem.
P. 77.
Wh
xliv
JOHN LYLY.
1
dymion is an allegory of court life, but not his
whole list of identifications, has won many fol-
lowers. Mr. Morley, on the other hand, rather
scornfully dismisses the idea of an allegory
in the play with these words: "This way of
hobbling Pegasus with logs of prose has friends
enough. I am not of their company. May
there not be a middle course? Mr. Halpin takes
the allegory too literally, too rigidly, and hence
several of his identifications must be thrown out.
Even if some of the figures in the play can be
identified, why should that mean that Lyly
must have had a living model for every person
in it? Yet that is practically what Mr. Halpin
assumes. Allegories, however, are rarely so
complete as this, and, as we shall soon see,' the
Elizabethan allegories certainly were not. More-
over, even if it were possible, at this late date,
to identify all of the characters of the play, that
would be a comparatively useless task. The in-
terest in the investigation lies in showing, not that
there is a complete allegory in the play, but that
Endymion is, instead of a mere airy trifle, a play
with a purpose.
Let us look for a moment at the similarities
between facts of court history and the play. In
May, 1573, Lord Leicester had secretly married
at Esher, Douglas Sheffield, widow of John, sec-
ond baron of Sheffield. Later “his sentiments
1 ¹ English Writers. Vol. IX. p. 204. 2 See pp. lxiii-lxiv.
JOHN LYLY.
xlv
JV
changed, and he offered Lady Sheffield £700 a
year to ignore their relationship. The offer was
indignantly rejected. . . . Although unable to rid
himself of Lady Sheffield, he was making love
to Lettice, the widowed Countess of Essex,
with whose late husband, Walter Devereux, first
Earl of Essex, he had been on very bad terms.
Lady Essex, who was well known to the Queen,
and interchanged gifts with her on New Year's
Day, 1578, had long been on intimate terms with
Leicester, and had stayed at Kenilworth during
the festivities of 1575, while her husband was in
Ireland." In "1578 Leicester, having finally
abandoned all hopes of the Queen's hand, married
Lettice Knollys, Countess of Essex. The cere-
mony was first performed at Kenilworth, and
afterwards (21 Sept. 1578) at Wanstead, in the
presence of Leicester's brother, Warwick, Lord
North, Sir Francis Knollys, the lady's father,
and others. . . . The fact of the marriage was
kept carefully from Elizabeth's knowledge,
although very many courtiers were in the secret.
1
1 "Whereby [Leicester's absolute rule in the court] he
holdeth, as it were a lock upon the ears of his prince,
and all the tongues of Her Majestie's servants, so surely
chained to his girdle, as no man dareth to speak one
thing, that may offend him, though it were never so true
and behoofeful for Her Majesty to know: As well as
appeared in his late marriage with Dame Essex, which
albeit was celebrated twice, first at Killingworth, and
secondly at Wainstead in the presence of the Earl of
War[w]ick, Lord North, Sir Francis Knowles, and others,
•
xlvi
JOHN LYLY.
In August, 1579,' M. de Simier, the French am-
bassador, who was negotiating Alençon's mar-
riage, suddenly broke the news to the Queen.
Elizabeth behaved as if she were heart-broken,
and three days later promised to accept Alençon
on his own terms. She ordered Leicester to con-
fine himself to the castle of Greenwich, and talked
of sending him to the Tower, but Sussex' ad-
vised her to be merciful. Leicester's friends de-
clared that he voluntarily became a prisoner in
his own chamber on the pretence of taking
physic (see Greville's Life of Sir P. Sidney)." *
3
and this being exactly known to the whole court, with
the very day, the place, witnesses, and the minister that
married them together, yet no man durst open his
mouth to make Her Majesty privy thereunto, until Mon-
sieur Shemiers disclosed the same." Memoirs of Robert
Dudley. Vol. II. p. 35.
¹ See note p. xxxiv for evidence that late July is the
proper date and for an account of the interview.
2" But Sussex, though his greatest and deadliest
enemy, and one that earnestly endeavoured to promote
the marriage with Anjou, dissuades her [from her an-
gry plans]; whilst, out of a solid judgment, and of the
innate generosity of his noble mind, he was of opinion
that no man was to be troubled for lawful marriage,
which amongst all men hath ever been had in honour and
esteem. Yet glad he was that by this marriage he
[Leicester] was now put beside all hope of marrying with
the Queen." Annals of Elizabeth, Camden, in Kennet's
Complete History of England. 1706. Vol. 11. p. 463.
3 Dict. of Nat. Biog.: Lyly. Vol. xvI. pp. 116, 117.
JOHN LYLY.
xlvii
A MS. note by Strype' to a letter dated Nov.
12, 1579, sent by Leicester to Lord Burleigh
1 Queen Elizabeth and Her Times. T. Wright. Vol.
II. p. 103. The gist of the letter to which this note of
Strype's is added is as follows:
"I perceave by my brother of Warwyke, your Lord-
ship hath found the like bitterness in her Majesty
toward me that others (too many) have acquainted me
lately withall. I must confess it greveth me not a
lyttle, having so faythfully, carefully, and chargeably
served her Majesty this twenty yeres, as I have done.
"Your Lordship is witness, I trust, that in all her ser-
vices I have bene a direct servant unto her, her state,
and crown; that I have not more sought myne owne
particular proffyt than her honor.
Her Majesty, I see, is grown into a very strange
humour, all things considered, toward me; howsoever it
were trew or false, as she is informed, the state whereof
I will not dyspute. Albeit, I cannot confess a greater
bondage in those cases, than my dewty of allegiance
oweth. Your Lordship hath bene best acquainted, next
myself, to all my proceedings with her Majesty and I
have ere now broken my very hart with you, and have
offered, for avoyding of such blame, as I have generally
in the realme, myne own exyle, that I might not be sus-
pected a hinderer of that matter, [the Queen's marriage,]
which all the world desired, and were sutors for.
But God
"I well understand from whence this cometh now,
not for so good a purpose as I meant then.
judge them as they intend! I wyll be found faythfull
and just to her Majesty, no wrongs, dishonors, or
other indygnites offered me, shall alter my dewtyfull af-
fection toward her, neither wyll I acknowledge more
good dealings at their hands, that have bene causers of
this, than dew respect to her Majesty shall commande
xlviii
JOHN LYLY.
states that the first anger of the Queen passed
in "
a month or two," and Leicester seemed
me. I ever had a very honourable mynd in all my ac-
tions, as neare as my capacity might dyrect me, (and with
modesty be it spoken,) toward her servyce in my pore
calling. Even so was it never abased in any slavish
manner, to be tyed in more than unequall and unreason-
able bands.
'And as I caryed myself almost more than a bondman
many a yere together, so long as one dropp of comfort
was left of any hope, as you yourself, my Lord, doth
well know, so being acquitted and delyvered of that hope,
and, by both open and pryvate protestations and decla-
rations dyscharged, methinks it is more than hard to
take such an occasion to beare so great dyspleasure for;
but the old proverbe say the, 'they that wyll beat a dogge
shall want no weapon.' This is a farr fett matter to
pyck to me.
"The cause is some other, I must suppose, or ells my
lyfe is very wretched and unhappie. But why do I
trouble your Lordship with this matter? I meant only
to thank you for that you have done, and to friend me as
in truth I shall be found to deserve.
"For her manner toward me, I may not find lacke,
I know what I have bene, and am to her in all humble
dewty. She may, perhaps, forthink her benefitts be-
stowed. So may I say, I have lost both youth, liberty,
and all my fortune reposed in her; and, my Lord, by
that tyme I have made an even reckoning with the
world, your Lordship wyll not give me much for the re-
mainder of my twenty yeres' service; but I trust styll,
she that hath been so gracious to all, wyll not only be
grievous to me.
•
""
Dated Nov. 12, 1579.-Idem. Vol. II. pp. 103-105.
1
JOHN LYLY.
xlix
to be in better terms with her; being appointed
with the Lord Treasurer and some others to con-
sider of the marriage. But the Queen's dis-
pleasure brake out again towards the latter end
of the year, and, as it seems, upon the same oc-
casion; whereupon he wrote this letter, intend-
ing that the Lord Treasurer should represent
his humble behaviour to her Majesty under her
indignation. But the letter, which he wrote at
London, was not delivered to the Treasurer,
being then with the Queen at Greenwich." The
displeasure of the Queen did not, as we have
seen,' entirely pass away until July, 1580.
Now Mr. Halpin makes a good part of his
identifying rest on the similarity between the im-
prisonment of Leicester at Greenwich and the
sleep of Endymion on the lunary bank, between.
the aid given Endymion by Eumenides and that
given Leicester by Sussex." The preceding
pages show clearly that these incidents occurred
in 1579, and in connection with the Queen's dis-
covery of Leicester's marriage to the Countess
of Essex, not to the Countess of Sheffield. Mr.
Halpin, though he declares early in his paper "
that in 1575 the news of the amour with the
Countess of Sheffield was "stale news at court,"
uses it as if it were not stale in 1579, and later
confuses incidents belonging to this early amour
¹ See note 3, p. xxxiii.
"Oberon's Vision. p. 60.
8 Idem, p. 41.
1
JOHN LYLY.
of Leicester's with incidents connected with his
marriage with Lettice, Countess of Essex.'
list of identifications, therefore, becomes of
doubtful value, and the comparison between the
play and incidents of the relations of Leicester
and the Queen needs to be made anew. Let
us now, with the history just recounted in mind,
look at the play for a moment.
2
3
Endymion (Leicester), the chief noble of Cyn-
thia's (Elizabeth's) court, is hopelessly in love
with Cynthia (Elizabeth). In 1579 rumor had
said for years that Lord Leicester wished to
marry the Queen. Endymion (Leicester) is in
turn beloved by Tellus (Lettice, Countess of Es-
sex). He is "settled either to die, or to possess
the moon [Elizabeth] herself"; his "fall, though
it be desperate, shall come by daring." With
"fair Tellus [the Countess] have I dissembled,"
he says, "using her but as a cloak for mine af-
fection" (Leicester's first excuse for his con-
duct), “that others, seeing my mangled and dis-
ordered mind, might think it were for one that
loveth me, not for Cynthia [Elizabeth], whose
perfection alloweth no companion, nor compari-
1 Oberon's Vision. p. 59-64.
2 Annals of Elizabeth, Camden, in Kennet's Complete
History of England. 1706. Vol. II. p. 461.
³ See p. 7. If the quotations are verified in the play,
the reader will find additional evidence in support of
the theory now developing.
• See p. 9.
JOHN LYLY.
li
(6
2
<<
son." ¹
With Tellus he certainly does dissemble.
Assuring her, as Leicester must have assured
the Countess of Essex, that he is in heaven
itself when she is with him, and that to love
her and to live" are with him synonymous, he en-
deavors to lull her jealousy asleep by reminding
her that the stately cedar, whose top reach-
eth unto the clouds, never boweth his head to
the shrubs that grow in the valley, nor ivy that
climbeth by the elm can ever get hold of the
beams of the sun." Cynthia" he "honors in
all humility, whom none ought to dare adven-
ture to love; whose affections are immortal and
whose virtues infinite." 3 He begs she may set
her heart at ease and suffer him " to gaze upon
the moon [Elizabeth], at whom, were it not for
Tellus [Countess of Essex], he should die with
wondering." Certainly, these are not unlike the
words with which Leicester must have excused
to the Countess his coquetting with the Queen,
and this is the intense adoration of the Queen
from a distance which Elizabeth liked to think
was the state of mind of most of her nobles.
Tellus (Countess of Essex), however, is not
only fond, but ambitious. If she have not the
heart of a lover so distinguished, she will at
least have the reputation of being his mistress;
"it shall suffice" her "if the world talk that " she
is "favoured of Endymion"; and she is “so op-
• Idem.
? P. 25
3 P. 27.
1 P. 23.
lii
JOHN LYLY.
", 1
pressed with love that, neither able with beauty
nor wit to obtain her friend," she "will rather
use unlawful means than try intolerable pains.
She will " entangle him in such a sweet net
that he shall neither find the means to come
out, nor desire it. All allurements of pleasure
will" she "cast before his eyes, insomuch that
he shall slake that love which he now voweth to
Cynthia [Elizabeth] and burn in hers."" Here
we have Leicester's second excuse,-fancifully
stated,—that he was bewitched by Lettice's
charms. The Countess of Essex was certainly
"oppressed with love," for even before her hus-
band's death, in July, 1576, there were evil rumors
about her and Leicester. "In this languishing
between" Tellus's "amorous devices and his
[Endymion's] own loose desires, there shall such
dissolute thoughts take root in his head, and
over his heart grow so thick a skin, that neither
hope of preferment, nor counsel of the wisest,
nor company of the worthiest, shall alter his
humor, nor make him once to think of his honor."
All this Tellus hopes to accomplish through
Dipsas, a sorceress. Leicester says, then, that
the Countess (whom he was using merely as a
cloak for his affections for Elizabeth) has done
everything possible to make him love her, and
1 P. 13.
3
2 P. 12.
994
3 Annals of Elizabeth, Camden, in Kennet. Vol. II.
p. 465. Memoirs of Robert Dudley. Vol. II. pp. 13, 14.
• P. 13.
JOHN LYLY.
liii
to turn aside his affection from the Queen, but
that he has been thoroughly loyal and his posi-
tion has been misunderstood by the Queen.
The wildness of his love for the Queen and the
machinations of his enemies are responsible for
whatever has seemed unfitting in his past con-
duct toward Elizabeth.
99 1
The power of Dipsas, however, does not ge
so far as Tellus desires. There is nothing she
is unable to do except that which Tellus would
have her attempt; for she is "not able to rule
hearts," nor "to place affection by appoint-
ment. She can, indeed, “breed slackness in
love, though never root it out"; and she can
effect "that Cynthia [Elizabeth] should mis-
trust him or be jealous of him [Leicester] with-
out color." Tellus (the Countess) contents
herself with this, that "seeing her love to En-
dymion, unspotted, cannot be accepted, his
faith to Cynthia [the Queen], though it be un-
speakable, may be suspected."" Dipsas says,
however, that the charm can be only temporary ;
it "will wear out with time, that treadeth all
things down but truth. In other words, the
revelations of de Simier showing that Leicester
had been deceiving the Queen while secretly
married to the Countess of Essex are slanders
against a man who has merely been seeking a
way peacefully to maintain his absolute devotion
3
3 Idem.
$ P. 22.
1 P. 21.
liv
JOHN LYLY.
to the Queen; and Elizabeth unjustly suspects
him whose love for her is unspeakable. Nor
can such misrepresentation fail to be detected
in time.
If the allegory followed the facts of the court
scandal, the treatment of Endymion by Dipsas
should represent de Simier's denouncing of Lei-
cester to the Queen. That would, however, have
been a difficult matter to treat clearly, without
giving great offence, before an audience in which
there would be friends of de Simier and of the
French party. Consequently, a reader finds at
this point in the play a vagueness in the alle-
gory to which Lyly for self-protection at times
has recourse in his work. Dipsas, finding En-
dymion in a position that places him at her
mercy,―asleep on a bank of lunary, '—renders
him inert, deadens all his faculties, by the spell
of prolonged sleep. Not what de Simier did or
said, but the conditions under which he spoke
and the effect of his words are what Lyly
allegorizes. De Simier, taking advantage of the
unfortunate position in which Leicester had
placed himself by his marriage to the Countess
of Essex, took away, as the Earl wrote in his
1 ¹ P. 36. It is noteworthy that lunary when bound to
the pulse of the sick caused, according to Lyly (see note,
P35), nothing but dreams of weddings and dances.
Endymion asleep on a bed of lunary may well then,
allegorically, be Leicester rendered indifferent to his
surroundings by his passion for the Countess of Essex.

JOHN LYLY.
lv
"1
letter of complaint to Burleigh, "youth, liberty,
and all his future, reduced Leicester to help-
lessness by bringing upon him the disfavor of the
Queen. But this sleep has a twofold significance,
one general, the other specific, as allegorical
representation so often has²: it is, not merely,
in general, the disfavor of the Queen, but appa-
rently, more specifically, at moments, the con-
finement of Leicester to the fort at Greenwich.
Even the threatened removal of Leicester to
the Tower seems to be referred to in the later
effort of Corsites to remove Endymion from the
lunary bank to a dark cave.
(6
19 3
Cynthia (Elizabeth) is deeply concerned at
the fate of her worshipper (see the account of
1
¹ For this striking resemblance between Leicester's
own description of his condition under the disfavor of the
Queen and that given to him by Lyly, see Leicester's
letter, note, p. xlviii.
2 See p. lxii.
3" TELLUS. You know that on the lunary bank sleepeth
Endymion.
CORSITES. I know it.
"TELLUS. If you will remove him from that place by
force, and convey him into some obscure cave by policy,
I give you here the faith of an unspotted virgin that you
only shall possess me as a lover." Pp. 62, 63.
It is, perhaps, worth notice here that on p. 75 Cor-
sites, in describing to Cynthia his attempt to move
Endymion from the lunary bank, slips and, referring
to it as a building, says that Tellus commanded him
"to remove Endymion from this cabin, and carry him
to some dark cave,"
lvi
JOHN LYLY.
***
Elizabeth's anger, p. xxxiv), though naturally, in
the allegory, gratitude for faithful service, not
jealousy, is the cause of the concern. She
banishes from her presence Tellus, who spoke
harshly of Endymion, committing her to the care
of Corsites. He is to convey her to the castle
in the desert, there "to remain and weave.” ¹
From the time of the announcement of the
secret marriage, the Countess of Essex, who had
been well known to the Queen, was for years not
permitted to appear at court. Cynthia sends
messengers to different parts of the world to find
a remedy for Endymion. Eumenides only, his
friend, succeeds in the quest.
2
$
By a fountain in Thessaly, which, from the
description of it, may well be called the fountain
of true and disinterested love, he meets the
aged Geron, who tells him that whoever can
weep into the well the tears of a faithful lover
will so clear the troubled waters that he shall be
able to see the bottom and to have anything for
which he asks. When Eumenides weeps for
his beloved Semele, he sees at the bottom of
the well the words: "Ask one for all, and but
1 P. 41.
2 She was
"the first cousin once removed" of Eliza-
beth. Her father was vice-chamberlain and, later,
treasurer of the household.-Romance of Peerage. Craik.
Vol. II. pp. 5-7.
3 Memoirs of the Ct. of Queen Elizabeth. Aiken.
London : 1826. p. 70 and 403.
JOHN LYLY.
lvii
one thing at all." He is then torn between his
love for Semele and his friendship for Endym-
ion. After a struggle friendship wins, and he
asks for a cure for Endymion. Then he sees
that the oracle on the marble pillar in the pool
runs: “When she whose figure is of all the
perfectest and never to be measured; always
one, yet never the same; still inconstant, but
never varying; shall come and kiss Endymion
in his sleep, he shall then rise; else never."
The meaning is obvious. This is the descrip-
tion not only of the moon, but also of Cynthia,
and she must accomplish the miracle. To her
Eumenides goes with his news.' What is this,
however, but an elaborate allegorical version of
the part of the Earl of Sussex in releasing
Leicester from his confinement at Greenwich?
The two men were not friends, but they were
fellow-councillors, and the struggle of Eume-
nides between love and friendship is not unlike
that which Sussex, who favored the marriage
with the Duc d'Alençon, might be supposed to
have had between his sense of justice and his
desire to see a rival and opponent overcome.
Eumenides goes to Cynthia as the only person
capable of performing the miracle, just as Sussex,
in behalf of Leicester, pleaded with the Queen,
as the only person who could release the Earl.
Corsites, meantime, tempted by Tellus, with
1
¹ Pp. 52, 60.
lviii
JOHN LYLY.
whom he has fallen in love, has tried to remove
Endymion from his lunary bank to some cave.'
Some of the words of Tellus in her scene with
Corsites are suggestive. She has set him a
task the gods themselves cannot perform," for
only the Queen herself can release the Earl
from his confinement. Corsites undertakes his
task with fear, lest Cynthia discover their love
and both perish; "for nothing pleaseth her but
the fairness of virginity." Certainly, that
points directly to Queen Elizabeth, for Leices-
ter, Hatton, Raleigh, and others all felt the
Queen's displeasure because of their marriages.'
Corsites, trying to raise Endymion, is caught by
fairies and pinched until he falls asleep.
4
2
Forty years are supposed to have elapsed
between the time when Endymion falls asleep
and the return of Eumenides with his news.
Endymion (Leicester) is spoken of as "dead
with life, and living, being altogether dead,"
even as we speak of prisoners to-day. Cynthia,
hearing the oracle, kisses Endymion and wakes
him that is, forgives and releases him. He
then tells her what he saw in his dreams.
Especially interesting is this dream, which
suggests a warning against those in the court
who favored the French marriage. "There,
portrayed to life, with a cold quaking in every
1 Pp. 70, 71.
2 P. 63.
• Oberon's Vision, note d, p. 63.
6
6
4 P. 81.
6 P. 75.
• P. 80.
}
JOHN LYLY.
lix
1
joint, I beheld many wolves barking at thee,
Cynthia; who having ground their teeth to
bite, with striving bleed themselves to death.
There might I see Ingratitude with an hundred
eyes, gazing for benefits, and with a thousand
teeth gnawing on the bowels wherein she was
bred. Treachery stood all clothed in white,
with a smiling countenance, but both her hands
bathed in blood. Envy with a pale and meagre
face . . . stood shooting at stars, whose darts
fell down again on her own face. There might
I behold drones or beetles-I know not how to
term them-creeping under the wings of a
princely eagle, who, being carried into her nest,
sought there to suck that vein that would have
killed the eagle. I mused that things so base
should attempt a fact so barbarous, or durst
imagine a thing so bloody."
1
Bagoa, a servant of Dipsas, betrays the guilt
of Tellus,' and Cynthia sits in judgment on the
culprits. Tellus admits that the passion of
Endymion (Leicester) for Cynthia (the Queen)
drove her to an "extreme hate." Endymion
admits the truth of all of the story of Tellus
except that he has loved her and sworn to
honor her. In other words, Endymion does
just what Leicester must have done. He could
not deny his relations with the Countess, but
he could say that they did not mean any dis-
1
¹ Pp. 84, 85.
2 P. 93.
3 P. 97.
4 P. 100.
1x
JOHN LYLY.
loyalty to the Queen. Endymion declares that
he has "honored" Her Highness "above all
the world; but to stretch it so far as to call it
(6
love" he " never durst: none pleased " his “eye
but Cynthia, none delighted" his "ears but Cyn-
thia, none possessed" his "heart but Cynthia";
he has forsaken all other fortunes to follow
Cynthia, and" stands "ready to die if it please
Cynthia. Such a difference hath the gods set.
between" their "states, that all" (on his part)
"
(6
", 1
must be duty, loyalty, and reverence; nothing
(without Your Highness vouchsafe it) be termed
love." He will "spend" his "spirits" and to
himself, “that no creature may hear it, softly
call it love; and if any urge to utter what " he
whispers, then will" he "name it honor.'
What words more fitting for Leicester when eager
to be restored to favor, or just in favor again;
what words more likely to please the vain Queen
with her weakness for this unscrupulous courtier?
Cynthia (the Queen) permits Endymion's
honorable respect to be christened love in him,
and her reward for it, favor; bids him persevere
in loving her who has studied to win all, and to
keep such as she has won; and promises that if
he continue as he has begun, he shall find that
Cynthia shineth upon him not in vain. En-
dymion now finds his "youth renewed," his
"joints strengthened," and his "mouldy hairs
1 P. 101.
JOHN LYLY.
lxi
moulted; that is, Leicester is completely re-
stored to favor, is happy again. There is a strik-
ing similarity between this passage and one in
the letter quoted in the note on page xlviii. In
the latter Leicester says, referring to the Queen:
"I have lost both youth, liberty, and all my
fortune reposed in her."
Tellus, begging only to be still allowed to wish
Endymion well, is given to Corsites; Eumenides
gets Semele; Geron, Dipsas; and Sir Tophas,
Bagoa.'
Certainly, then, there are striking resemblances
between the play, Endymion, and incidents of
the quarrel between the Earl of Leicester and
the Queen in 1579, and the play, as a whole,
reads like a graceful compliment to the Queen
that at the same time is Leicester's version of his
conduct. In considering these resemblances, it is
noteworthy that the chief incident in the allegory,
the long sleep of Endymion from which only
the kiss of Cynthia can wake him, is just such a
fancy as those with which the leading courtiers
flattered the gullible Queen. "To feign a dan-
gerous distemper arising from the influence of
her charms was deemed an effectual passport to
her favor; and when she appeared displeased,
1 Pp. 101, 102.
2 In this comparison of the play with the history of
the quarrel of the Queen with Leicester, Mr. Halpin's
comparison has been used as a basis, but subject to de-
cided changes. Oberon's Vision, pp. 52-58.
lxii
JOHN LYLY.
the forlorn courtier took to his bed in a parox-
ysm of amorous despondency, and breathed out
his tender melancholy in sighs and protestations.
We find Leicester, and some other ministers,
endeavoring to introduce one Dyer to her favour;
and the means which they employed was, to
persuade her that a consumption from which
the young man had with difficulty recovered
was brought on by the despair with which she
had inspired him.' Essex, having on one occa-
sion fallen under her displeasure, became ex-
ceedingly ill, and could be restored to health
only by her sending him some broth, with kind
wishes for his recovery. Raleigh, hearing of these
attentions to his political rival, got sick in his
turn, and received no benefit from any medicine
till the same sovereign remedy was applied."
)) 2
Nor do the facts that the allegory is not com-
plete; that incidents not connected with the
quarrel appear; that characteristics not those
of the historical figures are given to their sup-
posed representatives; spoil the argument from
this similarity. This incomplete, or partial, alle-
gory was a feature of the literature of Lyly's
time. The words of Dean Church when writing
of the allegory of The Faery Queen describe ad-
mirably Lyly's Endymion, Sapho and Phao, and
1 Letter of Gilbert Talbot to the Earl of Shrewsbury.
Lodge's Portraits. LI. IOI.
2 Lives of Brit. Statesmen. J. Macdiamid. I. 292-93.
JOHN LYLY.
lxiii
((
Midas: A vein of what are manifestly contem-
porary allusions breaks across the moral drift of
the allegory, with an apparently distinct yet ob-
scured meaning, and one of which it is the work
of dissertations to find the key. . . . And in Spen-
ser's allegory we are not seldom at a loss to make
out what and how much was really intended, amid
a maze of overstrained analogies and over-subtle
conceits, and attempts to hinder a too close
and dangerous identification. Indeed Spenser's
method of allegory, which was historical as well
as usual, and contains a good deal of history, if
we knew it, often seems devised to throw curious
readers off the scent. It was purposely baffling
and hazy..... The personage is introduced with
some feature or amid circumstances which seem
for a moment to fix the meaning. But when we
look for the sequence of the story, we find our-
selves thrown out. . . . The real in person, inci-
dent, institution, shades off into the ideal; after
showing itself by plain tokens, it turns aside out
of its actual path of fact and ends, as the poet
thinks it ought to end, in victory or defeat, glory
or failure. . . . There is an intentioned disloca-
tion of the parts of the story when they might'
make it imprudently close in its reflection of
facts or resemblance in portraiture. A feature
is shown, a manifest allusion made, and then the
poet starts off in other directions, to confuse
and perplex all attempts at interpretation, which
might be too particular and too certain. This
lxiv
JOHN LYLY.
was no doubt merely according to the fashion of
the time, and the habits of mind into which the
poet had grown. But there were often reasons for
it, in an age so suspicious, and so dangerous to
those who meddled with high matters of state.'
That there was some danger for Lyly in his
work, the reference to "malicious enemies" in
the epilogue of Endymion' shows; and that in
consequence he was purposely "baffling and
hazy" any careful student of the text of the play
will see. A good specimen of Lyly's skilful
management of his allegory so that it refers
now to both the moon and the Queen, now to
the moon only, now to the Queen only, is Endy-
mion's description of his mistress :—
End. O, fair Cynthia, why do others term
thee inconstant whom I have ever found im-
movable? Injurious time, corrupt manners, un-
kind men, who, finding a 'constancy not to be
matched in my sweet mistress, have christened
her with the name of wavering, waxing, and wan-
ing! Is she inconstant that keepeth a settled
course; which, since her first creation, altereth
not one minute in her moving? There is nothing
thought more admirable or commendable in the
sea than the ebbing and flowing; and shall the
moon, from whom the sea taketh this virtue, be
accounted fickle for increasing and decreasing?
¹ Spenser. Dean Church. Pp. 169-71.
2
Pp. 107-108.
1
JOHN LYLY.
lxv
Flowers in their buds are nothing worth till they
be blown, nor are blossoms accounted till they
be ripe fruit; and shall we then say they be
changeable for that they grow from seeds to
leaves, from leaves to buds, from buds to their
perfection? Then, why be not twigs that be-
come trees, children that become men, and
mornings that grow to evenings, termed waver-
ing, for that they continue not at one stay?
Ay, but Cynthia, being in her fulness, decayeth,
as not delighting in her greatest beauty, or
withering when she should be most honored.
When malice cannot object anything, folly will,
making that a vice which is the greatest virtue.
What thing, (my mistress excepted,) being in
the pride of her beauty and latter minute of
her age, that waxeth young again? Tell me,
Eumenides, what is he that having a mistress
of ripe years and infinite virtues, great honors
and unspeakable beauty, but would wish that
she might grow tender again, getting youth by
years, and never-decaying beauty by time;
whose fair face neither the summer's blaze can
scorch, nor winter's blast chap, nor the number-
ing of years breed altering of colors? Such is
my sweet Cynthia, whom time cannot touch
because she is divine, nor will offend because
she is delicate. O Cynthia, if thou shouldst
always continue at thy fulness, both gods and
men would conspire to ravish thee. But thou,
to abate the pride of our affections, dost de-
lxvi
JOHN LYLY.
tract from thy perfections, thinking it sufficient
if once in a month we enjoy a glimpse of thy
majesty; and then, to increase our griefs, thou
dost decrease thy gleams, coming out of thy
royal robes, wherewith thou dazzlest our eyes,
down into thy swathe-clouts, beguiling our eyes.'
""
1
If any proof be needed that there is inten-
tional confusion in Lyly's work, the epilogue of
Sapho and Phao offers it. They that tread in
a maze, walk oftentimes in one path and at last
come out where they entered in. We fear we
have led you all this while in a labyrinth of
conceits, divers times hearing one device, and
have now brought you to an end where we first
began. Which wearisome travail you must im-
pute to the necessity of the history, as Theseus
did his labor to the art of the labyrinth. There
is nothing causeth such giddiness as going in a
wheel; neither can there anything breed such
tediousness as hearing many words uttered in a
small compass. But if you accept this dance of
a fairy in a circle, we will hereafter at your wills
frame our fingers to all forms, and so we wish
every one of you a thread to lead you out of the
doubts wherewith we leave you intangled, that
nothing be mistaken by our rash oversights, nor
misconstrued with your deep insights.' In
other words, the work of the allegory of the
1 Pp. 7-9.
)) 2
2 Lilly's Works. Fairholt. Vol. I. p. 214.
F
JOHN LYLY.
lxvii
court poet of Elizabeth's day, Spenser, and of
the court dramatist, Lyly, show markedly similar
characteristics; and both by incompleteness and
confusion apparently seek to place on him who
finds anything unfitting in their words a portion,
at least, of the responsibility.
It would seem, then, that the prologue and
the epilogue of Endymion hint strongly that
the play is an allegory written with a purpose;
that a reading of the play suggests many appli-
cations to incidents in the relations in 1579 of
Leicester, the Countess of Essex, and the
Queen; that the principal incident is just
such a fancy as had often been used effectively
by discountenanced courtiers to regain the
favor of the Queen; and that the allegory itself
seeks to confuse all but those best informed as
to the private history of the court.
In the play
facts are “moulded with such art into a fable;
the offensive realities so smoothed down into
agreeable possibilities; the faults of the lover
are so dexterously concealed, or 'discreetly cast
into the shade'; the claims of the humbler
mistress so mystified, and the charms and virtues
of the Sovereign Lady painted in such bright
and glowing colors, that the representation (fully
warranted by the fashion of the times) could
not have failed of being most gratifying to
the two great personages whom it was the
poet's object to please."" In other words,
1 Oberon's Vision. Halpin. p. 59.
lxviii
JOHN LYLY.
"(
((
just as when a scandal appears in a family of
wealth or power, sooner or later we hear or see
printed an authorized" version of the story,
which makes the best of a bad case, so here,
in Endymion, we seem to have a sixteenth-cen-
tury "authorized" version of Lord Leicester's
treatment of the Queen in his relations with the
Countess of Essex. If this be true, it is easy
now to see what were the "applications” by
malicious enemies" feared by the actors, and
why they feared them. The possible applica-
tions have been pointed out in part, for doubt-
less others not now evident were apparent
enough to the eyes of the courtiers; the
enemies were the party at court opposed to
Lord Leicester and his friends; and there was
special cause for fear because Leicester's oppo-
sition to the French marriage had caused great
bitterness against him, and when the play was
given, he was either still in disfavor, but skil-
fully petitioning for pardon, or but just restored
to power and thanking the Queen for a clemency
that might not be permanent.
1
¹ The references Corsites and the Queen make to that
officer's strength suggest that the courtiers must have
recognized some well-known person in this figure.
"Didst thou not, Corsites, before Cynthia, pull up a tree
that forty years was fastened with roots and wreathed in
knots to the ground? Didst thou not, with main force,
pull open the iron gates which no ram or engine could
move?" P. 71. See also p. 76.
JOHN LYLY.
lxix
Is there, however, any evidence that Leicester
would have countenanced such a method of
flattering the Queen; that Lyly would have
been the man to do the work; that such means
were especially likely to please the Queen?
There is a favorable evidential answer to all of
these questions.
We have seen that the breach between Lei-
cester and the Queen lasted, with periods of less
severity, from late July, 1579, until July, 1580.¹
That Leicester was much distressed by this dis-
favor and that he sought every means to free
himself from it, the letter' written in November,
1579, and the following quotation show: "We
have had sufficient Trial of my Lord's fortitude
in Adversity; his base and abject behaviour in
his last Disgrace about his Marriage, well declar-
eth what he would do in a matter of more Im-
portance. His favouring and flattering of them
whom he hat[et]h most, his servile Speeches, he
[his] feigned and dissembled Tears, are all very
well known. . . . Then and in that Necessity, no
Men of the Realm were so much honoured, com-
mended and served by him, as the noble Cham-
berlain deceased,' and the good Lord Treasurer
living; to whom at a certain time he wrote a
Letter in all Fraud and false Dissimulation, and
1
¹ See p. xxxiii.
2 See note, pp. xlvii, xlviii.
³ See treatment of Sussex as Eumenides in Endymion.
Parsons published his book in 1584. Sussex died 1583.

1xx
JOHN LYLY.
caused the same to be delivered with great
Cunning, in the sight of her Majesty, and yet so
as it showed a Purpose that it should not
be seen, to the end, her Highness might the
rather take occasion to call for the same and
read it, as she did: For Mrs. Frances Howard,
to whom the Stratagem was committed, played
her Part dexterously, offered to deliver the same
to the Lord Treasurer, near the door of the
Witch-drawing Chamber, he then coming from
her Majesty; and to draw the Eye and Attention
of Her Majesty the more unto it, she let fall the
Paper before it touched the Lord Treasurer's
Hands, by that occasion brought her Highness
to call for the same. This willingness of
Leicester's to win back the Queen's favor by a
trick, by a little comedy indeed, suggests that he
would gladly have availed himself of a skilful
play like Endymion to gain, or to maintain him-
self-in, the royal favor.
99 1
Moreover, the courtiers, seem to have aided
Leicester in every possible way; they fairly
pestered the Queen with their prayers for the
re-establishing in favor of their master. 'And
if you will have an evident Demonstration of
this man's power and favour in that place, call
but to mind the times when Her Majesty, upon
most just and urgent occasions, did withdraw
¹ Memoirs of Robert Dudley. Parsons. Vol. IV. pp.
19, 20.

