THE TRUTH ABOUT ALCOHOL
SPEECH
OF
APR 29 1920
arsin
HON. RICHMOND P. HOBSON, 870-
OF ALABAMA
IN THE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DECEMBER 22, 1914
WASHINGTON
1914
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SPEECH-
OF
HON. RICHMOND P. HOBSON.
Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker [applause], I desire to allot to
myself at this time 10 minutes, and request that I be notified
at the expiration of that time. The proposition is to take
away, through the exercise of the organic law, the power of
both the Federal Government and of the States to propagate the
liquor traffic. The limitation is precisely the same for both,
so there can be no change in the balance of power as between
the two. A State has the right to be dry if it so desires, be-
cause in being dry it does not harm or menace any neighboring
State; but no State has a real inherent right to be wet, because
being wet, under the claims of the Liquor Trust itself, no neigh-
boring State can be protected in its right to be dry. The liquor
traffic is an interstate nuisance against which the States have
no recourse, and Congress itself can not delegate to the States
the right to protect themselves in interstate commerce. Conse
quently we are dealing with a proposition of protecting the ab-
solute inherent rights of the States without changing the bal-
ance of power between the States and the Federal Government.
The method of changing the organic law is through the States.
There is a clause in the Constitution that provides that no
State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal rep-
resentation in the Senate, not even by a change in the Consti-
tution. I was astonished when I heard even a ripple of applause
and commendation when one Member was reckless enough to
announce that he would have the Constitution of the United
States changed by a referendum majority vote of the people.
Why, he could have that done only after a war of revolution.
The foundation of our Government is a Union of the States,
and the States themselves can not change the Constitution in
that respect. The revolutionary suggestion of a popular vote
to amend the Constitution has never been made before in the
history of this Government until invoked to-day to protect the
liquor traffic.
r
This question in the last analysis is really a matter of fact
and not of opinion.
When the fact is established that opium and cocaine and
other drugs are poisonous, no question has ever been raised as
to the power and the right of the Federal Government and the
States to cooperate in the suppression of the popular distribu-
tion of such drugs. There never has been any serious conflict
of authority in the enforcement of a just law to protect the
public health and the public morals. Is alcohol such a habit-
forming drug? I call the attention of Members to these posters
giving samples of the findings of the great scientists of the
world. Alcohol is a hydrocarbon derivative, a chemical com-
pound whose general properties can be and have been estab-
lished correctly and finally as the properties of other similar
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compounds. These are its properties: Being the excretion, the
loathsome excretions of living organisms, the ferment of germs,
alcohol belongs to the family of the toxins. Ferment germs
being the lowest forms of life, their toxin, alcohol, is and
must always be a poison to all life, a protoplasmic" poison.
The second finding is that alcohol is a habit-forming drug.
The third finding is the most startling. Alcohol is not satisfied
with attacking equally all tissues that build up life. It has an
affinity, a deadly attack, for the top part of the brain, the line
of human evolution. It attacks the line of evolution in plants
and animals as well. In this top part of the brain of humanity
resides the will power.
Every time a man drinks he takes that much away from his
manhood; will power declines. An anaesthetic, like chloroform
and ether, that hides the pain and poisoning effect, alcohol fools
you and leaves the craving behind, increasing steadily with the
drinking. Then, with the will power declining, the habit in time
becomes fixed. The use of this habit-forming drug is so wide-
spread and its grip so powerful that to-day there are 5,000,000
American citizens, heavy drinkers and drunkards, who have
shackles on their wrists, a ball and chain upon their ankles. A
few thousand brewers and distillers to-day own 5,000,000 slaves.
Nature is not going to tolerate this tearing down where she
is trying to build. Any living thing that so violates the evolu-
tionary law of nature must pay the penalty-nature will pro-
ceed to exterminate.
I will refer you to these placards: Starting at 20, a young
man as a total abstainer will live to be 65; as a moderate
drinker he will die at 51. Do not extol temperate drinking,
when it will cut 14 years out of the life of the average man,
though he never gets drunk in his life. The heavy drinker
at 20 dies at 35; 30 years are cut out of his short life.