}
JOHN LYLY.
lxxi
but a little her wonted Favour and Countenance
from him, did not all the Court as it were mu-
tiny presently? Did not every Man hang the
Lip? except but a few, who afterwards paid
sweetly for their mirth; Were there not every
Day new Devices sought out, that some should
be on their Knees to her Majesty? Some should
weep and put Finger in Eye; others should find
out certain covert manner of Threatenings; other
persons and perswasions of Love, other of profit,
other of Honour, other of Necessity, and all to
get him recalled back to favour again? And
had her Majesty any Rest permitted unto her,
until she had heard and granted the same?” ¹
These quotations must make it pretty clear that
Endymion (for certainly it may be called a
'persuasion of love") was just such a means as
Leicester, if anxious to win anew the favor of
the Queen or to maintain himself in the royal
favor but just restored to him, would have used
for accomplishing his ends.
(6
The special interest Lyly had in doing such
allegorical work is at once apparent. If he
aided the Earl in obtaining the desired ends, he
might expect great rewards from him, even per-
haps from the Queen, in her relief at being pro-
vided with a deft explanation of an awkward
situation. That Leicester's servants did work
Memoirs of Robert Dudley. Parsons. Vol. II. pp.
39, 40.
lxxii
JOHN LYLY.
(6
for just such rewards we have proof. Every
falling out must have an Attonement again,
whereof he being sure, by the many and puissant
Means of his Friends in Court, as I have before
shewed, who shall not give her Majesty rest until
it be done, than [then] for this Attonement, and
in perfect Reconciliation on her Majesties part,
she must grant my Lord some Suit or other,
which he will always have ready provided for
that purpose, and this Suit shall be well able to
reward his Friends, that laboured for his recon-
cilement, and leave also a good remainder for
himself, and that is now so ordinary a practise
with him, as all the Realm observeth the same
and disdaineth, that her Majesty should so un-
worthily be abused.'
99 1
That Lyly should have put his somewhat
daring composition into the allegorical form
was very natural. It was much affected by
courtiers, and in it the Queen was often ad-
dressed by the poets and the writers of her time.
It was a form to which Lyly, steeped as he was
in classical similes and illustrations, would turn
readily and naturally, for it was but maintaining
the similes throughout a play. In it he could
with the least chance of unpleasant results for
himself and his friends treat somewhat dangerous
Most important of all, Elizabeth liked
allegory for itself; to be able to penetrate its
matters.
¹ Idem. Vol. III. pp. 17, 18.
i
JOHN LYLY.
lxxiii
I
veil pleased her vanity. Lord Burleigh, writing
to Sir Robert Cecil in Dec. 1593, said: “The
second poynt of your letter concerneth my
former allegoricall letter written to you, in which
I perceive her Majestie discovered the literall
sense thereof before the mydst of it seene.
must confesse that my cunning therein was not
sufficient to hide the sense from her Majestie,
although I thinke never a ladye besides her, nor a
decipherer in the courte, would have dissolved
the figure to have found the sense as her
Majestie hath done. And where her Majestie
alloweth of me, that I made myself merry, in
very truthe I did it rather to make her some
sport, (myself therein not altered, no otherwise
then her Majesties lute is in her own hand, that
maketh others merry, and continueth itself as it
was)."
1
We have seen, then, that Lyly probably knew
Leicester and was connected with his interests
before the summer of 1580; that Leicester,
though with at least one period of reconciliation,
was badly out of favor from late in July, 1579,
to July, 1580; that during this time, aided by
many of the courtiers and his friends in general,
he left nothing undone to excuse his conduct
and to win back the favor of the Queen; that
Endymion, which constantly suggests analogies
1 Queen Elizabeth and her Times. T. W. Wright.
Vol. II. p. 428.
lxxiv
JOHN LYLY.
;
to the relations of Elizabeth and Leicester at
the time of their quarrel, might well be described
as a a "new device" presenting "persons and
persuasions of love," just what the courtiers
presented to the Queen in Leicester's behalf;
that in its main idea, the sleep of Endymion, it
strongly resembles the devices by which Leicester
in the case of Dyer, and Raleigh in his own time
of disfavor, had won the sympathy of Elizabeth;
that, as Burleigh's letter shows, the form was
popular and comparatively safe, and suited to a
well-known foible of the Queen. Certainly, after
all this is carefully considered, there can be
little doubt that Endymion is a genuine allegory
treating the relations of Leicester, the Countess
of Essex, and the Queen in 1579..
Even, however, among those who have ac-
cepted the idea that Endymion is an allegorical
treatment of the quarrel of Leicester and the
Queen, there is a difference of opinion as to the
date of the composition of the play. For this
reason, the editor, in the preceding pages, has
deferred until this part of the Introduction any
discussion of the question, suggested much earlier,
whether Endymion was written to reinstate Leices-
ter in favor or in celebration of his reinstatement.
Evidently, if the reasoning of the preceding dis-
cussion as to the nature of the play be accepted, it
points to a date between July, 1579, and not long
after July, 1580, when the final reconciliation took,
place, as the time of the production of Endymion.
JOHN LYLY.
lxxv
2
Early editors,' particularly those who did not
know of, or who did not believe in, the idea of a
political allegory in Endymion, are non-com-
mittal as to its original date of performance.
Mr. Fleay, who accepts fully the idea that the
play is a political allegory treating the quarrel
between Leicester and the Queen, seems to
think that the first of February, 1588, is the date
of its original production. This date he gets,
apparently, by taking the statement of the title-
page of the original edition that the play was
given at Candlemas at Greenwich,' and looking
for that date in the records of the court per-
formances. But, in the first place, Candlemas
Day should give him Feb. 2, not Feb. 1; and, in
the second place, his own list of court per-
formances in his History of the Stage, does not
provide him with a performance by the St. Paul's
boys at Court on Feb. 2, 1588. The "Extract
from the Accounts of the Revels at Court"
tells us that in 1588 the "Children of Poles "
acted before the Queen at Greenwich, but how
5
¹ Dilke speaks only (see vol. I. p. 200 of Collection of
Old English Plays) of its date of publication, 1591.
Mr. Fairholt does not commit himself as to the exact
date, but, following the order of publication, prints En-
dymion just after Sappho and Phao. Vol. 1, p. xxvii.
2 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 41.
8 Lilly's Works. Fairholt. vol 1. p. xxviii.
4 Hist. of Stage. Fleay. p. 76.
5 Revels at Court. p. 198.
lxxvi
JOHN LYLY.
often, when, in what plays, by what authors,
these are not told. Certainly, then, to assign
Endymion to Feb. 2, 1588, is a pretty arbitrary
proceeding.
1
That it is necessary or even possible to give
so late a date as 1587-90 to the play seems, in
the light of the evidence already produced and
a few additional facts, hard to accept. Granted
that the play is an allegory, why is it more prob-
able that it was first produced seven or eight
years after the quarrel between the Queen and
Leicester was over, when the two, long friends
again, had even quarrelled anew, but this time
over matters in the Low Countries, not love
affairs; when Sussex, to whom a graceful com-
pliment is paid in Eumenides of the play, had
been dead four or more years; when even Lei-
cester himself was either near his end or dead?³
What reason could there be for the first produc-
tion of the play at this time? On the other
hand, look at the array of reasons that has been
given for the production of just such a play in
1579-80: a reason why Leicester should have
been glad to have such a play given, to state
his version of a court scandal; why Lyly should
have been glad to write it at the time, because
2
¹ In 1586. Philip Sidney. H. R. Fox Bourne. pp.
324, 325.
2 He died in June, 1583. Romance of the Peerage.
G. Craik. Vol. 1. p. 108.
³ He died in 1588. Philip Sidney. Fox Bourne, p. 358.
JOHN LYLY.
lxxvii
it would greatly advance his interests with Lei-
cester, and probably with the Queen; why it
should have pleased the Queen,—because, while
flattering her in the most fulsome way, it gave a
very convenient interpretation of some awkward
facts; why it should have deeply interested all
the court, because the quarrel was still one of
the chief interests at court. Not one of these
reasons holds good by 1587.
Moreover, that the play did not appear in
print until 1591 means nothing as to the time
of its composition. Any student of the Eliza-
bethan drama knows that plays were jealously
guarded by the companies of actors owning
them, and usually went to press only when the
disbanding of a company or a change in popular
taste made the plays no longer useful to their
owners. Therefore, a play printed in 1591
might perfectly well, if it had been popular, have
been written years before and jealously guarded
from the printer by the actors. Indeed, we
know that only under just the two conditions
named above, i.e., when the children's companies
were not acting in public, or a change of taste
rendered the plays of less interest, were any of
Lyly's plays published.' The history of Galla-
thea, licensed April 1, 1585,' but held from the
press when the St. Paul's boys were revived as
a company, April 26, 1585, and not published
S
¹ See pp. cxxiii, cxxvi-cxxvii, cxlix-clii, clxvi.
* Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 38. * See pp. cxxv.
lxxviii
JOHN LYLY.
until 1591, when the St. Paul's boys were again
silent,' shows that Endymion, too, might per-
fectly well have been written before 1584, when
Lyly first published some of his plays, and kept
from the press, like Gallathea, because of the re-
vival of the St. Paul's company in 1585, until
the company was forbidden to act in its theatre
in or near 1591.
When we add the fact that the plays of the
first group sent to the printer,-Alexander and
Campaspe, Sapho and Phao, and Tityrus and
Galatea or Gallathea, which bridges the two
periods 1579-1584 and 1585-1591,—have a very
marked euphuism which Midas and Mother
Bombie,' plays, as all critics admit, of the
period from 1587-1591, have not, and that this
euphuism is especially strong in Endymion, the
evidence for an early date for the allegory gains
strength. The evidence, then, that favors plac-
ing Endymion between 1579 and 1584, when
Lyly first published some of his plays, is both
internal and external, from style, contents, and
analogy.
That Blount in his, the first collected edition
1
¹ See pp. clvi-clxiv.
2 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. pp. 41-42. The date of
Love's Metamorphosis has never been thoroughly settled.
As a later discussion, pp. xcvii-xcviii, shows, it followed
Gallathea, which it much resembles, and very probably
belongs to the first period.
JOHN LYLY.
lxxix
2
of Lyly's plays,' places them, with the exception
of Endymion, in the order of their publication
and in that which recent critical study of the
external and internal evidence as to their dates
of composition assigns to them, but takes
Endymion from its place in the order of publica-
tion and puts it first, suggests a still further limi-
tation of the period for the composition of the
play. Why, when he places all the rest cor-
rectly, did he place this first if it belongs later?
This query gains force when we note that in
writing Endymion Lyly's mind was full of the
similes and expressions which he used in his
two books of the Euphues and that he makes
frequent use of them. Any student of literature
knows that such repetitions mean that the second
composition was written before the mind of the
author had entirely put aside the first, not when,
as Mr. Fleay's theory would require, seven or
-
¹ He does not include Love's Metamorphosis and
The Woman in the Moon.
2 See pp. xcviii and cxlix-clii.
8 The fish of Cynthia referred to in Endymion, p. 24,
is named and described p. 89, Arber. The Olympian
wrestler of p. 26 is used similarly as an illustration in the
dedication to Lord Oxenford, p. 216, Arber. The
"Hares on Athos" of p. 57 appear on p. 76 of the first
part of the Euphues. For the "Quod supra vos," etc.,
of p. 16 see p. 54, Arber.
The epilogue of Endymion is but a restatement of the
story of the wind, the sun, and the man given at length
in the England. Arber, p. 472.
1xxx
JOHN LYLY.
eight years, 1579-1580 to 1587-88, must have
lain between the two pieces of writing; not
even when fresh work stood between the author
and the Euphues and his England. The effect
of these two considerations, the order in Blount
and the resemblances between the Euphues and
Endymion, is to connect the second part of the
Euphues and Endymion closely.
What, then, are the narrowest limits within
which all this evidence places the original pro-
duction of Endymion? Certainly not earlier than
the break with the Queen in late July, 1579, and
the imprisonment of Leicester; and not long
enough after the complete reconciliation in July,
1580, and the appearance of part two of the
Euphues for new interests at the court to have
made the scandal of little interest and for new
work to have cleared Lyly's mind of the partic-
ular figures and similes which he had used in
his two parts of the Euphues. By January,
1581, however, the quarrel with Leicester was
an old story; the Euphues and his England had
passed through a second edition; and Lyly,
as we shall see,' was probably busy with new
plays. It will be seen at once that if we can
decide whether the play was given to reinstate
Leicester in power or as a thanksgiving for re-
instatement, we can still further limit the time
of the original production. If it was written to
1
1
English Reprints: Lyly. p. 29. 2 See p. xcviii.
JOHN LYLY.
lxxxi
restore Leicester to favor, certainly the play,
with its references to the imprisonment, to the
work of Sussex as intermediary, to the power
of release of the Queen, would have been most
appropriately given between the end of July,
1579, and the release, “a month or two "¹ after,
of Leicester, and his temporary restoration to
favor. Though he soon fell into disfavor once
more, he was not again imprisoned, and hence,
on the supposition that the play was a prayer for
forgiveness and release, it could hardly have been
given after the first restoration of Leicester to
favor. If, on the other hand, we interpret the
play as a gracefully arranged compliment to the
Queen, thanking her for release and restoration
to favor, what time would have been so fitting
for the play as just after the first restoration of
Leicester to favor? After he fell into disfavor
again, he was not really restored to the Queen's
good graces until July, 1580, and if the play was
given after that date the references to the im-
prisonment, to the work of Sussex, in a word, to
the events of August and September, 1579,
would have been far less significant and effective.
Whatever the interpretation given to the pur-
pose of the play, then, it seems most likely that
it was given between late July, 1579, and the
second disgracing of Leicester, which, as Strype's
words and Leicester's letter show, had occurred
by November 12, 1579.2
¹ See p. xlviii.
2 See pp. xlvii-xlix.
lxxxii
JOHN LYLY.
Study of the text of the play will probably
convince a reader that it was written to thank
the Queen for what she had done, not to suggest
what she should do. It allegorizes what had
taken place, not what should be done. The figure
of Eumenides with its allegorical representation
of the action of Sussex in itself settles the matter,
for the whole significance of the figure rests in
his release of Endymion, and there is no release
unless the favor of Cynthia, Elizabeth, is sup-
posed to have been won. All this means, of
course, that the play was, from internal evidence,
probably given between the first restoration of
Leicester to favor and his second disgrace, which
had taken place by November 12, 1579.
It seems possible to narrow even these limits
a little. November 1, 1579, we find in the
Revels' accounts this entry by Tylney, made
Master of the Revels in the July preceding:
Edmund Tylney esquier M' of the said Offyce
. . for his Attendaunce, botehyer and other
chardges to and from the Court at Greenewiche
by the space of ij monethes and more by
Comaundem for settinge downe of dyverse de-
vises to Receave the Freenche. When we re-
member that it was late in July before de Simier
announced that the Prince would come to Eng-
land early in August, we see the quotation shows.
2
99 1
1 Extracts from Accounts of Revels at Court. Old
Shaks. So. p. 159.
For date, see p. 103.
See note p. xxxiv.
JOHN LYLY.
lxxxiii
99 1
that from late in July until late September or
early October Tylney was busy at Greenwich
with entertainments for the French visitors.
During this time occurred the imprisonment, and,
since the imprisonment lasted only "a month.
or two," the release and temporary restoration to
favor, of Leicester. Indeed, we find that on
Oct. 2, 1579, Leicester was debating the mar-
riage question as one of the chief councillors,
and on Oct. 6 completely shifted his position,
and said that "councillors may change their
opinions on good cause, and Her Majesty was to
be followed.' These facts show that by Oct. I
he was again in favor, and hint the cause of his
change of opinion. The time of this short
reconciliation, from before Oct. 2 to a date before
Nov. 12, would, as has been shown, be the most
fitting for the production of Endymion. What
better time for a deft statement of the way in
which the quarrel of the great favorite and the
Queen should be spoken of than when Leicester,
just restored to favor, was expected, as Stype
states,² to move freely and amicably among the
French, and to work for the marriage to the
Duc d'Anjou, opposition to which had originally
caused his downfall? Was not some such state-
ment much needed at the moment, some such
authorized version, in this complete change in
Leicester's position? If, too, from late July till
¹ State Papers. Murdin. Vol. II. pp. 334, 335.
2 See p. xlix.
lxxxiv
JOHN LYLY.
early October Tylney was managing at Green-
wich entertainments for the French, is it not
probable that one of them was this Endymion?
If it was given, under Tylney's supervision,
before the Queen and the French guests, when
Leicester, but just restored to favor and re-
quested to aid in arranging the marriage he had
steadily opposed, was watched suspiciously by
the French party, the reader sees why the pro-
logue of Endymion is so cautious,' why the epi-
logue refers to "malicious enemies," and-be-
cause the story has at any rate been heard—has
the ring of triumph in it. All this means, then,
that there is evidence which strongly favors plac-
ing the original production of Endymion not only
between late July, 1579, and November 12, 1579,
but also since the imprisonment lasted" a month
or two" after late July and Tylney finished his
work in early October-in the month of Septem-
ber, or very early in October, 1579.
2
It will be seen that this date accords well with
what has been pointed out as to other events in
Lyly's career. It means that Endymion, with its
figures and similes that are the same as figures and
similes in both parts of the Euphues,' was first
acted after the publication of the Anatomie of
Wit and before the publication of the England,
1 See p. 3.
2 See pp. 108, 109.
3 See p. lxxix, note 3.
JOHN LYLY.
lxxxv
2
1
but when all of the England, except possibly the
Glasse for Europe, had been written for some
months. In other words, it stands just where
from these similarities we expected it to stand, in
close connection with the two books, with no
other publication between it and them, for royal
disfavor for Lyly's friends stood between the
Anatomie and it on one side and the England and
it on the other. It will be noticed, too, that
the phrasing of the Queen's recommendation to
Lyly to try for the Mastership of the Revels,
which was tentatively assigned to the summer of
1.580,' suggested some preceding dramatic work
by Lyly, and this assignment of Endymion to
September, 1579, provides such work. That the
play, if successful in September, 1579, did not at
once improve the fortunes of Lyly and lead him
to print the second part of the Euphues is easily
explained, for very shortly after the play was
given Leicester was again out of favor, and the
reasons that checked the progress of Lyly in
July, 1579, but held more strongly against him
when more than ever he must have been asso-
ciated in the Queen's mind with the refractory
Earl. Until Leicester was again in favor, in
July, 1580, Lyly could hardly have expected from
the Queen any recognition of his services, and
would hardly have ventured to put forth his
Euphues and his England.
1
¹ See p. xxxiii seq. 2 See pp. xxxviii, xxxix.
lxxxvi
JOHN LYLY.
Just here a reader may object that September,
1579, ill accords with the dates for court per-
formances given on the title-pages of early edi-
tions of Endymion. The first edition has on its
title-page: "Play'd before the Queene's Majestie
at Greenwich on Candlemas day at night, by the
Chyldren of Paules "-that is, February second.'
Blount's reprint of the play bears the same state-
ment except that Candlemas Day becomes "New
Yeeres Day." The fact, however, that these
dates do not accord with the evidence produced
is of little importance. In the first place, any
student of the Elizabethan drama knows that
the date on the title-page of a play by no means
necessarily means the time of its first perform-
ance; it may mean the date of a revival, or the
time at which the MS. which served as
copy"
was used. Apparently the printer of the original
edition and Blount used different MSS. as
copy," for we have the two dates, "Candlemas
Day" and "New Yeeres Day." What proof is
there that the original edition was printed from
an earlier MS. than the other or from the original
MS.? Why have we more right to fasten on one
of these dates rather than the other as the time,
not of a revival-though evidently the play was
given twice, at least-but of the original pro-
duction? Moreover, when we try to fit these
(C
Vol. I. p. xxvii.
1 Lilly's Works. Fairholt. Vol. I.
2 Idem. P. I.
JOHN LYLY.
lxxxvii
days to a year and to place the play in the
Revels' accounts, we meet with nothing strongly
opposing September, 1579, as the date of the
original production. A student naturally thinks
of Jan. 1, 1580, or Feb. 2, 1580, as a possible date
that would accord with the title-pages and with
much of the argument developed in this Intro-
duction, but examination of the Revels' accounts
shows that on Jan. 1, 1580, the Earl of Warwick's
Servants gave "A History of the foure sonnes of
Fabyous"; that on Feb. 2,
on Feb. 2, 1580, the Lord
Chamberlain's Servants gave "The history of
Portio and Demorantes "; and that both per-
formances took place, not at Greenwich, but at
Whitehall.' Nor can any performance by the
St. Paul's boys at court that may be assigned
to Candlemas Day or New Year's Day be
found in the records from 1580 to 1588. Even
in 1588 we read only that between Christ-
mas and Shrovetide several companies gave plays
before the Queen at Greenwich, but not which
company acted on each feast-day. Not until
1590 is Jan. 1 distinctly given as a date for a
performance at court by the St. Paul's boys.³
Then we are not given the name of the play or
of the author. Why 1588-90 is too late a date
1 Extracts from Accounts of Revels at Court. Old
Shaks, So. pp. 154, 155.
2 Idem, passim; and also pp. 28-31 and 76, Hist. of
Stage. Fleay.
3 Hist. of Stage. Fleay. p. 77.
lxxxviii
JOHN LYLY.
for the original production of Endymion has
already been shown.' It seems, therefore, more
probable that both these dates, "Candlemas.
Day” and “New Yeeres Day," refer to late
revivals of the play rather than to the original
performance; and they do not stand in the way
of September, 1579, as the date for the original
production of Endymion."
There is certainly another possible objection
to placing the first performance of Endymion in
September, 1579, slight though it is. In the
dedication of the England to Lord Oxenford,
Lyly says,
"I have brought into the worlde two
children," and it may be held that this excludes
the possibility of a production of Endymion be-
fore the second Euphues appeared. The objec-
tion is not, however, very convincing, for Lyly is
evidently preparing here for the antithesis that is
to follow immediately between part one and part
two of the Euphues,* and he would not have been
1
¹ See p. lxxvi.
2 Since the Revels' Accounts never mention the name
of Lyly or any of his plays, they can be of little value,
unless corroborated by internal evidence in the plays or
other external evidence, in settling the date of the original
production of any of Lyly's comedies. See p. lxxv.
3 English Reprints: Lyly. p. 214.
♦ Idem. "I have brought into the worlde two chil-
dren, of the first I was delivered, before my friendes
thought mee conceived, of the second I went a whole
yeare big, and yet when everye one thought mee ready
to lye downe, I did then quicken."
1
JOHN LYLY.
lxxxix
Lyly had he lost it for the mere accuracy that
would require mention of a play as yet un-
printed. Indeed, since Endymion had not been
printed, he could in a sense strictly say, "I have
brought into the worlde two children." Add to
this the possibility that even the dedication of
the book may antedate Endymion, may have been
ready when the England was first entered for
publication, and simply delayed with the rest of
the volume. We then see that when so many
interpretations favorable to the September date
are as plausible as the one that is unfavorable,
that cannot greatly weaken the force of the
cumulative evidence of the preceding pages in
favor of the idea that Endymion lies between
the publication of the first and the second part
of the Euphues; that it was written in support of
Leicester, whose quarrel with the Queen delayed
the appearance of the second part of Euphues ;
that, probably, it was given originally in late
September or early October, 1579, at Greenwich,
and revived years afterwards both on Candlemas
Day and New Year's Day at the same place.
The ideas developed in the preceding pages,
if accepted even tentatively, will be seen at once
to fit in well, as has been said,' with what
we know of Lyly. They account at least as
well as the old theory for the delay of the
second part of the Euphues for almost a year;
¹ See p. xxxiii.
XC
JOHN LYLY.
give Lyly a strong reason for wishing to rein-
state Leicester in favor, for writing Endymion;
offer a date for Endymion that fits the allegory in
it; show that, naturally, if new difficulties fol-
lowed the reconciliation of September, Lyly
would still delay the Euphues and his England
until all possibility of disfavor was past, until the
summer of 1580; and show, too, why, when the
Queen "entertained" him as her servant, she
"strengthened" this "with condicions, that I
should ayme all my course at the Revels,"'—be-
cause he had written a clever play that helped
to relieve her from an embarrassing position.
Was not the time when the royal favor finally
came back to Leicester and his friends just
the moment for Lyly to put forth his long-
delayed work? Would it not, too, have been
very natural for him, remembering how suc-
cessfully he had flattered the Queen in Endy-
mion, to add to his new book the similar
flattery of the Glasse for Europe,-which, as we
have seen, internal evidence in the Euphues
and his England suggests may be an addition.
to the text as it originally stood? That the pub-
lication of the England preceded the recom-
mendation of the Queen to try for the Master-
ship of the Revels the following suggests. Had
the Queen shown Lyly any marked favor, "en-
2
¹ See p. clvi, for Lyly's first begging letter to the
Queen.
2 See p. xxx.
JOHN LYL Y.
xci
tertained" him as her servant" before the
second part of the Euphues appeared, Lyly would
have been likely in the Glasse to refer to her
favor, he carefully acknowledges the kindness
shown him by Lord Burleigh. This would be
true whether the Glasse were first written in 1579
or just before the publication of the Euphues
and his England, in the summer of 1580; for if
it dated back to the former year, we know that a
hasty revision was made' to bring the book up
to date, and it would have been very simple and
very wise to slip in a few words of thanks to the
Queen. It seems most probable, then, that
when Elizabeth and Leicester were at last com-
pletely reconciled and Lyly had published his
England, the Queen, willing to extend her favor
to Leicester's followers, was especially gracious
to that one who had done much to help her and
her favorite out of an awkward position and
had just praised her publicly as even she was
rarely praised. She "entertained" him as her
((
2