Alcohol is not satisfied with shortening life and bringing to
an untimely end and premature death hundreds of thousands
of our citizens every year; it blights the offspring; it attacks
the tender tissues associated with reproduction in both malé
and female; it affects the tender system of embryo in the
prenatal period. For both parents to be simply moderate
drinkers, to drink but once a day beer or wine, will quadruple
the chance of miscarriage for the mother, increasing 400 per
cent the suffering and danger of maternity, will increase nearly
100 per cent the number of children that will die in the first
year of infancy. The children of drinking parents die off at
the rate of from four to five times as many as those of abstain-
ing parents. Do not talk about prohibition invading the rights
of individuals-liquor blights the rights of our citizens before
they are born; it denies the rights of the children to be born
with parental love; it throws the boys on the streets and into
the mines and factories, preventing them from getting the edu-
cation they are entitled to. It attacks our young during the
whole period of minority. It tramples upon the rights of com-
munities, the rights of counties and States. All of this for
what purpose? So that this monster may continue to fatten
upon the weaknesses and woes of humanity. The liquor in-
terests can not teach old men to drink, so they must teach the
boys.
.
Sixty-eight per cent of our drunkards had contracted their
habits before they were 21 years old, 30 per cent before 16, 7
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per cent before 12. What is the inevitable result of this ter-
rible shortening of life and blighting of the offspring? It means
that no family, no State, no nation, no empire, no civilization
can permanently flourish and prosper and survive unles it is
sober.
They must
Who is the agent that teaches the boys to drink? Drinking
men do not teach boys to drink. I have never yet found a
drinking man who made a habit of teaching boys to drink.
Who teaches them? These thousands and tens of thousands of
agents of the Liquor Trust who are all over the land. You need
not think the bootlegger is simply sustained by his peddling; he
is sustained by the great National Liquor Trust.
get those boys, and they go after them systematically. Why do
they do it? What is the motive? Not to harm the boys. I am
not fanatical on this question. They do it to get the profits
from the sale of their goods. We propose to remove the motive;
we propose to cut out the sale and everything that pertains to
sale.
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Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker, I now yield five minutes to the
gentleman from Kansas [Mr. CONNELLY] and reserve the bal-
ance of my time.
The SPEAKER. The Chair would like to inquire of the gen-
tleman from Alabama [Mr. HовSON] if he wants to yield at
this time all the rest of his hour except 15 minutes reserved
to close?
Mr. HOBSON. That is my purpose, Mr. Speaker, and I now
yield five minutes to the gentleman from Kansas.
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PROHIBITION.
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Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker, I now yield five minutes to the
gentleman from Oklahoma [Mr. MORGAN].
[Mr. MORGAN of Oklahoma addressed the House.
marks will appear hereafter.]
His re
Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker,. I now yield five minutes to the
gentleman from Missouri [Mr. DECKER).
The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Missouri [Mr. DECKER]
is recognized for five minutes.
[Mr. DECKER addressed the House. His remarks will ap-
pear hereafter.]
Mr. HOBSON.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from
Georgia [Mr. TRIBBLE].
The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Georgia [Mr. TRIBBLE]
is recognized.
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Mr. HOBSON. I now yield three minutes to the gentleman
from Oklahoma [Mr. FERRIS], and with that I will reserve the
remainder of my time. If my figures are correct, I shall have
used 44 minutes..
The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Oklahoma [Mr. FER-
RIS] is recognized for 3 minutes, and the gentleman from
Alabama [Mr. HOBSON] reserves 16 minutes.
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Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker, I listened with great interest
to the entertaining speech of my friend from Indiana [Mr.
MORRISON]. I have never taken a personal view of this ques-
tion at all. The thing that surprised me and puzzled me some-
what in his detailed elaboration of his own antecedents was
that, having received direct instructions in 1908 on the matter
involved in his amendment, he has never yet seen fit to intro-
duce it until the last few days. Now, I may not be a great
lawyer, but I certainly have this much knowledge of our
organic law, that the first requisite for an intelligent and timely
submission, or laying before Congress for submission, of an
amendment to our Constitution, is to know that there is a
call, a demand from the people in the several States; and my
friend [Mr. MORRISON] seems to have forgotten, in his detailed.
description, to enumerate what petitions he has received in the
interest of his substitute. He referred to no resolutions having
been passed by any temperance, prohibition, church, or other
organizations in the land. Now, I confess to having been a
naval constructor in my day, and to having the ability in my
profession at least to help build a battleship. That was my
profession. But what puzzles me is how my able friend [Mr.
MORRISON], so full of humor, should have imagined that this
body or the American people would try to attain an object
through the passage by both Houses of Congress by a two-
thirds majority, and a ratification by three-quarters of all the
States, that which could be attained by a simple majority vote
of the Congress.
I may not be versed in the intricacies of the law, but my
scientific training has enabled me to see how clear this great
and difficult and complex question really is.
What is the object of this resolution? It is to destroy the
agency that debauches the youth of the land and thereby per-
petuates its hold upon the Nation. How does the resolution
propose to destroy this agent? In the simplest manner. It
does not attempt to abuse him. It simply says that he shall
not make profits in barter and sale out of a business in which
he can not get customers by teaching old and grown-up men
to drink, but has to debauch the youth of the land. It does
not coerce any drinker. It simply says that barter and sale,
matters that have been a public function from the semicivilized
days of society, shall not continue the debauching of the youth.
Now, the liquor trust are wise enough to know that they can
not perpetuate their sway by depending on debauching grown
people, so they go to an organic method of teaching the young
to drink. Now we apply exactly the same method to destroy
them. We do not try to force old drinkers to stop drinking, but
we do effectively put an end to the systematic, organized de-
bauching of our youth through thousands and tens of thousands
of agencies throughout the land. Men here may try to escape
the simplicity of this problem. They can not. Some are trying
to defend alcohol by saying that its abuse only is bad and that
its temperate use is all right. Science absolutely denies it, and
proclaims that drunkenness does not produce one-tenth part of
the harm to society that the widespread, temperate, moderate
drinking does. Some say it is adulteration that harms. Some are
trying to say that it is only distilled liquors that do harm.
Science comes in now and says that all alcohol does harm;
that the malt and fermented liquors produce vastly more harm
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than distilled liquors, and that it is the general public use of
such drinks that has entailed the gradual decline and degeneracy
of the nations of the past.
They have no foundation in scientific truth to stand upon,
and so they resort to all kinds of devious methods.
Their favorite contention is that we can not reach the evil
because of our institutions. This assumes that here is some-
thing very harmful and injurious to the public health and mor-
als, that imperils our very institutions themselves and the per-
petuity of the Nation, but the Nation has not within itself, be-
cause of its peculiar organization, the power to bring about the
public good and end a great public wrong. They invoke the
principle of State rights. As a matter of fact, we are fighting
more consistently for State rights than they ever dreamed of.
We know the States have the right to settle this question, and
furthermore our confidence in three-quarters of all the States to
act wisely does not lead us to fear that if we submit the propo-
sition to them they might establish an imperialistic empire.
We believe that three-quarters of all the States have the wis-
dom as well as the right to settle the national prohibition
question for this country.
They talk of the size of the unit for prohibition. We know
perfectly well that the size of the unit is not involved in the
principle. If we were contending to-day for a State-wide unit
the opposition would say that the county unit is the proper unit.
If we were contending for the county unit, as in Indiana, they
would at once say the township is the proper unit.
They can not find refuge behind the superficial proposition
of not being able to collect revenue and taxes. We collect
$230,000,000 revenue, but what does that revenue mean? It is
the people's money. What does the collection of that money
entail upon the people? Crime, pauperism, and insanity, which
the Liquor Trust ought to be compelled to support but does
not. The liquor interests, involving a burden of direct taxa-
tion of nearly $2,000,000,000, collect over two billions of actual
cash from our people. They lower terrifically the average
standard of productiveness, entailing $8,000,000,000 loss an-
nually, and cause the premature death of hundreds of thousands
of our people that ought to live on as producers, entailing other
billions of loss. Why, gentlemen, it mounts up in the region
of sixteen billion dollars a year, the loss entailed in the col-
lection of a revenue of $230,000,000.
Gladstone said to the brewers that claimed special considera-
tion at the hands of the Government because of the revenue
which they paid:
Give me
Do not speak to me about the revenues from strong drink.
a people who do not squander their substance in strong drink and I
will find an easy and ready means of raising the necessary revenue for
carrying on the Government.
It was the same philosophy in the maturity of his years which
led him to declare that strong drink is more destructive than
the historic scourges of war, pestilence, and famine combined.
Neither can they take refuge about any assumed question of
individual liberty. We do not say that a man shall not drink.
We ask for no sumptuary action. We do not say that a man
shall not have or make liquor in his own home for his own use.
Nothing of that sort is involved in this resolution. We only touch
the sale. A man may feel he has a right to drink, but he cer-
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tainly has no inherent right to sell liquor. A man's liberties are
absolutely secure in this resolution. The liberties and sanctity of
the home are protected. The liberties of the community are
secure, the liberties of the county are secure, and the liberties
of the State are secure.
Let no one imagine that a State to-day has the real power and
right to be wet of its own volition. Under the taxing power of
the Federal Government by act of Congress Congress could
make every State in the country dry. They need not think it is
an inherent right for a State to be wet; it is not; but there is
an inherent right in every State and every county and every
township to be dry, and these rights are now trampled upon, and
this monster prides himself in trampling upon them.
Why, here to-day Member after Member has proclaimed that
prohibition does not prohibit, and I have heard them actually
tell us that prohibition could not prohibit. They tell us that
this interstate liquor power is greater than the National Gov-
ernment. It is analogous to the days of piracy. The pirates
were strong, so they adopted the flag of a skull and crossbones.