servant,” and, recalling his success with En-
dymion, advised him to try for the Mastership
of the Revels. It will be seen later that the
summer or fall of 1580 as the date of this advice
accords well with the date that best fits the
¹ See pp. xxvii-xxviii.
2 See Parsons' words as to Leicester's method of re-
warding his friends through the bounty of the Queen,
p. lxxii..
3 See pp. clix-clxvi.
xcii
JOHN LYLY.
letter in which this advice is spoken of as ten
years old.
It will be seen, then, that by 1581, Lyly,
probably one of Lord Leicester's party, was well
established at court. His Anatomie of Wit and
his Euphues and his England had each passed
through more than one edition,' and had made
him a prominent figure. By his Endymion he
had put forward claims as a dramatist, and these
had been recognized by the Queen in her recom-
mendation, when she entertained him as her
servant, probably in 1580, that he should try for
the Mastership of the Revels. In brief, then,
as courtier, novelist, and dramatist, Lyly was,
apparently, well launched in his career by Janu-
ary, 1581.
The words "enterteyned yor Mats S'vant"
certainly suggest that Lyly was given some
position in the Queen's service. Possibly, even
thus early he was made Vice-Master of the St.
Paul's choristers, a position that in 1589 he had,
apparently, been holding for some time. Gabriel
Harvey in the second part of Pierce's Superero-
gation, written in 1589, but not printed until
1593,' said of Lyly: "He hath not played the
1 See under Texts in Bibliography.
2 Though Pierce's Supererogation was not printed until
1593, the portion of it referring to Lyly is dated Nov. 5,
1589 (see vol. II. p. 221, Grosart's Harvey; and vol. III.
pp. 184, 185 of his Nash). Pappe-with-an-Hatchet, which
was the cause of Harvey's wrath against Lyly, and is
JOHN LYLY.
xciii
I
Vicemaster of Poules, and the Foolemaster of
the Theater for naughtes; himselfe a mad lad,
as ever twanged, never troubled with any sub-
stance of witt, or circumstance of honestie,
sometime the fiddle-sticke of Oxford, now the
very bable of London." The title-pages of
Lyly's plays tell us that all of them, except The
Woman in the Moone, the actors in which are not
named, were given by the St. Paul's boys; and the
prompt cessation of the publication of Lyly's
plays when the St. Paul's boys were revived as a
company in 1585,2 suggests a close connection
between the dramatist and the company. When,
however, a student turns to the records of
St. Paul's Cathedral for corroborative evidence,
he meets with the same result which consulta-
tion of the accounts of the revels at court gave
him, he does not find any mention of Lyly.³
constantly referred to in the second part of the Superero-
gation, was published in September, 1589.
See p.
cxxxvi seq.
1 Harvey's Works. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 212.
2 See pp. cxxiv-cxxvi.
3 In regard to this matter the Rev. W. Sparrow
Simpson, Librarian of St. Paul's Cathedral, writes to
the editor: "I see no reason why Lily should not
have been Gyles' [Thomas] assistant, or vice-master,
but I am not able to adduce any evidence on the point.
Mr. Maxwell Lyle has carefully calendered our Cathe-
dral Records, but the name of Lily does not occur in
his copious Index. He would have been fully alive to
the importance of the name had he met with it in his
researches."
•
xciv
JOHN LYLY.
Yet, since we know that the man whose name
is never mentioned in the Revels' accounts often
gave his plays at court, this failure to find Lyly's
name on the St. Paul's records hardly rules out
the indirect testimony of Harvey.
2
By 1584, when Lyly began to publish his
plays, he had written at least four. It has been
shown that the date of Endymion is, probably,
late September or early October, 1579; in 1584
Alexander and Campaspe and Sapho and Phao
were printed; on April 1, 1585, Tityrus and
Galatea was licensed.' According to the original
title-pages the second and third plays were
given before the Queen by the Children of the
Chapel and the Children of Paul's, apparently
united for the performances. Even Endymion
may have been given originally by the two com-
panies, for the title-pages stating that the play
was given by the Paul's boys on Candlemas Day
and New Year's Day have been shown to refer,
probably, to revivals of the play.
3
Whether
¹ Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 36.
2 The first and third editions of Alexander and Cam-
paspe bear the statement: " Played before the Queen's
Majesty on Twelfth Day at Night, by Her Majesty's
Children and the Children of Paul's." The second edi-
tion simply changes the date to New Year's Day, at
night. The title-page of the first edition of Sapho and
Phao reads: 'Played before the Queen's Majesty, on
Shrove Tuesday, by Her Majesty's Children and the
Children of Paul's." Fairholt. Vol. II. pp. xxvi, xxvii.
3 See pp. lxxxvi-lxxxviii.
JOHN LYLY.
XCV
Tityrus and Galatea had been acted has been
doubted. As has been said,' there is nothing in
Alexander and Campaspe to aid us decidedly in
dating its original production; the internal evi-
dence of Sapho and Phao shows that the play
must have appeared not long after "Monsieur's "
irate departure from England, Feb. 6, 1582; and
the text of Gallathea in the main plot shows that
this play followed Sapho and Phao closely.
2
There is, too, a reference to Gallathea in a
fifth play, Love's Metamorphosis. This is very
similar to Gallathea, and is neither an allegory on
political matters, as are Endymion, Sapho and
Phao, and Midas, nor a comedy on the Terentian
1
¹ See pp. xxxix-xl.
Attempts (see Chron. Eng. Dr.,
vol. II. pp. 39-42) to place in the "Accounts of the Revels
at the Court" the original performances of these plays
of Lyly's seem pretty hopeless, for, as has been pointed
out (pp. lxxxvi-lxxxviii), first of all, we are not sure that
the title-pages give us the date of the first performance
at court, and, in the second place, in the records neither
the name of Lyly nor that of one of his plays is men-
tioned. Why Mr. Fleay's date for the original perform-
ance of Endymion cannot be accepted has been shown
at length; why his dates for Gallathea and Love's Meta-
morphosis cannot be accepted will be seen in a moment
in the text; to place Alexander and Campaspe he is forced
to make " New Year's Day at night" mean New Year's
eve. His date that most commends itself is Feb. 27
(Shrove Tuesday), 1582, for Sapho and Phao, but even
that entry is for the Chapel Children only, in an un-
named play by an unnamed author.
* See Fairholt's Lilly. Vol. II. p. 226.
xcvi
JOHN LYLY.
model, like Mother Bombie, but a tale of gods
and goddesses which now and then compli-
ments the Queen or mirrors her qualities. For
these references to be significant, Love's Meta-
morphosis must have followed, or have been
intended to follow, Gallathea closely. Yet
Tityrus and Galatea, licensed in 1585, was
not published until 1592'; the play contains
references to the annus mirabilis, 1588," which,
spoken in 1582-83, at least four years before
the prophecies in regard to 1588 were filling the
minds of the common people,' would have had
no significance; and Love's Metamorphosis did
not appear in print until 1601. Mr. Fleay's
suggestion that Gallathea, though written before
1584, was revised later, gives the clue to a
means of reconciling the apparently conflicting
evidence.
5
If a student reads Gallathea carefully, he will
see that the play divides into two parts,-the
1 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 36.
2 “AstronomeR [to Raffe, the page]: “I can tell thee
what weather shall be between this and octogessimus
octavus mirabilis annus." Act III. Sc. 3.
RAFFE. "He [the astronomer] told me a long tale of
octogessimus octavus, and the meeting of the conjunc-
tions and planets." Act V. Sc. 1.
3 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 41. The prophecies
were current in 1587. See T. Tymme's A New Year's
Gift.
4 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 37.
• Idem. p. 41.
JOHN LYLY.
xcvii
story of Gallathea and her nymphs; and the
doings of the pages and their masters. Until
the last page of the play is reached there is no
attempt to unite the plots, and then the union
is managed in a very rough and inartistic way.
Only in the comic sub-plot is there any reference
to the year, 1588; only in this part of the play
is Lincolnshire named.' In other words, the
confusion that resulted when gods and goddesses
seemed to disport themselves in Lincolnshire,
and a play, supposedly written in 1582 or 1583,
made references to matters that did not interest
the public at so early a date, disappears when
we see that the internal evidence of the play
supports the idea that the main plot-of Galla-
thea and her nymphs-belongs before 1584; was
licensed, whether with or without a sub-plot we
do not know, April 1, 1585; was withheld from
the press when the St. Paul's boys were at the
end of the month again allowed to act; and
was prepared for a performance shortly before
1588 by the addition of a sub-plot which referred
to matters of interest at the moment. If, now,
the main plot of Gallathea was written before
1584,-when Lyly first published some of his
plays,—and if Love's Metamorphosis makes cross-
references to this main plot of Gallathea, we
face an alternative. Either the main plot of
¹ See pp. 226, 248, and 262. Lilly's Works. Fairholt.
? See p. cxxv.
xcviii
JOHN LYLY.
Gallathea was acted before 1584, and Love's
Metamorphosis, if not acted, was at any rate
written; or when Gallathea was given with its
new sub-plot, 1585-90, Love's Metamorphosis
immediately followed it, and the cross-reference
was significant. But when we find three plays
in which Cupid is an important figure re-
ferring to one another-Gallathea to Sapho and
Phao; Love's Metamorphosis to Gallathea,-do
we not usually believe that we are considering a
series in which each play closely followed that
to which it refers? For this reason, there is
probability in the idea that Sapho and Phao,
Gallathea, and Love's Metamorphosis, were all
written before 1584, and all, except perhaps the
last, had surely been acted. The result of this
examination is, then, to place the time of com-
position of five plays-Endymion, Alexander and
Campaspe, Sapho and Phao, Gallathea, and Love's
Metamorphosis—apparently before 1584.
During this period from 1580-1584, we get
glimpses of Lyly apart from his dramatic work.
If, as Harvey complained,' Lyly, early in his
career, in 1580, did mix in just such a court in-
trigue, in regard to the Mirrour of Tuscanismo, as
those of which later he speaks scornfully in his
plays, it is not surprising. The young man of
twenty-seven must, after the successful publica-
tion of the second part of the Euphues and the
¹ See pp. xxxvii-xxxviii.
JOHN LYLY.
xcix
favor shown him by the Queen, have been recog-
nized as one of the most brilliant of the young
writers of his day, and may quite naturally have
lost his head for the moment. According to his
contemporaries Lyly was a small man,' a great
consumer of tobacco,' and very witty. At about
3
1" He that hath threatdned to conjure up Martin's wit,
hath written some thing too, in your praise, in Pap-
hatchet: for all you accuse him to have courtlie incenst the
Earle of Oxford against you. Marke him well: hee is but
a little fellow, but hee hath one of the best wits in England.
Should he take thee in hand againe (as he flieth from such
inferiour concertation), I prophecie that there woulde
more gentle Readers die of a merrie mortality, ingen-
dred by the eternall iests he would maule thee with,
than there have done of this last infection. I my self,
that inioy but a mite of wit in comparison of his talēt, in
pure affection to my native country, make my stile carry
a presse saile, am fain to cut off half the streame of thy
sport-breeding confusion, for feare it shoulde cause a
generall hicket throughout England."-Nash's Works:
Strange News of the Intercepting of Certaine Letters.
(1593.) Grosart. Vol. II. p. 240.
કે For Master Lillie (who is halves with me in this in-
dignitie that is offred) I will not take the tale out of his
mouth, for he is better able to defend himselfe than I am
able to say he is able to defend himselfe, and in as much
time as hee spendes in taking Tobacco one weeke, he can
compile that which would make Gabriell repent himselfe
all his life after. With a black sant he meanes shortly
to bee at his chamber window, for calling him the Fid-
dlesticke of Oxford. Nash's Works: Have with you to
Saffron-Walden (1596). Grosart. Vol. III. p. 204.
3 See note I.
1598, speaks of “
Francis Meres in his Palladis Tamia,
eloquent and wittie John Lyly"; and
C
JOHN LYLY.
this time (1580) he was apparently living in or fre-
quenting the Savoy region, for in Pierce's Super-
erogation (1589) Harvey says: "Pap-hatchet,
for the name of thy good nature is pittifully
growen out of request, and thy olde acquaint-
ance in the Savoy when young Euphues hatched
the egges, that his elder freendes laide, (surely
Euphues was someway a pretty fellow would
God, Lilly had alwaies bene Euphues, and never
Pap-hatchet;) that old acquaintance, now some-
what straungely saluted with a new remembrance,
is neither lullabied with thy sweet Papp, nor
scarrecrowed with thy sower hatchet."'
2
It is pretty safe to assume that so prominent a
figure in the literary world from 1580-1590 knew
in the Savoy and elsewhere practically all of the
writers of the day, and that the Queen's dramatist
knew pretty nearly every one of importance at
court. Robert Greene he evidently knew well.'
Nash, who came up to London from Cambridge
in 1588, seems in his early literary life to have
looked to Lyly as a kind of mentor. Knowing
these two men well, Lyly probably knew the
See Harvey's
3
Harvey even in his anger grants him wit.
Works, vol. II. pp. 124, 125, 212, 213.
¹ Harvey's Works. Grosart. Vol. II. pp. 124, 125.
2 Harvey says that Lyly induced Greene to write
against him; and Nash speaks of Greene as if he was
regularly one of the group interested in that quarrel.
See p. cxli.
Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 124.
4 See p. xcix, notes I and 2.
JOHN LYLY.
ci
others whose names are most associated with
them, Lodge, Peele, and Marlowe. Elderton
and Tarleton Lyly probably knew.' Thomas
Watson, author of the Passionate Centurie of
Love, was evidently one of his group of friends.”
Lyly's relations with the Harveys have already
been referred to, and will be taken up more in
detail later. Dr. Andrews, afterwards Arch-
bishop Andrews, is mentioned by Nash as a man
whom Lyly deeply admired.*
3
Pappe-with-an Hatchet. Saintsbury. p. 52. Nash's
Works. Vol. II. p. 267.
2 See the letter quoted on the next page and the follow-
ing mention of Watson, who died in 1592, by Nash in Have
with you to Saffron-Walden, 1596. “To a bead-roll of
learned men and Lords hee appeales, whether he be an
asse or no, in the forefront of whom he puts M. Thomas
Watson, the poet. A man he was that I dearely lov'd
and honor'd, and for all things hath left few his equalls
in England: he it was that, in the company of divers
Gentlemen one night at supper at the Nags head in
Cheape; first told me of his vanitie, and those Hexa-
meters made of him.
"But o what newes of that good Gabriell Harvey,
Knowne to the world for a foole and clapt in the Fleet for a
Rimer."
8
-Nash's Works. Grosart. Vol. III. p. 187.
³ See pp. cxxxix-cxlvi.
"Here some little digression I must borrow, to re-
venge his base allusion of Sir Thomas Baskeruile, even
as I have done of Doctor Androwes; neither of them
being men that ever saluted mee, or I rest bound unto
in anie thing, otherwise than by Doctor Androwes own
desert, and Master Lillies immoderate commending
cii
JOHN LYLY.
That by 1582 Lyly's name carried weight, hist
friend Thomas Watson testified by prefixing to
his Passionate Centurie of Love this letter of the
dramatist :
John Lyly to the Authour his Friend.
((
My good friend, I have read your new pas-
sions, and they have renewed mine old pleasures,
the which brought to me no lesse delight, than
they have done to your selfe commendations.
And certes had not one of mine eies about seri-
ous affaires beene watchfull, both by being too
too busie had beene wanton: such is the nature of
persuading pleasure, that it melteth the marrow
before it scorch the skin, and burneth before it
warmeth: Not unlike unto the oyle of Ieat,
which rotteth the bone and never ranckleth the
flesh, or the Scarab flies, which enter into the
roote and never touch the rinde.
"And whereas you desire to have my opin-
ion, you may imagine my stomake is rather
cloyed then quesie, and therfore mine appetite
of lesse force then mine affection, fearing rather
a surfet of sweeteness, then desiring a satisfying.
The repeating of Love, wrought in me a remem-
him, by little and little I was drawne on to bee an audi-
tor of his since when, whensoever I heard him, I
thought it was but hard and scant allowance that was
given him, in comparison of the incomparable gifts that
were in him." Nash's Works. Have with you to Saffron-
Walden (1596). Grosart. Vol. III. p. 159.
JOHN LYLY.
ciii
brance of liking, but serching the very vaines of
my hearte, I could find nothing but a broad
scarre, where I left a deepe wounde; and loose
stringes, where I tyed hard knots and a table of
steele, where I framed a plot of wax.
"Whereby I noted that young swannes are
grey, and the old white, young trees tender, and
the old tough, young men amorous, and growing
in yeeres, either wiser or warier. The Corall in
the water is a soft weede, on the lande a hard
stone: a sword frieth in the fire like a black ele,
but layd in earth like white snowe; the heart
in love is altogether passionate, but free from
desire, altogether carelesse.
((
But it is not my intent to inveigh against.
love, which women account but a bare word,
and that men reverence as the best God: onely
this I would add without offence to Gentle*
women, that were not men more supersticious
in their praises, then women are constant in
their passions: Love would either shortly be
worne out of use, or men out of love, or women
out of lightnes. I can condemne none but by
coniecture, nor commend any but by lying, yet
suspicion is as free as thought, and as farre as I
see as necessary, as credulitie.
Touching your Mistres I must needes thinke
well, seeing you have written so well, but as
false glasses shewe the fairest faces, so fine gloses
amend the baddest fancies. Apelles painted
the Phenix by hearesay not by sight, and Lysip-
civ
JOHN LYLY.
pus engraved Vulcan with a streight legge, whome
nature framed with a poult foote, which prooveth
men to be of greater affection than iudgement.
But in that so aptly you have varied uppon
women, I will not vary from you, for confesse I
must, and if I should not, yet mought I be com-
pelled, that to Love were the sweetest thing in
the earth: If women were the faithfullest, and
that women would be more constant if men
were more wise. And seeing you have used me
so friendly, as to make me acquainted with your
passions, I will shortly make you pryvie to mine,
which I woulde be loth the printer shoulde see,
for that my fancies being never so crooked he
would put them in streight lines, unfit for my
humor, necessarie for his art, who setteth downe,
blinde, in as many letters as seeing. Farewell.”
((
If Lyly really wrote verses in honor of some
lady-love, as he seems to hint, either, though
this seems unlikely, his aversion for the type-
setter kept him from printing them, or, as is far
more probable, if they were printed, they have
been lost. Just what was the serious busi-
which interested Lyly we cannot now
determine. Perhaps it was his work for the
companies of children; perhaps his duties in
the position to which the following letter, written
in July, 1582, has reference:-
ness
"My duetie (right honorable) in most humble
manner remembred.
"It hath plesed my Lord upon what colour
JOHN LYLY.
CV
I cannot tell, certaine I am upon no cause, to
be displesed wt me, ye grief wherof is more
then the losse can be. But seeing I am to live
in ye world, I must also be judged by the world,
for that an honest servaunt must be such as
Cæsar wold have his wif, not only free from
synne, but from suspicion. And for that I wish
nothing more then to commit all my waies to yo
wisdome, and the devises of others to yo¹ judge-
ment, I heere yeld both my self and my soule,
the one to be tried by yo honnor, the other by
the justic of God, and I doubt not but my
dealings being sifted, the world shall find whit
meale, wher others thought to shew cours
branne. It may be manie things wil be objected,
but yt any thing can be proved I doubt, I know
yo¹ L. will soone smell devises from simplicity,
trueth from trecherie, factions from iust servic.
And God is my witnes, before whome I speak,
and before whome for my speach I shall aun-
swer, yt all my thoughtes concerning my L. have
byne ever reverent, and almost relligious.
I have dealt God knoweth and my Lady can
coniecture, so faithfullie, as I am as unspotted
for dishonestie as a suckling from theft. This
conscinc of myne maketh me presume to stand
to all trialls, ether of accomptes, or counsell, in
the one I never used falshood, nor in the other
dissembling. My most humble suit therefore
unto yo' L is yt my accusations be not smothered
and I choaked in ye smoak, but that they maie
How
cvi
JOHN LYLY.
be tried in ye fire, and I will stand to the heat.
And my only comfort is, yt he yt is wis shall
judg trueth, whos nakednes shall manifest her
noblenes. But I will not troble yo¹ honorable
eares wt meinie idle wordes only this upon my
knees I ask, yt yo' L will vousalf to talk wt me,
and in all things will I shew my self so honest,
yt my disgrac shall bring to yo" L. as great
mervell, as it hath done to me grief, and so
thoroughly will I satisfie everie obiection, yt yr
L shall think me faithfull, though infortunat.
That yo' honnor rest p'suaded of myne honest
mynd and my Lady of my true servic, that all
things may be tried to ye uttermost, is my desire,
and the only reward I crave for my just (I iust
I dare tearme it) servic. And thus in all hu-
mility submitting my Caus to yo' wisdome and
my Conscinc to ye triall. I commit to yo¹ L to
the Almightie.
"Yo¹ L most dutifullie to commaund,
"JOHN LYLY.
"for yt I am for some few daies going into the
countrie, yf yo¹ L be not at leasure to admitt me
to yo¹ speach, at my returne I will give my most
dutifull attendaunc at wch time it may be my
honesty may ioyne wt yo' L. wisdome and both
prevent that nether wold allow. In the meane
season what colo soever be alledged, if I be not
honest to my L. and so meane to bee during his
plesure, I desire but yo' L. secret opinion, for as
JOHN LYLY.
cvii
[I know] my L. to be most honorable, so I be-
sech God in time he be not abused.
loth I am
to be a prophett, and to be a wiche I loath
"most dutifull to comand
"JOHN LYLY." "
"To ye right honorable y L. Burleigh, L. High
Treasorer of England."
Of this letter two interpretations may be
given. Mr. Fleay, holding that "my Lady" re-
fers to the Queen and not to Lady Burleigh,
thinks that Sapho and Phao, acted probably in
Feb. 1582, had given offence to the Queen and
so to Burleigh; that the acting of the Children of
Paul's had been inhibited forthwith; and that this
trouble was the cause of the letter." Certainly
these are large deductions from small premises.
On its face the letter seems to mean that Lyly,
holding some position in the household of Lord
Burleigh ("an honest servaunt must be such "),
had been maligned with some success,—had been
evidently accused, not merely of disrespect (“all
my thoughtes concerning my L. have byne ever
reverent, and almost relligious "), but also of dis-
honesty ("This conscinc of myne maketh me
presume to stand to all trialls, ether of ac-
comptes, or counsell, in the one I never used fals-
hood, nor in the other dissembling"). Apparently
1 Lansdowne Ms. XXXVI., Art. 77.
2 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 40.
cviii
JOHN LYLY.
he wrote in much distress of mind, but with
reliance on his innocence, to ask for an examina-
tion of the charges; but, since he could let his
hearing hold over, if necessary, (see postscript,)
until he returned from the country, did not
write like a courtier under royal disfavor, or a
man who saw the chief means of maintaining
himself and his reputation-the theatres of the
children's companies-closed against him. The
letter sounds much more as if, whatever the
office involved, it were not his only stay. More-
over, why should Lyly speak of the Queen as
"My Lady"? Never, elsewhere, does he so
speak of her or address her. Compare with this
letter, for instance, the two begging letters printed
on pp. clvi-clx. Why, too, if the Queen had
taken exception to Sapho and Phao, produced,
apparently, in February, 1582, does Lyly write.
of her disfavor as if fresh in July? Apart, then,
from any consideration of the question whether
Sapho and Phao got its actors into difficulty,—a
matter that it will be more convenient to treat a
little later,'—it will be seen that the evidence in
favor of interpreting this letter as a complaint
against the Queen's disfavor caused by Sapho and
Phao is not strong.
On the other hand, if we think that Lyly was
slandered as to his management of some office
which he held under Lord Burleigh, we are not
¹ See pp. cxviii-cxxiii.
JOHN LYLY.
cix
obliged at all to force the apparent meaning of the
words of the letter, and it is not difficult to find
a source for the slanders. The successful cour-
tier always has enemies, and Lyly constantly
complained in his plays of the backbiting at the
court.' We even know of a particular enemy
of Lyly, for the bad feeling, dating from 1580,
existing between Lyly and Gabriel Harvey has
already been pointed out. That Lyly, even if he
was not so guilty of backbiting as Harvey would
have us believe, cherished for years a cordial
dislike for Harvey, these words from his Pappe-
with-an-Hatchet (Sept. 1589), referring to Gabriel
Harvey, plainly show: "If the toy take him to
close with thee, then have I my wish, for this
tenne yeres have I lookt to lambacke him."
2
¹ For instance, see Sapho and Phao, Act I. Sc. 2.
2 See pp. xxxvii-xxxviii.
3 That this reference is to Gabriel Harvey the follow-
ing facts prove. A few lines before these quoted, Lyly
referring to the same person, wrote: "And one will
we coniure up, that writing a familiar Epistle about the
naturall causes of an Earthquake, fell into the bowels of
libelling" (Saintsbury. p. 56). This refers to Gabriel
Harvey's letter to Spencer of April 7, 1580 (Grosart's
Harvey. Vol. 1. p. 40). Harvey, in his second part of
Pierce's Supererogation (Nov. 5, 1589), shows that Lyly's
reference stung him :-
C
'As for that new-created Spirite, whom double V.
[Lyly's signature to the preface of Pappe-with-an-Hatchet]
like an other Doctour Faustus, threateneth, to coniure-upp
at leysure (for I must returne to the terrible creature,
that subscribeth himselfe Martins Double V. and will
CX
JOHN LYLY.
If we remember that Lord Oxenford, the patron
of both men, was the son-in-law of Burleigh, and
that Harvey boasted that Lyly's effort did not
deprive him of the Earl's favor,' we see why
there is a possibility that Harvey, in return for
Lyly's attack on him in 1580, saw that slander-
ous reports about Lyly, in 1582, reached the
ears of the dramatist's chief patron, Lord Bur-
leigh. That would have been but tit for tat;
and if the surmise be true, it shows why for
nearly "tenne yeres "-from the summer of 1580
to Sept. 1589-Lyly was on the lookout for a
chance to "lambacke" Harvey, and why he
stirred up the pamphleteering against him for
which Harvey blamed him in 1593.2
For some years after 1580, then, Lyly, promi-
nent at the court and in the city as a literary man,
acquainted with most of the prominent figures
of the day, and at odds with Gabriel Harvey, was
engaged in some work for Lord Burleigh, and in
writing for the children's companies.
needes also be my Tittle-tittle) were that Spirite disposed
to appeare in his former likenesse, and to put the Necro-
mancer to his purgation, he could peradventure make
the coniuring wisard forsake the center of his Circle, and
betake him to the circumference of his heeles. Simple
Creature, iwis thou art too young an Artist to coniure
him up, that can exorcise thee downe: or to lamback him,
with ten yeares preparation, that can lambskin thee with a
dayes warning."-Pierce's Supererogation. Harvey's
Works. Grosart. Vol. II. pp. 209, 210..
¹ See p. xxxvii, note 3.
2 See p. cxli.
JOHN LYLY,
cxi
2
3
Mr. Fleay says that by 1583 both of these
companies had been forbidden to act;' that
from 1583 until 1596 the Children of the Chapel
did not appear in any play-house; and that the
St. Paul's boys were silent from 1583 until 1587.³
It is hard, however, to find his evidence for
much of this, and the conclusiveness of some of
the evidence adduced is not marked. Malone
says that in 1582-83 the children's companies
were prohibited from acting, but he gives no evi-
dence for his statement. Mr. Fleay writes:
"1583, April 17.-The L. Mayor writes to Mr.
Young, a neighboring Justice of the Peace, about
Plays intended to be performed on May 1.
This appears to me to be the time when the
1 "These boys' companies were inhibited the Chapel
from 1582" (see Mr. Fleay's words in next note) "to
1591, Paul's from 1583 to 1587.”
2 "The children of the Chapel, who disappeared when
their play-place was shut up early in 1583, . . . I cannot
trace in any public playing-place between 1583 and 1596.”
Hist. of Stage. p. 81. The only account given by Mr.
Fleay of the closing of this company's theatre is in the ex-
tract quoted above. In the Chron. of Eng. Dr., vol. II.
P. 40, Mr. Fleay also says: "The children of the Chapel
were not inhibited till 1583." Since this agrees with his
statement of note 2 rather than with that in note 1, and
since both are later in time than the first statement, it is
apparently Mr. Fleay's last (for the present) judgment on
the matter.
3 See note I.
• Malone's Shakespeare. Vol. III. Hamlet, Act II.
Sc. 2.
cxii
JOHN LYLY.
City authorities finally shut up the Bell, Bull,
Bell Savage, the play-place nigh Paul's, and that
in Whitefriars mentioned by Rawlidge, as well
as the sixth inn-yard, that in Blackfriars, which
he omits. He says it was shortly after 1580. But
the court had stolen a march on them. In 1583,
on 10th March, Tylney was sent for to Court to
choose a company of players for Her Majesty ;
and although these men are not met with in
London in that year (the players travelling on
account of the plague), the plan of making one
company out of the best actors of Leicester's,
Derby's, and Sussex' men was no doubt com-
plete. This new company and Howard's or
Hunsdon's could occupy the Theatre and Cur-
tain, and of themselves would be sufficient, with
the boy's companies (sic), for the Christmas
holidays." Previously, Mr. Fleay, by reasoning.
that will be considered in a moment, assigned
the St. Paul's boys to Blackfriars Theatre from
1559-1581, and the Children of the Chapel to
the Bell Savage inn-yard. This account of
his, then, closes the theatres of both in 1583;
makes the city authorities responsible for the
closing; and speaks as if at Christmas, 1583, both
companies were in favor at court. Let us now
look at the evidence and its management. In
the first place, the suggestion that at Christmas,
1
2
1 Hist. of Stage. pp. 54, 55.
2 Idem. pp. 36 and 39.
JOHN LYLY.
cxiii
((
1583, both of the boys' companies were at the
court is evidently a slip, for elsewhere (see notes
I and 2) Mr. Fleay says that both companies were
"inhibited" from 1583, and that the Children of
the Chapel disappeared in 1583, when their play-
ing-place was closed. Certainly the "Accounts
of the Revels at Court" show that neither com-
pany acted at court at Christmas, 1583.¹ Sec-
ondly, the evidence on which Mr. Fleay assigns
the Children of the Chapel to the Bell Savage is
by identifying the two prose plays" acted,
according to Gosson in his School of Abuse, at
the Bell Savage in 1579, as early versions of En-
dymion and Gallathea. Doing this, Mr. Fleay
places the marriage of Leicester and the Count-
ess of Essex in 1576, and adds that until 1582
Lyly wrote for the Chapel children. Perhaps
the best commentary on this evidence, apart
from the statement that history places the mar-
riage of Leicester and the Countess in 1578, is
that Mr. Fleay in later works silently throws
away every idea on which the assignment of the
Children of the Chapel to the Bell Savage rests.
Later he says that Lyly began to write plays in
1581;* that Gallathea was not performed until
1587; that the performance of Endymion was on
5
1 Extracts from Accounts of Revels at Court. Old
Shaks. So., p. 188.
2 Hist. of Stage. p. 139.
4 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 38.
5 Idem. p. 40.
3 See p. xlv.
cxiv
JOHN LYLY.
9, 2
Feb. 1, 1588;' and that "Lyly, the vice-master of
Paul's, wrote for those boys only." Not much
seems to be left of the evidence on which
Mr. Fleay assigned the Children of the Chapel
to the Bell Savage inn.
In a somewhat similar way Mr. Fleay places
the St. Paul's boys in the Blackfriars inn-yard.
He says:
“The Blackfriars inn-yard was almost
certainly used by the children of Paul's." Both
Lyly's Campaspe and Sapho and Phao, he adds,
were acted in public by the Paul's boys, as we
know from the title-pages of 1584; and both have
prologues at the Blackfriars.' Mydas, of later
date, has its prologue 'in Paul s
The title-
page of each play reads: "Played before the
Queenes Maiestie [date] by her Maiesties Chil-
dren, and the Children of Paules." To make
that title-page mean that the Paul's boys gave
the play in public and the Children of the Chapel
gave it at Court, we must emphasize the comma
after Children and add the words in public
between and and the. Are we justified in doing
this? Why is it not entirely probable that the
two little companies acted the plays together?
That none of the later plays bears the same
statement is because very soon the Children of
the Chapel disappear from court records to re-
appear (1601) only when Lyly's plays were no
4
¹ Chron. Eng. Dr., p. 41.
³ Hist. of Stage. p. 36.
2 Idem. P. 43.
• Idem. pp. 124, 125.
JOHN LYLY.
CXV
longer popular.' Indeed, does it not seem more
probable, since it is generally admitted that
after 1587 the St. Paul's boys acted within the
walls surrounding the Cathedral grounds,'-
a space back of the convocation-houseor, more
generally, their singing-school in St. Gregory's
is the place assigned for their theatre,'-—that
even before 1587 they acted in the same place?
We know that dramatic representations passed
gradually from the churches, through the cathe-
dral yards and the God's-acres, to the public
squares and the inn-yards. We know, too, that
the choristers acted first only in sacred plays
within the churches, and passed slowly to acting
outside the churches in plays not sacred. When
the St. Paul's choristers first acted outside the
Cathedral, would it not, probably, have been in
the Cathedral yard or in their singing-school?
Why should they have gone outside the Cathe-
dral enclosure, only to return to it later,-par-
ticularly since in the earlier years, from 1559–
1584,* for instance, each of these places was as
¹ For evidence as to a change in public taste by 1601,
see p. clxxvii, note 2.
2 Hist. of Stage. pp. 86 and 88. Lyly in Pappe-with-
an-Hatchet, Sept. 1589, said of a play on Martin Mar-
prelate: "If he be showed at Paul's, it will cost you
fourpence." The prologue to Midas, 1589 (see p. cxlix),
acted by the Paul's boys only, is "in Paul's.
3 Hist. of Stage. pp. 145 and 152. Eng. Dr. Poetry.
Collier. Vol. I. p. 271.
4 Hist. of Stage. p. 40. Mr. Fleay gives 1559-81 as
the date for the Paul's boys at Blackfriars.
cxvi
JOHN LYLY.
1
ready for them as in 1587? Either the singing-
school or the space back of the Convocation-
house was very central,-in sound of Paul's Walk
and the busy shops of the book-dealers within
the yard. In other words, do not these ideas of
Mr. Collier's seem plausible :' that from at least
1580 onward the St. Paul's boys acted within the
walls surrounding the Cathedral property; and
that the children of the Chapel Royal, placed
wherever the court might be,-at Westminster,
Whitehall, or Greenwich, all outside the city
walls, who would of necessity wish for a place
in the centre of the city in which to act publicly,
appeared at the Blackfriars inn? It is noteworthy
that prologues" at the Blackfriars" occur only
in those plays, Alexander and Campaspe and
Sapho and Phao, which bear the name of this
company beside that of the St. Paul's children on
their title-pages; and is it not a little significant
that when the Chapel children reappeared in a
public play-house in 1597, it was at the new
Blackfriars Theatre, built by Burbadge'?
Would they not, probably, like the Paul's boys,
return as far as they could to the place where
their former triumphs had been won?
Certainly, enough has been said to make it
hardly necessary further to examine Mr. Fleay's
evidence as to the closing of the children's
threatres in 1583. He slipped as to their history
1 Hist. Eng. Dr. Poetry. Vol. III. p. 90.
2 Hist. of Stage. pp. 126 and 132.
JOHN LYLY.
cxvii
even in the original statement; his placing of
the Paul's boys is very questionable; and he
himself gives up all the testimony on which he
assigned the Chapel children to the Bell Savage.
When we add that, as Mr. Fleay admits,' Raw-
lidge, on whose testimony he rests his case,
says nothing about the theatre in Blackfriars
which Mr. Fleay makes the home of the Paul's
boys and closes with the other theatres; that
for Rawlidge's words to be of any service to
Mr. Fleay, we must hold that 1583 would be
"shortly after 1580"; that Rawlidge does not
name any of the play-houses, but refers to them
as The Theatre in Gracious St.," etc., all the
identifications being Mr. Fleay's;' that long
since Mr. Collier doubted whether he could
safely base important conclusions on the words
of a man who wrote as did Rawlidge forty odd'
years after the occurrences of which he speaks;
and that Mr. Fleay admits that Rawlidge talks
of the existence of a theatre in Whitefriars,
something not mentioned by any one else as ex-
isting until 1610; may it not safely be said that
Mr. Fleay's evidence for the disappearance of
the children's companies in 1583 is not well
founded?
<<
5
3
Apparently forgetting that it was the city au-
1 Hist. of Stage. p. 36.
2 Idem.
3 Hist. Eng. Dr. Poetry. Vol. I. p. 271.
4 Idem.
Vol. III. p. 104.
Hist. of Stage. p. 39.
cxviii
JOHN LYLY.
((
•
thorities and their closing of the play-houses in
1583 which put an end to both of the boys'
companies, Mr. Fleay in his Chronicle of the Eng-
lish Drama holds that Alexander and Campaspe
and Sapho and Phao gave offence, for the
Paul's boys were inhibited forthwith, and Lyly
in July was in disgrace for want of respect to
her" (the Queen). “There are allusions to flat-
terers and false accusers in the Pandion part of
the play; and as the Chapel Children were not
inhibited till 1583, when all the children's per-
formances were stopped, I think that it was the
Paul's stage which gave the offence, and that the
Chapel presentations were by command, that the
Queen might judge the play for herself. The S.
R. entry of the play in 1584 was subject to Cad-
man's getting lawful allowance for it. It
should be noted that Mr. Fleay gives no proof
anywhere that the acting of the St. Paul's boys
was inhibited immediately after February 27,
1582. We find no record of an appearance at
court by them between December, 1581, and
December, 1587. As has been seen, however,"
this does not necessarily prove that they did not
act at court between these dates, nor that they
were forbidden to act in 1582. As has been
1 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 40.
,, 1
2 Extracts from Accounts of Revels at Court; History
of Stage, passim.
³ See pp. xciii, xciv.
JOHN LYLY.
cxix
shown,' too, it is by no means clear that Lyly's
letter to Lord Burleigh means that he was in dis-
grace with the Queen in July, 1582; and it is un-
deniable that Mr. Fleay has not proved that the
acting of either the Chapel children or the Paul's
boys was inhibited in 1583. Certainly parts of
Sapho and Phao, with their very frank treatment
of the coquetting of Elizabeth with Monsieur,
might well have given offence, and royal disfavor
may have been back of the question about
licensing the first edition. Yet, to assume that
because the play may have given offence and
there was some difficulty about licensing the first
edition of it—the only strong bits of evidence
advanced for Mr. Fleay's theory-the acting of
the two companies was inhibited in 1583, would
be something of a non-sequitur. Why should
the Chapel children have suffered for a play
originally produced, according to Mr. Fleay, by
the St. Paul's boys and given by the Chapel
children only on command of the Queen? Why,
too,whether Sapho and Phao were given originally
by the St. Paul's boys only, or by the Chapel
children and the St. Paul's boys, as the title-page
seems to say,' should the more guilty, or at
1 See pp. cvii-cx.
2 "Tho. Cadman. Yt is graunted unto him that if he
can gett the commedie of Sappho lawfully alowed unto
him, Then none of this companie shall Interrupt him
to nejoye yt."—Stationers' Register, April 6, 1584.
3 Lilly's Works, Fairholt. Vol. I. p. 153.
CXX
JOHN LYLY.
least equally guilty, St. Paul's boys, and—most
unexpected of all—the author of the play, Lyly,
have been pardoned long before the Chapel
children were again in favor at the court? From
1582 to 1601 there is no record of a perform-
ance at court by the Chapel children.'
Paul's boys were acting there in 1587.
there is direct evidence that as late as Novem-
ber, 1583, the Children of the Chapel had not
been forbidden to act at court, but expected
subsequently to appear there.
2
The St.
Finally,
In the State Paper Office is the following peti-
tion of William Hunnis, master of the Chapel
children from 1566 to 1597. On the back of
the letter is written, in the same hand as that of
the petition "1583 November, The humble
petition of the M' of the Childre of Hir High-
ness Chappell." In another hand are the words:
To gain further allowance for the finding of
the Children for causes wthin mentioned."
(6
:
"Maye it please yo¹ honores Willm Hunnys
Mr to the Children of Her Higness Chappell,
most humbly beeseecheth to consid' of these few
lynes.
Ffirst Her Matie alloweth for the Dyet of
¹ Hist. of Stage, pp. 29, 125; Extracts from Accounts
of Revels at Court, passim.
2 For an account of Hunnis see the Old Cheque-Book
of the Chapel Royal. Camden So. p. 186.
3 See Cal. S. P. Dom. Series, 1581-90, p. 132, or the
State Papers, No. 88. Vol. 163.
JOHN LYLY.
cxxi
vij children of Hir sayd chappell daylie vjª a
peece by the daye, and vj by the yeare for
theyre aparrell and all other furniture.
"Agayne there is no ffee allowed neyther for
the m' of the sayd childre nor for his ussher,
& yet nevertheless is he constrayned over and
besyde the ussher still to kepe bothe a man se¹-
vant to attend upon them and lykewyse a woman
servant to wash and kepe them cleane.
"Also there is no allowance for the lodginge
of the sayd Children, such tyme as they attend
uppon the Courte, but the m' to his greate
charge is dryven to hyre chambers both for him-
self, his ussher, Children and servants.
• •
"Also there is no allowance for ryding servi-
ces when occasion serveth the m" to travell
or send into sundrie cyties within this realm, to
take upp and bring such children as be thought
meete to be trayned for the service of hir matie.
"Also there is no allowance ne other consider-
acon for those children whose voyces be
chaunged, whoe onely do depend upon the
charge of the sayd m' untill such tyme as he
may p'ferr the same wth cloathing and other
furniture, unto his no small charge.
“And although it may be obiected that her
mats allowance is no whit less than her mats
ffather of famous memorie therefore allowed:
Yet considering the pryces of things present to
the tyme past, and what annuities the M' then
hadd out of sundrie Citties within this realm be-
cxxii
JOHN LYLY.
sydes sondrie giftes from the Kinge and dyvers
perticuler fees besydes for the better maynte-
nance of the sayd childred and office: and be-
sides also there hath ben with drawal from the
sayd chilldren synce hir mats comming to the
crowne vijd by the daye whiche was allowed for
theyr breakefast as may apeare by the Treasorer
of the Chamber his acompt. for the tyme.
beinge. With other allowances incident to the
office as appeareth by the auntyent accomptes
in the sayd office, which I heere s mitt.
"The burden heereof hath from tyme to tyme
so hindred the m' of the children viz. m³ Bower,
m' Edwards, my self, and m' ffarrant that not-
withstanding some good helpes other wyse, some
of them dyed in so poore case, and so deeplie
indebted that they have not left scarcelye where-
with to burrye them.
"In tender consideracon whereof, might it
please yo¹ honores that the sayde allowance of
vijª apeece for the childrens dyet myght be re-
served in hir mats coffers during the tyme of
theyre attendaunce, and in lieu thereof they be
allowed meate and drinke within this honor-
able houshold for that I am not able uppon so
small allowance any length to beare so heavie
a burden. As other wyse to be consydered as
shall seeme best unto yo honorable wys-
domes.'
Certainly this is not the petition of a man
whose company is no longer permitted to act at
JOHN LYLY,
cxxiii
court. It is possible that when Hunnis says.
that "annuities . . . out of sundrie citties .
and dyvers perticuler fees" no longer are his, he
refers to suppression of public performances by
his boys, but it is difficult to see why he should
have spoken so vaguely of an event so important
to him.
Therefore, though we might grant that Sapho
and Phao may well, from its nature, have angered
the Queen, and that the trouble attending the
licensing of the play in 1584 may possibly have
come from royal disfavor shown the play, ex-
amination of the evidence of Mr. Fleay shows
that it gives no conclusive proof that Sapho and
Phao was responsible for the disappearance of
one or both of the boys' companies, or that
either or both companies were forbidden, by
1583, to act.
There is, however, strong evidence that at
some time before April, 1584, when the Alexan-
der and Campaspe of Lyly was licensed, the two
companies of children had ceased to act. We
find no record of a performance at court by
the St. Paul's boys from Dec. 26, 1581, until
Christmas, 1587;' none for the Children of the
Chapel from Dec. 26, 1582, until January, 1601.2
Since both of the companies, however, ap-
peared in Sapho and Phao, which could not have
1 Hist. of Stage, pp. 29 and 76. Extracts from Accounts
of Revels at Court, passim.
2 Hist. of Stage, pp. 29 and 125. Also see Extracts.
cxxiv
JOHN LYLY.
4
2
been written until after Feb. 6, 1582,' both must
have been acting at some time after that date.
Mr. Fleay says that in 1583 the companies were
travelling on account of the plague; therefore,
the theatres of the boys' companies were tempo-
rarily closed by this scourge. Though the
Chapel boys were not out of favor in November,
1583,³ neither of the children's companies acted
at court during the holidays of 1583; and in
1584, when the theatres of the men's companies
were open, the almost unfailing sign of the dis-
solution of a company-the publication of its
plays—appears. On April 6, Sapho and Phao
was licensed; and during the year it and Alex-
ander and Campaspe were printed. April 1,
1595, Tityrus and Galatea was licensed. As has
been said, Lyly printed his plays only when his
companies were not acting them, either because
they were silent or the plays were no longer
popular. The fact that both Endymion and
Gallathea were revived later shows that these
plays could not, in 1584, have "been considered
musty fopperies of antiquity," the objection
made to the old plays of the Paul's boys when,
in 1600, they revived some of them.
5
1
¹ See p. xl.
2 Hist. of Stage. PP. 54, 55.
3 See petition of Hunnis, pp. cxx-cxxii.
4 Hist. of Stage. p. 55.
'See dates for publication from p. clxiv onward.
See extract from Jack Drum's Entertainment, p.
clxxvii, note 2.
JOHN LYLY.
CXXV
1
What, too, adds strength to the idea that when
Lyly first published his plays, neither of the com-
panies was acting, is the fact that on April 26,
1585, shortly after the licensing of Tityrus and
Galatea (April 1), we find a writ of Queen
Elizabeth to Thomas Gyles, as Master of the
Children of St. Paul's, authorizing him in the
usual formula to take up suitable children wher-
ever he might find them, and to train them to
entertain the Queen and the court :—
"ELIZABETH R.
(6
Whereas we have authoryzed our servaunte
Thomas Gyles, Mr of the Children of the Cathe-
dral Churche of St. Paule, within our Cittie of
London, to take up such apte and meete chil-
dren, as are most fitt to be instructed and framed
in the arte and science of musicke and singing,
as may be had and founde out within anie place
of this our Realme of England or Wales, to
be by his education and bringing up made meete
and hable to serve us in that behalf, when our
pleasure is to call for them. We, therefore, by the
tenor of these presents, will and require you, that
ye permit and suffer from henceforthe our saide
servaunts Thomas Gyles, and his deputy or
deputies, and every of them, to take up in anye
Cathedral or Collegiate Churche or Churches, :
and in everye other place or places of this our
Realme of England and Wales, such Childe or
Children, as he or they or anye of them shall
finde and like of; and the same Childe or Chil-
cxxvi
JOHN LYLY.
dren, by vertue hereof, for the use and service
aforesaide, with them or anye of them to bring
awaye, without anye your letts, contradictions,
staye or interruption, to the contrarye. Charg-
inge and commaundinge you, and everie of you,
to be aydinge helpinge and assistinge unto the
abovenamed Thomas Gyles, and his deputy &
deputies, in and about the due execution of the
premisses, for the more spedie effectual and bet-
tar accomplishment thereof from tyme to tyme,
as you and everie of you doe tendar our will &
pleasure, and will auns were for doinge the con-
trarye at your perills. Yoven under our Signet at
our Manor of Grenewich, the 26th day of April,
in the 27th yere of our reign.
"To all and singuler Deanes, Provostes, Mais-
ters and Wardens of Collegies, and all ecclesi-
astical persons and mynisters, and to all other our
officers mynisters and subjects to whom in this
case it shall apperteyne, and to everye of them
greetinge."¹
When the failure of Tityrus and Galathea
to appear, and the cessation of the publica-
tion of Lyly's plays from 1585 until the theatre
of the St. Paul's boys was closed in 1590
or 1591, are taken into consideration with
this writ dated only a few weeks after the
1 The English Drama and Stage under the Tudor and
Stuart Princes. W. C. Hazlitt. (Roxburghe Library.)
PP. 33, 34. Hist. Eng. Dr. Poetry. Collier. Vol. I.
pp. 258, 259, note.
JOHN LYLY.
cxxvii
licensing of the play, all the evidence strongly
suggests that for some reason the St. Paul's boys
had not been acting from a date somewhere be-
tween February, 1582 (the latest time referred to
in Sapho and Phao) and Christmas, 1583, (when
neither of the children's companies appeared at
court) and April 26, 1585, when the writ to
Thomas Gyles was issued. Though they do not
appear in the court records between Dec. 26, 1581
and Christmas, 1587, the title-page of Sapho and
Phao ("played before the Queen's Majesty by
the Children of the Chapel, and the Children of
Pauls") makes it debatable whether they did
not act at court in February or March, 1582;
and they may perfectly well have been acting
in public between the end of April, 1585, and
Christmas, 1587. However, as the plague was
bad in 1586,' their acting in that year was
doubtless interfered with. It is certainly signifi-
cant that when the Queen, at Christmas, 1584, evi-
dently wished to see a play by children, Agamem-
non and Ulysses was given, not by the St. Paul's
boys or the Chapel choristers, but by a com-
pany mentioned only in this entry, "The Earle
of Oxenford his boys. That certainly seems
¹ Hist. of Stage, p. 56. English Writers, vol. ix. p.
231.
2 Hist. of Stage, pp. 30, 80. Extracts from Accounts
of Revels, p. 188.
cxxviii
JOHN LYLY.
to mean that both companies were out of favor
and probably not acting in 1584.¹
Moreover the perfect freedom given to Gyles
by this writ to take up children anywhere would
seem to show that when it was issued no other
company of children was acting, for we have
seen that in November, 1583, Hunnis, Master
of the Children of the Chapel,' evidently had a
similar writ in his possession, and yet here the
Chapel choir, which was usually excepted in
writs like this,' is not mentioned. Apparently,
then, in 1584 and 1585 the Chapel children were
out of favor. Nor did they come into favor
again for very many years. As has been said,
their names do not appear in the court records
until Jan. 6, 1601. They did not appear in any
public playhouse before 1597, when their new
master, Nathaniel Gyles, made a contract with
Burbadge by which the company could act in
1 Query Is it possible that this Lord Oxenford, the
patron of Lyly and interested in actors, had for some
reason temporarily permitted the Paul's or Chapel
boys, or some lads from each of these former com-
panies, to use his name?
2 See p. cxx.
³ In a similar writ, issued by Elizabeth in the second
year of her reign to aid the choristers at Windsor, she
granted this right to take up children "whersoever ye
may find them within this our realm, our said Chapel of
household and S. Paulus in London only forborne."
Hist. Eng. Dr. Poetry. Collier. Vol. I. p, 170. Progr.
Eliz. Nichols. Vol. I. p. 81. Ed. 1823.
1
JOHN LYLY.
cxxix
the new Blackfriars Theatre.¹ Between Novem-
ber, 1583, and July, 1597, we have little evi-
dence bearing on their history. Mr. Fleay as-
signs to them Nash's Summer's Last Will and
Testament, acted at Croydon in 1592, but their
name does not stand on the title-page, and cer-
tainly the internal evidence points at least as
strongly to the St. Paul's boys as the actors.'
¹ Hist. of Stage, pp. 126, 127.
2 There is nothing in the play that forbids a reader to
hold the opinion that it was given by the St. Paul's boys.
The clear understanding that the writer showed of what
might be dangerous for his company evidently means that
he had experienced it or seen others experience it. That
would, of course, have been true in August, 1592, the date
of Nash's play,* of a writer for either the long-disgraced
* That August was the month in which Nash's play was given
Summer's lines show clearly:
"Summer I am; I am not what I was;
On Autumn, now, and Winter I must lean."
"This month have I lain languishing a-bed,
Looking each hour to yield my life and throne."
(Old Plays, vol. ix. pp. 18, 19.)
At least three references in the play show, too, that it was
August, 1592, when the play was given. Very early Will Sum-
mer says: "Forsooth, because the plague reigns in most places
in this latter end of summer" (p. 17), and we know from Cam-
den's Annals of Elizabeth that in 1592 the plague raged. Later
Summer says:
"
The Thames is witness of thy tyranny,
Whose waves thou dost exhaust for winter showers.
The naked channel 'plains her of thy spite,
That laid'st her entrails unto open sight." (p. 32.)
Camden tells us that on the fifth of September, 1592, so great
was the drought of the late summer that a man might ride over the
Thames near London Bridge.
CXXX
JOHN LYLY.
To the Chapel children Mr. Fleay assigns also
Dr. Doddypoll, The Wars of Cyrus (both anony-
Chapel boys or the St. Paul's lads but newly out of
favor. The extreme desire, however, shown in both the
prologue and the epilogue-the latter spoken by a child
so small that he delivers it sitting on Will Summer's
knee, and at the end is carried away—to avert disfavor,
suggests that this particular company of players had ex-
perienced it but recently, and that at Croydon they were
making the most, with extreme caution, of a possible
chance to reinstate themselves in favor. Here are parts
of the epilogue and the prologue which bear on the pre-
ceding statements:
"Gentlemen (for kings are no better), certain humble
animals, called our actors, commend them unto you:
who, what offence they have committed I know not (ex-
Near the end of the play these lines occur in a song :
"Trades cry, woe worth that ever they were born!
The want of term is town and city's harm." (p. 77.)
A letter of Thomas Nash written in the long vacation (June 29 to
Oct. 10), 1596 (Collier, 1. 292), contains allusions to the term having
been held at Hertford and St. Albans in 1592 and 1593.
Two of the references, the first and the third, might almost
equally well be placed in 1592 or 1593, but the third can be
placed only in 1592. That August, 1592, is the correct date the
following corroborative evidence from Nash's Private Epistle of
the Author to the Printer prefixed to his Pierce Pennilesse, His
Supplication to the Devil (licensed Aug. 8, 1592), seems to show, if
we remember that often in the play "My Lord" is mentioned as
the person before whom it is given.
"And lastly, to the Ghost of Robert Greene, telling him what a
coyle there is with pamphleting on him after his death. These
were prepared for Pierce Penilesse first setting foorth, had not the
feare of infection detained mee with my Lord in the Countrey.
"I am the Plagues prisoner in the Country as yet: if the sick-
nesse cease before the thirde impression, I will come and alter
whatsoever may be offensive to any man, and bring you the latter
ende." (Nash's Works. Grosart. 11. pp. 5, 6, 8.)
1
JOHN LYLY.
cxxxi
mous), and Dido, Queen of Carthage, by Mar-
lowe and Nash,' the last printed in 1594.
Mr. Fleay gives no evidence to support his
assignment of the first two plays to the Chapel
children, and later,' without any explanation of
the change, gives Dr. Doddypoll to the Children
of Paul's. To this company it has usually been
cept it be in purloining some hours out of time's treasury,
that might have been better employed), but by me (the
agent of their imperfections) they humbly crave pardon,
if haply some of their terms have trod awry, or their
tongues stumbled unwittingly on any man's content. In
much corn is some cockle; in a heap of coin here and
there a piece of copper: wit hath his dregs, as well as
wine; words their waste, ink his blots, every speech his
parenthesis; poetical fury, as well crabs as sweetings for
his summer fruits. Nemo sapit omnibus horis. Their
folly is deceased; their fear is yet living. Nothing can
kill an ass but cold: cold entertainment discouraging
scoffs, authorized disgraces, may kill a whole litter of
young asses of them here at once that hath travelled
thus far in impudence, only in hope to sit a sunning in
your smiles. . . . Your grace's frowns are to them
shaking fevers; your least disfavours, the greatest ill-
fortune that may betide them." Old Plays (Dodsley),
ed. 1825. Vol. IX. pp. 78, 79. In the prologue, the
speaker says: "Moralizers, you that wrest a never-meant
meaning out of every thing, applying all things to the
present time, keep your attention for the common stage ;
for here are no quips in characters for you to read. Vain
glozers, gather what you will; spite, spell backward
what thou canst." (Idem, p. 16.)
¹ Hist of Stage. p. 81.
2 Hist. of Stage. p. 91.
cxxxii
JOHN LYLY
assigned.' We are left with the statement of the
title-page of the Dido that the play was given
by the Chapel children as the only strong direct
evidence that between 1583 and 1597 they were
acting at all. From the nature of the play—it
is well suited to out-of-door representation-and
the fact that from 1583 to 1597 we do not hear
of the Chapel children in any public playhouse,
Mr. Fleay's surmise that Dido was privately
given seems sound.
2
In brief, then, the evidence shows that from
Dec. 26, 1581, to Christmas, 1587, the St. Paul's
boys do not appear in the records of the Revels
Office; that from somewhere between Feb. 1582
(when Sapho and Phao was probably produced)
and Christmas, 1583 (when neither company
of boys acted at court) until April 26, 1585
(the date of the writ given to Thomas Gyles)
the St. Paul's boys were probably not acting;
that from Dec. 26, 1582, to Jan. 6, 1601, the
Chapel children do not appear in the "Accounts
of the Revels at Court"; that from a date prob-
ably between November, 1583 (the time of the
petition of Hunnis) and the beginning of the
next year (since at Christmas the company did
not, as was usual, act at court) until 1597,
they did not act in any public play-house, and
performed in private, apparently, but rarely.
¹ Malone's Shakespeare. Vol. III. pp. 427-29.
2 Hist. of Stage, p. 81. Chron. Eng. Dr. Vol. II.
P. 147.
JOHN LYLY.
cxxxiii
What was the cause of these breaks in the
history of the companies it is hard to say.
Certainly the plague cannot account for the
long silence of the Chapel children; nor is it a
satisfactory explanation of the silence of the St.
Paul's boys; for, as has been said, 1584 and
1585, when the St. Paul's boys were silent, were
not bad plague years, and in them the men's
companies were acting. Royal disfavor seems
to be the only satisfactory explanation for the
break in the history of each company. Certainly,
only in this way can the disappearance for nine-
teen years of the Children of the Chapel from
the Revels' records be accounted for. Moreover,
this idea, at least so far as the Chapel children
are concerned, is supported by some words in a
letter of 1600. It was written to the Queen by
an angry father whose child had been kidnapped
by Nathaniel Gyles and his associates of the
Blackfriars theatre. He said: "Nathaniel Gyles
... hath sithence your maties last free &
generall pardon moste wrongfully, unduly &
uniustly taken divers & severall childeren from
divers & sondry scholes of learning;" and
"All wch vyolente courses .. were soe com-
itted, perpetrated & done sithence your maties
last free and generall pardon.' It hardly
seems probable that it was Gyles who was
pardoned, for his advance in the service of the
Queen had been steady. From 1595 to 1597 he
99 1
¹ Hist. of Stage. pp. 127 and 132.
cxxxiv
JOHN LYLY.
had been Master of the Choristers at Windsor;
in the latter year was made Master of the Chil-
dren of the Chapel Royal, and given the writ
which, by 1600, he had misused.' It seems
more probable that the "general pardon" refers
to the reinstating of the Chapel boys, by the
writ of 1597, in the Queen's favor.
It seems barely possible that royal displeasure
caused by Sapho and Phao may have brought
trouble to the St. Paul's boys; but if it did, it is
a little surprising that the licensing of the play
should have been allowed in April, 1584, but
the actors in it not forgiven for another year.
To allow the play to be printed was to spread
what had been held to be objectionable. Print-
ing it should, then, have meant an end of the
anger aroused by it. Why, then, delay for a
year pardoning the players? Certainly, too, the
nature of Sapho and Phao will not account for
the long disappearance from public performances
of the Chapel children. If they were less guilty
than the Paul's boys, as Mr. Fleay makes them,'
the punishment was altogether too unjust to be
sustained; if they were equally guilty, the same
may be said; if they were the original offenders,
why should the worst culprit of all, the author,
have been allowed to print his offending play in
1584 and to write and present new plays for many
¹ Old Cheque-Book of Chapel Royal. Rimbault. p. 198.
2 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 40.
JOHN LYLY.
CXXXV
}
years before we have any record of even a pri-
vate performance by the Chapel children? It
would seem that causes were at work in both
cases, particularly in that of the Chapel children,
which we cannot now ascertain.
All this as to the dates of the companies of
children may seem a long and an unnecessary
digression, but it is very important in general,
because, if we know pretty definitely when the
two companies were or were not acting, this is a
great aid in deciding the time of composition
of plays assigned without date on their title-
pages to either company; and, specially, in this
discussion, because it is imposssible to treat satis-
factorily of Lyly between 1580 and 1590 unless
the value and the meaning of the hitherto some-
what tangled evidence in regard to the children's
companies be first determined. The examina-
tion of the evidence shows us that apparently
until 1584 Lyly was writing for one or both of
the children's companies; that when they ceased
to act, he promptly began to publish his plays;
that when the St. Paul's boys, late in April,
1585, were again in favor, he discontinued the
publication of his plays, and from 1585 until in
or near 1591, in which year he again published
plays, was busy writing for the St. Paul's boys.
One other bit of evidence we seem to have
about John Lyly before he began a second time
to write for the St. Paul's boys. In 1584, the year
when Alexander and Campaspe and Sapho ana
cxxxvi
JOHN LYLY.
Phao were published and the "Earl of Oxen-
ford's Boys" acted at court at Christmas, Lyly
was, apparently, at Oxford for some time, since
we find in the Day Book of the bursars of Mag-
dalen College: "Mr. John Lillie communarius
debet pro communis et batellis' 235.
23S. Iod.
Since the Alumni Oxonienses shows that no other
John Lyly was connected with Magdalen at this
date, this is apparently the dramatist.
2
From late April, 1585, then, Lyly was prob-
ably busy again with work for the St. Paul's
boys. Until 1589' we have no evidence bear-
ing directly on Lyly other than what has been
already stated to show the probability that
between 1585 and 1588 he made over Galla-
thea. In 1588 began the Martin Marprelate con-
troversy,* originally a discussion on government
in ecclesiastical matters between the party of the
established church and the Puritans, which grew
into an exchange of scurrilous personalities. In
August or September, 1589, Lyly, as we should
1 To owe pro
batellis" means that Lyly left unsettled
his kitchen or buttery account. See Cent. Dict.
5
2 Ath. Cantab. Also English Reprints: Lyly. Chron.
P. 7.
3 The St. Paul's boys acted at court at Christmas, 1587,
and "sundry" times in 1588, but in what plays we do
not know.
Hist. of Stage, p. 76.
* For an account of this see English Writers, vol. IX.
Pp. 294–308.
5 Fleay says August, Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 130,
September, p. 39. Arber says about September, 1589.
Eng. Scholar's Library, No. 8, p. 197.
JOHN LYLY.
cxxxvii
.
expect from his admiration for Dr. Andrews,