They would board a ship, put the crew to the sword, and then,
in defiance of all organized society, would hoist the black flag
above the flag of the ship and set it adrift on the high seas,
priding themselves that they were greater than and defied all
organized society.
Here is this monster intruding itself upon the floor of this
House, speaking through the mouths, whether consciously or
unconsciously, of men standing high in power and influence, and
telling us that they will hoist the black flag with the skull and
erossbones above the Stars and Stripes themselves.
My friend from Indiana [Mr. MORRISON] must be blind in one
eye. He saw the influence of the temperance forces in this
struggle, but he failed to see the powerful hand of the great
organized liquor forces.
Mr. Speaker, one of my colleagues from Alabama had to flaunt
in my face here that I had been defeated by my opponent in the
recent Democratic primary. I will say to my colleague and to
all Members assembled here that my powerful and influential
opponent did not fight alone in Alabama. Whether he knows it
or not, the National Liquor Trust of America opened up three
different headquarters and conducted the major part of that
great campaign against me, with over 100 stenographers there
and 800 men on their salaried pay rolls.
An army of workers, 500 workers called out at $5 a day,
$2,500 a day in one county alone. Wall Street-and I am not
guessing-raised a fund which was sent there "to help defeat
HOBSON." Wall Street brought their great financial power to
bear upon our corporations until they were fighting me practi-
cally to a unit; their hand was felt in the great mines and in
the great mills. The party organization fought me instead of
being neutral; the governor and his administration fought me;
the President and his administration fought me. I fought single-
handed and alone against the mighty political forces of the
Nation. After my defeat, an echo of which we have here to-day,
they held me up as a warning to all men in public life-HOBSON
buried beneath a political avalanche, HOBSON politically dead!
Mr. Speaker, I entered the Navy at the age of 14 and served in
the Navy for 18 years. I never knew anything but to serve my
country. When I left the Navy it was my hope that I might be
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in publie life and serve my country all my days. My colleagues,
I may be politically dead, but I say to you that I am not afraid
of political death. I would rather have held my head up and
fought these mighty forces for eight months, day and night,
like a man, though it had cost me political death a hundred
times. [Applause.] I appreciate what an honor it is to be a
United States Senator, but I would rather hold my head up and
do a man's part in my day and generation now, when it is dan-
gerous; I would rather have it go down to my children that I
tried to be a man in the midst of political danger; I would
rather do a man's part to help cut this millstone of degeneracy
from the neck of suffering humanity-I would rather do that,
you think, than to be a United States Senator from Alabama?
If I know my own mind I would rather do it ten times over
than be President of these United States. [Applause.]
And I say now, as I said before, I will meet this foe on a
hundred battlefields. If the Sixty-third Congress does not
grant this plain right of the people for this referendum to
change their organic law, to meet this mighty evil, the Sixty-
fourth Congress will be likewise invoked. I do not say that we
are going to get a two-thirds majority here to-night, I do not
say that we will get a two-thirds majority in the Sixty-fourth
Congress, because we have not yet had a chance to appeal to
Caesar; but I do say that the day is coming when we shall have
that referendum sent to the States, nor is that day as far dis-
tant as some may imagine. Unless this question has been
made a State matter, as we are asking now for it to be so made
by being removed from national politics, and referred to the
States-if this is not done by the intervening Congresses, I
here announce to you the determination of the great moral,
the great spiritual, the great temperance and prohibition forces
of this whole Nation to make this question the paramount
issue in 1916, not only to gain a two-thirds majority in the
Houses of Congress, but to have an administration that neither
in the open nor under cover will fight this reform, so that
in the spring of 1917 with an extraordinary session of the
Sixty-fifth Congress we will have a command from the masters
of men and of Congresses to grant this right to the people. My
appeal is to each one of you now, be a man when the vote is
taken and do your duty. [Applause.]
My time has been so short and divided into separate parts
that in order to have continuity I will under leave to print
insert the following, even at the risk of some repetition:
THE TRUTH ABOUT ALCOHOL.
"And ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free."-
St. John, viii, 32.
Mr. Speaker, when we reach the consideration of the pending
resolution under the five-minute rule the friends of the meas-
ure propose to offer amendments that would substitute House
joint resolution 277 for House joint resolution 168. The word-
ing of the former resolution is preferred because it removes all
objections founded upon the fear that the rights of the States
might be curtailed.
她
​GREATEST PROBLEM SINCE SLAVERY.