wrote on behalf of the High Church party,
Pappe-with-an-Hatchet.' That Mr. Saintsbury,
in his Elizabethan and Jacobean Pamphlets, at-
tributes it with a query to John Lyly is odd, for
the pamphlet shows not only the main charac-
teristics of Lyly's style, the careful antithesis,
the peculiar transverse alliteration, the similes
from natural history, but also similes found
elsewhere in his work, and at least one word,
squirrilitie, which seems to mark the text as his.
3
•
2
"Indeed our parents take great care to make us aske
blessing: . . they give us pap with a spoone before we
can speake, and when we speake for that wee love, pap
with a hatchet: because their fancies being growen
mustie with hoarie age, therefore nothing can relish in
their thoughts that savours of sweete youth." Mother
Bombie, Act I. Sc. 2. Fairholt. Vol. II. p. 83.
2 On p. 75 of the pamphlet the author compares the
"settled raigne" of Elizabeth to the "cedar that knit-
teth itselfe with such wreaths into the earth, that it can-
not be remooved by any violent force of aire." The cedar
is one of Lyly's pet similes for Elizabeth and her rule.
See Endymion, p. 27; Sapho and Phao, vol. I. p. 201.
Fairholt. "These Martins were hatcht of addle egges,
else could they not have such idle heads." Saintsbury,
P. 49. "If I had not ben gathered from the tree in the
bud, I should being blowen have proved a blast, and as
good it is to be an addle egg, as an idle bird." To the
Gentlemen Scholars of Oxford. Arber. p. 207.
3 In Act II. Sc. 2 of Endymion occurs the following
passage, in which there is evidently some play on squirrel,
an unusual word not to be found in the glossaries of
Elizabethan books :-
CXxxviii
JOHN LYLY.
Any careful reader of the pamphlet who knows
well the work of Lyly must feel that the writer
of Pappe-with-an-Hatchet had good reason to say:
"Faith, thou wilt be caught by the stile.
Gabriel Harvey and Thomas Nash, too, in the
pamphlets which they published against each
other, give proof that the tract is Lyly's.
In the second part of Pierce's Supererogation,"
Harvey attributes Pappe-with-an-Hatchet to
Lyly in these words: "Surely Euphues was
someway a pretty fellow; would God Lilly had
alwaies bene Euphues, & never Pap-hatchet."
"Faith, quoth himselfe, thou wilt be caught by
thy stile: Indeede what more easie, then to finde
the man by his humour, the Midas by his Eares,
the Calfe by his tongue, the goose by his quill,
the Playmaker by his stile, the hatchet by the
Pap? Albertus Secrets, Poggius Fabels, Bebelius.
iestes, Scoggins tales, Wakefields lyes, Parson
"Sir Tophas. What is that the gentlewoman carrieth
in a chain?
Epiton. Why, it is a squirrel.
"Sir Tophas. A squirrel! O Gods, what things are
made for money!"
The way in which this unusual word is played upon in
the following from (p. 53, Saintsbury) Pappe-with-an-
Hatchet suggests that the same hand wrote both extracts:
"He hath taken up all the words for his obscenitie: ob-
scenitie? Nay, I am too nice; squirrilitie were a better
word: well, let me alone to squirril them."
2
¹Saintsbury. p. 57.
* Harvey's Works. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 124.
JOHN LYLY.
cxxxix
Darcyes Knaveries, Tarletons trickes, Eldertons
Ballats, Greenes Pamplets, Euphues Similes,
double V³ phrases, are too-well knowen, to go
unknowen. Where the Veine of Braggadocio is
famous, the arterie of Pappadocio cannot be ob-
scure. It is a good hearing, when good fellowes
have a care of the Commonwealth, and the
Church; and a godly motion when Interluders
leave penning their pleasurable Playes to become
zealous ecclesiastical writers." Nash, constantly
referring to Lyly as attacked by Harvey for
writing Pappe-with-an-Hatchet, passes to calling
Lyly Pap-Hatchet, and never even suggests a
denial that Lyly wrote the pamphlet. Certainly,
denial of Lyly's authorship of the offending
pamphlet would have been too strong a weapon
in Nash's hands to be neglected, if he could
honestly have used it.
2
4
Pappe-with-an-Hatchet is a clever but scurri-
lous attack on the Puritans and Martinists in
general and Gabriel Harvey in particular. Its
chief interest to-day is, probably, its relation to
the long and virulent pamphleteering between
Gabriel Harvey and Thomas Nash. It seems to
have been indirectly the origin of the bad feel-
ing between these two men. Pappe-with-an-
Hatchet appeared in August or September, 1589,
1 Harvey's Works.
Vol. II. pp. 215, 216.
Nash's Works. Grosart. Vol. III. pp. 27, 141, 174.
³ Idem. Vol. II. pp. 69, 196.
3
4
* See p. cix.
cxl
JOHN LYLY.
1
and the passages in it referring to Gabriel Harvey
angered him so much that by Nov. 5 of the same
year he had written his Advertisement for Pap-
hatchet. This was probably circulated in MS., but
was not published until 1593, when it appeared
as the second part of Pierce's Supererogation.*
In this he violently upbraided Lyly as the author
of the offending pamphlet. Meantime, Richard
Harvey, brother of Gabriel, printed at about the
same time³ as that of the appearance of Pappe-
with-an-Hatchet, Plain Percival, and, in Octo-
ber, The Lamb of God and His Enemies. In
1 The porton of Piierce's Supererogation directed against
Lyly is dated from Trinity Hall, Nov. 5, 1589. Harvey's
Works. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 221.
2 Nash's evidence supports this statement. "Against
blasphemous Servetus, or Muretus, or Sunius, that have
been so bold with her Majestie and this State, was thys
Invective of his first armed and advanced; which (uppon
the missing his preferment, or advancement, in Court) he
supprest, and in the bottom of a rustie hamper let it lye
asleepe by him (even as he did the Advertisement against
Paphatchet & Martin, which he hath yoakt with it, by
his own date, ever since 89) and now, with putting in new
names here and there of Nashe & Piers Pennilesse, he
hath so pannyerd and drest it that it seemes a new
thing, though there be no new thing in it that claimes
anie kindred of mee, more than a dozen of famisht quips,
but like a lose French cassock, or gabberdine, would fit
any man."
Have with You to Saffron-Walden.
Works. Grosart. Vol. III. pp. 184, 185.
Nash's
8 Along here Mr. Fleay is followed in the assignment
of the date. Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 130.
A
JOHN LYLY.
cxli
these pamphlets, says Nash, Richard Harvey
"snarl'd privily" at Lyly and Nash (who at
about the date of Pappe-with-an-Hatchet had
issued his anti-Martinist pamphlet, Pasquil of
England), and "mistermed all our other Poets
and writers about London, piperly make-plaies
and make-bates. Hence Greene, being chiefe
agent for the companie (for he writ more than
foure other. ) tooke occasion to canonize
him a little in his Cloth-breeches and Velvet-
breeches, and because by some probable collec-
tions hee gest the Elder brothers hand was in it,
he coupled them both in one yoake, and, to ful-
fill the proverbe Tria sunt omnia, thrust in the
third brother, who made a perfect parriall of
Pamphleteers." This pamphlet of Greene's was
licensed July 21, 1592.
I
Harvey says that Greene did not of himself
take up the literary cudgels, but was instigated to
the attack by Lyly. "He [Lyly] had ever passed
untouched with any syllable of revenge in Print,
had not Greene and this dog-fish [Nash] abom-
inably misused the verbe passive; as should ap-
peare, by his procurement, or encouragement,
assuredly most undeserved, and most injurious.
For what other quarrel could Greene or this
dogge-fish ever picke with me: whom I never so
much as twitched by the sleeve, before I founde
miselfe, and my dearest frendes unsufferable
¹ Nash's Works. Grosart. Vol. 11. pp. 196, 197.
cxlii
JOHN LYLY.
quipped in most contumelious, and opprobrious
termes."¹
August 8, 1592, Nash's Piers Penni-
lesse, His Supplication to the Devil was licensed,
but this was directed rather against Richard
Harvey for his words in Plain Percival and The
Lamb of God than against Gabriel Harvey. It
is evident, then, that originally the pamphleteer-
ing had two divisions: Lyly against Gabriel
Harvey; and Lyly, Nash, and any other drama-
tists who felt themselves insulted by parts of
Plain Percival and The Lamb of God, against
Richard Harvey. If we notice that Lyly's is
the only name occurring in both disputes; that
in Pappe-with-an-Hatchet he admits an old
grudge against Gabriel Harvey;' that Greene,
by Harvey's own words quoted above, had no
reason to attack him personally; that the reason
given above by Nash for Greene's attack on
Harvey sounds labored; that Nash admits in
The Intercepting of Certain Letters that until
Gabriel Harvey's Four Letters and Certain Son-
nets appeared, late in 1592, his quarrel was en-
tirely with Richard Harvey; that Lyly, in
¹ Harvey's Works. Grosart. Pierce's Supererogation.
Vol. II. p. 123.
2 See p. cix.
3 "Ile make thee of my counsaile because I love thee
(not) when I was in Cambridge, and but a childe, I was
indifferently perswaded of thee: mee thought by thy ap-
parell and thy gate, thou shouldst have beene a fine fel-
low Little did I suspect that thou wert brother to lo
JOHN LYLY.
cxliii
Pappe-with-an-Hatchet, threatened the Martinists
with a new man, apparently Nash;' and that in
Have with You to Saffron-Walden, Nash says
that a certain Signor Importunio-who bears a
resemblance to Lyly-" never ceast, with all the
vehemence of winde or breath that he hath, to
incite and moove me to win spurres in this iour-
ney' (answering Gabriel Harvey);—the evi-
dence supporting Harvey's charge that John
Lyly was the cause of the attacks upon him by
Greene and Nash is pretty strong.
,, 2
Paan [Richard Harvey] (whom inwardly I alwaies
grudged at for writing against Aristotle) or any of the
Hs of Hempehall, but a Cavalier of a clean contrary
house now thou hast quite spoild thy selfe, from the
foote to the head I can tell how thou art fashioned.”
Strange Newes of the Intercepting of Certain Letters.
Nash's Works. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 194. See also vol.
II. pp. 185, 186.
1" Then I thought to touch Martin with Logick, but
there was a little wag in Cambridge, [Nash] that swore
by St. Seaton, he would so swinge him with Sillogismes,
that all Martin's answeres should ake. The vile boy hath
many bobbes, and a whole fardle of fallacies." P. 52.
Saintsbury.
2" Him that I tearme Senior Importunio is a Gentleman
of good qualitie, to whom I rest manie waies beholding,
and one (as the Philosophers say of winde that it is noth-
ing but aire vehemently moov'd) so hath he never ceast,
with all the vehemence of winde or breath that he hath,
to incite and moove me to win my spurres in this iour-
ney." Have with You to Saffron- Walden. Nash's Works.
Grosart. Vol. III. p. 30.
cxliv
JOHN LYLY.
At any rate, the result of Greene's brief but
maddeningly effective railing at the three
brothers was to make the two disputes one, and
to narrow the contest to Gabriel Harvey against
Thomas Nash. Greene's words roused Gabriel
Harvey to a frenzy of anger. Dec. 4, 1592, his
Four Letters and Certain Sonnets touching R.
Greene was licensed, an outrageous attack on
Greene, from which we get a large part of our
probably not entirely accurate idea of the per-
sonality of that dramatist. The cruelty of this
attack on a man but recently dead when it ap-
peared aroused the anger of Nash, and turned
his attack from Richard to Gabriel Harvey.
came in his Strange News of the Intercepting of
Certain Letters (licensed Jan. 13, 1593) to the
defence of Greene. Harvey, apparently shortly
after July 16, 1593 (the date of the dedication)
printed Pierce's Supererogation, A New Praise
of the Old Ass, A preparative to certain larger dis-
courses entitled Nash's S. Fame. Soon after,
probably, appeared the much larger publication
with the same name, a fourfold attack on Har-
vey's enemies. Part one is a general reply to his
enemies, part two is the Advertisement for Pap-
hatchet of 1589 rearranged; part three attacks
Nash, the last part Dr. Perne.' The enmity of
He
1 "Hand off, there is none but I will have the unclasp-
ing of that, because I can doo it nimblest. It is devided
into foure parts; one against mee, the second against M.
Lilly, the third against Martinists, the fourth against D.
JOHN LYLY.
cxlv
Greene, Nash and Lyly for Harvey was the cause
of the first part; Pappe-with-an-Hatchet of the
second; the Strange News of the Intercepting of
Certain Letters of the third; and old quarrels at
Cambridge of the fourth. The second part, in
spite of its exaggeration and vituperation, gives
us considerable information about Lyly, and
should not be neglected—indeed all this series of
pamphlets should not-by any careful student of
this dramatist. Next, Nash says, came private
overtures from Harvey for peace,' and in the pre-
face to Christ's Tears over Jerusalem, 1593, Nash
gracefully extended his hand to his opponent.
Harvey, however, was tricky and ill-natured, and
instead of accepting the apology of Nash, at-
tacked him again in A New Letter of Notable
Contents (licensed Oct. 1, 1593). Nash, thor-
oughly disgusted, added a new preface to a fresh
edition, early in 1594, of Christ's Tears, declar-
ing his readiness to carry on the controversy.
Nothing came from him against Harvey until
1596, when his Have with you to Saffron-Walden
appeared and, if long delayed,' was caustic
Perne. Neither are these parts severally distinguished
in his order of handling, but, like a Dutch stewd-pot,
iumbled altogether, and linsey-wolsey woven one within
another." Have with you to Saffron- Walden. Nash's
Works. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 174.
¹ See the address to the 1594 edition of Christ's Tears.
Nash's Works. Grosart.
Grosart. Vol. iv. pp. 3–8.
2 See Nash's words on the subjects in his works. Vol.
III. pp. 27, 36, 37.
cxlvi
JOHN LYLY.
enough to make up for lost time. It really
gibed and flouted, blackguarded and slandered.
Harvey to defeat, who in his answer of 1597, The
Trimming of Thomas Nash (licensed Oct. 11),
flounders in a sea of vituperation. June 1, 1599,
an order was issued that certain publications,
among them all of Nash's and Harvey's books,
should be taken wherever found, and none of
them printed hereafter.'
This examination of the controversy between
Gabriel Harvey and Thomas Nash brings out
some facts as to Lyly pretty clearly. We find,
knowing previously that an old difference existed
between Lyly and Gabriel Harvey, that Lyly
attacked Harvey in Pappe-with-an-Hatchet; that
at about the same time Richard Harvey spoke
slightingly in print of Lyly, Nash, and the
dramatists in general; that Lyly very probably
urged Greene and Nash to reply to him, and saw
that Gabriel Harvey was not spared when his
brother was attacked; that gradually the contest
narrowed down to Nash and Harvey as active
combatants; and that for nine years after the
beginning of the trouble these two kept up the
pamphlet war. All this shows that Lyly was
certainly a good hater, and that, since others
fought so valiantly for him, he had good friends
and knew something of the management of men.
Another anti-Martinist pamphlet, An Almond
1 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 146.
JOHN LYLY.
cxlvii
for a Parrat, has sometimes been assigned to
Lyly, but it is hard to see on what evidence.
Careful examination of it shows no such resem-
blances as Pappe-with-an-Hatchet offers between
its style and that of Lyly. Moreover, the writer
speaks of Lyly's pamphlet in words that hardly
sound as if the man who wrote them was the
author of Pappe-with-an-Hatchet. "His [Mar-
tin's] crazed cause that was earst so bravely
1
encountered by Pasquin and Marphoreus, and
not many moneths since most wittily scofte
at by the extemporall endevour of the pleasant
author of Pap with a hatchet." Nor do recent
editors give it to Lyly. Petheram, who in 1846
edited the pamphlet, assigned it to Thomas
Nash; Professor Arber omits it from his list of
Lyly's works; Mr. Fleay thinks that it belongs
neither to Lyly nor to Nash, but to the anony-
mous author of Martin's Month's Mind.*
2
3
The years between 1588 and 1590 were, prob-
ably, the most successful of Lyly's career. He
was evidently well known, and the centre of a
group of literary men of the time. Some of
5
1 An Almond for a Parrot. (Puritan Discipline Tracts.)
London: John Petheram. 1846. P. 12.
2 Idem. Introduction.
3 English Reprints: Lyly. Chron.
4 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 126.
5 "Blessed Euphues, thou onely happy, that hast a train
of such good countenances, in thy floorishing greene-
motley livery: miserable I, the unhappiest on earth, that
cxlviii
JOHN LYLY.
2
these, for instance, Greene and Lodge, copied his
style.' Writing very successfully for the St. Paul's
boys; interested in the Marprelate controversy ;
stirring up his old adversary, Gabriel Harvey ;
he apparently kept somewhat in touch with life
at the universities. Apparently he was married
am left desolate.
3
Ah but that might be endured: every
mā is not borne, to be leader of a bande: every birde
carrieth not Argus eyes displayed in her taile. Fame is
not every bodies Sainct." Pierce's Supererogation, 1589.
Harvey's Works. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 226.
1 The English Novel in the Time of Shakespeare. J.
J. Jusserand. Chs. III and IV.
I am threatened with a Bable, and Martin menaced
with a Comedie: a fit motion for a Iester, and a Player,
to try what may be done by employmēt of his facultie:
Bables and Comedies are parlous fellowes to decipher,
and discourage men, (that is the Point) with their wittie
flowtes, and learned Ierkes; Na, if you shake the painted
scabbard at me, I have done: and all you, that tender
the preservation of your good names, were best to please
Pap-hatchet, and see Euphues betimes, for feare lesse
he be mooved, or some One of his Apes hired, to
make a Playe of you; and then is your credit quite un-
done for ever, and ever: Such is the publique reputation
of their Playes. He must needes be discouraged whom
they decipher. Better, anger an hundred other, then two
such; that have the Stage at Commandement, and can
furnish-out Vices, and Divells at their pleasure." Pierce's
Supererogation. Grosart. Vol. 11. p. 213. See also
Nash's words as to Mother Bombie, p. cli, note 3.
3"But there was a little wag in Cambridge that swore
by Saint Seaton, he would so swinge him [Martin] with
Sillogismes.” Pappe-with-an-Hatchet, p. 52. Saintsbury.
JOHN LYLY.
cxlix
1
by Nov. 1589, for Harvey, in the part of Pierce's
Supererogation dating from that time, jeers at
his "witt" as "paunched, like his wive's spin-
dle." In that year, too, as the Parliamentary
Papers for 1878, containing a list of past mem-
bers, seem to show, he became a member of Par-
liament for Hindon. It was a period of activity
and success.
In 1589, too, probably belongs the first pro-
duction of Lyly's play, Midas, though it was
not printed until 1592. Like Endymion and
Sapho and Phao it pretty plainly allegorizes polit-
ical matters. Midas, with his love of gold and
his lust for conquest, repeatedly suggests Philip
II. of Spain. Doubtless, acute Elizabethan ob-
servers thought that they saw in other characters
figures of the day. In the following speech,
Midas evidently refers to the defeat of the Ar-
2
3
¹ Pierce's Supererogation. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 130.
2 Note the passage quoted above and "A bridge of
gold did I meane to make in that island where all my
navy could not make a breach"; Have I not entised
the subjects of my neighbor princes to destroy their
naturall kings?" "To what kingdome have I not pre-
tended claime?" Indeed, compare the whole of the
long opening speech of Midas in Act III. Sc. I, with
Philip's career. See speech of Midas, Act IV. Sc. 1, p.
45; speech of Amintas, p. 47; of Martius, p. 51; of
Midas, top of p. 66 and on p. 67. Lilly's Works. Vol. II.
Fairholt.
3 For a possible but somewhat forced list of identifica-
tions see Oberon's Vision, Halpin, p. 164, note.
cl
JOHN LYLY.
1
2
mada, and therefore the play was written after
August, 1588. "Have I not made the sea to
groan under the number of my ships: and have
they not perished, that there was not two left to
make a number?" Of 1589 Hume says: "The
discomfiture of the Armada had begotten in the
nation a kind of enthusiastic passion for enter-
prises against Spain." Such a time would be the
most fitting for the production of such a play as
Midas, which, like Greene's Spanish Masquerado
of 1589, jeers at the defeat of Philip's plans.
The following passage in Pierce's Supererogation
seems to show that Midas was written long
enough before Nov. 1589 for the reference to it
to be generally understood. "Faith, quoth him-
selfe, thou wilt be caught by thy stile: Indeede
what more easie, then to finde the man by his
humour, the Midas by his eares, the Calfe by his
tongue, the goose by his quill, the Playmaker by
his stile, the hatchet by the Pap." Midas may,
3
then, be assigned to a date between August, 1588,
the defeat of the Armada, and November, 1589,
the date of Harvey's words.°
¹ Midas, Act III. Sc. I. Lilly's Works. Fairholt.
Vol. II. p. 25.
2 History of England. Vol. IV. p. 266. 1850. Bos-
ton: Phillips, Sampson & Co.
3 English Writers. Vol. IX. p. 271. Entered in the
Stationers' Register Feb. 1, 1588 (O.S.). Grosart's reprint
of it in Greene's Works has the date 1589 on the title-page.
4 Pierce's Supererogation. Grosart. Vol. II. p. 215.
Possibly we can narrow the limits even more.
In
JOHN LYLY.
cli
Mother Bombie, published in 1594,' was also
probably produced first in 1589 or 1590. It evi-
dently belongs to the second group of plays, for
like Midas it is less markedly Euphuistic than
Endymion, Alexander and Campaspe, Sapho and
Phao, Gallathea, and Love's Metamorphosis.
Nash's praise of Mother Bombie in Have with you
to Saffron-Walden,' 1596, at least five years after
Act IV, Sc. 4, Martius says: "For my part I neither
care nor wonder, I see all his expeditions for warres are
laid in water; for now when he should execute, he be-
gins to consult; and suffers the enemies to bid us good
morrow at our owne doores, to whom wee long since
might have given the last good-night in their owne beds."
The English expedition against the Spanish left Plymouth
Apr. 18, 1589. Arriving at Groyn, in Spain, Apr. 21,
they besieged it. They set sail for Lisbon May 8. "The
16 day we landed at Peniche [about forty miles from
Lisbon] in Portugall." The words of Martius, then,-
"suffers the enemies to bid us good morrow at our owne
doores,❞—seem to mean that Lyly wrote after May,
1589; the words of Harvey that he wrote before Nov.
1589. See Birch's Memoirs of Eliz. Hakluyt's Voyages.
Vol. II. pp. 622, seq. Ed. 1810.
1 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 37.
2 Midas was "played before the Queenes Majestie
upon Twelfe Day at Night by the Children of Pauls."
Why it is practically useless to try to place such a per-
formance in the Accounts of the Revels at Court has been
explained in note I, p. xcv. The title-page of Mother
Bombie says only: "As it was sundry times played by
the Children of Paul's."
3" Then we neede never wish the Playes at Powles up
again, but if we were wearie with walking, and loth to
clii
JOHN LYLY.
the St. Paul's theatre had been closed for a
second time, not only shows that it was a decided
success, but also suggests, since the comedy was
so fresh in his memory, that it was produced not
long before the St. Paul's company was dissolved
in 1590 or 1591. Mother Bombie is a particularly
interesting play, both because it is really amusing
and because in it Lyly gives up his allegorical style
and writes a comedy on the model of Plautus or
Terence. If such a departure from his usual
method gained special success, is it not probable
that Mother Bombie followed rather than preceded
Midas? Success in a new departure means
ordinarily either a repetition of the form that
brought success or new experiments, not a return
to old methods. Yet, if Lyly wrote Midas after
Mother Bombie, he must have turned from suc-
cess in a new path to an old road. Apparently,
then, Mother Bombie was first given to the public
between the production of Midas in 1589 and
the closing of the St. Paul's theatre at some
date preceding October, 1591.
That the John Lyly who four times between
1589 and 1602 was a member of Parliament'-for
Hindon in 1589; for Aylesbury in 1593; for
Appleby in 1597; and for Aylesbury a second
goe too farre to seeke sport, into the Arches we might
step, and heare him plead which would be a merrier
Comedie than ever was old Mother Bomby." Nash's
Works. Grosart. Vol. I. pp. 66, 67.
¹ Parliamentary Papers. Vol. LXII. pts. 1-3.
JOHN LYLY.
cliii
time in 1601-was John Lyly the dramatist
seems worthy the acceptance given it by Mr. Lee
in his article on Lyly in the Dict. of National
Biography.' It is noteworthy that all of these
are small places; that two, Hindon and Appleby,
2
1 Dict. Nat. Biog.: Lyly. See also Athenæ Cantab.
Appendix.
2 In 1814 a writer said: "Hindon (Wiltshire) is an an-
cient borough and market town, situated at the distance
of ninety-six miles from London. Most of the houses are
ranged in one street, which is of considerable length. ..
Hindon has returned two members to Parliament since
the 27th year of Henry VI. . . The voters are estimated
at two hundred and ten in number, and are chiefly in the
interest of William Beckford, Esq., M. P. of Fonthill Ab-
bey... Hindon, at an early period, was the lordship of
Thomas de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick." In 1811
Hindon had 781 persons in it. Beauties of England and
Wales. John Britton. Vol. xv. 1814.
"Aylesbury (Bucks)," Britton says, "consists of sev-
eral streets and lanes irregularly built. . . .In the reign
of Henry the Eighth, the manor was purchased by Sir
John Baldwin, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, of the
heir of the Earl of Wilts and Ormond, to whom it had
descended from the Fitzpiers, Earls of Essex. It after-
wards became the property of the Packingtons, one of
whom married the daughter of Sir John Baldwin, and
has regularly descended to the present Sir John Pack-
ington. . . The town was made a borough by charter
and empowered to send members to Parliament on the
14th of January, 1353-4." Vol. I. pp. 343-46. Present
population, 9000.
Of Appleby (Westmoreland) Britton says: "It was
answered to an inquisition, made in 1555, respecting
arrears of its fee farm rent, that though the town, since
cliv
JOHN LYLY.
were disfranchised by the Reform Bill of 1832,¹
the third, Aylesbury, in 1885; that the History
of Aylesbury says that its John Lyly had no
"local interest ";' that all of these places were
in the gift of great families; and that by at
least two of these families Lyly the dramatist was
probably well known. Hindon was controlled by
the Warwick family; Leicester's brother was the
Earl of Warwick; Appleby was controlled by
the Pembrokes; Leicester's sister was the Coun-
tess of Pembroke. The favor of powerful friends,
therefore, probably gave Lyly his position in
Parliament. How easy it would have been for
him to gain a seat in this way the following ex-
tract from the history of Aylesbury not twenty
years before Lyly first sat in Parliament for
the borough will show: "How completely this
•
it was last burnt (1388), had been gradually repairing,
yet nine parts of it were still in ruins; whereupon its
rent was changed from twenty to two marks a year.
At present (1814) it consists of one broad street, irregu-
larly built on the slope of a steep hill. . . It has 711 in-
habitants. This borough has sent two members to Par-
liament since the twenty-sixth of Edward I." The
Countess of Pembroke seems to have controlled it.
Britton.
Vol. xv.
1 The Black Book.
2 Professor Gross of Harvard University is the editor's
authority for the statement as to the disfranchisement
of Aylesbury; Mrs. Gibbs, widow of the compiler of the
History of Aylesbury, for that as to Lyly's lack of local
interest in Aylesbury.
JOHN LYLY.
clv
town was in possession of this family [the
Packingtons] will appear from the following
remarkable letter, preserved in the Chapel of
the Rolls, among the returns of Parliament writs
of the fourteenth of Elizabeth: To all Chris-
tian people, to whom this present writing shall
come: I, Dame Dorothy Packington, late wife
of Sir John Packington, Knight, lord and
owner of the town of Aylesbury, send greeting.
Know ye me, the said Dorothy Packington, to
have chosen, named, and appointed my trusty
and well-beloved Thomas Lichfield and George
Burden, Esqs., to be my Burgesses of my said
town of Aylesbury.
And whatever the said
Thomas and George, Burgesses, shall do in the
service of the Queen's Highness in that present
Parliament to be holden at Westminster the
8th of May next ensuing the date hereof, I the
same Dorothy Packington do ratify and approve
to be of my own act as fully and wholly as if I
were witness or present there. In witness where-
of, to these presents, I have set my seal, the 4th
day of May in the 14th year of the reign of my
Sovereign, Lady Elizabeth, by the grace of God,
of England, France, and Ireland, Queen,' etc."
1
Before October, 1591, however, this prosper-
ous career of the dramatist met a severe check.
From the preface of the printer to Endymion,
licensed Oct. 4, 1591, we learn that the company
¹ Britton. Vol. I.
clvi
JOHN LYLY.
at St. Paul's was dissolved before that date.
Just when this "dissolving" took place, it is hard
to decide. In the natural course of things, the
MSS. of the dissolved theatre would not come
immediately into the hands of the publisher: the
company must first be entirely sure of the finality
of its dissolution. Therefore, the date can
probably be put forward at least a month or two
before October. Gabriel Harvey's admission,
written not later than Nov. 5, 1589, of the suc-
cess of Lyly's work as a dramatist' shows that
the St. Paul's theatre was flourishing in the fall
of 1589. In Pierce's Supererogation, Harvey
wrote as if Midas were the latest success of
Lyly." We have seen, too, that probably Mother
Bombie followed it. If it did, the time of the
closing of the theatre narrows to a date between
the very end of 1589 and the summer of 1591.
3
The contents of an undated begging letter to
the Queen from John Lyly seems to refer to
this "dissolving" of the St. Paul's company :-
"A Petic'on of John Lilly to the Queenes Matie.
(6
'Tempora si numeres quæ nos numeramus
Non venit ante suam nostra querela diem.'
Most gratious and dread soueraigne, I dare
not pester yo' highnes with many words, and
want witt to wrapp upp much matter in fewe.
This age epitomies the pater noster thrust into
the compasse of a penny; the world into the
1 See p. cxlviii, note 2. 2 See p. cxxxviii. 3 See p. clii.
JOHN LYLY.
clvii
modell of a tenice ball; all science molted into
sentence. I would I were so compendious as
to expresse my hopes, my fortunes, my ouer-
tharts, in two sillables, as marchants do riches
in fewe ciphers, but I feare to comitt the error
I discomend, tediousnes; like one that vowed
to search out what tyme was, spent all his, and
knewe yt not. I was enterteyned yo' Mats
S'vant by yo owne gratious fauour, strengthened
with condicions, that I should ayme all my
courses at the Reuells (I dare not saye with a
promise, but a hopefull Item to the rev'con) for
wch these 10 yeres I have attended with an un-
wearyed patience, and nowe I knowe not what
Crabb tooke me for an Oyster, that in the midst
of yo¹ sun-shine of your most gratious aspect,
hath thrust a stone betweene the shells to eate
me aliue that onely liue on dead hopes. If yo
sacred Matie thinke me unworthy, and that,
after x yeares tempest, I must att the Court
suffer shipwrack of my tyme, my wittes, my
hopes, vouchsafe in yo¹ neuer-erring judgment,
some planck or refter to wafte me into a coun-
try, where in my sadd and settled devoc'on I
may, in euery corner of a thatcht cottage, write
praiers instead of plaies; prayer for your longe
and prosp'rous life, and a repentaunce that I
haue played the foole so longe, and yett like
'Quod petimus pœna est, nec etiam miser esse recuso,
Sed precor ut possem mitius esse miser.'" 1
1 Harl. MS. 1877, fol. 71.
clviii
JOHN LYLY.
The sentence, "Now I know not what Crabbe
tooke me for an Oyster, that in the midst of yo
sun-shine of your most gratious aspect, hath
thrust a stone betweene the shells to eate me
alive that only live on dead hopes," shows that
Lyly had in the midst of success met with an
unexpected fall. We have already seen that
Lyly, during the period just before the St.
Paul's theatre was closed, was at the height of
his prosperity.' The phrases "After x yeares
tempest, I must att the Court suffer shipwracke
of my tyme, my wittes, my hopes," and "write
praiers instead of plays," are very apt, if we sup-
pose that the letter was written just after the St.
Paul's theatre was closed and the boys, conse-
quently, ceased to act at court. Indeed, to
what other period in Lyly's career will the refer-
ences of this letter apply? From 1591 to 1600
the St. Paul's theatre was closed and the boys
did not act at court. The Chapel boys appar-
ently did not act in any theatre between 1584
and 1597; they did not appear at court between
1584 and 1601. Certainly, then, between the
closing of the St. Paul's theatre and 1600 Lyly
could hardly have complained that in “ the
midst" of the Queen's favor he was suddenly
cast down. The only earlier time to which this
letter could refer would be 1584 and the first
three months of 1585, when the children's com-
Pp. cxlvii-clv.
2 P. cxxxii.
JOHN LYLY.
clix
panies were out of favor. But Lyly speaks of ten
years of waiting for the reversion of the Master-
ship of the Revels; and if his letter was written
in 1584 or 1585, that would carry his entrance
into the Queen's service back to 1574 or 1575.
We have seen, however, that the evidence does
not favor this date, but points to the summer or
the fall of 1580 as the time when the Queen
"enterteyned" him as her servant.'
Ten years
from that date means, if Lyly spoke with great
exactness,—which is not probable,—the summer
or fall of 1590; if he gave dates roughly, any
time between the end of 1589 and the autumn
of 1591. Another expression in the letter, if it
does not further narrow the limits to be assigned
for the time of the "dissolving," at least helps
to corroborate the dates first given. Lyly wrote,
"This age epitomies the pater noster thrust into
the compasse of a penny," evidently referring to
some feat of printing that had stirred the admira-
tion of the public. Such a wonder, however,
soon loses its interest and for only a short time
can a reference to it be suggestive. When, there-
fore, we,find Thomas Nash in 1589, in his preface
to Greene's Menaphon, using practically the
1 Pp. xxiii seq. and xc-xcii.
2
A newe fashion amongst our Nation, to vaunt the
pride of contraction in euerie manuarie action in so
much, that the Pater noster, which was woont to fill a
sheete of paper, is written in the compasse of a pennie."
Nash's Works. Grosart. Vol. 1. p. xix.
clx
JOHN LYLY.
same illustration, we have some right to suspect
that the feat in printing was a fresh interest in
the public mind when he wrote, and that Lyly's
reference to it was not much later in time. The
allusions of the letter, then, fit the closing of the
St. Paul's theatre; the time-references accord
with earlier evidence as to the entrance of Lyly
into the Queen's service; and one expression
suggests that it was written not long after 1589.
In brief, the letter seems to belong somewhere
between Nov. 5, 1589, and Oct. 1, 1591, and the
evidence slightly favors 1590 or 1591 as com-
pared with late 1589.
Three years after this letter, Lyly wrote another
to the Queen. It is as follows:-
"John Lillies Second Petic'on to the Queene.
"Most gratious and dread soueraigne, tyme
cannot worke my petic'ons, nor my petic'ons the
tyme. After many yeares seruice yt pleased yo¹
Matie to except against tents and toyles: I wish
that for tennts I might putt in tenements, so
should I be eased of some toyles, some lands,
some good fines or forfeitures, that should fall
by the just fall of these most false traitors; that
seeing nothing will come by the Revells, I may
play upon the Rebells. Thirteene yeres your
highnes seruant, but yet nothing. Twenty
freinds, that though they saye theye will be sure,
I finde them sure to be slowe. A thowsand
hopes, but all nothing; a hundred promises, but
JOHN LYLY.
clxi
yet nothing. Thus casting upp the inventary of
my friends, hopes, promises, and tymes, the
summa totalis amounteth to just nothing. My
last will is shorter than myne invenc'on, but
three legacies, patience to my creditors, melan-
cholie without measure to my friends, and beg-
gerie without shame to my familie.
'Si placet hoc merui quod ô tua fulmina cessent
Virgo parens princeps.'
"In all humilitie I entreate that I may dedi-
cate to your sacred Matie Lillie de tristib³, where-
in shal be seene patience, labours, and mis-
fortunes.
'Quorum si singula nostrum
Frangere non poterant, poterant tamen omnia mentem.'
66
The last and the least, that if I bee borne
to haue nothing, I may haue a protecc'on to pay
nothinge, wch suite is like his that haveing fol-
lowed the Court tenn yeares for recompence
of his service, comitted a robberie, and tooke it
out in a p'rdon.'
1
The "thirteene yeres" of this letter and the
Io yeres" of the first show clearly their rela-
tions in time. The difference between the tone
of the first petition and that of the second is
pretty convincing evidence that in the time
intervening between the two petitions Lyly's
fortunes had grown much worse: the first is a
1 Harl. MS. 1877, fol. 71.
clxii
JOHN LYLY.
66
self-contained expostulation; the second shows
indignation, even despair. If the first was
written in 1590 or 1591, the second, of course,
belongs to 1593 or 1594. What favors the date
1593 for this letter is that Lyly's own words—
'Twenty freinds, that though they saye they will
be sure, I find them sure to be slowe. A thou-
sand hopes, but all nothing; a hundred promises,
but yet nothing"-show that he had been press-
ing his friends to aid him, and that in 1593' we
find John Lyly chosen to represent in Parliament
Aylesbury, a new seat for him and a place that
some years before had been notoriously a gift in
the hands of the Packingtons. Had he had this
position when he wrote the letter, it is a little
surprising that it is so completely hopeless in
tone. Moreover, the seat is just the kind of aid
for which he could ask these friends who were
(6
2
sure to be slowe." When, however, we make
allowance for the barefaced and not always
strictly truthful way in which needy courtiers
begged from the Queen, this evidence for 1593
does not seem very convincing as opposed to
some evidence which favors 1594 as the date of
the second letter.
((
are
Some attempt has been made to identify "these
most false traitors" whose forfeitures'
asked for by Lyly, but this is an almost im-
9
¹ Parliamentary Papers. 1878. Vol. LXII. pts. 1-3.
2 See p. clv.
3 Dict. Nat. Biog.: Lyly.
JOHN LYLY.
clxiii
"
possible task, for in any year between 1587 and
1595 "traitors," "rebels," and "forfeitures
enough may be found. It is, however, note-
worthy that the winter of 1593-94 was a par-
ticularly good time for such a request as Lyly's,
for just then all the enemies of the Queen, after
a period of special activity, were temporarily
suppressed, and the "fines" and "forfeitures"
must have been many. A note in the State
Papers, dated March 14, 1594, to a document
concerning the conspiracy of Dr. Lopez points
out that it will be seen from what precedes "how
justly Lopez, Ferrara and Eman. Louis were con-
demned for the highest and most horrible trea-
sons: how by God's marvellious goodness, Her
Majesty has been preserved, and how barbarously
the attempt has been furthered by persons of
high estate, the judgment of whom is left to the
Almighty, the revenger of such horrible feats;
that it might be added, to show the abundance of
God's favour to Her Majesty, and the malice of
her enemies, that about the time of the conspir-
ing [Dr. Lopez was arrested some time after his
accomplices, Jan. 21, 1594] of this horrible
treason, there are several persons, both English
and Irish, corrupted with money, and animated
by English Jesuits with a promise of salvation,
to enterprise the Queen's death, of which number
divers have been taken, some condemned, and
some spared, having confessed great sorrow for
their attempt, and detested their setters on, and
clxiv
JOHN LYLY.
their devilish ghostly fathers."" Apparently,
then, Dec. 1593, or better still, the first two
months of 1594 would have been an especially
fitting time for such an appeal as Lyly's.
To sum up, then. The first letter might have
been written very late in 1589, in 1590 or 1591,
but the evidence favors 1590 or early in 1591;
the second letter could belong to late 1593 or
early 1594, but seems a little more likely to have
been written in early 1594. The two letters
themselves, then, do not offer any conclusive
evidence for a choice between 1590-1593, and
1591-1594 as their dates. Two additional bits of
evidence, however, seem to show that the latter
set is probably correct.
In the first place, the words of the printer of
the first edition of Endymion (licensed Oct. 4,
1591), "Since the plays in Pauls were dissolved,
there are certain comedies come
into my
hands,”² refer to this "dissolving" as if it were
recent, not a year or two old. Moreover, we
have seen that the children who in August, 1592,
-it is by no means improbable, as has been
shown, that they were the St. Paul's boys, give
Nash's Summer's Last Will and Testament before
"My Lord" were very anxious, either because
of some great disfavor recently shown to them
3
¹ State Papers. Domestic. 1591-94. Vol. ccxlviii. No.
26.
2 English Reprints: Lyly. Chron.
3 See note 2, p. cxxix.
JOHN LYLY.
clxv
or to some other company of children, to ward
off any misinterpretations of their words or
actions. The speaker of the prologue says: "We,
afraid to look on the imaginary serpent of
Envy, painted in men's affections, have ceased
to tune any music of mirth to your ears, this
twelvemonth.”¹ The last part of the sentence
may be interpreted in two ways: that the boys
had not appeared at "My Lord's" country-seat
for a year, or, if "your" is taken as referring to
the audience as the general public, that the
boys had not "tuned any music of mirth this
twelvemonth" anywhere for "your" (the general
public's) ears. The latter would be proper
enough in this case, since at this entertainment
in the country, when the plague had driven
people from the city, many of those most fre-
quenting the theatres were doubtless present. In
each case they had not acted because either they
had been in serious trouble themselves in 1591,
or some other company of children had been so
severely treated in that year that this company
was scared into silence. Now we know that in
1590 or 1591 the St. Paul's boys were "dissolved”
as a company, and we have seen reason to sus-
pect that royal disfavor led to this. It certainly
looks, then, as if the St. Paul's boys were referred
to here, and we must place the dissolving in
1591 apparently at some time during the sum-
¹ Old Plays. Dodsley. Ed. 1825. Vol. IX. p. 15.
clxvi
JOHN LYLY.
mer.
Lyly's first letter was evidently written
just after the closing of the St. Paul's Theatre,
and the evidence just considered would place it
between the late summer of 1591 and October
of that year.
The second letter, written three
years later, is thus placed in 1594, and we have
seen reasons to believe that the first quarter of
that year would have been a particularly fitting
time for the appeal it contained.' All this evi-
dence seems to mean, then, that the St. Paul's
company was dissolved in the summer of 1591,
that late in the summer or very early in the
autumn of that year Lyly wrote his first letter to
the Queen, and that his second letter should
bear a date in the first quarter of 1594.
Evidently Her Majesty's displeasure ("yt
pleased yo' Mati to except against tents and
toyles") caused the closing of the theatre, but the
reason for this displeasure we do not know. Mr.
Fleay thinks that it was the anger of the Queen at
the satire on her in The Woman in the Moone and
some intermeddling with state affairs in Midas."
Certainly, there seems to be satire on the Queen
in The Woman in the Moone, but it is at least
doubtful, as will be pointed out in detail later
when the position of this play among Lyly's
works is considered, whether it was written be-
fore the theatre in Paul's was closed. Lyly's
2 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 42.
1
¹ See p. clxiii.
3
3 For the satire and for this discussion, see pp. clxxi-
clxxiii.
JOHN LYLY.
clxvii
own words in his second petition-" in the
midst of y' sun-shine of your most gratious
aspect "—seem to mean that the " dissolving "
came unexpectedly when he supposed himself
to be in high favor with the Queen. Granted
for the moment that this ignorance of any cause
of offence was assumed, what at the time of his
greatest prosperity, could have betrayed him into
such folly as the biting censure of the Queen
in The Woman in the Moone. On the other hand,
after the theatre had been closed unjustly,
as Lyly thought, and after his claims had been,
as his second petition shows, neglected for three
years, he had a cause for anger, and might have
been reckless enough frankly to censure the
Queen. It does not seem wise, therefore, to
assume that trouble over The Woman in the Moon
closed the St. Paul's theatre.
Mr. Fleay's supposition in regard to Midas
and the suppression of the St. Paul's company
gains some support from the following words in
the Dedication of An Almond for a Parrat,
1590: "A man cannot write Midas habet aures
asininas in great Roman letters but he shall be
in danger of a further displeasure." The Latin
is the phrase which the reeds whisper in Eng-
lish in Lyly's play,' and this may be a refer-
ence to some trouble caused him by Midas.
1
'An Almond for a Parrot. Petheram. P. 4.
2 Act IV. Sc. 4; Act V. Sc. I. Vol. II. pp. 53-55.
Fairholt.
clxviii
JOHN LYLY.
Even, however, if this be granted, "further dis-
pleasure" by no means necessarily implies that
the original "displeasure" was anything so
severe as the suppression of the St. Paul's com-
pany. Moreover, the allusion is so vague that it
may readily be given other interpretations than
that of Mr. Fleay. If given the meaning he
attaches to the words, it places Midas after
Mother Bombie, and so contradicts the con-
clusion previously reached as to the order
of the plays;' and it is hard to see why this
comedy which gives a satirical picture of Philip,
likely greatly to please the public of its day,
and pays fulsome compliments to England as
Lesbos, should have roused the anger of a
Queen who in 1587 saw fit to permit the fitting
out of an expedition to aid the Portuguese
against the Spaniards, and of ships to capture
the treasure galleons of Spain."
2
One other supposition there is in regard to
the cause of the closing of this theatre,-that
the company gave offence by its share in the
Martin Marprelate controversy. We know that
the boys took part in it, for in Pappe-with-an-
Hatchet, Lyly, speaking of the way in which, by
Sept., 1589, Martin had been caricatured on
the stage, said in a note: "If it be shewed
1
P. clii.
2 Act IV. Sc. 2. Act V. Sc. 3. Vol. II. pp. 47, 57.
Fairholt.
* Hume. Vol. IV. pp. 267, 268.
JOHN LYLY.
clxix
at Paules, it will cost you foure pence.
Severe measures to repress the controversy were
taken in 1590, the year to which evidence seems
to point as the time of the closing of the St.
Paul's theatre. In that year the Marprelate
press was seized at Manchester, and Udall and
Penry, who had been prominent on the Puritan
side, were thrown into prison. Possibly the St.
Paul's boys in some way fatally involved them-
selves at this time.
2
It will be seen that though the theory in re-
gard to The Woman in the Moone may perhaps
be thrown out, we can reach no final decision in
regard to the other two hypotheses, and, there-
fore, that the cause of the royal displeasure
must be left undetermined.
Of Lyly from 1590 we know but little. Ap-
parently 1590-1593 were years of waning for-
tunes for him; the second letter to the Queen
shows that. During this time, if we may be-
lieve Gabriel Harvey, he set Robert Greene and
Thomas Nash upon the pedant, and shifted the
carrying on of his quarrel with Harvey to the
shoulders of Nash. In 1591 Endymion and new
editions of Alexander and Campaspe and Sapho
and Phao were printed; in 1592 Gallathea and
Midas were published.' In 1593 his fortunes
2
1 Pappe-with-an-Hatchet.
Saintsbury. p. 73.
English Writers. Vol. IX. pp. 302, 303.
3 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. pp. 36, 37.
clxx
JOHN LYLY.
(6
2
revived a little and he became a member for
Aylesbury.' In 1594 Mother Bombie was
printed, and in 1595 The Woman in the Moone
was licensed, but was not printed until 1597.
The title-page of this play reads: As it was
presented before Her Highnesse by John Lyllie,
Maister of Artes." It is particularly interest-
ing because it is not Euphuistic in style and
is written in rather graceful blank verse that
occasionally breaks into very genuine poetry.
,,3
On the chronological position of this play
among the writings of Lyly there has been con-
siderable difference of opinion. The last three
lines of the prologue, which apparently offer a
clue, have been differently interpreted.
are :
"Remember all is but a poet's dreame
The first he had in Phoebus' holy bowre,
But not the last unlesse the first displease.” 4
6
They
Mr. Fairholt thought, as does Steinhäuser,"
that these lines mean that The Woman in the
Moone was Lyly's first play; Professor Arber
does not commit himself;' and Mr. Fleay and
¹ Parl. Papers. 1878.
2 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 37.
3 Fairholt. Vol. II. p. 149.
4 Idem. p. 151.
5 Idem. vol. I. p. xxvi.
6 John Lyly als Dramatiker. p. II.
1 English Reprints: Lyly. Chron.
JOHN LYLY.
clxxi
Mr. Sidney Lee' interpret the lines as meaning
that the comedy was Lyly's first experiment
with a play in verse. If it was Lyly's first play, it
was written before September, 1579, the probable
date of the production of Endymion, and it is
odd that Lyly, at a time when the two books
of the Euphues and the comedy, Endymion, show
that he was the slave of a particular style which
disappeared only gradually in his later work
should have thrown off for a moment the
shackles and have written a play free from any
sign of Euphuism. Moreover, as Mr. Fleay
justly points out, the blank verse of The Woman
in the Moone is too easy in flow for 1579.2 Com-
parison of it with specimens of blank verse from
Gorboduc to Tamburlaine will show the truth of
Mr. Fleay's statement.
1590 is the date which he assigns to the play,
and certainly the objections just raised would
not apply if the play was written in that year.
By 1591 Mother Bombie had been written, in
which Lyly showed that he was freeing himself
from the bonds of Euphuism; the great success
of Marlowe with blank verse in Tamburlaine,
and the increasing favor shown the form by the
public, might well have aroused Lyly, one of the
most successful dramatists of the day, to try his
1 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 42; Dict. Nat. Biog.:
Lyly.
2 Chron. Eng. Dr., idem.
clxxii
JOHN LYLY.
hand at blank verse; and the easy flow of his
lines would not be surprising if they were writ-
ten in 1590.
On the other hand, it is odd that
The Woman in the Moone, unlike all the other
plays of Lyly given between 1585 and 1590,
does not bear the statement that it was acted
by the children of Paul's. Moreover, the play
does not contain the fulsome flattery of Eliza-
beth usual in Lyly's comedies; instead, Pan-
dora in the last act chooses to live with
Cynthia, the goddess who usually, with this
dramatist, receives the compliments intended for
the Queen, because
Cynthia made me idle, mutable, forgetfull,
Foolish, fickle, franticke, madde;
These be the humors that content me best,
And therefore will I stay with Cynthia." "' 1
At the end Nature says:-
"Now rule, Pandora, in fayre Cynthia's steede,
And make the moone inconstant like thyselfe.” 2
In just the same indirect way, then, that
Elizabeth is complimented as Cynthia in Endy-
mion, she is here, apparently, blamed as "idle,
mutable, forgetfull," surprising adjectives for the
court dramatist to apply to the Queen, Cer-
tainly, he would not have written without cause
lines so daringly ill-tempered, and where, since
by Lyly's own words the disbanding of the St.
1 Fairholt. Vol. II. p. 210.
2 Idem. p. 211.
JOHN LYLY.
clxxiii
:
Paul's company came unexpectedly "in the midst
of yo¹ sunshine of your [the Queen's] most gra-
tious aspect,
"is the cause to be found before
1591? On the other hand, the lines accord well
with the but ill-suppressed anger of the letter of
1593.* Is it not possible, then, that The Woman
in the Moone, like Nash's Summer's Last Will and
Testament, was given at some private entertain-
ing of the Queen, after both the children's com-
panies had ceased to act publicly ? If it was
given under such conditions, Lyly, called upon
by some nobleman to aid him in entertainment
of the Queen, smarting under what he consid-
ered the injustice of his broken career, and after
the second petition, in despair of redress, might
naturally have written the satire on the Queen.
For such an occasion, too, a special company
may have been gathered together. Such a sup-
position, certainly, accounts for the absence from
the title-page of the name of the company which
gave it.
1
¹ See p. clvii.
2 See p. clx.
3 It is, perhaps, worth noting that though The Woman
in the Moone was licensed in 1595, it was not printed until
1597. This "staying" of the printing, when taken with
the satire on the Queen in the play, suggests that royal
interference caused the "staying." Certainly, however,
such interference by the Queen would be much more
natural if the offence was recent, rather than five years
old, as would be the case if we put The Woman in the
Moone in 1590.
clxxiv
JOHN LYLY.
June 3, 1596, Lillies Light, which probably
had some connection with the dramatist, was
licensed.' If it was published, it is now not ex-
tant.
In this year Nash in Have with You to
Saffron-Walden refers as follows to some work
of Lyly's directed against Harvey, written but
not then published: "As for him whom (so
artlesse and against the haire of anie simili-
tude or coherence) hee calls the arte of figges,'
he shall not need long to call for his figs, for
hee will bee choakt soone inough with them;
they having lyne ripe by him readie gathered
(wanting nothing but pressing) anie time this
twelve month.' Possibly there is some con-
nection between this work and Lillies Light.
1) 3
Some years ago J. P. Collier found in the Regis-
ter of St. Bartholomew the Less some entries in
regard to a "John Lyllie," whom he believed
to be the dramatist. Sept. 10, 1596, "John,
the sonne of John Lillye.
John Lillye. gent., was bap-
tised"; Aug. 20, 1597, this son was buried at
St. Botolph, Bishopsgate; July 3, 1600, "John,
sonne of John Lillye, gent., was baptized"; May
1 Chron. Eng. Dr., vol. II. p. 38.
2 Saint Fame is one of the notorious nicke-names he
gives thee [Nash], as also under the arte of figges (to
cleave him from the crowne to the waste with a quip)
he shadowes Master Lilly." Have with You to Saffron-
Walden. Nash's Works. Grosart. Vol. 1. p. 76.
3 Idem. 77.
4 Biblio. Cata., vol. I. p. 503, ed. 1865.
JOHN LYLY.
clxxv
21, 1603, “Frances, daughter of John Lillye,
gent., was baptized." If these entries refer to
children of John Lyly, the dramatist, there must
have been others, for we have seen that in 1589
he was already married, and in the letter to the
Queen, assigned to 1593, he says: "My last
will is shorter than myne inven'con.
garie without shame to my family."
beg-
In 1597 The Woman in the Moone was printed.
In this year Lyly became a member of Parlia-
ment for Appleby.' He wrote at this time some
prefatory lines for Henry Lock's, or Lok's, Ec-
clesiastes, otherwise called the Preacher.
"AD SERENISSIMAM REGINAM ELIZABETHAM.
Regia Virgineae soboles dicata parenti,
Virgo animo, patriae mater, Regina quid optas?
Chara domi, metuenda foris, Regina quid optas?
Pulchra, pia es, princeps, foelix, Regina quid optas?
Coelum est? Certò et serò sit Regina quod optas.
"IOH. LILY.
"AD LOCKUM EIUSDEM.
Ingenio et genio locuples, die Locke quid addam ?
Addo, quod ingenium quondam preciosius auro.
The establishing of the Children of the Chapel
Royal as a dramatic company at the Blackfriars
Theatre in 1597 doubtless aided Lyly's fortunes,
for they certainly gave one of his old plays, Love's
Metamorphosis, and probably revived others. In
¹ Parl. Papers. 1878.
3
Quoted in English Reprints: Lyly. Chron., p. 10.
3 "Love's Metamorphosis. A wittie and courtly pas-
clxxvi
JOHN LYLY.
2
1600 The Maid's Metamorphosis was published
anonymously,' a play "sundrie times acted by
the Children of Powles." Until recently it has
usually been assigned to Lyly. The apparent
grounds for this assignment are these: The title
resembles Love's Metamorphosis; Ascanio, the
hero, lies down to sleep somewhat as Endymion
does, though neither his sleep nor his awaking
are like Endymion's; the pages consult an oracle
as Phao does in Sapho and Phao; and there is a
transformation as in Endymion, Gallathea, and
Love's Metamorphosis.
Such coincidences between this play and
Lyly's work point, however, not to one author
for both, but rather to an imitator who in The
Maid's Metamorphosis crowds his work with
incidents similar to those which, in the more
powerful hand, were singly enough for one play.
The Maid's Metamorphosis was, too, given first
in a leap-year³ and at a time of drought. Be-
tween 1580, when Lyly was advised to try for
4
toral, written by Mr. John Lyllie. First played by the
Children of Paules, and now by the Children of the
Chappell." Title-page of edition of 1601.
Vol. II. p. 215.
¹ English Reprints: Lyly. Chron., p. 10.
2 A Collection of Old English Plays.
Privately Printed, 1882.
³ Idem. p. 147.
is leape yeare.
""
Vol. 1. p. 101.
Fairholt.
A. H. Bullen.
"Joculo. Maister, be contented; this
▲ Idem. p. 117. "Joculo. There is such a dearth at
this time. God amend it."
JOHN LYLY.
clxxvii
the Mastership of the Revels, and his death,
usually assigned to 1606,' there were but two
leap-years when Lyly could have produced this
play with the St. Paul's boys for its actors. 1584
was an idle year for them; so were 1592 and
1596; in 1604 plays like Lyly's had been replaced
by those of the masters of the Elizabethan
drama.” 1588 and 1600 are the leap-years which
remain. The first is not named as a time of
3
drought; the second is. Moreover, any reader
will see that the author of The Maid's Meta-
morphosis felt strongly the influence of Spenser,
especially in The Faery Queen. Descriptions
in it and special lines were in his mind as he
wrote. Indeed, The Faery Queen is the inspira-
1 See pp. clxxiv and clxxix.
2 Hist. of Stage. Fleay. p. 154. In Jack Drum's
Entertainment (1600) Brabant Junior says:
"I hope one day
The boys will come into the Court of requestes."
Brabant Senior :
"I, and they had good plaies. But they produce
Such mustie fopperies of antiquitie,
And do not sute the humorous ages backs,
With clothes in fashion."
The School of Shakspere. Richard Simpson. Vol. II.
P. 199.
790 a.
3 Hist. of Stage. Fleay. p. 163. Also Stow.
• Compare the Cave of Morpheus (Bullen, p. 120) with
the House of Morpheus, Book I. Canto I of The Faery
Queen; also
"The warbling Birds doo from their prettie billes
Unite in concord as the brooke distilles"
(Bullen, 156) with Book I. Canto 12, line 71.
clxxviii
JOHN LYLY.
tion of The Maid's Metamorphosis in much the
same way that The Dial for Princes is the in-
spiration of the Euphues, his Anatomie of Wit, or
the Diana of Montemayor of Sidney's Arcadia.
Such imitation usually appears only after the
book copied has been some time before the
public; but if this play was written by Lyly in
1588, we must suppose, since the first six books
of The Faery Queen were not published until
1590,' that before that date Lyly knew it well in
MS. On the other hand, 1600 was a year of
drought, and in that year copying of the very
successful Faery Queen, then for ten years well
known to the public, would have been natural
enough. If, then, the play is Lyly's, it was,
probably, a late product of his pen.
The vocabulary of the play, however, is not
Lyly's; the pastoral element in it does not suggest,
as does Lyly's work in Gallathea, Love's Metamor-
phosis, and The Woman in the Moone, the stiff, un-
natural pastorals of Spain, but the ease and the
freshness of Spenser's work. Does it not seem
strange, too, that Lyly, after he had done more
than any one else to establish prose as the means
of expression for comedy and had kept abreast
of the time by writing successfully in blank
verse, reverted, late in life, to the jingling rhymes
that suggest the early work of Greene and Peele?
Recent criticism, too, does not give the play to
Lyly. Mr. Gosse assigns it to Day, and Mr.
English Writers. Vol. IX. p. 317.
1
JOHN LYLY.
clxxix
3
Bullen supports the assignment;' Mr. Fleay,
who formerly held that Lyly wrote the play,'
has recently withdrawn from him all except the
page scenes, making out a pretty strong case for
Samuel Daniel as author of the play, and the
marriage of Lord Harbert and Lady Anne
Russell, June 16, 1600, as the occasion when
the play was first given. It is just in the page
scenes, however, that Mr. Bullen sees one of the
traces of John Day, and comparison of them
with similar scenes in Lyly's work shows that
they lack his lightness of touch, and are more
often and more decidedly coarse-in a word
they seem more like imitations than originals.
5
In 1601 Love's Metamorphosis was printed.*
In the same year Lyly became for a second time
a member of Parliament for Aylesbury. Nov. 30,
1606, “John Lyllie, gent., was buried" says the
Register of St. Bartholomew's.°
The last ten years of Lyly's life, even if he
was well provided for through the kindness of
the friends who were "sure to be slowe," could
hardly have been wholly happy, for his was the
lot of the writer who sees the public which once
1
¹ A Collection of Old English Plays. Bullen. Vol. 1.
PP. 99, 100.
2 Shakespeariana. Vol. IV. p. 546.
3 Chron. Eng. Dr.
4 Idem.
P. 37.
5 Parl. Papers. 1878.
Vol. II. pp. 324, 325.
• Biblo. Cata. J. P. Collier. Vol. I. p. 503, ed. 1865.
1
clxxx
JOHN LYLY.
praised and copied his work outgrow it and re-
place it with new forms. Euphuism was out of
fashion before 1600; during the long silence in
public of the St. Paul's boys from 1590 to 1600
the public taste in plays changed, and when, at
the reopening of their theatre, they revived some
of their former successes, the public held them
to be "musty fopperies of antiquitie." By 1600
Lyly's work was of the past.
(6
1
2
For a long time Blount's words in praise of
Lyly in the first collected edition of his plays
(1632), “Our Nation are in his debt, for a new
English which he first taught them," were ac-
cepted as strictly true, but recent critical re-
search has shown that Gabriel Harvey came
nearer the truth when he wrote: Young Eu-
phues hatched the egges, that his elder freendes
laide." ³
The model for Lyly's style was the Dial
for Princes of Don Antonio de Guevara, Bishop
of Guadix and Mendoza, published in Spain in
1529. Numerous editions of it were printed,
and it was translated into many languages. The
first English version, that of Lord Berners, ap-
peared in 1534. Fourteen more editions of this
translation appeared between 1534 and 1588.
In 1557 Sir Thomas North issued a new trans-
lation, based upon an augmented version of
¹ See extract from Jack Drum's Entertainment, p.
clxxvii, note 2.
"To the Reader.
3 Sixe Court Comedies. 1632.
JOHN LYLY.
clxxxi
Guevara's work. This translation also went
through many editions. Other works of Guevara
in the same alto estilo were given to English
readers by Sir Francis Bryan, Tymme, Fenton,
Savage, and Hellowes. "Guevara, impressed with
the greatness of such Latin authors as Cicero,
conceived the idea of rivalling them by invent-
ing a style in which rhetorical finish should be
achieved by using lavishly the well-known
figures of pointed antithesis and parisonic bal-
anced clauses, in connection with a general
climactic structure of the sentence or period,
the emphatic or antithetic words being marked
by rhyme or assonance.
In its contents Eu-
•
•
•
He
phues, treating both parts as one book, is a mere
imitation of North's translation of Guevara.
In style Lyly far outstripped his master. He
carries the device of antithesis to such a pitch
that word balances word, phrase balances phrase,
with the monotonous regularity of a pendulum.
Not unfrequently the balancing words contain
exactly the same number of letters!
abounds in the rhetorical question. To Guevara's
style he adds two features: a, play on words,
often amounting to downright punning; b, al-
literation. (A third peculiarity of Lyly, his so-
called unnatural natural history," is not in
strictness a feature of style, but of subject-mat-
ter.) As to play on words, Guevara himself. . .
indulges in it occasionally; but Lyly carries it to
excess. As to alliteration, it is not to be found in
(6
clxxxii
JOHN LYLY.
Guevara for the reason that the Spanish language
scarcely admits of it. . . . Guevara occasion-
ally marks his antithetic words by rhyme ; instead
of rhyme Lyly uses alliteration, and uses it also
in excess. His alliteration, too, is not what we
ordinarily mean by the word but, usually, trans-
verse alliteration, i.e. “Although I have shrined
thee in my heart for a trustie friend, I will
shunne thee hereafter as a trothless foe."
Lyly was not, however, the first in English to
show characteristics in his prose that belong to
Guevarism. There are bits of the alto estilo in
Roger Ascham, and, as a recent very careful
student of English literature in the sixteenth
century, Herr Emil Koeppel,' has shown, Lyly's
style, except in its use of fabulous natural his-
tory,—which Professor Hart has correctly said
is a feature of the subject-matter not of the
style,—was anticipated by George Pettie in his
Pettie Pallace of Pettie his Pleasure. Really,
then, what Lyly did was, not to offer a new style,
but to carry to excess and to make popular a
style given him by others. Lyly's prose is, as
Professor Hart has said, "Guevarism carried
to its climax," and he made the style a literary
fashion, even as to-day Maurice Maeterlinck,
¹ For the passages quoted and for the details as to edi-
tions of the Dial for Princes the editor is indebted to
Professor J. M. Hart's interesting essay on Euphuism.
Reprint from the Transactions of the Association of Ohio
Colleges, 1889, pp. 2–7.
2 See Bibliography.

JOHN LYLY.
clxxx
though by no means the first symbolist, has done
most to give symbolism vogue. Harvey's words,
then, are strictly true: Lyly but "hatched the
egges his elder freendes laide ; he but brought
into popularity as an English style what, in Spain,
Guevara had used in its chief characteristics,
in England Ascham had tried a little, and Pettie
had copied; and in the last recourse all these
men owed to Cicero as their inspiration.
Yet, if to-day we must deprive Lyly of this
leaf of laurel given him by the enthusiastic but
inaccurate Blount, we may replace it by another.
No student of the growth of English prose from
Ascham to Bunyan can doubt that even as a
youth gains suppleness, grace, quickness and
sureness of movement from the severe exercises
of the gymnasium, in like manner English prose
gained something from the temporary success of
Euphuism between 1580 and 1590. The care-
ful study of words, of their values in sound and
in meaning, meant a better understanding of the
scope of the English language, of its possibilities.
Like the youth coming from the gymnasium,
English prose must have come forth from the
period of euphuism more supple, with a better
knowledge of its own strength, and of the
methods by which any weakness in it as a
means of literary expression might be over-
come. The contribution of Euphuism to the
development of English prose must have been,
though less in extent, similar to the gain of

xxxiv
JOHN LYLY.
}
English poetry from the study of the sonnet
from Wyatt to Shakespeare. For this reason,
then, students of Elizabethan literature may
grant anew to the Euphues, as the most popular
and the complete embodiment of a style that did
important work in the growth of English prose,
the honor which they took away from it as the
originator of that style.
As a novelist Lyly has interest because the
Euphues illustrates the close relation between
Spanish literature of the sixteenth century and
early English fiction, and, at least in its first part,
is one of the earliest English didactic novels.
As a pamphleteer Lyly's success, though of a
different kind and indirect, was, as has been
seen in the examination of the Harvey-Nash
controversy, by no means slight.
It is in his comedies, however, that Lyly shows
his strongest effect on the literature of his time.
Naturally the style was at first that of the Eu-
phues, though, as has been pointed out, it gradu-
ally grew simpler and finally gave place to ex-
perimentation in blank verse. Why so much of
Lyly's work had the allegorical form is easily
explained, for if the theory that Endymion was
his first play and was given in 1579 be not ac-
cepted, the abiding love of the Briton for-alle-
gory, especially evident dramatically in the
success of the Moralities, the special at-
tention given to it by the poets from Wyatt to
Shakespeare, and the known fondness for it of
JOHN LYLY.
clxxxv
the Queen and her court, account for Lyly's use
of it. If, on the other hand, 1579 be accepted
as the date of Endymion, we have seen that the
conditions under which the play was given de-
manded a veiled, allegorical treatment of the
subject. Success in this first attempt of Lyly
at this form, particularly if some of the success
was the result of the compliments that allegory
made it easy to shower upon the Queen, would
have led him to continue the use of allegory.
The influence of these clever plays of Lyly's,
of these elaborately planned and developed com-
pliments to the Queen, upon the growth of the
masque into favor in England has never been
properly examined. It cannot have been slight,
even if indirectly felt. It is clear, however, that
Lyly did much to establish prose as the method
of expression for comedy. Those dramatists
who preceded him, most of his contemporaries,
and some of his successors in the drama, tried
to put their comedy into jingling rhymes or
blank verse. Lyly did his work, with one ex-
ception, in prose, and by 1600 prose was pretty
generally accepted as the best form for comic
scenes.
Moreover, if the intentionally amusing scenes
of Lyly are compared with those in other plays
from 1580 to 1590, it will at once appear that in
most of the plays of other writers the comedy,
hen it is not a somewhat clumsy copy of scenes
Plautus or Terence, is coarseness or horse-
clxxxvi
JOHN LYLY.
play, but that Lyly's scenes, even if the pun
and the equivoque are somewhat overworked,
and the fun occasionally becomes a little labored,
have real wit, humor, and amusing characteriza-
tion. His pages and nimble-witted youngsters
are very clever, and stand between the audacious
and mendacious slaves and boys of Plautus and
Terence and the wags and wits of Shakespeare.
Moreover, writing successfully for the Queen
and her court, he showed that plays could win
high favor without the scurrilous jesting of the
early drama, for there are but few indelicate
speeches in his comedies. The lesson, unfor-
tunately, was not heeded.
One other characteristic of the Elizabethan
drama Lyly did much to develop, its lyricism.
As Mr. Symonds has pointed out, we probably
owe the largest part of the lyrics so common in
this drama to the fact that even from the days
of the Mysteries and Miracle Plays, the choir-
boy appeared prominently in dramatic represen-
tations. Chances to make use of his well-
trained voice were not to be missed, and there-
fore songs were written for him to sing. No one
did so much as Lyly to make the choir-boys
prominent as actors, and his plays and those of
the men who copied his work are especially full
of lyrics.
Nor can there be any doubt that he had
copyists. We have seen that The Maid's Metu
morphosis is probably an imitation of his wor
JOHN LYLY.
clxxxvii
Jonson's Cynthia's Revels plainly shows his in-
fluence; it has been generally supposed that
Peele's Arraignment of Paris does also. In-
deed, nearly all of the plays written between
1580 and 1600 for children to act show signs of
his influence. Certainly the master dramatist
knew Lyly's work and was not unwilling to
borrow from it. The resemblance between the
spirit of some of the punning scenes of pages of
Lyly and scenes in Shakespeare's work has
often been pointed out.' The scene of the
Watch in Endymion strongly suggests the talk of
Dogberry and Verges in Much Ado about Noth-
ing. Indeed, there are lines and passages in
Lyly's plays which Shakespeare seems to have
read, and then, half-remembering, to have trans-
muted into sweeter lines of his own. For in-
stance Pandora in Act III. Sc. 2, of The Woman
in the Moone, says:
"Wilt thou for my sake go into yon grove,
And we will sing unto the wild bird's note."
Certainly this much resembles the words of
Amiens' song,
"Who loves to lie with me,
And tune his merry note
Unto the sweet bird's throat
Come hither, come hither, come hither."
(As You Like It, Act II. Sc. 5.)
1 Compare the dialogue of Licio and Petulius, Midas,
Act I. Sc. 2, with that of Launce and Speed in Two
Gentlemen of Verona,
clxxxviii
JOHN LYLY.
1
In Act III. Sc. 2 of Gallathea is this dialogue
between Phillida and Gallathea, two girls in the
disguise of youths.
64
<<
PHIL. Have you ever a sister?
GALL. If I had but one, my brother must
needs have two; but pray have you ever a one?
PHIL. My father had but one daughter, and
therefore I could have no sister."
A very similar situation and the same thought
were in Shakespeare's mind when he made
Viola say to the Duke (Twelfth Night, Act II.
Sc. 4),
"I am all the daughters of my father's house,
And all the brothers too."
I
Trico, too, in Act V. Sc. 1 of Alexander and
Campaspe says:
"Brave pricksong! Who is't now we heare?
None but the lark so shrill and cleare;
How at heaven's gate she claps her wings,
The morne not waking till shee sings."
Instantly the lines of Shakespeare recur to us,
"Hark! hark! the lark at heaven's gate sings,
And Phoebus 'gins arise."
(Cymbeline, Act II. Sc. 3.)
It would seem, then, that Shakespeare knew
and cared for these plays of John Lyly, for
these are but instances to which others might
readily be added of the way in which he bor-
rowed from the court dramatist's plays.
In summing up, then, it may be said that
JOHN LYLY.
clxxxix
John Lyly succeeded in all the literary fields
into which he ventured. A student of the
growth of English prose must carefully consider
his style and its effect on writing from 1580-
1590. A student of the development of the
English novel will find in his work the precur-
sor of the novel with a purpose, the philosophic
novel, and must give it careful consideration.
Any student of the Martin Marprelate contro-
versy, or of Gabriel Harvey's or Thomas Nash's
lives cannot neglect his pamphlet, Pappe-with-
an-Hatchet. Because of the relation of Lyly's
work to the development of the masque in Eng-
land, because of his real wit and humor, his
important part in establishing prose as the form
for comedy, his lyrics, his part in the develop-
ment of the companies of children, his influence
on fellow-dramatists and successors, and par-
ticularly upon Shakespeare, a student of the
Elizabethan drama must give Lyly and his work
careful consideration. The aim of this introduc-
tion has been to show, as far as is possible at the
present time, under what conditions Lyly's work
was done, and to point the way, very briefly, to
a study of what is significant in this work.
}
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
TEXTS.
Euphues. His Anatomy of Wit." 1579 bis,
1580, 1581, 1585, [1597], 1607, 1613, 1617, [1623],
1626, 1630, (all the editions thus far are quartos,)
1636, 1718, (modernized,) 8vo, 1868, (Arber's Re-
prints,) 1887 (Landmann).
"Euphues and his England." 1580 bis, 1581, 1582,
1586, 1597, 1606, 1613, 1617, 1623, 1631, (all editions
thus far are quartos,) 1636, 1868, (Arber's Reprints).
For the title-pages of these editions and for fuller
information see pp. 28, 29, and 30 of Arber's re-
print of the two books.
English Reprints. Edited by Edward Arber.
John Lyly. Euphues. The Anatomy of Wit.
Euphues and his England." London, 1868. The in-
troductory pages of this edition contain a "Chron-
icle of some of the principal events in the Life,
Works, and Times of John Lyly," a collection of
notices in English literature of the poet, and a
careful list of the editions of the two parts of the
Euphues.¹
66
Euphues.
The Anatomy of Wit." Edited
by Dr. Friedrich Landmann. Heilbronn, 1887.
¹ The Reprints may be had by application to Professor
Arber, 34 Wheeley's Road, Edgbaston, Birmingham,
England.
cxci
cxcii
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
'De vermakelijke Historie Zeeen Landreize van
Euphues." 1671, Rotterdam; 1682, Amsterdam.
“Alexander and Campaspe.” 1584 bis, 1591, all
for Thomas Cadman; 1632, in Sixe Court Comedies,
Blount; 1825, in Vol. II. of Dodsley's Select
Collection of Old Plays; 1858, Vol. I. of John Lyly's
Dramatic Works, F. W. Fairholt.
64
Sapho and Phao." 1584, 1591, both for Thomas
Cadman; 1632, Blount; 1858, Fairholt, Vol. I.
86
Pap with a Hatchet." 1589; 1844, "Puritan
Discipline Tracts." John Petheram. London;
1892, “Pocket Library. Elizabethan and Jacobean
Pamphlets." G. Saintsbury. N. Y.: Macmillan
& Co.
"
'Endimion." 1591, for the widow of W. Broome ;
1632, Blount; 1814, Old English Plays, Dilke, Vol.
II.; 1858, Fairholt, Vol. I.
Gallathea." 1592, for the widow of W. Broome;
1632, Blount; 1858, Fairholt, Vol. I.
"Mydas." 1592, for the widow of W. Broome;
1632, Blount; 1814, Dilke, Vol. I.; 1858, Fairholt,
Vol. II.
Mother Bombie." 1594, 1598, both for Cuth-
bert Burbye; 1632, Blount; 1814, Dilke, Vol. I.;
1858, Fairholt, Vol. II.
"The Woman in the Moone." 1597, for Robert
Fynche; 1858, Fairholt, Vol. II.
"Love's Metamorphosis." 1601, for William
Wood; 1858, Fairholt, Vol. II.
66
'Sixe Court Comedies. Often Presented and
Acted before Queene Elizabeth, by the Children
of her Maiesties Chappell, and the Children of
Paules. Written By the onely Rare Poet of that
Time, The Wittie, Comicall, Facetiously-Quicke
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
cxciii
and unparalleld: Iohn Lilly, Master of Arts. De-
cies Repetita placebunt." London. Printed by
William Stansby for Edward Blount, 1632. The
"Sixe Comedies" are Endimion, Campaspe, Sapho
and Phao, Gallathea, Mydas, and Mother Bombie.
"Old English Plays; Being a Selection from the
Early Dramatic Writers." 6 vols. London: for
John Martin, 1814.
"A Select Collection of Old Plays." (Dodsley's.)
12 vols.
Vol. II. London: Septimus
Prowett.
46
1825.
The Dramatic Works of John Lyly." 2 vols.
F. W. Fairholt. London: J. R. Smith, 1858. This
collection includes Endimion; Sapho and Phao;
Gallathea; Alexander and Campaspe; Mydas; Mother
Bombie; The Woman in the Moone; and Love's
Metamorphosis. The introduction to this edition
has been largely superseded by later essays on Lyly.
CHARACTER OF THE PLAYS, THEIR SOURCES, ETC.
"Oberon's Vision in Midsummer Night's Dream,
Illustrated by a Comparison with Lylie's Endymion.
Rev. N. J. Halpin." Part II. of this gives Mr.
Halpin's ingenious interpretation of the allegory
he found in Lyly's play.
"Memoirs of Robert Dudley. Collectanea Ada-
mantæa XXIV." 4 vols. Privately printed. Edin-
burgh, 1887.
"Projets de Mariage de la Reine Élisabeth."
H. de la Ferrière. Paris: Calmann Lévy, 1882.
"John Lyly als Dramatiker." Inaugural-Disserta-
tion von Karl Steinhäuser, 1884. Halle: Plötz'sche
Buchdruckerei.
cxciv
BIBLIOGRAPHY,
THE ACTORS OF LYLY'S PLAYS.
"Das englische Kindertheater." Inaugural-Dis-
sertation von A. Albrecht.
Waisenhauses. Halle, 1883.
Buchdruckerei des
"The Children's Companies." Appleton Mor-
gan. Shakesperiana, Vol. IX. No. 3. pp. 131-42.
The Children of Powle's." G. P. Baker. Har-
vard Monthly, May, 1891.
"
66
Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels at
Court." P. Cunningham. Shaks. Society, 1842.
LYLY'S STYLE.
"Der Euphuismus. Sein Wesen, seine Quelle,
seine Geschichte, etc." Dr. Friedrich Landmann,
Inaugural-Dissertation, 1881. See also his “Shak-
spere and Euphuism" in the New Shakespeare
Society's Proceedings, 1880-85, pt. 2, pp. 241-76.
Studien zur Geschichte der italienischen Novelle
in der englischen Litteratur des sechzehnten Jahır-
hunderts." Emil Koeppel (Quellen und Forschun-
gen zur Sprach- und Culturgeschichte der Germani-
schen Völker, Heft 70). Strassburg: K. J. Trübner,
1892. Herr Koeppel, pp. 24-27, in treating George
Pettie's Pettie Pallace of Pettie His Pleasure, 1576,
points out that, except in the use of similes drawn
from a fabulous Natural History, Pettie anticipated
the style that Lyly established as Euphuism.
64
English Writers." Vol. VIII. Henry Morley.
London: Cassell & Co., 1892. In pages 305-322 of
this book, Professor Morley gives a very clear idea
of the contents of the two books of the "Euphues,"
as well as an admirable exposition of the character-
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
CXCV
istics of Lyly's style and of the theories in regard
to its source.
64
Euphuism." J. M. Hart. Reprint from the
Transactions of the Ohio Colleges, 1889. Sum-
marizes Landmann's “Euphuismus" and its critics.
"Shakespeare's Euphuism." W. L. Rushton,
1871. London: Longmans, Green & Co.
IN GENERAL: BIOGRAPHICAL, BIBLIOGRAPHICAL,
AND CRITICAL.
"National Dictionary of Biography." Lyly.
“The Works of Gabriel Harvey." Huth Library.
3 vols. A. B. Grosart, 1884. Printed for private
circulation.
The Works of Thomas Nash." Huth Library.
6 vols. A. B. Grosart, 1883-84. Printed for
private circulation.
Chronicle of the English Drama." 2 vols.
F. G. Fleay, 1891. London: Reeves & Turner.
See Vol. II. Lilly.
66
2
A History of English Dramatic Literature."
vols. A. W. Ward, 1875. London: Macmillan &
Co. See Vol. I.
"The Predecessors of Shakespeare." J. A. Sy-
monds, 1884. London: Smith, Elder & Co. Ch.
XIII.
"The English Novel in the Time of Shake-
speare." J. J. Jusserand, 1890. London: T. F.
Unwin. Chs. III. and IV. pp. 103–216.
"Les Prédécesseurs et Contemporains de Shake-
speare." A. Mezières. Ch. III. 1863. Paris: Char-
pentier.
"John Lyly and Shakespeare." C. C. Hense.
cxcvi
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Jahrbuch der deutschen Shaks. Gesellschaft, vols.
7 and 8.
"History of the Stage." F. G. Fleay, 1890.
London: Reeves & Turner.
"The History of English
3 vols. J. P. Collier, 1879.
Sons. See Vol. III. pp. 1–17.
Dramatic Poetry.”
London: G. Bell &
English Writers." Vol. IX. pp. 195–209.
"Huon of Bordeaux." Edited by Sidney Lee.
Early Eng. Text Soc. 1883-88, pt. IV. pp. 785 seq.
1
ENDYMION,
THE MAN IN THE MOON.
PLAYED BEFORE THE QUEEN'S MAJESTY, AT GREEN-
WICH, ON NEW YEAR'S DAY, AT NIGHT, BY
THE CHILDREN OF PAUL'S.'
The
'This is the reading of Blount's 1632 edition.
original 1591 quarto reads: " Play'd before the Queene's
Majestie at Greenewich on Candlemas day at night, by
the Chyldren of Paules."
I
5.
DRAMATIS PERSONÆ.
ENDYMION, in love with Cynthia.
EUMENIDES, Friend of Endymion; in love with
Semele.
CORSITES, a Captain in Cynthia's army; in love
with Tellus.
GERON, an old man, husband to Dipsas.
PANELION,'
ZONTES,
Lords of Cynthia's Court.
PYTHAGORAS, the Grecian Philosopher.
GYPTES, an Egyptian Soothsayer.
SIR TOPHAS, a Braggart.
SAMIAS, Page to Endymion. →→
DARES, Page to Eumenides.
EPITON, Page to Sir Tophas.
Master Constable.
First Watchman.
Second Watchman.
CYNTHIA, Ruler of the land.
TELLUS, in love with Endymion.
FLOSCULA, Friend of Tellus and Endymion.
SEMELE, loved by Eumenides.
SCINTILLA, Waiting-maids; friends of Samias
and Dares.
FAVILLA,
DIPSAS, an Enchantress.
BAGOA, Servant of Dipsas.
Fairies; Three Ladies and an Old Man in the Dumb
Show.
1 Panelion. Dilke and Fairholt call this lord Pantalion,
but in Blount he has this name only on his first appearance,
in Act III., Scene 1. Later, wherever he is mentioned,
(Act IV., Scene 3, Act V., Scenes 1 and 3,) he is called
Panelion.
2
THE PROLOGUE.
Most high and happy Princess, we must tell
you a tale of the Man in the Moon;' which, if it
seem ridiculous for the method, or superfluous
for the matter, or for the means incredible, for.
three faults we can make but one excuse-it
is a tale of the Man in the Moon.
2
It was forbidden in old time to dispute of
Chimæra because it was a fiction: we hope
in our times none will apply pastimes, because
they are fancies; for there liveth none under the
sun that know what to make of the Man in
the Moon. We present neither comedy, nor
tragedy, nor story, nor anything but that whoso-
ever heareth may say this: Why, here is a tale
of the Man in the Moon.
""
¹A tale of the Man in the Moon. A 'wild story
out of the reach of ordinary rules of criticism. Popular
fable declared this man to be Isaac carrying sticks for his
own sacrifice; Cain bearing the bundle of thorns unworth-
ly sacrificed by him to the Deity; or the unfortunate man
who gathered sticks on the Sabbath-day and was stoned
by the Jews (see Book of Numbers, ch. xv., 32–36).”—
Fairholt.
• Apply pastimes. Make application of incidents or
words in the play to political or other events. Lyly, like
several of his successors, suffered from such application
of his words.
3
་་་་་“ཨང།
ENDYMION.'
ACT THE FIRST.
SCENE I.2
Enter ENDYMION and EUMENIDES.
Endymion. I find, Eumenides, in all things both
variety to content, and satiety to glut, saving
only in my affections, which are so staid, and
withal so stately, that I can neither satisfy my
5 heart with love, nor mine eyes with wonder.
My thoughts, Eumenides, are stitched to the
stars, which being as high as I can see, thou
1
¹ Endymion. Though this name suggests that the Endy-
mion myth was used for this play, Lyly borrowed from it
but two incidents, -the long sleep in the moonlight and
the kiss of Selene (Cynthia). The rest of the play is
to be attributed to the fantasy of Lyly, guided, Stein-
häuser thinks, by thought of the Princely Pleasures
at Kenilworth in 1575. See John Lyly als Dramatiker,
""

Scene I. To place satisfactorily the scenes of this play
actically impossible. Evidently, though there were
5
6
[ACT 1.
ENDYMION.
mayest imagine how much higher they are than
I can reach.
ΙΟ
Eum. If you be enamoured of anything above to
the moon, your thoughts are ridiculous, for that
things immortal are not subject to affections; if
allured or enchanted with these transitory things
under the moon, you show yourself senseless,
to attribute such lofty titles to such love-trifles. 15
End. My love is placed neither under the
moon nor above.
Eum. I hope you be not sotted' upon the
Man in the Moon.
some properties on the stage at times, like that made
necessary by the transformation of Bagoa in the last act,
there was no attempt at a stage set. Sometimes it is hard
to tell where the scene is supposed to take place, as is the
case in this first scene; sometimes the setting assigned to
an incident in one scene is contradicted later: for in-
stance, we hear of Endymion as sleeping, first on a bank of
lunary (Act II. Sc. 3), but later, (Act II. Sc. 3,) when
Corsites speaks of him, as asleep in a cabin. If there
was no stage set, a slip like this meant nothing; if there
was, how could it have been made? Moreover, in Act
IV. Sc. 3, a set is impossible, for near the beginning of
the scene Cynthia and her courtiers speak as if on the way
from the court to the lunary banì, and yet a few lines
later are evidently in the grove where the lunary bank is.
In brief, then, Lyly's audience was to follow ir imagina
tion where he led: if it was important to know the place,
he gave a hint of it; if it was not, no one bothered about
it; he could shift his place at will, even in the

scene.
¹ Sotted, Besotted, bewitched with,
SCENE I]
7
ENDYMION.
•
!
20
25
30
35
40
End. No; but settied either to die or possess
the moon herself.
Eum. Is Endymion mad, or do I mistake?
Do you love the moon, Endymion?
End Eumenides, the moon.
2
Ein. There was never any so peevish' to
image the moon either capable of affection or
shape of a mistress; for as impossible it is to
make love fit to her humor, which no man
knoweth, as a coat to her form, which con-
tinueth not in one bigness whilst she is measur-
ing. Cease off, Endymion, to feed so much
upon fancies. That melancholy blood must be
purged which draweth you to a dotage no less
miserable than monstrous.
End. My thoughts have no veins, and yet
unless they be let blood, I shall perish.
Eum. But they have vanities, which being re-
formed, you may be restored.
End. O, fair Cynthia, why do others term thee
inconstant whom I have ever found immovable?!=
Injurious time, corrupt manners, unkind men,
who, finding a constancy not to be matched in
my sweet mistress, have christened her with the
name of wavering, waxing, and waning! Is she
45 inconstant that keepeth a settled course; which,
since her first creation, altereth not one minute
in her moving? There is nothing thought more


1 Peevish. Foolish.
2 Fit to her humor., Blount and Dilke read, Sit to her
humor. Corrected by Fairholt from the first quarto.

Zei
8
[ACT I.
ENDYMION.
admirable or commendable in the sea than the
ebbing and flowing; and shall the moon, from
whom the sea taketh this virtue, be accounted 50
fickle for increasing ar decreasing? Flowers
in their buds are nothing worth till they be
blown, nor are blossoms ccounted till hey be
ripe fruit; and shall we then say they be hange-
able for that they grow from seeds to leaves, from 55
leaves to buds, from buds to their perfection ?
Then, why be not twigs that become trees, chil-
dren that become men, and mornings that grow
to evenings, termed wavering, for that they con-
tinue not at one stay? Ay, but Cynthia, being 60
in her fulness, decayeth, as not delighting in
her greatest beauty, or withering when she
should be most honored. When malice cannot
making that a vice
object anything, folly will,
which is the greatest virtue. What thing (my 65
mistress excepted), being in the pride of her i
beauty and latter minute of her age, that
waxeth young again? Tell me, Eumenides,
what is he that having a mistress of ripe years
and infinite virtues, great honors and unspeak-70
able beauty, but would wish that she might
grow tender again, getting youth by years, and
never-decaying beauty by time; whose fair face
neither the summer's blaze can scorch, nor win-
ter's blast chap, nor the numbering of years 7
breed altering of colors? Such is my sweet
Cynthia, whom time cannot touch because she
is divine, nor will offend because she is delicate.




SCENE I]
9
ENDYMION.
O Cynthia, if thou shouldst always continue at
so thy fulness, both gods and men would conspire
to ravish thee. But thou, to abate the pride of
our affections, dost detract from thy perfections,
thinking it sufficient if once in a month we en-
joy a glimpse of thy majesty; and then, to in-
ad 85 crease our griefs, thou dost decrease thy gleams,
hir coming out of thy royal robes, wherewith thou
dazzlest our eyes, down into thy swathe clouts,'
beguiling our eyes; and then-
delude
Eum. Stay there, Endymion; thou that com-
90 mittest idolatry, wilt straight blaspheme, if thou
be suffered. Sleep would do thee more good
sac
than speech
the moon heareth thee not, or if
she do, regardeth thee not.
End. Vain Eumenides, whose thoughts never
95 grow higher than the crown of thy head! Why
troublest thou me, having neither head to con-
ceive the cause of my love nor heart to receive
the impressions? Follow thou thine own for-
tunes, which creep on the earth, and suffer me
100 to fly to mine, whose fall, though it be desper-
ate, yet shall it come by daring. Farewell.
[Exit.
Eum. Without doubt Endymion is bewitched;
otherwise in a man of such rare virtues there
could not harbor a mind of such extreme madness.
105 I will follow him, lest in this fancy of the moon
he deprive himself of the sight of the sun. [Exit.
1 Swathe clouts. Swaddling-clothes.