Mr. Speaker, this resolution places squarely before Congress
the greatest question and the most difficult problem that has
confronted Congress and the American people since slavery.
There is a close analogy between the two, both dealing with
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great human wrongs. There is some general analogy between
the way in which the two problems were met. After many
compromises and efforts at regulation the solution of the
slavery question was found in complete abolition. We have
completed the analogous efforts at regulation, and this resolu-
tion brings us squarely up to the final proposition of the aboli-
tion of the liquor traffic. Slavery was deeply rooted in the
social structure of the world and gripped with vested hold
the business, politics, and Governments of the nations. The
liquor traffic is more deeply and wider rooted with a stronger
vested grip. The abolition of slavery entailed a great struggle
in arms.
The abolition of the liquor traffic has now risen with
a mighty pending struggle at the ballot, to be settled in 1916.
GREATEST QUESTION OF HISTORY.
This question, Mr. Speaker, antedates human slavery. This
question has baffled every civilization that has passed through
the panorama of history. It is the greatest question in the life
history of the human species, actually determining more than
all other questions combined the perpetuity of any civilization.
AGITATING THE NATIONS OF EUROPE.
The civilization of western Europe, the civilization of central
Europe, and the civilization of eastern Europe and of Asia are
now involved in a great world war, and the respective Govern-
ments involved have come to recognize that to survive their
nations and their armies must be sober, so that to-day this ques-
tion is foremost in the councils of all nations of the world. The
fact at the foundation of this world interest is the recent dis-
covery made by science that a man, a family, a State, a nation,
an empire, a civilization, or a race to survive must be sober.
"The fight against alcohol is the most important phenomenon of
our epoch--weightier than all State affairs, wars, and concluded
peaces."-Prof. Fick, of Wurzburg.
AMERICA MUST BE SOBER.
The object of this resolution, Mr. Speaker, is to establish those
conditions that will make our Nation ultimately a sober nation—
able to compete in the world's struggle for commercial and in-
dustrial supremacy; able to maintain and preserve the liberties.
that have come down from our forefathers; able to protect
and defend our territory, our institutions, and to defend the
cause of justice, liberty, and peace in all the world.
ORGANIC TREATMENT FOR AN ORGANIC DISEASE.
The method proposed in the resolution, Mr. Speaker, is a
recourse to our organic law, applying organic treatment to this
deep organic disease. In the wisdom of our fathers, vindicated
by the experience of history, the organic law of our Nation is
lodged in the hands of the several States. The first and most
fundamental of all the rights of the States is the right to change
the organic law. The part played by Congress is simply that
of giving to the States a referendum.
QUESTION OF REFERENDUM,
Mr. Speaker, we are not asking Congress to make a country
dry. Let no Member be deceived in this matter. We are simply
asking Congress to refer the question for its decision to the
States, where the legislators can either decide themselves or
take recourse to a referendum to the people. The Member who
votes against the rule or the resolution votes to deny the States
and the people their right of referendum.
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We made no complaint against the Judiciary Committee when
it reported House joint resolution 168 without recommendation,
for the main question before them was to refer the question
to the House. This committee acted in the spirit of our insti-
tutions, and we now call on Members of Congress, whether wet
or dry, to do likewise,
THE PEOPLE DEMAND THIS REFERENDUM.
Mr. Speaker, in the spirit of an institution the first and
paramount consideration in such a case is whether there is a
public demand, whether the people want to settle the question
for themselves, as indicated by requests or petitions from a
respectable number of citizens.
I ask Members to examine that scroll stretching across this
Chamber, more than 150 feet long. That is only a partial
record of the lists of public meetings where resolutions were
adopted, giving the number of voters. If the petitions them-
selves were assembled end to end, they would stretch for miles.
More than 6,000,000 American citizens have petitioned Con-
gress, ten times more petitioners than have ever signed any
petition in the history of the world. More than 12,000 organi-
zations have adopted formal resolutions calling on Congress to
grant this referendum.
To-day 14 sovereign States are State-wide dry, and 5 more are
expected to become State-wide dry in 1918. To-day over 1,800
counties are dry by law. This number should really be in-
creased to get the number of dry counties, for 68 out of 78
counties in Ohio went dry in the recent elections, and scores
of counties in Pennsylvania, Indiana, and States without
county option are dry.
To-day 56 per cent of all the people of the United States live
under prohibition law enacted by their own majority votes.
I call attention of members to this black and white map. It
shows that 76 per cent of all the area of continental United
States is now dry territory. No one need talk about a minority
of the people trying to dictate to a majority. Mr. Speaker, a
majority of the people of the United States are dry to-day.