ΙΟ
FACT I.
ENDYMION.
SCENE II.
Enter TELLUS and FLOSCula.
false
Tellus. Treacherous and most perjured Endy-
mion, is Cynthia the sweetness of thy life and
the bitterness of my death? What revenge may
be devised so full of shame as my thoughts are 110
replenished with malice? Tell me, Floscula, if
falseness in love can possibly be punished with
extremity of hate? As long as sword, fire, or
poison may be hired, no traitor to my love shall
live unrevenged. Were thy oaths without num- 115
ber, thy kisses without measure, thy sighs with-
out end, forged to deceive a poor credulous vir-
gin whose simplicity had been worth thy favor
and better fortune? If the gods sit unequal
beholders of injuries, or laughers at lovers' de- 120
ceits, then let mischief be as well forgiven in
women as perjury winked at in men.
Flosc. Madam, if you would compare the
state of Cynthia with your own, and the height
of Endymion's thoughts with the meanness of 125
your fortune, you would rather yield than con-
tend, [there] being between you and her no
comparison; and rather wonder than rage at
the greatness of his mind, being affected with a
thing more than mortal.
Fellus. No comparison, Floscula? And why
so?
Is not my beauty divine, whose body is
decked with fair flowers, and veins are vines,
130


А на
عشر
ser

SCENE II]
ENDYMION.
II
yielding sweet liquor to the dullest spirits
135 whose ears are corn, to bring strength; and
whose hairs are grass, to bring abundance? Doth
not frankincense and myrrh breathe out of my
nostrils, and all the sacrifice of the gods breed
in my bowels? Infinite are my creatures, with-
out which neither thou, nor Endymion, nor any,
could love or live.
Flosc. But know you not, fair lady, that Cyn-
thia governeth all things? Your grapes would
be but dry husks, your corn but chaff, and all
145 your virtues vain, were it not Cynthia that pre-
serveth the one in the bud and nourisheth the
other in the blade, and by her influence both
comforteth all things, and by her authority com-
mandeth all creatures: suffer, then, Endymion
150 to follow his affections, though to obtain her be
impossible, and let him flatter himself in his own
imaginations, because they are immortal.
Tellus. Loath I am, Endymion, thou shouldst
die, because I love thee well; and that thou'
155 shouldst live, it grieveth me, because thou lovest

160
Cynthia too well. In these extremities, what
shall I do? Floscula, no more words; I am re-
solved. He shall neither live nor die.
2
Flosc. A strange practice, if it be possible.
Tellus. Yes, I will entangle him in such a
1 Thou shouldst. "Thou" inserted by Fairhelt from
first quarto.
• Practice. Plot, plan.
Y
12
[ACT I:
ENDYMION.

ཀཀ..
མ
sweet net that he shall neither find the means
to come out, nor desire it. All allurements of
pleasure will I cast before his eyes, insomuch
that he shall slake that love which he now vow-
eth to Cynthia, and burn in mine, of which he 165
seemeth careless. In this languishing, between
my amorous devices and his own loose desires,
there shall such dissolute thoughts take root in
his head, and over his heart grow so thick a
skin, that neither hope of preferment, nor fear 170
of punishment, nor counsel of the wisest, nor
company of the worthiest, shall alter his humor,
nor make him once to think of his honor.
Flosc. A revenge incredible, and if it may be,
unnatural.
175
Tellus. He shall know the malice of a woman
to have neither mean nor end; and of a woman
deluded in love to have neither rule nor reason.
I can do it; I must; I will! All his virtues
will I shadow with vices; his person (ah, sweet 180
person!) shall he deck with such rich robes as he
shall forget it is his own person; his sharp wit
(ah, wit too sharp that hath cut off all my joys!)
shall he use in flattering of my face and devising
sonnets in my favor. The prime of his youth 185.
and pride of his time shall be spent in mel-
ancholy passions, careless behavior, untamed
thoughts, and unbridled affections.
Flosc. When this is done, what then? Shall
it continue till his death, or shall he dote for- 190
ever in this delight?
SCENE II.]
13
ENDYMION.
195
Tellus. Ah, Floscula, thou rendest my heart
in sunder in putting me in remembrance of the
end.
Flosc. Why, if this be not the end, all the rest
is to no end.
Tellus. Yet suffer me to imitate Juno, who
would turn Jupiter's lovers to beasts on the
earth, though she knew afterwards they should
200 be stars in heaven.

205
Flosc. Affection that is bred by enchantment
is like a flower that is wrought in silk,-in color
and form most like, but nothing at all in sub, el...
stance or savor.
Tellus. It shall suffice.me if the world talk
that I am favored of Endymion.
Flosc. Well, use your own will; but you shall
find that love gotten with witchcraft is as un-
pleasant as fish taken with medicines unwhole-
210 some.
Tellus. Floscula, they that be so poor that
they have neither net nor hook will rather poison
dough' than pine with hunger; and she that is
so oppressed with love that she is neither able
215 with beauty nor wit to obtain her friend, will
rather use unlawful means than try intolerable
pains. I will do it.
[Exit.
Flosc. Then about it. Poor Endymion, what
1 Will rather poison dough. The sense here is: They
that have neither net nor hook will rather poison dough
(catch fish by means of poisoned dough-balls) than catch
none at all and pine with hunger.
}
14
[ACT 1.
ENDYMION.
traps are laid for thee because thou honorest
one that all the world wondereth at ! And what 220
plots are cast to make thee unfortunate that
studiest of all men to be the faithfulest! [Exit.
SCENE III.
Enter DARES and SAMIAS.
Dares. Now our masters are in love up to the
ears, what have we to do but to be in knavery up
to the crowns?
Samias. Oh, that we had Sir Tophas, that
brave squire, in the midst of our mirth,-et ecce
autem, "Will you see the Devil",-
Enter at the opposite side of the stage Sir TOPHAS
and EPI.
Top. Epi.
Epi. Here, sir.
Top. I brook not this idle humor of love; it
tickleth not my liver, from whence the love-
1 Enter.
225
230
Entrances on the public stage were of course
from the back; whether this was equally true of per-
formances at court is not so clear. Certainly there was
sometimes more than one entrance, for in Love's Meta-..
morphosis Protea, supposedly standing on the sea-beach,
says to Petulius: "Follow me at this door, and out at
the other." Two entrances of this kind would make
intelligible several of the scenes in Endymion in which
characters but just entered see others enter immediately.
The first group enters by one door, the second by another.
-
love!

SCENE III.]
15
ENDYMION.
235
240
245
mongers in former ages seemed to infer it should!
proceed.
Epi. Love, sir, may lie in your lungs,-and I
think it doth, and that is the cause you blow and
are so pursy Shot widel
Top. Tush, boy, I think it but some device of
the poet to get money.
Epi. A poet; what's that?
Top. Dost thou not know what a poet is?
Epi. No.
Top. Why, fool, a poet is as much as one
should say a poet. [Discovering DARES and
SAMIAS.] But soft, yonder be two wrens; shall
I shoot at them?
Epi. They are two lads.
Top. Larks or wrens, I will kill them.
Epi. Larks! Are you blind?
250 little boys.
255
260
де
They are two
Top. Birds or boys, they are both but a pit-
tance for my breakfast; therefore have at them,
for their brains must as it were embroider my
bolts.'
[SAMIAS and DARES come forward.]
Sam. Stay your courage, valiant knight, for
your wisdom is so weary that it stayeth itself.
Dar. Why, Sir Tophas, have you forgotten
your old friends?
Top. Friends? Nego argumentum.
'Embroider my bolts. Embroider is used pedantically.
Bird-bolts were flat-headed arrows used to knock down
small birds.
Есту
A.
they ?

10
Le were
**
when.
་
16
ENDÝMION.
Sam. And why not friends?
[ACT 1.

Top. Because amicitia (as in old annals we
find) is inter pares. Now, my pretty companions,
you shall see how unequal you be to me; but I
will not cut you quite off, you shall be my half- 265
friends for reaching to my middle; so far as
from the ground to the waist I will be your
friend.
Dar. Learnedly. But what shall become of
the rest of your body, from the waist to the 270
crown?
Top. My children, quod supra vos nihil ad vos ;
you must think the rest immortal, because you
cannot reach it.
Epi. Nay, I tell ye my master is more than a 275
man.
Dar. And thou less than a mouse.
Top. But what be you two?
Sam. I am Samias, page to Endymion.
Dar. And I Dares, page to Eumenides.
Top. Of what occupation are your masters?
Dar. Occupation, you clown! Why, they are
honorable and warriors.
Top. Then are they my prentices.)
Dar. Thine! And why so?
2
Top. I was the first that ever devised war, and
therefore by Mars himself had given me for my
Here, apparently, Sir Tophas measures
heights with the pages, and then goes on with his speech.
1 To me.
2 Had given. Neither the first edition nor Blount's has
any word where had stands. The editor has followed
Fairholt in using had; Dilke prints was.
280
285
SCENE III.]
17
ENDYMION.
arms a whole armory; and thus I go, as you see,
clothed with artillery. It is not silks, milksops,
290 nor tissues, nor the fine wool of Ceres, but iron,
steel, swords, flame, shot, terror, clamor, blood,
and ruin, that rock asleep my thoughts, which
never had any other cradle but cruelty. Let me
see, do you not bleed?
295
Dar. Why so?
Top. Commonly my words wound.
Sam. What then do your blows?
Topbabe
Top. Not only wound, but also confound.'
Sam. How darest thou come so near thy mas-
300 ter, Epi? Sir Tophas, spare. us.
Top. You shall live-you, Samias, because
you are little; you, Dares, because you are no
bigger; and both of you, because you are but
1
¹ Not only wound. Both the first edition and Blount's
read here: "Not only confound, but also confound." Dilke
endeavored to improve the passage by reading: "Not
only confound, but also contund," saying in explanation,
'They not only amaze, but strike down." He was forced
to adinit, however, that he had never seen the word con-
tund in English, and that another interpretation of the pas-
sage might be given. By this, these words become sim-
ilar in spirit to Sir Tophas's "Why, fool, a poet is as
much as one should say-a poet," and should be read:
They not only confound, but also-confound." Fair-
holt, whom the editor follows, considers the first confound
a printer's anticipation of the second. Sir Tophas has
just said that his words wound; when asked what his
blows do, with his fondness for antithesis he says: "No
only wound, but also confound" (destroy).
t's
[ACT 1.
た
​ENDYMION.
18
"Wan
two; for commonly I kill by the dozen, and
have for every particular adversary a peculiar 305
weapon.-
Sam. May we know the use, for our better
skill in war?
Top. You shall. Here is a bird-bolt for the
ugly beast the blackbird.
Dar. A cruel sight.
Top. Here is the musket for the untamed or,
as the vulgar sort term it, the wild mallard.'
Sam. O desperate attempt !
Epi. Nay, my master will match them.
Dar. Ay, if he catch them.
310
315
Top. Here is a spear and shield, and both
necessary, the one to conquer, the other to sub-
due or overcome the terrible trout, which although
he be under the water, yet tying a string to the 320
top of my spear and an engine of iron to the end.
of_my_line, I overthrow him, and then herein I
put him.
Sam. O wonderful war! [Aside.] Dares, didst
thou-ever hear such a dolt?
Dar. [Aside.] All the better; we shall have
good sport hereafter, if we can get leisure.
325
Sam. [Aside.] Leisure! I will rather lose my
master's service than his company! Look now
he struts. [To Sir TOPHAS.] But what is this ? 330
Call you it your sword?
Top. No, it is my simitar; which I, by con-
→
¹ Wild mallard. The wild drake.

SCENE III.]
19
ENDYMION.
335
Бреп
struction often studying to be compendious, call
my smiter.
Dar. What, are you also learned, sir?
Top. Learned? I am all Mars and Ars,
Sam. Nay, you are all mass and ass.
Top. Mock you me? You shall both suffer,
yet with such weapons as you shall make choice
340 of the weapon wherewith you shall perish. Am
I all a mass or lump; is there no proportion in
me? Am I all ass; is there no wit in me? Epi,
prepare them to the slaughter.
Sam. I pray, sir, hear us speak! We call you
345 mass, which your learning doth well understand
is all man, for mas maris is a man. Then as (as
you know) is a weight, and we for your virtues
account you a weight.

350
355
S
lop. The Latin hath saved your lives, the
which a world of silver could not have ran-
somed. I understand you, and pardon you.
Dar. Well, Sir Tophas, we bid you farewell,
and at our next meeting we will be ready to do
you service.
Top. Samias, I thank you: Dares, I thank
you: but especially I thank you both.
Sam. Wisely. [Aside.] Come, next time we'll
have some pretty gentlewomen with us to walk,
for without doubt with them he will be very
360 dainty.
Dar. Come, let us see what our masters do; it
is high time. [Exeunt SAMIAS and DARES.
Top. Now will I march into the field, where, if

20
[ACT I.
ENDYMION.
I cannot encounter with my foul enemies, I will
withdraw myself to the river, and there fortify 365
for fish, for there resteth no minute free from
fight.
[Exeunt Sir TOPHAS and EPITON.
SCENE IV.
Enter at one side FLOSCULA and TELLUS, at the
other DIPSAS.
Tellus. Behold, Floscula, we have met with
the woman by chance that we sought for by
travel. I will break my mind to her without cere- 370
mony or circumstance, lest we lose that time in
advice that should be spent in execution.
Flosc. Use your discretion; I will in this case
neither give counsel nor consent, for there can-
not be a thing more monstrous than to force 375
affection by sorcery, neither do I imagine any-
thing more impossible.
-
Tellus. Tush, Floscula, in obtaining of love,
what impossibilities will I not try? And for the
winning of Endymion, what impieties will I not 380
practise? [Crossing to DIPSAS.] Dipsas, whom
as many honor for age as wonder at for cunning,
listen in few words to my tale, and answer in one
word to the purpose, for that neither my burn-
ing desire can afford long speech, nor the short 385
time I have to stay many delays. Is it possible by
herbs, stones, spells, incantation, enchantment,
exorcisms, fire, metals, planets, or any practice,
to plant affection where it is not, and to sup-
plant it where it is?
390
1

SCENE IV.]
21
ENDYMION.
395
Dipsas. Fair lady, you may imagine that these
hoary hairs are not void of experience, nor the
great name that goeth of my cunning to be
without cause. I can darken the sun by my
skill and remove the moon out of her course; I
can restore youth to the aged and make hills
without bottoms; there is nothing that I can
not do but that only which you would have me
do: and therein I differ from the gods, that I
400 am not able to rule hearts; for were it in my
power to place affection by appointment, I would
make such evil appetites, such inordinate lusts,
such cursed desires, as all the world should be
filled both with superstitious heats and extreme
405 love.
Tellus. Unhappy Tellus, whose desires are so
desperate that they are neither to be conceived
of any creature, nor to be cured by any art!
Dipsas. This I can : breed slackness in love,
410 though never root it out. What is he whom you
love, and what she that he honoreth?
Tellus. Endymion, sweet Endymion is he
that hath my heart; and Cynthia, too, too fair
Cynthia, the miracle of nature, of time, of for-
415 tune, is the lady that he delights in, and dotes
on every day, and dies for ten thousand times a
day.
Dipsas. Would you have his love either by
absence or sickness aslaked? Would you that
¹ Aslaked. Abated.

22
[ACT II.
END YMION.
Cynthia should mistrust him, or be jealous of 42c
him without color?
Tellus. It is the only thing I crave, that, see-
ing my love to Endymion, unspotted, cannot be
accepted, his truth to Cynthia, though it be un-
speakable, may be suspected.
Dipsas. I will undertake it, and overtake' him,
that all his love shall be doubted of, and there-
fore become desperate: but this will wear out
with time that treadeth all things down but
truth.
Tellus. Let us go.
Dipsas. I follow.
[Exeunt TELLUS and FLOSCULA, DIPSAS.
425
430
following them
ACT THE SECOND.
SCENE I.
Enter ENDYMION.
Endymion. O fair Cynthia! O unfortunate 435
Endymion! Why was not thy birth as high as
thy thoughts, or her beauty less than heavenly;
or why are not thine honors as rare as her
beauty, or thy fortunes as great as thy deserts ?
Sweet Cynthia, how wouldst thou be pleased, 44′
how possessed? Will labors, patient of all ex-
tremities, obtain thy love? There is no moun-
1 Overtake. Overcome.
2 That. So that.
SCENE I.]
23.
ENDYMION.
tain so steep that I will not climb, no monster
so cruel that I will not tame, no action so des-
445 perate that I will not attempt. Desirest thou
the passions of love, the sad and melancholy
moods of perplexed minds, the not-to-be-ex-
pressed torments of racked thoughts? Behold
my sad tears, my deep sighs, my hollow eyes,
450 my broken sleeps, my heavy countenance.
Wouldst thou have me vowed only to thy
beauty and consume every minute of time in
thy service? Remember my solitary life almost
these seven years. Whom have I entertained
455 but mine own thoughts and thy virtues? What
company have I used but contemplation? Whom
have I wondered at but thee? Nay, whom have
I not contemned for thee? Have I not crept
to those on whom I might have trodden, only
460 because thou didst shine upon them? Have
not injuries been sweet to me, if thou vouch-
safedst I should bear them? Have I not spent
my golden years in hopes, waxing old with
wishing, yet wishing nothing but thy love? With
465 Tellus, fair Tellus, have I dissembled, using her
but as a cloak for mine affections, that others,
seeing my mangled and disordered mind, might,
think it were for one that loveth me, not for
Cynthia, whose perfection alloweth no compan-
ion nor comparison. In the midst of these dis-
tempered thoughts of mine thou art not only
jealous of my truth, but careless, suspicious,
and secure; which strange humor maketh my

ར་ངང་་་་

24
[ACT II-
ENDYMION.
х
mind as desperate as thy conceits are doubtful.
I am none of those wolves that bark most when 475
thou shinest brightest, but that fish (thy fish,'
Cynthia, in the flood Araris) which at thy wax-
ing is as white as the driven snow, and at thy
waning as black as deepest darkness. I am that
Endymion, sweet Cynthia, that have carried my 480
thoughts in equal balance with my actions,
being always as free from imagining ill as enter-
prising; that Endymion whose eyes never es-
teemed anything fair but thy face, whose tongue
termed nothing rare but thy virtues, and whose 485
heart imagined nothing miraculous but thy gov-
ernment; yea, that Endymion, who, divorcing
himself from the amiableness of all ladies, the
bravery of all courts, the company of all men,
hath chosen in a solitary cell to live, only by 490
feeding on thy favor, accounting in the world-
but thyself-nothing excellent, nothing immor-
tal: thus mayest thou see every vein, sinew,
muscle, and artery of my love, in which there is
no flattery, nor deceit, error, nor art.
But soft, 495
here cometh Tellus. I must turn my other face
to her, like Janus, lest she be as suspicious as
Juno.
¹ Thy fish. "I see now that as the fish Scolopidus in the
flood Araris, at the waxing of the moone is as white as
the driven snow, and at the wayning as black as the burnt
coale .. ”—Anat. of Wit, p. 89, Arber.

SCENE I.]
ENDYMION.
مسایی در دویم
500
E
Enter TELLUS, FLOSCULA, and DIPSAS.
Tellus. Yonder I espy Endymion. I will seem
to suspect nothing, but soothe him, that seeing
I cannot obtain the depth of his love, I may
learn the height of his dissembling. Floscula
and Dipsas, withdraw yourselves out of our
505 sight, yet be within the hearing of our salut-
ing. [FLOSCULA and DIPSAS withdraw. TELLUS
comes forward.] How now, Endymion, always
solitary? No company but your own thoughts,
no friend but melancholy fancies?
510
515
End. You know, fair Tellus, that the sweet
remembrance of your love is the only companion
of my life, and thy presence, my paradise; so
that I am not alone when nobody is with me,
and in heaven itself when thou art with me
Tellus. Then you love me, Endymion?
End. Or else I live not, Tellus.
Tellus. Is it not possible for you, Endymion,
to dissemble?
End. Not, Tellus, unless I could make me a
520 woman.
Tellus. Why, is dissembling joined to their sex
inseparable, as heat to fire, heaviness to earth,--
moisture to water, thinness to air?
End. No, but found in their sex as common
525 as spots upon doves, moles upon faces, cater-
pillars upon sweet apples, cobwebs upon fair
windows.
Tellus. Do they all dissemble?
End. All but one.


ENDYMION.
[ACT. II.
Tellus. Who is that?
End. I dare not tell; for if I should say you,
then would you imagine my flattery to be ex-
extreme; if another, then would you think my
love to be but indifferent.
530
Tellus. You will be sure I shall take no van- 535
tage of your words. But in sooth, Endymion,
without more ceremonies, is it not Cynthia?
End. You know, Tellus, that of the gods we
are forbidden to dispute, because their deities
come not within the compass of our reasons ; 540
and of Cynthia we are allowed not to talk but to
wonder, because her virtues are not within the
reach of our capacities.
Tellus. Why, she is but a woman.
End. No more was Venus.
Tellus. She is but a virgin.
End. No more was Vesta.
Tellus. She shall have an end.
End. So shall the world.
-
Tellus. Is not her beauty subject to time?
End. No more than time is to standing still.
Tellus. Wilt thou make her immortal?
End. No, but incomparable.
545
$50
Tellus. Take heed, Endymion, lest like the
wrestler in Olympia,' that striving to lift an im- 555
possible weight catched an incurable strain,
1 Olympia. "But it falleth out with me, as with the
young wrestler, that came to the games of Olympia, who
having taken a foil, thought scorn to leave, till he ñad
received a fall, or him that being pricked in the finger with
a Bramble, thrus teth his whole arm among the thorns for

SCENE II27
11..
ENDYMION.
]
560
But I see
thou, by fixing thy thoughts above thy reach,
fall into a disease without all recure.'
thou art now in love with Cynthia.
End. No, Tellus, thou knowest that the stately
cedar, whose top reacheth unto the clouds, never
boweth his head to the shrubs that grow in the
valley; nor ivy, that climbeth up by the elm,
can ever get hold of the beams of the sun:
565 Cynthia I honor in all humility, whom none,
ought or dare adventure to love, whose affec-
tions are immortal, and virtues infinite. Suffer
me, therefore, to gaze on the moon, at whom,
were it not for thyself, I would die with won-
570 dering.
[Exeunt ENDYMION and TELLUS.
SCENE II.
رید
Enter DARES, SAMIAS, SCINTILLA, and FAVILLA.
Dar. Come, Samias, didst thou ever hear such
a sighing, the one for Cynthia, the other for
Semele, and both for moonshine in the water?
Sam. Let them sigh, and let us sing. How
575 say you, gentlewomen, are not our masters too
far in love?
Scint. Their tongues, haply, are dipped to
the root in amorous words and sweet discourses,
but I think their hearts are scarce tipped on the
580 side with constant desires.
anger.”—Epistle Dedicatory, Euphues and his England,
Arber, p. 216.
1 ¹ Recure. Recovery; used both as a verb and as a sub-
antive by Lyly.

wned ph
а
}
28
боле
ENDYMION.
[ACT 11.
Dar. How say you, Favilla, is not love a
lurcher,' that taketh men's stomachs away that
they cannot eat, their spleen that they cannot
laugh, their hearts that they cannot fight, their
eyes that they cannot sleep, and leaveth nothing 585
but livers to make nothing but lovers!
2
Favil. Away, peevish boy; a rod were better
under thy girdle than love in thy mouth! It will
be a forward cock that croweth in the shell.
Dar. Alas, good old gentlewoman, how it be- 590
cometh you to be grave!
Scint. Favilla, though she be but a spark, yet
is she fire..
Favil. And you, Scintilla, be not much more
than a spark, though you would be esteemed a 595
flame.
Sam. [Aside to Dares.] It were good sport to
see the fight between two sparks.
Dar. [To Samias.] Let them to it, and we will
warm us by their words.
Scint. You are not angry, Favilla?
Favil. That is, Scintilla, as you list to take it.
San. That, that!"
600
Scint. This it is to be matched with girls, who
coming but yesterday from making of babies,* 605
would before to-morrow be accounted matrons.
1 A lurcher. A sneak-thief.
2 Livers.
See Act I., Sc. 3, line 232.
3 That, that! Samias urges on the dispute, as a boy
cries "Sic 'em!"

• Babies. Dolls,
SCENE 11.]
29
ENDYMION.
کت
Favil. I cry your matronship mercy. Because
your pantables' be higher with cork, therefore
your feet must needs be higher in the insteps:
610 you will be mine elder because you stand upon
a stool and I on the floor.
615
Sam. Good, good!
Dar. [To Samias.] Let them love, and see with
what countenance they will become friends.
Scint. Nay, you think to be the wiser, because
you mean to have the last word.
Sam. [To Dares.] Step between them lest they
scratch. In faith, gentlewomen, seeing we came
out to be merry, let not your jarring mar our
620 jests; be friends. How say you?
625
Scint. I am not angry, but it spited me to see
how short she was.
2
Favil. I meant nothing till she would needs
cross me.
Dar. Then, so let it rest.
Scint. I am agreed.
Favil. And I. Yet I never took anything so
unkindly in my life.
[Weeps.
Scint. 'Tis I have the cause, that never offered
630 the occasion.
[Weeps.
Dar. Excellent, and right like a woman.
Sam. A strange sight to see water come out
of fire.
Dar. It is their property to carry in their
eyes
¹ Pantables. Loose shoes of enriched materials. They
were sometimes raised by thick soles and high heels.
• Short.
Pettishly abrupt.
30
[ACT II.
ENDYMION.
f
fire and water, tears and torches, and in their 635
mouths honey and gall.
Enter at the opposite side Sir TOPHAS and EPITON.
Scint. You will be a good one if you live-
but what is yonder formal fellow?
Dar. Sir Tophas, Sir Tophas, of whom we
told you. If you be good wenches, make as o
though you love him, and wonder at him.
Favil. We will do our parts.
1
Dar. But first let us stand aside, and let him
use his garb, for all consisteth in his gracing.
[The four stand aside.
Top. Epi.
Epi. At hand, sir.
Top. How likest thou this martial life, whe
nothing but blood besprinkleth our bosoms?
Let me see, be our enemies fat?
64

Epi. Passing fat and I would not change 650
this life to be a lord; and yourself passeth all
comparison, for other captains kill and beat,
and there is nothing you kill, but you also eat.
Top. I will draw out their guts out of their bel-
lies, and tear the flesh with my teeth, so mortal is 655
my hate, and so eager my unstaunched stomach.
Epi. [Aside.] My master thinks himself the
valiantest man in the world if he kill a wren; so
2 Let me see.
¹ Use his garb. Show his demeanor, style, fashion.
Here, and in his next speech, Sir Tophas
refers to the trout for which he went in Scene 3, Act I.
These Epiton is now carrying.

SCENE II.]
31
ENDYMION.
warlike a thing he accounteth to take away life,
660 though it be from a lark.
670
Top. Epi, I find my thoughts to swell and my
spirit to take wings, insomuch that I cannot
continue within the compass of so slender com-
bats.
Favil. This passeth!'
Scint. Why, is he not mad?
Sam. No, but a little vainglorious.
Top. Epi.
Epi. Sir.
A

Aside.
2
Top. I will encounter that black and cruel
enemy that beareth rough and untewed locks
upon his body, whose sire throweth down the
trongest walls, whose legs are as many as both
rs, on whose head are placed most horrible
65 horns by nature as a defence from all harms.
Epi. What mean you, master, to be so des-
perate ?

6810
Top. Honor inciteth me, and very hunger
compelleth me.
Epi. What is that monster?
Top. The monster ovis. I have said,-let thy
wits work.
44
Epi. I cannot imagine it. Yet let me see,—a
black enemy" with "rough locks." It may be
685 a sheep, and ovis is a sheep. His sire so strong:
a ram is a sheep's sire, that being also an engine
of war.
Horns he hath, and four legs,—so hath
This passeth.
Exceeds belief, or "beats all."
2 Untewed. Uncombed.

32
[AG
ENDYMION.
a sheep. Without doubt, this monster is a black
sheep. Is it not a sheep that you mean?
Top. Thou hast hit it: that monster will
kill and sup with.
Sam. [Aside.] Come let us take him off.
[SAMIAS, DARES, FAVILLA, and SCINTILLA come
forward.] Sir Tophas, all hail.
Top. Welcome, children; I seldom cast min
eyes so low as to the crowns of your heads, and
therefore pardon me that I spake not all his
while.
690

Dar. No harm done. Here be fair ladies
come to wonder at your person, your valor, your 700
wit, the report whereof hath made them care-
less of their own honors,-to glut their eyes and
hearts upon yours.
Top. Report cannot but injure me, for that
not knowing fully what I am, I fear she hath been 05
a niggard in her praises.
Scint. No, gentle knight, report hath been
prodigal, for she hath left you no equal, nor her
self credit, so much hath she told,-yet no more
than we now see.
Dar. A good wench.
1710
Favil. If there remain as much pity toward
women as there is in you courage against your
enemies, then shall we be happy, who, hearing of
your person, came to see it, and seeing it, are 715
now in love with it.
Top. Love me, ladies? I easily believe it, but
my tough heart receiveth no impression with
5

VE II ]
33
ENDYMION.
are
^
sweet words. Mars may pierce it, Venus shall
720 not paint on it.
15
Favil. A cruel saying.
Sam. There's a girl.
し
​Dar. Will you cast these ladies away, and all
for a little love? Do but speak kindly.
Top. There cometh no soft syllable within my
lips; custom hath made my words bloody and
my heart barbarous: that pelting' word love,
how waterish in my mouth; it carrieth no sound;
hate, horror, death, are speeches that nourish
730 my spirits. I like honey, but I care not for the
bees; I delight in music, but I love not to play
on the bagpipes; I can vouchsafe to hear the
voice of women, but to touch their bodies I dis-
dain it as a thing childish and fit for such men
735 as can digest nothing but milk.

740
745
Scint. A hard heart! Shall we die for your
love and find no remedy?
Top. I have already taken a surfeit.
Epi. Good master, pity them.
Top. Pity them, Epi? No, I do not think that
this breast shall be pestered with such a foolish
passion. What is that the gentlewoman carrieth
in a chain?
Epi. Why, it is a squirrel.
C
Top. A squirrel? O gods, what things are
made for money?"
1
¹ Pelting. Paltry, contemptible.
2 Mode for money. Does Sir Tophas try to reflect on
Scintilla's character by playing on the word squirrel? It
Ст
34
[ACT 11.
ENDYMION.
MG with
Dar. Is not this gentleman over-wise?
Favil. I could stay all day with him, if I
feared not to be shent.'
Scint. Is it not possible to meet again?
Dar. Yes, at any time.
Favil. Then let us hasten home.
Scint. Sir Tophas, the god of war deal better
with you than you do with the god of love.
- 750
Favil. Our love we may dissemble, digest we 755
cannot; but I doubt not but time will hamper
you and help us.
Top. I defy time, who hath no interest in my
heart. Come, Epi, let me to the battle with that
hideous beast: love is pap, and hath no relish in 760
my taste because it is not terrible.
[Exeunt Sir TOPHAS and EPITON.
Dar. Indeed a black sheep is a perilous beast,
-but let us in till another time.
Favil. I shall long for that time.
[Exeunt SAMIAS, DARES, FAVILLA and SCINTILLA.
SCENE III.
Enter ENDYMION.
765
End. No rest, Endymion; still uncertain how
to settle thy steps by day or thy thoughts by
night! Thy truth is measured by thy fortune,
and thou art judged unfaithful because thou art 770
was a cant term for a prostitute. See Grose's Dictionary
of Slang.

Shent Reproved harshly.

CENE III.]
35
ENDYMION.
775
unhappy. I will see if I can beguile myself
with sleep, and if no slumber will take hold in
my eyes, yet will I embrace the golden thoughts
in my head, and wish to melt by musing; that
as ebony, which no fire can scorch, is yet con-
sumed with sweet savors, so my heart, which
cannot be bent by the hardness of fortune, may
be bruised by amorous desires. On yonder
bank never grew anything but lunary,' and here-
780 after I will never have any bed but that bank.
O Endymion, Tellus was fair. But what availeth
beauty without wisdom? Nay, Endymion, she
was wise. But what availeth wisdom without
honor? She was honorable, Endymion; belie
785 her not. Ay, but how obscure is honor without
fortune. Was she not fortunate, whom so many
followed? Yes, yes, but base is fortune without
majesty thy majesty, Cynthia, all the world
knoweth and wondereth at, but not one in the
790 world that can imitate it or comprehend it. No
more, Endymion. Sleep or die. Nay, die, for to
sleep, it is impossible ;--and yet I know not how
it cometh to pass, I feel such a heaviness both in
mine eyes and heart that I am suddenly be-
795 numbed, yea, in every joint. It may be weari-
ness, for when did I rest? It may be deep

1 Lunary. Moonwort. "I have heard of an herb
called Lunary that being bound to the pulses of the
sick cause nothing but dreams of weddings and dances.”
Act III., Sc. 3, Sapho and Phao.

36
[ACT II
ENDYMION.
melancholy, for when did I not sigh? Cynthia!
Ay, so I say, Cynthia !
He falls asle
Enter DIPSAS and BAGOA. DIPSAS, seeing
ENDYMION, crosses to him.¹
Dipsas. Little dost thou know, Endymion,
when thou shalt wake, for hadst thou placed 800
thy heart as low in love as thy head lieth now
in sleep, thou mightest have commanded Tellus,
whom now, instead of a mistress, thou shalt find
a tomb. These eyes must I seal up by art, not
nature, which are to be opened neither by art 805
nor nature. Thou that liest down with golden
locks shalt not wake until they be turned to sil-
ver hairs; and that chin on which scarcely ap-
peareth soft down shall be filled with bristles as
› Enter Dipsas. The stage directions are hard to ar-
range here. It is rather difficult to tell whether Endymion
enters, dogged by Dipsas and Bagoa; enters, goes to
sleep, and is discovered by Dipsas and Bagoa; or comes
in and falls asleep near the hut of Dipsas, whence Dipsas
and her maid watch him, coming forward as soon as he
falls asleep. The editor has chosen the second interpre-
tation as the least radical. On p. 22, in the interview with
Tellus, Dipsas promised only to make Endymion's love
doubted, not to charm him into a long sleep. In the
early part of the scene there is nothing to support the
idea that Dipsas and Bagoa watch from the witch's
hut. If this had been intended, some dialogue be-
tween Dipsas and Bagoa would probably have preceded
the entrance of Endymion.
SCENE III.
II.]
37
ENDYMION.
810 hard as broom. Thou shalt sleep out thy youth
and flowering time, and become dry hay before
thou knowest thyself green grass; and ready by
age to step into the grave when thou wakest,.
that wast youthful in the court when thou laidest
815 thee down to sleep. The malice of Tellus hath
brought this to pass, which if she could not have
intreated of me by fair means, she would have
commanded by menacing, for from her gather
we all our simples to maintain our sorceries.
820 [To BAGOA.] Fan with this hemlock over his
face, and sing the enchantment for sleep, whilst
I go in and finish those ceremonies that are
required in our art. Take heed ye touch not
his face, for the fan is so seasoned that whoso
825 it toucheth with a leaf shall presently die, and
over whom the wind of it breatheth, he shall
sleep forever.
Bagoa. Let me alone; I will be careful. [Exit
DIPSAS.] What hap hadst thou, Endymion, to
830 come under the hands of Dipsas? O fair En-
dymion, how it grieveth me that that fair face
must be turned to a withered skin and taste the
pains of death before it feel the reward of love!
I fear Tellus will repent that which the heavens
themselves seemed to rue. But I hear Dipsas
coming; I dare not repine, lest she make me
pine, and rock me into such a deep sleep that
I shall not awake to my marriage.

835
Re-enter DIPSAS.
Dipsas. How now, have you finished?
38
[ACT II. SC. III.
ENDYMION.
Bagoa. Yea.¹
840
Dipsas. Well then, let us in; and see that you
do not so much as whisper that I did this, for if
you do, I will turn thy hairs to adders and all
thy teeth in thy head to tongues. Come away,
come away.
[Exeunt DIPSAS and BAGOA. 845
A DUMB SHOW."
Music sounds. Three ladies enter: one with a
knife and a looking-glass, who, by the procurement
of one of the other two, offers to stab Endymion as
he sleeps; but the third wrings her hands, lament-
eth, offering still to prevent it, but dares not. At 850
last, the first lady looking in the glass, casts down
the knife.
[Exeunt the Three Ladies.
Enters an ancient man with books with three
leaves; offers the same twice. Endymion refuseth.
He* rendeth' two, and offers the third, where he 855
1
¹ Yea. Apparently a song has been lost here. None
appears in any of the editions, but the opportunity offered
was too good for Lyly to have passed it by. It should
be remembered that the songs appeared first in Blount's
edition he may have overlooked this place, or the song
may already have been lost.
2 Dumb show. Omitted in first edition. Given by
Blount in 1632.
3 Twice. The similarity of this to the story of Tarquin
and the Sibyl with her nine books will be noticed.
• He.
The Old Man.
A
5 Rendeth. Original readeth. The similarity of the
directions to the Tarquin story suggests the reading
ACT III, SC. I.]
39
ENDYMION.
stands awhile; and then Endymion offers to take it.
[Exit the Old Man.
860
ACT THE THIRD.
SCENE I.
Enter CYNTHIA, EUMENIDES, TELLUS, SEMELE,
CORSITES, PANELION, and ZONTES.'
Cynthia. Is the report true, that Endymion is
stricken into such a dead sleep that nothing can
either wake him or move him?
Eum. Too true, madam, and as much to be
pitied as wondered at.
Tellus. As good sleep and do no harm as wake
and do no good.
Cynth. What maketh you, Tellus, to be so
865 short? The time was Endymion only was.'
Eum. It is an old saying, madam, that a
waking dog doth afar off bark at a sleeping lion.
Sem. It were good, Eumenides, that you took
a nap with your friend, for your speech beginneth
870 to be heavy,
Eum. Contrary to your nature, Semele, which
hath been always accounted light.
rendeth, and p. 84, "he rent the first leaf," shows that this
is the right word.
1 Zontes. The old editions read: "Cynthia, three Lords,
Tellus," but it is evident from the text that the persons
named above are those present in the scene.
2 Endymion only was. Only Endymion was thought of.
B
40
[ACT III.
ENDYMION.
1
I
Cynth. What, have we here before my face
these unseemly and malapert overthwarts!'
will tame your tongues and your thoughts, and 875
make your speeches answerable to your duties,
and your conceits fit for my dignity, else will I
banish you both my person and the world.
Eum. Pardon I humbly ask; but such is my
unspotted faith to Endymion that whatsoever 880
seemeth a needle to prick his finger is a dagger
to wound my heart.
Cynth. If you be so dear to him, how hap-
peneth it you neither go to see him, nor search
for remedy for him?
885
Eum. I have seen him to my grief, and sought
recure with despair, for that I cannot imagine
who should restore him that is the wonder to
all men. Your Highness, on whose hands the
compass of the earth is at command, though not 890
in possession, may show yourself both worthy
your sex, your nature, and your favor, if you
redeem that honorable Endymion, whose ripe
years foretell rare virtues, and whose unmellowed
conceits promise ripe counsel.
Cynth. I have had trial of Endymion, and
conceive greater assurance of his age than I
could hope of his youth.
895
Tellys But timely, madam, crooks that tree
that will be a cammock, and young it pricks 900
2
¹ Malapert overth warts. Impertinent wranglings.
? Cammock. A crooked tree.

SCENE I.]
4I
END YMION.
?
that will be a thorn; and therefore he that
began without care to settle his life, it is a sign
without amendment he will end it.
Cynth. Presumptuous girl, I will make thy
905 tongue an example of unrecoverable displeasure.
Corsites, carry her to the castle in the desert,
there to remain and weave.
Cors. Shall she work stories or poetries?
འ
Cynth. It skilleth not which.' Go to, in both;
910 for she shall find examples infinite in either
what punishment long tongues have. Eumeni-
des, if either the soothsayers in Egypt, or the
enchanters in Thessaly, or the philosophers in
Greece, or all the sages of the world, can find
9fs remedy, I will procure it; therefore, dispatch
with all speed you, Eumenides, into Thessaly;
you, Zontes, into Greece, because you are ac-
quainted in Athens; you, Panelion, to Egypt;
saying that Cynthia sendeth, and if you will,
920 commandeth.
925
Eum. On bowed knee I give thanks, and with
wings on my legs, I fly for remedy.
Zon. We are ready at Your Highness' com-
mand, and hope to return to your full content.
Cynth. It shall never be said that Cynthia,
whose mercy and goodness filleth the heavens ·
with joys and the world with marvel, will suffer
either Endymion or any to perish, if he may be
protected.
1 It skilleth not. It matters not, it does not signify.
42
[ACT III.
ENDYMION.
Eum. Your Majesty's words have been always`930
\deeds, and your deeds virtues.
T:
SCENE II.
[Exeunt all.
1
Enter CORSITES and TELLUS.
Cors. Here is the castle, fair Tellus, in which
you must weave, till either time end your days,
or Cynthia her displeasure. I am sorry so fair
a face should be subject to so hard a fortune, 935
and that the flower of beauty, which is honored
in courts, should here wither in prison.
Tellus. Corsites, Cynthia may restrain the
liberty of my body, of my thoughts she cannot ;
and therefore do I esteem myself most free, 940
though I am in greatest bondage.
Cors. Can you then feed on fancy, and sub-
due the malice of envy by the sweetness of
imagination?
Tellus. Corsites, there is no sweeter music to 945
the miserable than despair; and therefore the
more bitterness I feel, the more sweetness I
find; for so vain were liberty, and so unwel-
come the following of higher fortune, that I
choose rather to pine in this castle than to be a 950
prince in any other court.
Cors. A humor contrary to your years and
nothing agreeable to your sex: the one com-
monly allured with delights, the other always.
with sovereignty.
Tellus. I marvel, Corsites, that you being a
955
SCENE III43
11..
END YMION.
]
Hie
captain, who should sound nothing but terror
and suck nothing but blood, can find in your
heart to talk such smooth words, for that it
960 agreeth not with your calling to use words so
soft as that of love.
Cors. Lady, it were unfit of wars to discourse
with women, into whose minds nothing can sink
but smoothness; besides, you must not think
965 that soldiers be so rough-hewn, or of such
knotty mettle, that beauty cannot allure, and
you, being beyond perfection, enchant.
Tellus. Good Corsites, talk not of love, but
let me to my labor: the little beauty I have
970 shall be bestowed on my loom, which I now
mean to make my lover.
Cors. Let us in, and what favor Corsites can
show, Tellus shall command.
Tellus. The only favor I desire is now and
975 then to walk.
[Exeunt CORSITES and TELLUS.
SCENE III.
Enter Sir TOPHAS and EPITON.
Tophas. Epi.
980
Epi. Here, sir.
Tophas. Unrig me. Heigho!
Epi. What's that?
Tophas. An interjection, whereof some are of
mourning as eho, vah.
Epi. I understand you not.
Tophas. Thou seest me.
Epi. Ay.
44
[ACT III.
ENDYMION.
Tophas. Thou hearest me.
985
Epi. Ay.
Tophas. Thou feelest me.
Epi. Ay.
Tophas. And not understandest me?
Epi. No.
Tophas. Then am I but three-quarters of a
noun substantive. But alas, Epi, to tell thee
the truth, I am a noun adjective.'
Epi. Why?
990
Tophas. Because I cannot stand without 995
another.
Epi. Who is that?
Tophas. Dipsas.
Epi. Are you in love?
Tophas. No; but love hath, as it were, milked 1000
my thoughts and drained from my heart the very
substance of my accustomed courage; it worketh
¹ Noun adjective. Here, and in the line as to an inter-
jection, Lyly is playing on definitions given in William
Lilly's Grammar.
"A Noun Substantive is that which standeth by him-
self, and requireth not another word to be joyned with
him, to declare his signification."
'A Noun Adjective is that which cannot stand by him-
self, in reason or signification, but requireth to be joyned
with another word.
"An Interjection is a part of speech which betokeneth a
sudden passion of the mind, under an imperfect will, and
there are so many significations of Interjections, as there
are motions of a troubled mind."-pp. 6, 106, Lilie's
Latin Grammar, translated by R. R. London, 1641.
*
SCENE III.]
45
ENDYMION.
in my head like new wine, so as I must hoop my
sconce with iron, lest my head break, and so I
1005 bewray' my brains: but I pray thee first dis-
ΙΟΙΟ
cover' me in all parts, that I may be like a lover,
and then will I sigh and die. Take my gun and
give me a gown: Cedant arma togæ.
Epi. Here.
Tophas. Take my sword and shield and give
me beard-brush and scissors-Bella gerant alii,
tu Pari semper ama.*
Epi. Will you be trimmed, sir?
Tophas. Not yet; for I feel a contention
1015 within me whether I shall frame the bodkin
beard or the bush. But take my pike and give -
me pen,--Dicere quæ puduit, scribere jussit amor.®
Epi. I will furnish you, sir.
Tophas. Now, for my bow and bolts give me
1020 ink and paper, for my simitar a pen-knife; for
Scalpellum, calami, atramentum, charta, libelli,
Sint semper studiis arma parata meis.
1 Bewray. Reveal, disclose unintentionally, expose.
2 Discover. Used in its old sense of uncover, undress.
Cicero, De Officiis, 1, 22 (77).
3 Cedant arma.
♦ Bella gerant.—The line seems to have been suggested
by Ovid's Her. xiii., 84: Bella gerant alii! Protesilaus
amet!
The bodkin beard or the bush. The bodkin beard
was cut sharp, stiletto-fashion, dagger-like." When
revived recently as a fashion, it was called the Elizabethan,
beard, Sir Tophas is undecided whether to have his
beard cut to a point or to leave it bushy, another fashion
of his time.
•
Dicere quæ. Ovid, Her. iv., 10.