This majority on the whole represents, though not exclusively,
the conscience, the religion, the moral-uplift forces of the whole
Nation. A small percentage of the votes can secure a referen-
dum in the referendum States. Three States of the Confed-
eracy could secure the submission of a constitutional amend-
ment. How can any Member from a referendum State or any
American refuse this mighty appeal?
Mr. Speaker, upon the demand of the public the Congress,
in compliance with the spirit of our institutions, has submitted
many proposed amendments to the States, but never yet has
there been such a public demand; never yet has there been
such a fraction of a demand.
The first and paramount consideration, whether the people
want to pass on this question, leaves no ground for doubt. Mr.
Speaker, the American people have a right to this referendum,
and they demand from Congress the opportunity to exercise
this right.
NOT A TEMPORARY WAVE.
Let no Member imagine that this great demand is a tempo-
rary wave of popular emotion likely to subside. On the con-
trary, it is the manifestation of the gathering power of a
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mighty conviction rooted in education. The truth about alco-
hol is rapidly bringing men and nations out from under the
ALCOHOLIC ANESTHESIA OF HISTORY.
As they awaken, they behold the awful nature of the malady
and its limitless ravages. This resolution is but the crystalliza-
tion of the deepest public conviction into a plan of action.
QUESTIONS OF FACT, NOT OF OPINION.
Mr. Speaker, these convictions are permanent, because they
are founded on questions of fact and not of opinion. They
revolve about the nature of alcohol, a chemical compound whose
properties have been definitely ascertained at the hands of
science. Whether Members of this House are
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wet " or dry,"
all should acquaint themselves with the recent findings of
science as to what alcohol really is, and the effect it really has
upon the human organisms, and through the human organisms
the political and social organisms. In other words, Mr. Speaker,
the whole question hinges upon
THE TRUTH ABOUT ALCOHOL.
The Good Book tells us, "And ye shall know the truth, and
the truth shall make you free."
/ I assume, Mr. Speaker, that every Member in this House will
be loyal to the truth when in his own reason and in his own
conscience he has found it. Loyalty to the truth is really the
true test of a man, whether he is in the image of his Maker
and is worthy of that dignity that attaches to human life
above the life of the brute living on the plane of self-preserva-
tion.
MAN EDUCATED IN ERROR.
I realize full well, Mr. Speaker, how with the deceptive
properties of alcohol and the powerful financial interests con-
nected with it the average man of to-day has been molded in an
atmosphere of error as to its real nature. The educational
effects of his observation as to the harmful effects of drunken-
ness have been partly dissipated by the constant reiteration that
the harm comes from the abuse and not the temperate use, the
results of which do not appear on the surface. As a matter of
fact the effect of the moderate use of alcoholic beverages spread
over the whole Nation has done and is doing vastly more harm
than all the drunkenness and intemperance combined.
ALCOHOL A POISON TO ALL LIFE.
The substance about which this whole question revolves is a
chemical compound of the group of the oxide derivatives of the
hydrocarbons, its formula being C₂H (OH), 2 atoms of carbon,
-6 of hydrogen, and 1 of oxygen. Among the other members
of this group may be mentioned carbolic acid, chloral hydrate-
popularly called chloral-morphine, and strychnine. Alcohol is
produced by the process of fermentation, in which process fer-
ment germs devour glucose in solution derived from grain,
grapes, and other substances, and in their life processes they
One of
throw off waste products like other living organisms.
the waste products is the gas that causes bubbling. The other
waste product is the liquid alcohol. Alcohol is then the toxin,
the
of a living organism.
LOATHESOME EXCRETION
It comes under the general law govern-
ing toxins, namely, the toxin of one form of life is a poison to
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the form of life that produced it and a poison to every other
form of life of a higher order. The ferment germs are single-
cell germs-the lowest form of life known-consequently their
toxin, alcohol, is a poison to all forms of life, whether plants,
animals, or men-a poison to the elemental protoplasm out of
which all forms of life are constructed. The first scientific find-
ing about alcohol is that "alcohol is a protoplasmic poison." An
organic substance placed in alcohol is preserved indefinitely,
because no living thing—neither germs of decomposition nor the
ferment germs themselves can penetrate the alcohol.
NO FOOD VALUE.
We must therefore surrender all our preconceived ideas about
the supposed food value and benefits of alcohol, even in the
smallest quantities. As an illustration, one mug of mild beer-
supposed to be beneficial and helpful-will in 30 minutes lower
the efficiency of the average soldier 36 per cent in aiming his
rifle.
A HABIT-FORMING drug.