46
[ACT IN
ENDYMION.
100%
Epi. Sir, will you give over wars and play with
that bauble called love?
Tophas. Give over wars? No, Epi, Militat 1025
omnis amans, et habet sua castra Cupido.¹
Epi. Love hath made you very eloquent, but
your face is nothing fair.
Tophas. Non formosus erat, sed erat facundus
Ulysses."
Epi. Nay, I must seek a new master if you
can speak nothing but verses.
1030
Tophas. Quicquid conabar dicere, versus erat."
Epi, I feel all Ovid De Arte Amandi lie as heavy
at my heart as a load of logs. Oh, what a fine, 1035
thin hair hath Dipsas! What a pretty low fore-
head! What a tall and stately nose! What
little hollow eyes! What great and goodly lips!
How harmless she is, being toothless,-her fin-
gers fat and short, adorned with long nails like a 1040
bittern! In how sweet a proportion her cheeks
hang down to her breasts like dugs and her paps
to her waist like bags! What a low stature she
is, and yet what a great foot she carrieth! How
thrifty must she be in whom there is no waist! 1045
How virtuous is she like to be, over whom no
man can be jealous!
1 Militat omnis. Ovid, Amor., i. 9. I.
? Non formosus. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, book 2, line 123.
8 Quicquid conabar.. Ovid, Tristia, iv., 10. 26. In the
Tristia the line reads Quicquid tentabam dicere, versus
erat. In Sidney's Defence of Poesie it is given just as it
stands here. See Cook's ed., p. 47.

SCENE III.]
47
ENDYMION.
Epi. Stay, master, you forget yourself.
Tophas. O Epi, even as a dish melteth by the button
人
​1050 fire, so doth my wit increase by love.
Epi Pithily, and to the purpose! But what,
begin you to nod?
Tophas. Good Epi, let me take a nap; for as
some man may better steal a horse than another
1055 look over the hedge, so divers shall be sleepy
when they would fainest take rest. [He sleeps!
Epi. Who ever saw such a woodcock!!
Love
Dipsas! Without doubt all the world will now
account him valiant, that ventureth on her whom
1060 none durst undertake. But here cometh two
1065
wags.
Enter DARES and SAMIAS.
Sam. Thy master hath slept his share.
Dar. I think he doth it because he would not
pay me my board-wages.
Sam. It is a thing most strange and I think
mine will never return, so that we must both
seek new masters, for we shall never live by our
manners.
Epi. If you want masters, join with me and
1070 serve Sir Tophas, who must needs keep more
men, because he is toward marriage.
Sam. What, Epi, where's thy master?
075
Epi. Yonder, sleeping in love.
Dar. Is it possible?

Epi. He hath taken his thoughts a hole lower,"
Simpleton.
1 Woodcock.
Hole lower. Like the slang, "Come off his high
horse."
48
[ACT III.
ENDYMION.
and saith, seeing it is the fashion of the world,
he will vail bonnet' to beauty.
Sam. How is he attired?
Epi. Lovely."
Dar. Whom loveth this amorous knight?
Epi. Dipsas.
Sam. That ugly creature? Why, she is a fool,
a scold, fat, without fashion, and quite without.
favor.s
1080
Epi. Tush, you be simple; my master hath a 1085
good marriage.
Dar. Good! As how?
Epi. Why, in marrying Dipsas he shall have
every day twelve dishes of meat to his dinner,
though there be none but Dipsas with him: four 1090
of flesh, four of fish, four of fruit.
Sam. As how, Epi?
Epi. For flesh these: woodcock, goose, bittern,
and rail.*
Dar. Indeed, he shall not miss, if Dipsas be 1095
there.
Epi. For fish these crab, carp, lump, and
pouting.
Sam. Excellent, for of my word she is both
crabbish, lumpish, and carping.
1 Vail bonnet.
To take off one's bonnet or cap.
2 Lovely. Like a lover.
3 Without fashion and quite without favor.
"Fashion
relates to shape, and favor to the features."- Dilke.
4 Rail.
In this description, Epi puns half on the
meaning, half on the sound of his words.
1100

SCENE III.]
49
ENDYMION.
:
Epi. For fruit these fritters, medlars,' harti-
chokes, and lady-longings. Thus you see he
shall fare like a king, though he be but a beg-
gar.
1105 Dar. Well, Epi, dine thou with him, for I had
rather fast than see her face. But see, thy
master is asleep; let us have a song to wake this
amorous knight.
IIIO
Epi. Agreed.
Sam. Content.
THE FIRST SONG,2
Epi. Here snores Tophas,
That amorous ass,
Who loves Dipsas,
With face so sweet,
1115
Nose and chin meet.
II20
All three.}{
At sight of her each Fury skips
And flings into her lap their whips.
Dar. Holla, holla in his ear.
Sam. The witch, sure, thrust her fingers there.
Epi. Cramp him, or wring the fool by th' nose ;
Dar. Or clap some burning flax to his toes.
Sam. What music's best To wake him?
3
Epi. Bow-wow, let bandogs shake him!
"
1 Medlar.
crab-apple. It resembles
but with a broad disk at the
remains of the calyx lobes.
harsh and uneatable, but in the early stages of decay it ac-
quires an acid flavor much relished by some."-Cent. Dict.
8 First song. This appeared first in Blount's edition.
Bandogs. Large, fierce dogs such as were kept to
bait bears. See Topsell's Hist. of Four-Footed Beasts
The fruit of a small tree related to the
a small brown-skinned apple,
summit, surrounded by the
When first gathered, it is

50
[ACT 111.
END YMION.
Dar. Let adders hiss in's ear;
Sam. Else earwigs wriggle there.
Epi. No, let him batten'; when his tongue
Once goes, a cat is not worse strung.
All three.
{
But if he ope nor mouth nor eyes,
He may in time sleep himself wise.
1135
Top. Sleep is a binding of the senses, love a 1130
loosing.
Epi. Let us hear him awhile.
Top. There appeared in my sleep a goodly owl,
who, sitting upon my shoulder, cried "Twit,
twit"; and before mine eyes presented herself 1135
the express image of Dipsas. I marvelled'
what the owl said, till at the last I perceived,—
"Twit, twit," "To it, to it,"-only, by contraction
admonished by this vision to make account of
my sweet Venus.
Sam. Sir Tophas, you have overslept your-
self.
1140
Top. No, youth, I have but slept over my love.
Dar. Love? Why, it is impossible that into so
noble and unconquered a courage love should 1145
creep, having first a head as hard to pierce as
steel, then to pass to a heart armed with a shirt
of mail.
1 Batten. To grow fat.
2 I marvelled. This sentence is difficult to punctuate.
In the Blount edition it reads: "I marvelled what the owl
said, till at the last, I perceived twit, twit, to it, to it:
only by contraction admonished by this vision to make
account of my sweet Venus."
SCENE IV.]
51
ENDYMION.
Epi. Ay, but my master yawning one day in
1150 the sun, Love crept into his mouth before he
could close it, and there kept such a tumbling in
his body that he was glad to untruss' the points.
of his heart and entertain Love as a stranger.
Top. If there remain any pity in you, plead
1155 for me to Dipsas.
Dar. Plead! Nay, we will press her to it.
[Aside to SAMIAS.] Let us go with him to Dipsas,
and there shall we have good sport. But, Sir
Tophas, when shall we go? For I find my
1160 tongue voluble, and my heart venturous, and all
myself like myself.
Sam. [Aside to DARES.] Come, Dares, let us
not lose him until we find our masters, for as
long as he liveth, we shall lack neither mirth
1165 nor meat.
1170
Epi. We will traverse. Will you go, sir?
Top. I præ, sequar.
[Exeunt the Pages, followed by Sir Tophas.
SCENE IV.
Enter EUMENIDES and GERON.
Eum. Father, your sad music being tuned on
the same key that my hard fortune is, hath so
• Untruss the points. The points were the strings or
ribbons, tipped with metal tags, by which the hose was
fastened to the doublet. To untruss was to untie, unlace.
? Traverse. "Travice" in Blount and later editions,
8 Sequar. Terence, Andria, I., 1, 171,
52
[ACT III.
ENDYMION.
melted my mind that I wish to hang at your
mouth's end till life end.
Ger. These tunes, gentleman, have I been
accustomed with these fifty winters, having no
other house to shroud myself but the broad 1175
heavens; and so familiar with me hath use made
misery that I esteem sorrow my chiefest solace,
and welcomest is that guest to me that can re-
hearse the saddest tale or the bloodiest tragedy.
Eum. A strange humor. Might I inquire the 1180
cause?
Ger. You must pardon me if I deny to tell it,
for knowing that the revealing of griefs is, as it
were, a renewing of sorrow, I have vowed there-
fore to conceal them, that I might not only feel 1185
the depth of everlasting discontentment, but
despair of remedy. But whence are you? What
fortune hath thrust you to this distress?
Eum. I am going to Thessaly, to seek remedy
for Endymion, my dearest friend, who hath been 1190
cast into a dead sleep almost these twenty years,
waxing old and ready for the grave, being almost
but newly come forth of the cradle.
Ger. You need not for recure travel far, for
whoso can clearly see the bottom of this foun- 1195
tain shall have remedy for anything.
Eum. That methinketh is impossible. Why,
what virtue can there be in water?
Ger. Yes, whosoever can shed the tears of a
faithful lover shall obtain anything he would. 1200
Read these words engraven about the brim.
SCENE IV.]
53
ENDYMION.
1205
Eum. Have you known this by experience, or
is it placed here of purpose to delude men?
Ger. I only would have experience of it, and
then should there be an end of my misery; and
then would I tell the strangest discourse that
ever yet was heard.
Eum. Ah, Eumenides!
Ger. What lack you, gentleman; are you not
1210 Well?
Eum. Yes, father, but a qualm that often
cometh over my heart doth now take hold of
me. But did never any lovers come hither?
Ger. Lusters, but not lovers; for often have I
1215 seen them weep, but never could I hear they saw
the bottom.
1220
1225
Eum. Came there women also?
Ger. Some.
Eum. What did they see?
Ger. They all wept, that the fountain over-
flowed with tears, but so thick became the water
with their tears that I could scarce discern the
brim, much less behold the bottom.
Eum. Be faithful lovers so scant?
Ger. It seemeth so, for yet heard I never of
any.
Eum. Ah, Eumenides, how art thou perplexed!
Call to mind the beauty of thy sweet mistress
and the depth of thy never-dying affections:
1230 how oft hast thou honored her, not only with-
out spot, but suspicion of falsehood! And how
hardly hath she rewarded thee without cause or
54
[ACT III.
ENDYMION.
color of despite. How secret hast thou been
these seven years, that hast not, nor once darest
not to name her, for discontenting her.
How 1235
faithful, that hath offered to die for her, to please
her! Unhappy Eumenides!
Ger. Why, gentleman, did you once love?
Eum. Once? Ay, father, and ever shall.
Ger. Was she unkind and you faithful?
Eum. She of all women the most froward, and
I of all creatures the most fond.
Ger. You doted then, not loved, for affection
is grounded on virtue, and virtue is never peev-
ish; or on beauty, and beauty loveth to be
praised.
Eum. Ay, but if all virtuous ladies should
yield to all that be loving, or all amiable gentle-
women entertain all that be amorous, their vir-
tues would be accounted vices, and beauties de-
formities; for that love can be but between two,
and that not proceeding of him that is most
faithful but most fortunate.
Ger. I would you were so faithful that your
tears might make you fortunate.
Eum. Yea, father, if that my tears clear not
this fountain, then may you swear it is but a
mere mockery.
Ger. So saith every one yet that wept.
1240
1245
1250
1255
Eum. Ah, I faint, I die! Ah, sweet Semele, 126
let me alone, and dissolve,' by weeping, into
water.
¹ And dissolve. And let me dissolve,
1
SCENE IV.]
55
ENDYMION.
Ger. This affection seemeth strange: if he
see nothing, without doubt this dissembling
1265 passeth, for nothing shall draw me from the
belief.
1270
1275
Eum. Father, I plainly see the bottom, and
there in white marble engraven these words:
Ask one for all, and but one thing at all.-
Ger. O fortunate Eumenides, (for so have I
heard thee call thyself,) let me see. I cannot
discern any such thing. I think thou dreamest.
Eum. Ah, father, thou art not a faithful lover,
and therefore canst not behold it.
Ger. Then ask, that I may be satisfied by the
event, and thyself blessed.
Eum. Ask? So I will. And what shall I do
but ask, and whom should I ask but Semèle, the
possessing of whose person is a pleasure that
1280 cannot come within the compass of comparison;
whose golden locks seem most curious when they
seem most careless; whose sweet looks seem most
alluring when they are most chaste; and whose
words the more virtuous they are, the more am-
1285 orous they be accounted? I pray thee, Fortune,
when I shall first meet with fair Semele, dash
my delight with some light disgrace, lest em-
bracing sweetness beyond measure, I take a
surfeit without recure: let her practise her
1290 accustomed coyness that I may diet myself
upon my desires; otherwise the fulness of my
joys will diminish the sweetness, and I shall
perish by them before I possess them. Why do
G
56
[ACT III.
ENDYMION.
T
า
I trifle the time in words? The least minute
being spent in the getting of Semele is more 1295
worth than the whole world; therefore let me
ask. What now, Eumenides! Whither art thou
drawn? Hast thou forgotten both friendship
and duty, care of Endymion, and the command-
ment of Cynthia? Shall he die in a leaden 1300
sleep because thou sleepest in a golden dream?
Ay, let him sleep ever, so I slumber but one
minute with Semele. Love knoweth neither
friendship nor kindred. Shall I not hazard the
loss of a friend for the obtaining of her for 1305
whom I would often lose myself? Fond' Eumen-
ides, shall the enticing beauty of a most disdain-
ful lady be of more force than the rare fidelity
of a tried friend? The love of men to women
is a thing common and of course; the friendship 1310
of man to man infinite and immortal. Tush!
Semele doth possess my love. Ay, but Endy-
mion hath deserved it. I will help Endymion.
I found Endymion unspotted in his truth. Ay,
but I shall find Semele constant in her love.
will have Semele. What shall I do?
thy gray hairs are embassadors of experience.
Which shall I ask?
I 1315
Father,
Ger. Eumenides, release Endymion, for all
things, friendship excepted, are subject to 1320
fortune love is but an eye-worm, which only
tickleth the head with hopes and wishes; friend-
1 Fond. Foolish.
SCENE IV.]
57
ENDYMION.
ship the image of eternity, in which there is
nothing movable, nothing mischievous. As
1325 much difference as there is between beauty and
virtue, bodies and shadows, colors and life, so
great odds is there between love and friendship.
Love is a chameleon, which draweth nothing into
the mouth but air, and nourisheth nothing in
1330 the body but lungs: believe me, Eumenides,
desire dies in the same moment that beauty
sickens, and beauty fadeth in the same instant
that it flourisheth. When adversities flow, then
love ebbs; but friendship standeth stiffly in
1335 Storms. Time draweth wrinkles in a fair face,
but addeth fresh colors to a fast friend, which
neither heat, nor cold, nor misery, nor place, nor
destiny, can alter or diminish. O friendship,
of all things the most rare, and therefore most
1340 rare because most excellent, whose comforts
in misery is always sweet, and whose counsels in
prosperity are ever fortunate! Vain love, that,
only coming near to friendship in name, would
seem to be the same or better in nature!
1545
Eum. Father, I allow your reasons, and will
therefore conquer mine own. Virtue shall
subdue affections, wisdom lust, friendship beau-
ty. Mistresses are in every place, and as com-
mon as hares on Athos, bees in Hybla, fowls in
1350 the air; but friends to be found are like the
phoenix in Arabia,' but one; or the philadel-
¹ Phenix in Arabia. "The phoenix, that famous bird of
It is said that there is only one in existence
Arabia.
• . .
58
[ACT III.
END YMION.
phi'in Arays, never above two. I will have
Endymion. Sacred fountain, in whose bowels
are hidden divine secrets, I have increased your
waters with the tears of unspotted thoughts, 1355
and therefore let me receive the reward you
promise: Endymion, the truest friend to me,
and faithfulest lover to Cynthia, is in such a
dead sleep that nothing can wake or move him.
Ger. Dost thou see anything?
Eum. I see in the same pillar these words:
When she whose figure of all is the perfectest,
Xand never to be measured; always one, yet never
1360
the same; still inconstant, yet never wavering ;
shall come and kiss Endymion in his sleep, he shall 1365
then rise, else never. This is strange.
Ger. What see you else?
Eum. There cometh over mine eyes either
a dark mist, or upon the fountain a deep thick-
ness, for I can perceive nothing. But how am 1370
I deluded, or what difficult, nay impossible, thing
is this?
in the whole world, and that that has not been seen very
often." Pliny, Nat. Hist., book x,
ch. 2.
¹ Philadelphi in Arays. Of these puzzling words Pro-
fessor H. T. Peck of Columbia College suggests the
following explanation: "Philadelphus is the old name
for the mock-orange (philadelphus hirsutus), and I be-
lieve Arays to be Lyly's form of the Spanish Aranjuez
(in Roman times Ara Iovis). Aranjuez has been famous
for centuries because of its beautiful flower-gardens, first
laid out in Lyly's time by Philip II. The flowers of the
philadelphus, as a rule, grow only in pairs, but botanists
mention them as having been (rarely) found in a cluster."
SCENE IV.]
59
ENDYMION.
1375
1380
1385
Ger. Methinketh it easy.
Eum. Good father, and how?
Ger. Is not a circle of all figures the perfect-
est?
Eum. Yes.
Ger. And is not Cynthia of all circles the
most absolute ?
Eum. Yes.
Ger. Is it not impossible to measure her, who
still worketh by her influence, never standing
at one stay?
Eum. Yes.
Ger. Is she not always Cynthia, yet seldom in
the same bigness; always wavering in her waxing
or waning, that our bodies might the better
be governed, our seasons the dailier give their
increase; yet never to be removed from her
1390 course, as long as the heavens continue theirs?
Eum. Yes.
Ger. Then who can it be but Cynthia, whose
virtues being all divine must needs bring things
to pass that be miraculous? Go, humble thyself
1395 to Cynthia; tell her the success, of which myself
shall be a witness. And this assure thyself, that
she that sent to find means for his safety will
now work her cunning.
Eum. How fortunate am I, if Cynthia be she
1400 that may do it!
Ger. How fond art thou, if thou do not
believe it!
Eum. I will hasten thither that I may entreat
60
[ACT IV.
END YMION.
on my knees for succor, and embrace in mine
arms my friend.
Ger. I will go with thee, for unto Cynthia
must I discover all my sorrows, who also must
work in me a contentment.
Eum. May I now know the cause?
1405
Ger. That shall be as we walk, and I doubt 1410
not but the strangeness of my tale will take
away the tediousness of our journey.
Eum. Let us go.
Ger. I follow.
[Exeunt EUMENIDES and GERON.
ACT THE FOURTH.
SCENE I.
Is
Enter TELLÚS.
7
Tellus. I marvel Corsites giveth me so much 1415
liberty, all the world knowing his charge to
be so high and his nature to be most strange,-
who hath so ill treated ladies of great honor
that he hath not suffered them to look out
of windows, much less to walk abroad. It may 1420
be he is in love with me, for (Endymion, hard-
hearted Endymion excepted) what is he that
is not enamored of my beauty? But what
respectest thou the love of all the world? En-
dymion hates thee. Alas, poor Endymion, my 1425
malice hath exceeded my love, and thy faith
to Cynthia quenched my affections. Quenched,
SCENE 1.]
61
ENDYMİON.
1430
Tellus? Nay, kindled them afresh; insomuch
that I find scorching flames for dead embers,
and cruel encounters of war in my thoughts
instead of sweet parleys. Ah, that I might once
again see Endymion! Accursed girl, what hope
hast thou to see Endymion, on whose head
already are grown gray hairs, and whose life
1435 must yield to nature, before Cynthia end her
displeasure. Wicked Dipsas, and more devilish
Tellus, the one for cunning too exquisite, the
other for hate too intolerable! Thou wast com-
manded to weave the stories and poetries wherein
1440 were showed both examples and punishments
of tattling tongues, and thou hast only embroi-
dered the sweet face of Endymion, devices of
love, melancholy imaginations, and what-not,
out of thy work, that thou shouldst study to pick
1445 Out of thy mind. But here cometh Corsites.
I must seem yielding and stout; full of mildness,
yet tempered with a majesty; for if I be too
flexible, I shall give him more hope than I
mean; if too froward, enjoy less liberty than
1450 I would.
Love him I cannot, and therefore
will practise that which is most contrary to our
sex, to dissemble.
1455
Enter CORSITES.
Cor. Fair Tellus, I perceive you rise with the
lark, and to yourself sing with the nightingale.
Tellus. My lord, I have no playfellow but
fancy; being barred of all company, I must
62
[ACT IV.
ENDYMION.
question with myself, and make my thoughts
my friends.
Cor. I would you would account my thoughts
also your friends, for they be such as are only 1460
busied in wondering at your beauty and wis-
dom; and some such as have esteemed your
fortune too hard; and divers of that kind that
offer to set you free, if you will set them free.
Tellus. There are no colors so contrary as 1465
white and black, nor elements so disagreeing as
fire and water, nor anything so opposite as men's
thoughts and their words.
Cor. He that gave Cassandra the gift of
prophesying, with the curse that, spake she 1470
never so true, she should never be believed, hath
I think poisoned the fortune of men, that utter-
ing the extremities of their inward passions are
always suspected of outward perjuries.
Tellus. Well, Corsites, I will flatter myself and 1475
believe you. What would you do to enjoy my
love?
Cor. Set all the ladies of the castle free, and
make you the pleasure of my life: more I can-
not do, less I will not.
Tellus. These be great words, and fit for your
calling; for captains must promise things im-
possible. But will you do one thing for all?
Cor. Anything, sweet Tellus, that am ready
for all.
Tellus. You know that on the lunary bank
sleepeth Endymion.
1480
1483
SCENE I.]
63
ENDYMION.
Cor. I know it.
Tellus. If you will remove him from that
1490 place by force, and convey him into some ob-
1495
1500
scure cave by policy, I give you here the faith
of an unspotted virgin that you only shall pos-
sess me as a lover, and in spite of malice have
me for a wife.
Cor. Remove him, Tellus! Yes, Tellus, he
shall be removed, and that so soon as 'thou shalt
as much commend my diligence as my force.
I go.
Tellus. Stay, will yourself attempt it?
Cor. Ay, Tellus, as I would have none partaker
of my sweet love, so shall none be partners of my
labors. But I pray thee go at your best leisure,
for Cynthia beginneth to rise, and if she dis-
cover our love, we both perish, for nothing
1505 pleaseth her but the fairness of virginity. All
things must be not only without lust but without
suspicion of lightness.
1510
Tellus. I will depart, and go you to En-
dymion.
Cor. I fly, Tellus, being of all men the most
fortunate.
[Exit CORSITES.
Tellus. Simple Corsites, I have set thee about
a task, being but a man, the gods themselves
cannot perform, for little dost thou know how
1515 heavy his head lies, how hard his fortune; but
such shifts must women have to deceive men,
and under color of things easy, entreat that
After so and such, as sometimes meant that.
1 As.
64
[ACT IV.
END YMION.
which is impossible; otherwise we should be
cumbered with importunities, oaths, sighs, let-
ters, and all implements of love, which to one 1520
resolved to the contrary are most loathsome. I
will in, and laugh with the other ladies at Cor-
sites's sweating.
[Exit TELLUS.
SCENE II.
Enter SAMIAS and DARES.
Sam. Will thy master never awake?
Dar. No; I think he sleeps for a wager: but 1525
how shall we spend the time? Sir Tophas is so
far in love that he pineth in his bed and cometh
not abroad.
Sam. But here cometh Epi in a pelting chafe.'
Enter EPITON.
Epi. A pox of all false proverbs, and were a
proverb a page, I would have him by the ears!
Sam. Why art thou angry?
Epi. Why? You know it is said, "The tide
tarrieth no man."
Sam. True.
Epi. A monstrous lie; for I was tied two
hours, and tarried for one to unloose me.
Dar. Alas, poor Epi!
Epi. Poor! No, no, you base, conceited
1530
1535
slaves, I am a most complete gentleman, al- 1540
though I be in disgrace with Sir Tophas.
Dar. Art thou out with him?
1
Pelting chafe. Irritable humor.
SCENE II.]
65
ENDYMION.
Epi. Ay, because I cannot get him a lodging
with Endymion. He would fain take a nap for
1545 forty or fifty years.
1550
1555
Dar. A short sleep, considering our long life.
Sam. Is he still in love?
Epi. In love? Why he doth nothing but
make sonnets.
Sam. Canst thou remember any one of his
poems ?
Epi. Ay, this is one :-
The beggar, Love, that knows not where to lodge,
At last within my heart, when I slept,
He crept,
I waked, and so my fancies began to fodge.¹
Sam. That's a very long verse.
Epi. Why, the other was short: the first is
called from the thumb to the little finger; the
1560 second from the little finger to the elbow; and
some he made to reach to the crown of his
head, and down again to the sole of his foot.
It is set to the tune of the black saunce²; ratio
est, because Dipsas is a black saint.
1565
Dar. Very wisely: but pray thee, Epi, how
art thou complete; and being from thy master,
what occupation wilt thou take?
3
Epi. Know, my hearts, I am an absolute Micro-
cosmus, a petty world of myself: my library is
¹ Fodge. Move.
2 Black saunce.
The same as Black Santis or Black
Sanctus, a hymn to Saint Satan, ridiculing the luxury of
the monks.
3 Know.
Blount and the later editors read "No."
66
[ACT IV.
END YMION.
my head, for I have no other books but my 1570
brains; my wardrobe on my back, for I have no
more apparel than is on my body; my armory
at my fingers' end, for I use no other artillery
than my nails; my treasure in my purse.
omnia mea mecum porto.'
Dar. Good!
Sic
Epi. Know, sirs, my palace is paved with
grass, and tiled with stars, for Cœlo tegitur qui non
habet urnam,³—he that hath no house must lie
in the yard.
Sam. A brave resolution! But how wilt thou
spend thy time?
Epi. Not in any melancholy sort; for mine ex-
ercise I will walk horses, Dares.
Dar. Too bad!
Epi. Why, is it not said: "It is good walking
when one hath his horse in his hand"?
Sam. Worse and worse! But how wilt thou
live?
1575
1580
1585
Epi. By angling. Oh, 'tis a stately occupation 1590
to stand four hours in a cold morning, and to
have his nose bitten with frost before his bait
be mumbled with a fish.
Dar. A rare attempt! But wilt thou never
travel?
¹ Sic omnia. Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, 1. i. Omnia
mecum porto mea. Ascribed to Bias by Cicero. Compare
Phædrus, Fab. iv. 21.
2 Know.
Blount and the later editors read "Now."
3 Cælo tegitur. Lucan, vii. 819.
T595
SCENE II.]
67
END YMION.
Epi. Yes, in a western barge,' when with a good
wind and lusty pugs,' one may go ten miles in
two days.
Sam. Thou art excellent at thy choice. But
1600 what pastime wilt thou use? None?
1605
Epi. Yes, the quickest of all.
Sam. What, dice?
Epi. No, when I am in haste, one-and-twenty
games at chess, to pass a few minutes.
Dar. A life for a little lord, and full of quick-
ness.
Epi. Tush, let me alone!
But I must needs
see if I can find where Endymion lieth, and then
go to a certain fountain hard by, where they say
1610 faithful lovers shall have all things they will ask.
If I can find out any of these, Ego et magister
meus erimus in tuto, I and my master shall be
friends. He is resolved to weep some three or
four pailfuls to avoid the rheum of love that
1615 wambleth" in his stomach.
¹ Western barge. Apparently the Thames barges were
noted for slowness. Thos. Nash says: "Indeede, to say
the truth, my stile is somewhat heavie-gaited, and can-
not daunce, trip, and goe so lively. . . nor hath my
prose any skill to imitate the Almond leape verse.
Onely I can keepe pace with Gravesend barge.”—Epistle
preceding Astrophel and Stella, 1591. “Almond (Almain
Sant Trois pas, et
Allemand) leape," a kind of dance:
un sant."-Colgr.
•
2 Lusty pugs. Pug was occasionally a familiar term of
good fellowship or intimacy.
3 Wambleth. Rumbleth.
68
[ACT IV.
END YMION.
Enter Master Constable and Two Watchmen.
Sam. Shall we never see thy master, Dares?
Dar. Yes; let us go now, for to-morrow Cyn-
thia will be there.
Epi. I will go with you ;-but how shall we see
for the Watch?
Sam. Tush, let me alone! I'll begin to them.
Masters, God speed you.
I Watch. Sir boy, we are all sped already.
Epi. [Aside.] So methinks, for they smell all
of drink, like a beggar's beard.
Dar. But I pray, sirs, may we see Endymion?
2 Watch. No, we are commanded in Cynthia's
name, that no man shall see him.
Sam. No man! Why, we are but böys.
1620
1625
1 Watch. Mass, neighbors, he says true, for if 1630
I swear I will never drink my liquor by the quart,
and yet call for two pints, I think with a safe
conscience I may carouse both.
Dar. Pithily, and to the purpose.
2 Watch. Tush, tush, neighbors, take me with 1635
you.'
Sam. [Aside.] This will grow hot.
Dar. [Aside.] Let them alone.
2 Watch. If I say to my wife, Wife, I will
have no raisins in my pudding, she puts in cur- 1640
rants; small raisins are raisins, and boys are men:
even as my wife should have put no raisins in
1 Take me with you. Let me understand you, satisfy
my mind,
SCENE II.]
69
END YMION.
1645
1650
1655
1660
my pudding, so shall there no boys see Endy-
mion.
Dar. Learnedly.
Epi. Let Master Constable speak; I think he
is the wisest among you.
Master Constable. You know, neighbors, 'tis an
old said saw, "Children and fools speak true."
All. True.
Mast. Const. Well, there you see the men be
the fools, because it is provided from the chil-
dren.
Dar. Good.
Mast. Const. Then, say I, neighbors, that chil-
dren must not see Endymion, because children´
and fools speak true.
Epi. O wicked application!
Sam. Scurvily brought about!
1 Watch. Nay, he says true, and therefore till
Cynthia have been here, he shall not be uncov-
ered. Therefore, away!
Dar. A watch, quoth you! A man may watch
seven years for a wise word, and yet go without
1665 it. Their wits are all as rusty as their bills.' But
come on, Master Constable, shall we have a song
before we go?
Mast. Const. With all my heart.
1 Bills.
"A weapon much resembling a halbert. On
one side was a cutting blade turned like the common bill.
There was a spike at the top and on the other side. Bills
were sometimes used by the navy, and a large part of the
foot-soldiers of Elizabeth's time, from using this weapon,
70
[ACT IV.
ENDYMION.
THE SECOND Song.¹
The Two Watchmen. Stand! Who goes there? 1670
We charge you appear
'Fore our constable here,
In the name of the Man in the Moon.
To us billmen relate
Why you stagger so late,
1675
And how you come drunk so soon.
Pages. What are ye, scabs ? 2
Watch. The Watch:
This the Constable.
Pages. A patch.³
1680
Const. Knock 'em down unless they all stand:
If any run away,
'Tis the old watchman's play,
To reach him a bill of his hand.
Pages. O gentlemen, hold,
1685
Your gowns freeze with cold,
And your rotten teeth dance in your head;
Epi. Wine, nothing shall cost ye;
Sam. Nor huge fires to roast ye;
Dares. Then soberly let us be led.
1690
Const. Come, my brown bills, we'll roar,
Bounce loud at tavern door,
Omnes. And i' th' morning steal all to bed.
[Exeunt all.
were called billmen. They were used also by sheriff's
officers attending executions, and watchmen.”—Dilke.
¹ Second Song. Omitted in first edition, 1591; first-
printed in Blount's edition of 1632.
2 Scabs. Low, vulgar fellows.
3 A patch.
"A fool.
The term originated in the pro-
per name of Wolsey's famous fool, which was Patch.".
Fair holt.
4 Brown bills. Bills were often browned, japanned, to
keep them from rust; and were sometimes black with
varnish.
SCENE III.]
71
ENDYMION.
X
CORSITES Solus.
SCENE III.
ENDYMION lies asleep on the
lunary bank.
Corsites. I am come in sight of the lunary bank.
1695 Without doubt Tellus doteth upon me, and cun-
ningly, that I might not perceive her love, she
hath set me to a task that is done before it is
begun. Endymion, you must change your pillow,
and if you be not weary of sleep, I will carry you
1700 where at ease you shall sleep your fill. It were
good that without more ceremonies I took him,
leşt being espied, I be entrapt, and so incur the
displeasure of Cynthia, who commonly setteth.
watch that Endymion have no wrong. He tries
1705 to lift Endymion.] What now, is your master-
ship so heavy, or are you nailed to the ground?
Not stir one whit! Then use all thy force,
though he feel it and wake! What, stone-still?
Turned, I think, to earth with lying so long on
the earth. Didst thou not, Corsites, before Cyn-
thia, pull up a tree that forty years was fastened
with roots and wreathed in knots to the ground?
Didst not thou, with main force, pull open the
iron gates which no ram or engine could move?
1715 Have my weak thoughts made brawn-fallen' my
strong arms, or is it the nature of love, or the
quintessence of the mind, to breed numbness or
litherness, or I know not what languishing in
my joints and sinews, being but the base strings
1710
2
¹Made brawn-fallen. Unnerved.
2 Litherness.
tus's Dict.
A lack of spirit to do anything.—Bare-
72
[ACT IV.
END YMION.
1720
of my body? Or doth the remembrance of
Tellus so refine my spirits into a matter so subtle
and divine that the other fleshy parts cannot
work whilst they muse? Rest thyself, rest thy-
self; nay, rend thyself in pieces, Corsites, and
strive, in spite of love, fortune, and nature, to lift 1725
up this dulled body, heavier than dead and more
senseless than death.
Enter Fairies.
But what are these so fair fiends that cause my
hairs to stand upright and spirits to fall down?
Hags, out!-alas, nymphs, I crave pardon. Ay 1730
me, but what do I hear !
[The Fairies dance, and with a song pinch
him, and he falleth asleep. They kiss
Endymion and depart.
THE THIRD SONG BY FAIRIES.
Omnes. Pinch him, pinch him, black and blue,
Saucy mortals must not view
What the Queen of Stars is doing,
Nor pry into our fairy wooing.
1 Fairy. Pinch him blue,
2 Fairy. And pinch him black ;
3 Fairy. Let him not lack
1735
Sharp nails to pinch him blue and red,
1740
Till sleep has rocked his addle head.
4 Fairy. For the trespass he hath done,
Spots o'er all his flesh shall run.
Kiss Endymion, kiss his eyes,
Then to our midnight heidegyes.2
1 Third Song. First printed by Blount.
Heidegyes. A country dance or round. Originally,
perhaps, heyday guise.-See Cent. Dict.
1745
[SCENE III.
73
ENDYMION.
May
Enter, at the side of the stage opposite Corsites,
CYNTHIA, FLOSCULA, SEMELE, PANELION,
ZONTES, PYTHAGORAS, and GYPTES.
SITES sleeps still.
COR-
Cynth. You see, Pythagoras, what ridiculous
opinions you hold, and I doubt not but you are
now of another mind.
Pythag. Madam, I plainly perceive that the
perfection of your brightness hath pierced
through the thickness that covered my mind;
insomuch that I am no less glad to be reformed
than ashamed to remember my grossness.
Gyptes. They are thrice fortunate that live in
1755 your palace, where truth is not in colors but
life, virtues not in imagination but execution.
Cynth. I have always studied to have rather
living virtues than painted gods, the body of
truth than the tomb. But let us walk to En-
160 dymion; it may be it lieth in your arts to
deliver him; as for Eumenides, I fear he is
dead.
1765
1
Pythag. I have alleged all the natural reasons
I can for such a long sleep.
Gyptes. I can do nothing till I see him.
Cynth. Come, Floscula; I am sure you are
glad that you shall behold Endymion.
1 Walk to Endymion. The dialogue from "I fear he is
dead" to "behold Endymion" was given as the charac-
ters walked slowly across the stage towards Endymion
and Corsites,
74
[ACT IV.
ENDYMION.
Flosc. I were blessed, if I might have him re-
covered.
4
Cynth. Are you in love with his person?
Flosc. No, but with his virtue.
Cynth. What say you, Semele?
Sem. Madam, I dare say nothing for fear I
offend.
Cynth. Belike you cannot speak except you be
spiteful; but as good be silent as saucy. Pane-
lion, what punishment were fit for Semele, in
whose speech and thoughts is only contempt
and sourness?
1770
1775
Panel. I love not, madam, to give any judg- 1780
ment; yet, sith Your Highness commandeth, I
think to commit her tongue close prisoner to
her mouth,
Cynth. Agreed. Semele, if thou speak this
twelvemonth, thou shalt forfeit thy tongue. 1785
Behold Endymion! Alas, poor gentleman, hast
thou spent thy youth in sleep, that once vowed
all to my service! Hollow eyes, gray hairs,
wrinkled cheeks, and decayed limbs ! Is it des-
tiny or deceit that hath brought this to pass? 1790
If the first, who could prevent thy wretched
stars? If the latter, I would I might know thy
cruel enemy. I favored thee, Endymion, for
thy honor, thy virtues, thy affections; but, to
bring thy thoughts within the compass of thy 1795
fortunes, I have seemed strange that I might
have thee staid, and now are thy days ended
SCENE III.]
75
ENDYMION.
1800
before my favor begin. But whom have we
here? Is it not Corsites?
Zon. It is, but more like a leopard' than a
man.
Cynth. Awake him. [Zontes awakens Corsites.
How now, Corsites, what make you here? How
came you deformed? Look on thy hands, and
1805 then thou seest the picture of thy face.
Cors. Miserable wretch, and accursed!
How
am I deluded! Madam, I ask pardon for my
offence, and you see my fortune deserveth pity.
Cynth. Speak on; thy offence cannot deserve
1810 greater punishment: but see thou rehearse the
truth, else shalt thou not find me as thou wish-
est me.
Cors. Madam, as it is no offence to be in love,
being a man mortal, so I hope can it be no
1815 shame to tell with whom, my lady being heaven-
ly. Your Majesty committed to my charge the
fair Tellus, whose beauty in the same moment
took my heart captive that I undertook to carry
her body prisoner. Since that time have I found
1820 such combats in my thoughts between love
and duty, reverence and affection, that I could
neither endure the conflict, nor hope for the
conquest.
Cynth. In love? A thing far unfitting the
1825 name of a captain, and (as I thought) the tough
and unsmoothed nature of Corsites. But forth!
¹ Like a leopard. "Spots o'er all his flesh shall run.”
Fairies' Song.
76
[ACT IV.
ENDYMİON.
Cors. Feeling this continual war, I thought
rather by parley to yield than by certain danger
to perish. I unfolded to Tellus the depth of my
affections, and framed my tongue to utter a sweet 1830
tale of love, that was wont to sound nothing but
threats of war. She, too fair to be true and too
false for one so fair, after a nice denial, practised
a notable deceit, commanding me to remove
Endymion from this cabin, and carry him to 1835
some dark cave; which I, seeking to accom-
plish, found impossible; and so by fairies or
fiends have been thus handled.
You
Cynth. How say you, my lords, is not Tellus
always practising of some deceits?
In sooth, 1840
Corsites, thy face is now too foul for a lover,
and thine heart too fond for a soldier.
may see when warriors become wantons how
their manners alter with their faces. Is it not a
shame, Corsites, that having lived so long in 1845
Mars's camp, thou shouldst now be rocked in
Venus's cradle? Dost thou wear Cupid's quiver
at thy girdle and make lances of looks? Well,
Corsites, rouse thyself and be as thou hast been;
and let Tellus, who is made all of love, melt her- 1850
self in her own looseness.
Cors. Madam, I doubt not but to recover my
former state, for Tellus's beauty never wrought
such love in my mind as now her deceit hath
despite; and yet to be revenged of a woman 1855
were a thing than love itself more womanish.
Gyptes. These spots, gentleman, are to be
SCENE III.]
77
END YMION.
worn out, if you rub them over with this lunary;
so that in the place where you received this
1860 maim you shall find a medicine.
Cors. I thank you for that. The gods bless
me from love and these pretty ladies' that haunt
this green.
1865 ble face.
1870
1875
1880
Flosc. Corsites, I would Tellus saw your amia-
[SEMELE laughs.
Zont. How spitefully Semele laugheth, that
dare not speak.
Cynthia. Could you not stir Endymion with
that doubled strength of yours?
Cors. Not so much as his finger with all my
force.
Cynth. Pythagoras and Gyptes, what think you
of Endymion? What reason is to be given,
what remedy?
Pyth. Madam, it is impossible to yield reason
for things that happen not in compass of nature.
It is most certain that some strange enchant-
ment hath bound all his senses.
Cynth. What say you, Gyptes ?
Gyptes. With Pythagoras, that it is enchant-
ment, and that so strange that no art can undo
it, for that heaviness argueth a malice unremov-
able in the enchantress, and that no power can
end it, till she die that did it, or the heavens
1885 show some means more miraculous.
Flosc. O Endymion, could spite itself devise
a mischief so monstrous as to make thee dead