Alcohol has the property of chloroform and ether of pene-
trating actually into the nerve fibers themselves, putting the tis-
sues under an anesthetic which prevents pain at first, but when
the anesthetic effect is over discomfort follows throughout the
tissues of the whole body, particularly the nervous system, which
causes a craving for relief by recourse to the very substance
that produced the disturbance. This craving grows directly with
the amount and regularity of the drinking.
UNDERMINES THE WILL POWER.
The poisoning attack of alcohol is specially severe in the cor-
tex cerebrum-the top part of the brain-where resides the
center of inhibition, or of will power, causing partial paralysis,
which liberates lower activities otherwise held in control, causing
a man to be more of a brute, but to imagine that he has been
stimulated, when he is really partially paralyzed. This center
of inhibition is the seat of the will power, which of necessity
declines a little in strength every time partial paralysis takes
place.
LITTLE LESS OF A MAN AFTER EACH DRINK.
Thus a man is little less of a man after each drink he takes.
In this way continued drinking causes a progressive weakening
of the will and a progressive growing of the craving, so that after
a time, if persisted in, there must come a point where the will
power can not control the craving and the victim is in the grip
of the habit.
SLAVES IN SHACKLES.
When the drinking begins young the power of the habit be-
comes overwhelming, and the victim might as well have shackles.
It is estimated that there are 5,000,000 heavy drinkers and
drunkards in America, and these men might as well have a ball
and chain on their ankles, for they are more abject slaves than
those black men who were driven by slave drivers.
SLAVERY CONTINUES.
It is vain for us to think that slavery has been abolished.
There are nearly twice as many slaves, largely white men, to-
day than there were black men slaves in America at any one
time.
ì
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PRESENT-DAY SLAVE OWNERS.
These victims are driven imperatively to procure their liquor,
no matter at what cost. A few thousand brewers and distillers
making up the organizations composing the great Liquor Trust,
have a monopoly of the supply, and they therefore own these
5,000,000 slaves and through them they are able to collect two
and one-half billions of dollars cash from the American people
every year.
LIQUOR TRUST ABSORBS NEARLY TWO-THIRDS OF ALL THE MONEY IN CIR-
CULATION.
In this way nearly two-thirds of all the money in circulation
in America in the course of a year passes into the hands of the
Liquor Trust.
HEAVY LOCAL LOSSES.
Very little of the money paid for liquor remains in circula-
tion locally, because liquor employs so few men for the capital
invested and pays them such poor wages.
LIQUOR THE DEADLY ENEMY OF LABOR.
Labor unions ought to realize that liquor is their deadliest
enemy. It lowers the standard of character and the standard
of living of labor. It dissipates the earnings of labor, inter-
feres with savings, and increases the dependence of labor upon
the will of capital. It breeds the violence and disorder that
often bring labor's cause into disrepute and give the victory to
their opponents. In an industrial struggle, as in any other
struggle, if both opponents are sober, there is good chance for
arbitration. If one side is debauched by liquor, it will lose.
The road to solve the problems between capital and labor is to
make the whole country dry as the mining regions of Colorado
were made dry in the strike. If the capital now invested in
liquor were put to useful channels it would employ more than
a million and a half additional men, wage earners, and largely
solve the problem of the unemployed. This tremendous increase
in the demand for labor would cause a general rise in wages
and a corresponding rise in the standard of living.
LIQUOR THE DEADLY ENEMY OF CAPITAL,
Railroads, armies, manufacturing plants, and other employ-
ers of men are rapidly coming to realize the heavy toll of ineffi-
ciency and loss of productiveness on the part of men in their
employ even from moderate drinking. Scientific management
of modern industry in every branch is rapidly coming to de-
mand total abstinence.
+
CHIEF CAUSE OF INDUSTRIAL ACCIDENTS.
Investigations in connection with employers' liability for acci-
dent and sickness are rapidly disclosing the responsibility of
liquor for the bulk of the accidents and the sickness in mines,
mills, and shops and other operations.
BILLIONS YEARLY LOST THROUGH LIQUOR.
My figures indicate a general loss of efficiency of about 21
per cent for the American producer, on the average. This en-
tails an economic loss of over eight billions of dollars by the
Nation. As I shall point out in a few moments, liquor causes
the premature death of about 700,000 American citizens every
year. This entails an economic loss of about five billions.
·
CHIEF CAUSE OF CRIME, PAUPERISM, AND INSANITY.