1 Ladies. The fairies.
78
[ACT V.
END YMION.
with life, and living, being altogether dead?
Where others number their years, their hours,
their minutes, and step to age by stairs, thou only 1890
hast thy years and times in a cluster, being old
before thou rememberest thou wast young.
Cynth. No more, Floscula; pity doth him no
good: I would anything else might; and I vow
by the unspotted honor of a lady he should not 1895
miss it. But is this all, Gyptes, that is to be
done?
Gyptes. All as yet. It may be that either the
enchantress shall die or else be discovered; if
either happen, I will then practise the utmost 1900
of my art. In the mean season, about this
grove would I have a watch, and the first living
thing that toucheth Endymion to be taken.
Cynth. Corsites, what say you, will you under-
take this?
1
Cors. Good madam, pardon me! I was over-
taken too late. I should rather break into the
midst of a main battle than again fall into the
hands of those fair babies.2
1905
Cynth. Well, I will provide others. Pythago- 1910
ras and Gyptes, you shall yet remain in my
court, till I hear what may be done in this
matter.
Pyth. We attend.
Cynth. Let us go in.
1 Overtaken.
2 Fair babies.
Overcome.
[Exeunt all. 1915
'The fairies. Popularly they were be-
lieved to be very diminutive."-Fairholt.
SCENE I.]
79
ENDYMION.
1920
ACT THE FIFTH.
SCENE I.
Enter SAMIAS and DARES.
Samias. Eumenides hath told such strange
tales as I may well wonder at them, but never
believe them.
Dar. The other old man, what a sad speech
used he, that caused us almost all to weep.
Cynthia is so desirous to know the experiment
of her own virtue, and so willing to ease En-
dymion's hard fortune, that she no sooner heard
the discourse but she made herself in a readiness
1925 to try the event.
Sam. We will also see the event. But whist,
here cometh Cynthia with all her train. Let us
sneak in amongst them.
Enter CYNTHIA, FLOSCULA, SEMELE, EUMENides,
PANELION,' ZONTES, PYTHAGORAS, and
GYPTES.
Cynth. Eumenides, it cannot sink into my
1930 head that I should be signified by that sacred
fountain, for many things are there in the world
to which those words may be applied.
Eum. Good madam, vouchsafe but to try;
¹ Panelion. Here the texts of Fairholt, Dilke, and
Blount read " Panelion, etc." The editor has supplied the
new names from the list of those attending Cynthia at her
last entrance.
80
[ACT V.
END YMION.
else shall I think myself most unhappy that I
asked not my sweet mistress.'
Cynth. Will you not yet tell me her name ?
Eum. Pardon me, good madam, for if Endy-
mion awake, he shall; myself have sworn never
to reveal it.
1935
Cynth. Well, let us to Endymion. I will not 1940
be so stately, good Endymion, not to stoop to
do thee good, and if thý liberty consist in a
kiss from me, thou shalt have it; and although
my mouth hath been heretofore as untouched as
my thoughts, yet now to recover thy life, though 1945
to restore thy youth it be impossible, I will do
that to Endymion which yet never mortal man
could boast of heretofore, nor shall ever hope
for hereafter.
[She kisseth him.
ง
no i
Eum. Madam, he beginneth to știr.
Cynth. Soft, Eumenides; stand still.
Eum. Ah, I see his eyes almost open.
Cynth. I command thee once again, stir not:
I will stand behind him.
1950
Pan. What do I see,-Endymion almost 1955
awake?
Eum. Endymion, Endymion, art thou deaf
or dumb, or hath this long sleep taken away thy
memory? Ah, my sweet Endymion, seest thou
not Eumenides, thy faithful friend, thy faithful 1960
Eumenides, who for thy safety hath been care-
¹ Asked not my sweet mistress.
Asked not for my
sweet mistress, Semele, as the one request allowed from
the fountain.
SCENE I.]
81
ENDYMION.
less of his own content? Speak, Endymion,-
Endymion, Endymion !
End. Endymion? I call to mind such a
1965 name.
Eum. Hast thou forgotten thyself, Endymion?
Then do I not marvel thou rememberest not thy
friend. I tell thee thou art Endymion and I
Eumenides. Behold also Cynthia, by whose
1970 favor thou art awaked, and by whose virtue thou
shalt continue thy natural course.
Cynth. Endymion, speak, sweet Endymion!
Knowest thou not Cynthia?
End. O heavens, whom do I behold? Fair
1975 Cynthia, divine Cynthia?
Cynth. I am Cynthia, and thou Endymion.
End. "Endymion"! What do I hear? What,
a gray beard, hollow eyes, withered body, de-
cayed limbs, and all in one night?
1980 Eum. One night! Thou hast here slept forty
years,' by what enchantress as yet it is not
known, and behold, the twig to which thou
laidest thy head is now become a tree. Callest
thou not Eumenides to remembrance?
1 Forty years. If these words are taken literally, there
is evidently a slip here on Lyly's part. In Act III., Sc. 4,
Eumenides says that Endymion has been in a deep sleep
"almost these twenty years," and since that scene little
time seems to have elapsed. Moreover, these years seem
to have brought changes to Endymion only: all the other
characters remain unchanged. Twenty and forty were,
however, often used by the old dramatists simply for an
indefinite number.
82
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
End. Thy name I do remember by the sound, 1985
but thy favor' I do not yet call to mind; only
divine Cynthia, to whom time, fortune, destiny,
and death are subject, I see and remember, and
in all humility I regard and reverence.
Cynth. You have good cause to remember 1990
Eumenides, who hath for thy safety forsaken his
own solace.
2
End. Am I that Endymion who was wont in
court to lead my life, and in justs, tourneys, and
arms, to exercise my youth? Am I that Endy- 1995
mion?
Eum. Thou art that Endymion, and I Eu-
menides: wilt thou not yet call me to remem-
brance?
End. Ah, sweet Eumenides, I now perceive 2000
thou art he, and that myself have the name of
Endymion; but that this should be my body I
doubt, for how could my curled locks be turned
to gray hairs and my strong body to a dying
weakness, having waxed old, and not knowing 2005
it.
Cynth. Well, Endymion, arise. [Endymion,
trying to rise, sinks back.] Awhile sit down, for
that thy limbs are stiff and not able to stay thee,
1 Favor. Features, face.
Justs, tourneys. "The tournament was a conflict
with many knights, divided into parties, and engaged at
the same time; the 'just' was a separate trial of skill,
where only one man was opposed to another."-Stru's
Sports and Pastimes.
3 Stay.
Support.
SCENE I.]
83
ENDYMION.
2010 and tell what hast thou seen in thy sleep all this
while, what dreams, visions, thoughts, and for-
tunes; for it is impossible but in so long time
thou shouldst see things strange.
End. Fair Cynthia, I will rehearse what I have
2015 seen, humbly desiring that when I exceed in
length, you give me warning, that I may end;
for to utter all I have to speak would be trouble-
some, although haply the strangeness may some-
what abate the tediousness.
2020
Cynth. Well, Endymion, begin.
End. Methought I saw a lady passing fair, but
very mischievous, who in the one hand carried
a knife with which she offered to cut my throat,
and in the other a looking-glass, wherein seeing
2025 how ill anger became ladies, she refrained from
intended violence. She was accompanied with
other damsels, one of which, with a stern coun-
tenance, and as it were with a settled malice en-
graven in her eyes, provoked her to execute
mischief; another, with visage sad, and constant
only in sorrow, with her arms crossed, and
watery eyes, seemed to lament my fortune, but
durst not offer to prevent the force. I started
in my sleep, feeling my very veins to swell and
my
sinews to stretch with fear, and such a cold
sweat bedewed all my body that death itself
could not be so terrible as the vision.
2030
2035
2040
Cynth. A strange sight: Gyptes, at our better
leisure, shall expound it.
End. After long debating with herself, mercy
dun
84
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
overcame anger, and there appeared in her
heavenly face such a divine majesty mingled
with a sweet mildness that I was ravished with
the sight above measure, and wished that I
might have enjoyed the sight without end; and 2045
so she departed with the other ladies, of which
the one retained still an unmovable cruelty, the
other a constant pity.
Cynth. Poor Endymion, how wast thou af-
frighted! What else?
2050
End. After her, immediately appeared an aged
man with a beard as white as snow, carrying in
his hand a book with three leaves, and speaking,
as I remember, these words: Endymion, receive
this book with three leaves, in which are contained 2055
counsels, policies, and pictures, and with that he
offered me the book, which I rejected; where-
with, moved with a disdainful pity, he rent the first
leaf in a thousand shivers. The second time he
offered it, which I refused also; at which, bend- 2060
ing his brows, and pitching his eyes fast to the
ground, as though they were fixed to the earth,
and not again to be removed, then suddenly
casting them up to the heavens, he tore in a
rage the second leaf, and offered the book only 2065
with one leaf. I know not whether fear to
offend or desire to know some strange thing
moved me,--I took the book, and so the old
man vanished.
Cynth. What didst thou imagine was in the last 2070
leaf?
SCENE 1.]
85
ENDYMION.
2075
End. There portrayed to life, with a cold
quaking in every joint, I beheld many wolves.
barking at thee, Cynthia, who having ground
their teeth to bite, did with striving bleed them-
selves to death. There might I see Ingratitude
with an hundred eyes gazing for benefits, and
with a thousand teeth gnawing on the bowels
wherein she was bred; Treachery stood all
2080 clothed in white, with a smiling countenance,
but both her hands bathed in blood; Envy with
a pale and meagre face (whose body was so lean
that one might tell all her bones, and whose
garment was so tattered that it was easy to num-
2085 ber every thread) stood shooting at stars, whose
darts fell down again on her own face. There
might I behold drones or beetles-I know not
how to term them-creeping under the wings of
a princely eagle, who, being carried into her
2090 nest, sought there to suck that vein that would
have killed the eagle. I mused that things so
base should attempt a fact so barbarous, or durst
imagine a thing so bloody,-and many other
things, madam, the repetition whereof may at
2095 your better leisure seem more pleasing, for bees
surfeit sometimes with honey, and the gods are
glutted with harmony, and Your Highness may
be dulled with delight.
Cynth. I am content to be dieted; therefore,
2100 let us in. Eumenides, see that Endymion be
well tended, lest either eating immoderately or
sleeping again too long, he fall into a deadly sur-
86
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
feit or into his former sleep. See this also be pro-
claimed: that whosoever will discover this prac-
tice shall have of Cynthia infinite-thanks and 2105
1
no small rewards.
[Exeunt all except ENDYMION,
Eumenides, FLOSCULA and Semele.
Flosc. Ah, Endymion, none so joyful as Flos-
cula of thy restoring.
Eum. Yes, Floscula, let Eumenides be some-
what gladder, and do not that wrong to the set- 2110
tled friendship of a man as to compare it with
the light affection of a woman. Ah, my dear
friend Endymion, suffer me to die with gazing at
thee.
End. Eumenides, thy friendship is immortal 2115
and not to be conceived; and thy good will,
Floscula, better than I have deserved; but let
us all wait on Cynthia. I marvel Semele speak-
eth not a word.
Eum. Because if she do, she loseth her tongue.
End. But how prospereth your love?
Eum. I never yet spake word since your sleep.
End. I doubt not but your affection is old
and your appetite cold.
Eum. No, Endymion, thine hath made it 2125
stronger, and now are my sparks grown to flames
and my fancies almost to frenzies: but let us
follow, and within we will debate all this matter
at large.
[Exeunt all.
¹ Discover this practice. Expose the plot, i.e. the
author of the enchantment of Endymion,
SCENE II.]
87
END YMION.
2130
SCENE II.
Enter Sir TOPHAS and EPITON.
Top. Epi, Love hath justled my liberty from
the wall,' and taken the upper hand of my
reason.
Epi. Let me then trip up the heels of your
affection and thrust your good will into the
2135 gutter.
2
Top. No, Epi, Love is a lord of misrule and
keepeth Christmas in-my corps.
Epi. No doubt there is good cheer: what
dishes of delight doth his lordship feast you
2140 with withal?
Top. First, with a great platter of plum por-
ridge of pleasure, wherein is stewed the mutton
of mistrust.
Many
1 From the wall. In Queen Elizabeth's time, when two
men met in the street, the inferior in rank was supposed
to let his superior pass between him and the wall.
squabbles arose over this point in every-day etiquette, and
references to the custom and to contests arising from it
are constant in the Elizabethan drama. "To take the
wall of" came to be a phrase for getting the better of a
man, and it often connoted some force. Here Sir
Tophas's "liberty is justled from the wall" and Epiton
talks of "tripping heels."
2 Lord of misrule. The Lord or Abbot of Misrule, or
the Master of Merry Disports, was a person, generally an
inferior, chosen at the universities, the inns of court, the
noblemen's houses, and even at court, to preside over and
sometimes to provide the Christmas entertainment. The
Lord of Misrule, during his term of office, was in absolute
control,
Expl
.
decus
88
ENDYMION.
Epi. Excellent love-pap.'
1
[ACT V.
Top. Then cometh a pie of patience, a hen 2145
of honey, a goose of gall, a capon of care,
and many other viands, some sweet and some
sour, which proveth love to be, as was said
of it' in old years, Dulce venenum.
2
Epi. A brave banquet!
Top. But, Epi, I pray thee feel on my chin;
something pricketh me. What dost thou feel or
see?
Epi. There are three or four little hairs.
2150
Top. I pray thee call it my beard. How 2155
shall I be troubled when this young spring ³
shall grow to a great wood!
4
Epi. Oh, sir, your chin is but a quiller yet;
you will be most majestical when it is full-
fledged. But I marvel that you love Dipsas, 2160
that old crone.
Top. Agnosco veteris vestigia flammæ ;' I love
the smoke of an old fire.
Epi. Why she is so cold that no fire can thaw
her thoughts.
1
"love
¹ Love-pap. Fairholt, Dilke, and Blount print
lap," reproducing what was evidently a printer's error,—
repeating the / from “love.'
2
As was said of it. As it was said of in Blount, Dilke,
and Fairholt.
3 Spring. A grove of trees.
But in this time quills
4 Quiller. An unfledged bird.
began to bud again in the bird, which made him look as
though he would fly up."-Act iv., Sc. 3, Sapho and Phao.
5 Agnosco, etc. Virgil. Eneid, book iv., 1. 23.
2165
Cu
SCENE 11.]
89
ENDYMION.

Top. It is an old goose, Epi, that will eat
no oats; old kine will kick, old rats gnaw
cheese, and old sacks will have much patching:
I prefer an old coney' before a rabbit-sucker,
2170 and an ancient hen before a young chicken-
peeper.
Epi. [Aside.] Argumentum ab antiquitate; my
master loveth antique work.
Top. Give me a pippin that is withered like
2175 an old wife!
Epi. Good, sir.
Top. Then, a contrario sequitur argumentum,
-give me a wife that looks like an old pippin.
Epi. [Aside.] Nothing hath made my master
2180 a fool but flat scholarship.
2185
Top. Knowest thou not that old wine is best?
Epi. Yes.
Top. And thou knowest that like will to like?
Epi. Ay.
Top. And thou knowest that Venus loved the
best wine?
Epi. So.
Top. Then I conclude that Venus was an old
woman in an old cup of wine, for est Venus?.
2190 in vinis, ignis in igne fuit.
3
Epi. O lepidum caput, O madcap master! You
1 Coney. A rabbit; rabbit-sucker, a sucking rabbit;
chicken-peeper, a chick just out of the shell.
2 Est Venus. Ovid, Ars Amat., i., 244; with et for
est.
3 O lepidum. Compare Plautus, Most., ii., 3, 12.
Simple
90
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
were worthy to win Dipsas, were she as old
again, for in your love you have worn the nap of
your wit quite off and made it threadbare. But
soft, who comes here?
Top. My solicitors.
Enter SAMIAS and DARES.
Sam. All hail, Sir Tophas; how feel you
yourself?
Top. Stately in every joint, which the common
people term stiffness. Doth Dipsas stoop? Will
she yield? Will she bend?
Dar. Oh, sir, as much as you would wish,' for
her chin almost toucheth her knees.
Epi. Master, she is bent, I warrant you.
Top. What conditions doth she ask?
Sam. She hath vowed she will never love any
that hath not a tooth in his head less than she.
Top. How many hath she?
Dar. One.
2195
2200
2205
Epi. That goeth_hard, master, for then yol 2210
must have none.
Top. A small request, and agreeable to the
gravity of her years. What should a wise man
do with his mouth full of bones like a charnel-
house? The turtle' true hath ne'er a tooth.
Sam. [Aside]. Thy master is in a notable
vein, that will lose his teeth to be like a turtle.
I Wish. Is the rest of the sentence an aside?
'Turtle.
Turtle-dove.
2215
SCENE II.]
91
ENDYMION.
2220
2225
Epi. [Aside.] Let him lose his tongue, too;
I care not.
Dar. Nay, you must also have no nails, for
she long since hath cast hers.
Top. That I yield to. What a quiet life shall
Dipsas and I lead when we can neither bite nor
scratch! You may see, youths, how age pro-
vides for peace.
Sam. [Aside.] How shall we do to make
him leave his love, for we never spake to her?
Dar. [Aside.] Let me alone. [To Sir TOPHAS.]
She is a notable witch, and hath turned her
2230 maid Bagoa to an aspen tree, for bewraying her
secrets.
Top. I honor her for her cunning, for now
when I am weary of walking on two legs, what a
pleasure may she do me to turn me to some
2235 goodly ass, and help me to four.
2240
Dar. Nay, then I must tell you the truth:
her husband, Geron, is come home, who this
fifty years hath had her to wife.
Top. What do I hear? Hath she an husband?
Go to the sexton and tell him desire is dead,
and will him to dig his grave. O heavens, an
husband! What death is agreeable' to my for-
tune?
Sam. Be not desperate, and we will help you
2245 to find a young lady.
› Agreeable to my fortune. Agrees with, befits my for-
tune.
92
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
་
2
3
Top. I love no grissels'; they are so brittle
they will crack like glass, or so dainty that if
they be touched they are straight of the fashion
of wax; animus majoribus instat, I desire old
matrons. What a sight would it be to embrace 2250
one whose hair were as orient as the pearl,
whose teeth shall be so pure a watchet that
they shall stain the truest turquoise, whose nose
shall throw more beams from it than the fiery
carbuncle, whose eyes shall be environed about 2255
with redness exceeding the deepest coral, and
whose lips might compare with silver for the
paleness! Such a one if you can help me to, I
will by piecemeal curtal' my affections towards
Dipsas, and walk my swelling thoughts till they 2260
be cold.
Epi. Wisely provided. How say you, my
friends, will you angle for my master's cause?
Sam. Most willingly.
Б
Dar. If we speed him not shortly, I will burn 2265
my cap. We will serve him of the spades, and
dig an old wife out of the grave that shall be
answerable to his gravity.
?
1 Grissels.
Primarily, from Patient Grissel; then,
weak women; here young women, girls.
2 Animus.
3 Watchet.
Ovid, Ars Amat., ii., 535.
Pale blue.
4 Curtal. Lyly plays upon curtal, a bob-tailed horse,
and curtail.
5
Speed him not. Bring him not to success, prosper
him not.
SCENE III.]
93
ENDYMION.
Top. Youths, adieu; he that bringeth me first.
2270 news, shall possess mine inheritance....
2275
[Exit Sir TOPHAS.
Dar. What, is thy master landed ?
Epi. Know you not that my master is liber
tenens ?
Sam. What's that?
Epi. A freeholder. But I will after him.
[Exit EPITON.
Sam. And we to hear what news of Endym-
ion for the conclusion.
[Exeunt, at the opposite side, SAMIAS and DARES.
SCENE III.
Enter PANELION and ZONTÉS.
hands
Pan. Who would have thought that Tellus,
being so fair by nature, so honorable by birth,
2280 SO wise by education, would have entered into a
mischief to the gods so odious, to men so de-
testable, and to her friend so malicious.
Zon. If Bagoa had not bewrayed it, how then
should it have come to light? But we see that
2285 gold and fair words are of force to corrupt the
strongest men, and therefore able to work silly
women like wax.
2290
Pan. I marvel what Cynthia will determine in
this cause.
Zon. I fear as in all causes-hear of it in jus-
tice, and then judge of it in mercy; for how
can it be that she that is unwilling to punish her
94
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
deadliest foes with disgrace, will revenge in-
juries of her train with death.
Pan. That old witch, Dipsas, in a rage, hav- 2295
ing understood her practice to be discovered,
turned poor Bagoa to an aspen tree.
But let us
make haste and bring Tellus before Cynthia, for
she was coming out after us.
Zon. Let us go.
[Exeunt, on one side, PANELION and ZONTES;
enter, at the other side, CYNTHIA, SEMELE,
FLOSCULA, DIPSAS, ENDYMION, EUMEN-
IDES, GERON, PYTHAGORAS, GYPTES, and
Sir TOPHAS.
2300
Cynth. Dipsas, thy years are not so many as
thy vices, yet more in number than commonly
nature doth afford or justice should permit.
Hast thou almost these fifty years practised that
detested wickedness of witchcraft? Wast thou, 2305
so simple as for to know the nature of simples,
of all creatures to be most sinful? Thou hast
threatened to turn my course awry and alter by
thy damnable art the government that I now
possess by the eternal gods, but know thou, 2310
Dipsas, and let all the enchanters know, that
Cynthia, being placed for light on earth, is also
protected by the powers of heaven. Breathe
out thou mayest words; gather thou mayest
herbs; find out thou mayest stones agreeable to 2315
thine art; yet of no force' to appal my heart,
¹ Yet of no force. Yet all will be of no force.
SCENE III.]
95
ENDYMIÓN.
in which courage is so rooted, and constant per-
suasion of the mercy of the gods so grounded,
that all thy witchcraft I esteem as weak as the
2320 world doth thy case wretched. This noble gent
tleman, Geron,—once thy husband but now thy
mortal hate, didst thou procure to live in a des-
ert, almost desperate; Endymion, the flower of
my court and the hope of succeeding time, hast
2325 thou bewitched by art, before thou wouldst suf-
fer him to flourish by nature.
Dipsas. Madam, things past may be repented,
not recalled: there is nothing so wicked that I
have not done, nor anything so wished for as
2330 death; yet among all the things that I commit-
ted, there is nothing so much tormenteth my
rented and ransacked thoughts as that in the
prime of my husband's youth I divorced him by
my devilish art; for which if to die might be
2335 amends, I would not live till to-morrow; if to
live and still be more miserable would better
content him, I would wish of all creatures to be
oldest and ugliest.
Geron. Dipsas, thou hast made this difference
2340 between me and Endymion, that being both.
young, thou hast caused me to wake in melan-
choly, losing the joys of my youth, and him to
sleep, not remembering youth.
Cynth. Stay, here cometh Tellus; we shall
2345 now know all.
96
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
Re-enter PANELION and ZONTES, with CORSITES
and TELLus.
Cors. I would to Cynthia thou couldst make
as good an excuse in truth as to me thou hast
done by wit.
Tellus. Truth shall be mine answer, and there-
fore I will not study for an excuse.
2
3.
2350
Cynth. Is it possible, Tellus, that so few years
should harbor so many mischiefs? Thy swell-
ing pride have I borne, because it is a thing that
beauty maketh blameless, which the more it ex-
ceedeth fairness in measure, the more it stretch- 2355
eth itself in disdain. Thy devices against Cor-
sites I smile at, for that wits, the sharper they
are, the shrewder' they are; but this unacquaint-
ed' and most unnatural practice with a vile-
enchantress against so noble a gentleman as 2360-
Endymion I abhor as a thing most malicious,
and will revenge as a deed most monstrous.
And as for you, Dipsas, I will send you into the
desert amongst wild beasts, and try whether you
can cast lions, tigers, boars, and bears into as 2365
dead a sleep as you did Endymion, or turn them
to trees, as you have done Bagoa. But tell me,
Tellus, what was the cause of this cruel part,* far
unfitting thy sex, in which nothing should be but
1 Shrewder.
More knavish, mischievous.
2 Unacquainted. Unheard of.
3 Practice.
Plot.
4 Part.
Act, conduct.
SCENE III.]
97
ENDYMION.
2370 simpleness, and much disagreeing from thy face,
in which nothing seemed to be but softness.
Tellus. Divine Cynthia, by whom I receive
my life and am content to end it, I can neither
excuse my fault without lying, nor confess it
2375 without shame; yet were it possible that in so
2380
heavenly thoughts as yours there could fall such
earthly motions as mine, I would then hope, if
not to be pardoned without extreme punishment,
yet to be heard without great marvel.
Cynth. Say on, Tellus; I cannot imagine any
thing that can color such a cruelty.
Tellus. Endymion, that Endymion, in the
prime of his youth, so ravished my heart with
love, that to obtain my desires I could not find
2385 means, nor to recite them reason.
What was
she that favored not Endymion, being young,
wise, honorable, and virtuous; besides, what
metal was she made of (be she mortal) that is
not affected with the spice, nay infected with
2390 the poison of that not-to-be-expressed yet
always-to-be-felt love, which breaketh the brains
and never bruiseth the brow, consumeth the
heart and never toucheth the skin, and maketh
a deep scar to be seen before any wound at all
be felt. My heart, too tender to withstand such
a divine fury, yielded to love. Madam, I, not
without blushing, confess I yielded' to love.
2395
Cynth. A strange effect of love, to work such
I yielded. Blount, Dilke, Fairholt read: "I, not
without blushing, confess, yielded."
殺
​98
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
Tellu
an extreme hate.
All this was for love.
How say you, Endymion?
End. I say, madam, then the gods send me a
woman's hate.
Cynth. That were as bad, for then by contrary
you should never sleep. But on, Tellus; let us
hear the end.
1
2400
2405
Tellus. Feeling a continual burning in all my
bowels and a bursting almost in every vein, I
could not smother the inward fire, but it must
needs be perceived by the outward smoke; and
by the flying abroad of divers sparks, divers 2410
judged of my scalding flames. Endymion, as
full of art as wit, marking mine eyes, (in which
he might see almost his own,) my sighs, (by
which he might ever hear his name sounded,)
aimed at my heart, in which he was assured his 2415
person was imprinted, and by questions wrung
out that which was ready to burst out. When
he saw the depth of my affections, he swore that
mine in respect of his were as fumes to Ætna,
valleys to Alps, ants to eagles, and nothing 2420
could be compared to my beauty but his love
and eternity. Thus drawing a smooth shoe
upon a crooked foot, he made me believe that
(which all of our sex willingly acknowledge) I
was beautiful, and to wonder (which indeed is a 2425
thing miraculous) that any of his sex should be
faithful.
Cynth. Endymion, how will you clear your-
self?
SCENE III.]
99
END YMION.
!
2430
End. Madam, by mine own accuser.
Cynth. Well, Tellus, proceed; but briefly, lest
taking delight in uttering thy love, thou offend
us with the length of it.
Tellus. I will, madam, quickly make an end of
2435 my love and my tale. Finding continual in-
crease of my tormenting thoughts, and that the
enjoying of my love made deeper wounds than
the entering into it, I could find no means to
ease my grief but to follow Endymion, and con-
2440 tinually to have him in the object of mine eyes
who had me slave and subject to his love; but
in the moment that I feared his falsehood and
fried myself most in mine affections, I found-
ah, grief, even then I lost myself!-I found him
2445 in most melancholy and desperate terms cursing
his stars, his state, the earth, the heavens, the
world, and all for the love of
2450
Cynth. Of whom? Tellus, speak boldly.
Tellus. Madam, I dare not utter, for fear to
offend.
Cynth. Speak, I say; who dare take offence,
if thou be commanded by Cynthia?
Tellus. For the love of Cynthia.
Cynth. For my love, Tellus? That were
2455 strange. Endymion, is it true?
2460
End. In all things, madam, Tellus doth not
speak false.
Cynth. What will this breed to in the end?
Well, Endymion, we shall hear all.
Tellus. I, seeing my hopes turned to mishaps,
100
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
.....
and a settled dissembling towards me, and an
immovable desire to Cynthia, forgetting both
myself and my sex, fell into this unnatural hate;
for knowing your virtues, Cynthia, to be immor-
tal, I could not have an imagination' to withdraw 2465
him; and finding mine own affections unquench-
able, I could not carry the mind' that any else
should possess what I had pursued; for though.
in majesty, beauty, virtue, and dignity, I always
humbled and yielded myself to Cynthia, yet in 2470
affections I esteemed myself equal with the god-
desses, and all other creatures, according to their
states, with myself;³ for stars to their bigness
have their lights, and the sun hath no more, and
little pitchers, when they can hold no more, are 2475
as full as great vessels that run over. Thus,
madam, in all truth, have I uttered the unhappi-
ness of my love and the cause of my hate, vield-
ing wholly to that divine judgment why hver
'Could not have an imagination. Could not in vine,
fancy, that I could withdraw him.
Carry the mind. Bear to think.
3 With myself. The meaning seems to be: In dignity
I was unequal to Cynthia and the gods, in feelings (affec-
tions) I was their equal; and, as I was equal to my
superiors, the gods, in this respect, so all lower
creatures—my inferiors in dignity-were according to
their capacities, (states, conditions,) equal to me in feel-
ings.
4 To. According to.
、.
SCENE III.]
ΙΟΙ
END YMION.
2480 erred for want of wisdom or envied for too much
partiality.
Cynth. How say you, my lords, to this matter?
But what say you, Endymion; hath Tellus told
truth?
tiv
2485 End. Madam, in all things but in that she
said I loved her and swore to honor her.
Cynth. Was there such a time whenas for my
love thou didst vow thyself to death, and in re-
spect of it loathed thy life? Speak, Endymion;
2490 I will not revenge it with hate.
End. The time was, madam, and is, and ever
shall be, that I honored Your Highness above all
the world, but to stretch it so far as to call it
love I never durst. There hath none pleased
2495 mine eye but Cynthia, none delighted mine ears
but Cynthia, none possessed my heart but Cyn-
thia I have forsaken all other fortunes to fol-
low Cy thia, and here I stand ready to die, if
it please Cynthia. Such a difference hath the
2500 gods set between our states that all must be
2505
dr loyalty, and reverence; nothing (without
Your Highness vouchsafe it') be termed love.
My unspotted thoughts, my languishing body,
my discontented life, let them obtain by princely
favor that which to challenge they must not
presume, only wishing of impossibilities; with
imagination of which I will spend my spirits,
and to myself, that no creature may hear, softly
1 Vouchsafe it. Blount, Dilke, and Fairholt read:
"Without it vouchsafe your highness."
е
VE

102
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
call it love, and if any urge to utter what I
whisper, then will I name it honor. From this 2510
sweet contemplation if I be not driven, I shall
live of all men the most content, taking more
pleasure in mine aged thoughts than ever I did
in my youthful actions.
Cynth. Endymion, this honorable respect of 2515
thine shall be christened love in thee, and my
reward for it, favor. Persevere, Endymion, in
loving me, and I account more strength in a
true heart than in a walled city. I have la-
bored to win all, and study to keep such as I 2520
have won; but those that neither my favor can
move to continue constant, nor my offered ben-
efits get to be faithful, the gods shall either
reduce to truth, or revenge their treacheries
with justice. Endymion, continue as thou hast 2525
begun and thou shalt find that Cynthia shineth
not on thee in vain.
End. Your Highness hath blessed me, and
your words have again restored my youth; me-
thinks I feel my joints strong and these mouldy 2530
hairs to moult, and all by your virtue, Cynthia,
into whose hands the balance that weigheth
time and fortune are committed.
Cynth. What, young again! Then it is pity to
punish Tellus.
Tellus. Ah, Endymion, now I know thee and
ask pardon of thee; suffer me still to wish thee
well.
2535
SCENE III.]
103
ENDYMION.
2540
2545
€550
:
End. Tellus, Cynthia must command what
she will.
Flosc. Endymion, I rejoice to see thee in thy
former estate.
End. Good Floscula, to thee also am I in my
former affections.
Eum. Endymion, the comfort of my life, how
am I ravished with a joy matchless, saving only
the enjoying of my mistress.
Cynth. Endymion, you must now tell who Eu-,
menides shrineth for his saint.
End. Semele, madam.
Cynth. Semele, Eumenides? Is it Semele, the
very wasp of all women, whose tongue stingeth
as much as an adder's tooth?
Eum. It is Semele, Cynthia, the possessing of
2555 whose love must only prolong my life.
см
Cynth. Nay, sith Endymion is restored, we
will have all parties pleased. Semele, are you
content after so long trial of his faith, such rare
secrecy, such unspotted love, to take Eumenides?
2560 Why speak you not? Not a word?
2565
End. Silence, madam, consents; that is most
true.
Cynth. It is true, Endymion. Eumenides,
take Semele; take her, I say.
Eum. Humble thanks, madam; now only do
I begin to live.
Sem. A hard choice, madam, either to be mar-
ried if I say nothing, or to lose my tongue if I
speak a word. Yet do I rather choose to have
-L
104
[ACT V.
END YMION.
my tongue cut out than my heart distempered : 2570
I will not have him.
1
Cynth. Speaks the parrot! She shall nod
hereafter with signs. Cut off her tongue, nay
her head, that having a servant of honorable
birth, honest manners, and true love, will not be 2575
persuaded.
Sem. He is no faithful lover, madam, for then
would he have asked his mistress.'
3
Ger. Had he not been faithful, he had never
seen into the fountain, and so lost his friend and 2580
mistress.
Eum. Thine own thoughts, sweet Semele, wit-
ness against thy words, for what hast thou found
in my life but love? And as yet what have I
found in my love but bitterness? Madam, par- 2585
don Semele, and let my tongue ransom hers.
Cynth. Thy tongue, Eumenides! What,
shouldst thou live wanting a tongue to blaze
the beauty of Semele! Well, Semele, I will not
command love, for it cannot be enforced; let 2590
me entreat it.
Sem. I am content Your Highness shall com-
mand, for now only do I think Eumenides faith-
1
Speaks the parrot. A conventional uncomplimentary
taunt applied to a person's remarks. "Speke Parrot" is
used by Skelton as the title to his bitter attack on Car-
dinal Wolsey; probably as a sort of excuse for such a
mass of abuse.-Fair holt.
2 Asked his mistress.
foot-note, p. 79.
Asked for his mistress. See
3 And so lost. And so would have lost.

SCENE III.]
105.
ENDYMION.
ful, that is willing to lose his tongue for my sake;
2595 yet loath, because it should do me better ser-
vice. Madam, I accept of Eumenides.
Cynth. I thank you, Semele.
Eum. Ah, happy Eumenides, that hast a friend
so faithful and a mistress so fair! With what
2600 sudden mischief will the gods daunt this excess
of joy? Sweet Semele, I live or die as thou
wilt.
Cynth. What shall become of Tellus? Tellus,
you know Endymion is vowed to a service from
2005 which death cannot remove him. Corsites cast-
eth still a lovely' look towards you.
How say
2610
you, will you have your Corsites, and so receive
pardon for all that is past?
Tellus. Madam, most willingly.
Cynth. But I cannot tell whether Corsites be
agreed.
Cors. Ay, madam, more happy to enjoy Tellus
than the monarchy of the world.
Eum. Why, she caused you to be pinched
2615 with fairies.
26
2022
Cors. Ay, but her fairness hath pinched my
heart more deeply.
Cynth. Well, enjoy thy love. But what have
you wrought in the castle, Tellus ?
Tellus. Only the picture of Endymion.
The
Cynth. Then so much of Endymion as his
picture cometh to, possess and play withal.
1 ¹ Lovely. Loving.
106
[ACT V.
ENDYMION.
Cors. Ah, my sweet Tellus, my love shall be
as thy beauty is, matchless.
Cynth. Now it resteth,' Dipsas, that if thou 2625
wilt forswear that vile art of enchanting, Geron
hath promised again to receive thee; otherwise,
if thou be wedded to that wickedness, I must
and will see it punished to the uttermost.
Dipsas. Madam, I renounce both substance 2630
and shadow of that most horrible and hateful
trade, vowing to the gods continual penance, and
to Your Highness obedience.
Cynth. How say you, Geron; will you admit
her to your wife?
Ger. Ay, with more joy than I did the first
day, for nothing could happen to make me
happy but only her forsaking that lewd and de-
testable course. Dipsas, I embrace thee.
2
2635

Dipsas. And I thee, Geron, to whom I will 2640
hereafter recite the cause of these my first follies.
/
Cynth. Well, Endymion, nothing resteth now
but that we depart : thou hast my favor; Tellus
her friend; Eumenides in Paradise with his
Semele; Geron content with Dipsas.
Sir Top. Nay, soft; I cannot handsomely go
to bed without Bagoa.
2645
Cynth. Well, Sir Tophas, it may be there are
more virtues in me than myself knoweth of, for
I awaked Endymion, and at my words he waxed 2650
1 It resteth.
2 Lewd.
It remains.
Mean, base.
SCENE III.]
107
ENDYMION.
XI
young; I will try whether I can turn this tree¹
again to thy true love.
Top. Turn her to a true love or false, so she
be a wench I care not.
Cynth. Bagoa, Cynthia putteth an end to thy 2655
hard fortunes, for, being turned to a tree for re-
vealing a truth, I will recover thee again, if in
my power be the effect of truth.
BAGOA becomes herself again.
Top. Bagoa, a bots upon thee !
Cynth. Come, my lords, let us in. You, Gyptes 2660
and Pythagoras, if you cannot content yourselves
in our court, to fall from vain follies of philoso-
phers to such virtues as are here practised, you
shall be entertained according to your deserts,
for Cynthia is no stepmother to strangers.
Pythag. I had rather in Cynthia's court spend
ten years than in Greece one hour.
Gyptes. And I choose rather to live by the sight
of Cynthia than by the possessing of all Egypt.
Cynth. Then follow.
Eum. We all attend.
[Exeunt all.
1 This tree. How this transformation was arranged
for is vague. Apparently there was a tree on the stage in
this last scene, for Cynthia says, “turn this tree to thy
true love." Evidently, however, the tree was not on
the stage when Panelion and Zontes were on early in the
scene, for Panelion refers to Bagoa as turned into an as-
pen, not into this aspen, as he would have done had the
tree been in sight. When the tree was put on, and the
details of the transformation, it seems now impossible
to determine.
2665
2670
;
108
[EPILOGUE.
ENDYMION.
THE EPILOGUE.'
A MAN walking abroad, the Wind and Sun
strove for sovereignty, the one with his blast,
the other with his beams. The Wind blew hard;
'This Epilogue is made from the third of the fables of
Avienus, usually printed as Esop's. The fable runs:
THE SUN AND THE WIND.
"Phebus and Boreas from on high
Upon the road a Horseman spy,
Wearing a cloak, for fear of rain.
Says Boreas, 'His precaution's vain
'Gainst me. I'll show you for a joke
How soon I'll make him quit his cloak.'
'Come on,' says Phebus, 'let us see
Who best succeeds, or you or me.'
The Wind to blow so fierce began,
He almost had unhors'd his man;
But still the cloak. for all his roar,
Was wrapp'd more closely than before.
When Boreas what he could had done,
Now for my trial,' says the Sun,
And with his beams so warm'd the air,
The man his mantle could not bear,
But open'd first, then threw aside.
"Learn hence, unbending sons of pride,
Persuasive manners will prevail
When menaces and bluster fail."
Sir B. BOOTHBY, Fables and Satires.
Lyly refers to this fable in Euphues and his England,
p. 472, Arber.
EPILOGUE.]
109
ENDYMION.
་།
the man wrapped his garment about him harder: 2675
it blustered more strongly; he then girt it fast
to him. I cannot prevail, said the Wind. The
Sun, casting her crystal beams, began to warm
the man; he unloosed his gown: yet it shined
brighter; he then put it off. I yield, said the 2680
Wind, for if thou continue shining, he will also
put off his coat.
Dread Sovereign, the malicious that seek to
overthrow us with threats, do but stiffen our
thoughts, and make them sturdier in storms; but 2685
if Your Highness vouchsafe with your favorable
beams to glance upon us, we shall not only stoop,
but with all humility lay both our hands and
hearts at Your Majesty's feet.
Capas
English Readings for Students.
This collection is planned to supply English master-
pieces in editions at once competently edited and inex-
bensive. The aim will be to fill vacancies now existing
because of subject, treatment, or price. The volumes.
will be of convenient size and serviceably bound.
Coleridge: Prose Extracts.
Selections chosen and edited with introduction and notes by HENRY
A. BEERS, Professor in Yale College. About 150 pp.
The selections, varying in length from a paragraph to
en or twenty pages, will be mainly from Table Talk and
Biographia Literaria, but also in part from The Friend,
Notes on Shakespere, and other writings. They have
been chosen, so far as may be, to illustrate the range and
ariety of Coleridge's thought, and, to emphasize this
urpose, have been grouped by subjects. The introduc-
on briefly summarizes the author's intellectual position.
nd influence.
le Quincey: Joan of Arc and The English Mail
Coach.
Edited with an introduction and notes by JAMES MORGAN HART,
Professor in Cornell University. xxvi +138 pp. 16m0. Boards.
These essays have been chosen as fairly representative
the two most notable phases of the author's work, and
at the same time attractive to the novice in literary
udy. The introduction sketches the leading facts of
e Quincey's life, and indicates some of the prominent
I
2
English Readings for Students.
features of his style. Allusions and other points of un-
usual difficulty are explained in the notes. This volume
and the one containing the Essays on Boswell's Johnson
(see below) are used at Cornell University as foundation
for elementary rhetorical study.
Dryden Select Plays.
Edited with a brief introduction and notes by JAMES W. BRIGHT,
Assistant Professor in the Johns Hopkins University. About 100
pp. 12mo. [In preparation.]
Aside from their representing the principal literary ac-
tivity, in point of quantity, of one of the foremost English
writers, Dryden's plays have a peculiar interest in having
been among the first to be played upon the reopening of
the theatres under Charles II.
Goldsmith: Present State of Polite Learning.
Edited with introduction and notes by J. M. HART, Professor in
Cornell University. About 100 pp. 16mo. [In preparation.]
There are many reasons, some of them obvious, for
giving this essay a place in the English Readings series
One that may be mentioned is the remarkably clea
insight it affords into the entire eighteenth-century wa
of criticising. The introduction and notes will direc
the student's attention along this line of observation.
Lyly: Endimion.
With introduction and notes by GEORGE P. BAKER, Instructor i
Harvard College.
Lyly's plays really show him to a better advantage tha
does the Euphues, by which he is chiefly remembered
and his place in English dramatic history makes it de
sirable that one at least should be easily accessible.

?
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 03121 8558