I call attention of Members to the charts that show that
liquor is causing the bulk of the crime, pauperism, and insan-
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ity, and, leaving the support of these upon the public, causes
a burden in direct taxation upon the American people of nearly
two-billions. Taking away from our people, as pointed out
above, two and one-half billions, the sum total of the economic
burden laid upon the shoulders of the Nation approximates the
total sum of about sixteen billions of dollars. We call the
Federal Government extravagant when it lays a burden of one
billion for purposes of uplift and we stand by complacently as
liquor places a burden of sixteen billions for purposes of de-
generacy and destruction, and there are some so deluded as to
imagine that the Government should encourage liquor because
of the paltry two hundred and odd millions of revenue.
Let no
enlightened Member talk about the need of liquor revenues. I
say to him what Mr. Gladstone said to the deputation of brewers
who made the same claim:
Give me a sober people who do not waste their substance on strong
drink and I will find ready means of raising the necessary revenues for
their government.
LIQUOR CORRUPTS ELECTIONS.
The Liquor Trust through its vast hordes of money corrupts
our elections, not only to control the results in wet and dry
campaigns, but the election of officers and political parties
subservient to liquor interests. In many wet and dry cam-
paigns bankers have been put under duress and required to
notify farmers, merchants, and other business men that they
would call in their loans if the elections went dry,
CREATES MENACING DEGENERATE VOTE.
The growing degenerate vote directly due to liquor is now
menacing not only the elections in our great cities, but in the
States that have large cities, and even in the Nation itself.
Liquor not only creates this degenerate vote, but it also keeps
a corruption fund available to purchase that vote, and does not
hesitate to spend vast sums for this purpose. In this way it
stands with club in hand over politicians and political parties.
HOLDS CLUB OVER POLITICIANS AND POLITICAL PARTIES.
It is not surprising, therefore, to find the menace of this
great blighting influence in our political life, by which our elec-
tions can not be normal and political forces can not follow in
their normal course without cross currents and counter cur-
rents. It is vain to hope for honest elections until the country
is dry.
THE BLIGHT OF FREE INSTITUTIONS.-
The liberties and institutions of a free people must depend
for their perpetuity upon the average standard of character of
the electorate. In America where we have manhood suffrage
the degeneracy produced, particularly in big cities, is under-
mining the foundations of our institutions.
THE DOWNFALL OF REPUBLICS.
It is this same lowering of the average standard of charac-
ter of the citizenship in the past that entailed the overthrow of
the liberties of Greece and Rome and other Republics. It seems
rather ironical for liquor men to call upon the name of liberty.
GRIPS THE THROAT OF GOVERNMENT.
Through control of political parties and politicians and from
the supply of needed revenues liquor gets a strangle hold upon
the Government, and for ages governments have largely looked
to liquor to supply revenues and give support for continuance
in power.
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LIQUOR" AND THE WORLD WAR,
It is a clear sign of the times to note the general change of
attitude of the Governments of Europe toward liquor. All gov-
ernments should now be in full possession of the findings of
science as to the real nature of alcohol, consequently when the
general war broke out in Europe the Governments, though in
great need of revenues, promptly took advantage of the powers
conferred under martial law to strike liquor a deadly blow.
THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE DRY.
Shortly after the promulgation of martial law the Russian
Government, in spite of the loss of hundreds of millions in
revenue, issued a proclamation to compel prohibition of the
national drink-vodka. This order has been made permanent
and, broadly speaking, the Russian Empire is to remain dry
forever.
PARTIAL PROHIBITION IN FRANCE.
The French Government likewise issued a proclamation of
prohibition of the manufacture and sale of absinthe, and has
since extended this to include other distilled liquors.
GERMANY PARTIALLY DRY.
-
After the proclamation of martial law the Government closed
down the breweries throughout the Empire and has promulgated
drastic measures for prohibition in the war zone of the East.
When a child is born in Germany the Government sends a card
to the mother warning against the deadly nature of alcohol.
When a child enters public school in Berlin the Prussian Gov-
ernment sends an antialcohol card to the father and mother by
the child.
GERMANS IN AMERICA OUT OF ACCORD WITH THE FATHERLAND.
It seems too bad that the Germans who have cast their
lot in America should not have caught the progressive spirit of
the Fatherland. Eight hundred German scientists, 116 of them
professors in German universities, have made a unanimous
report on the nature of beverage alcohol, recommending its
complete elimination. A German staff physician of the Ger-
man army has announced that "we should not discuss modera-
tion with a man. The thing has long since been settled by
science. The use of narcotic poisons is simply indecent and
criminal."
OUR GOVERNMENT STILL LIQUOR RIDDEN.
It should be a source of humiliation to well-informed Amer-
icans that our Government shows no indications of change of
attitude toward liquor. Our need for revenue is much less
than that of the nations at war, and yet in sections 1 and 2 of
the revenue bill recently passed we turned to liquor for nearly
one-half the total amount, strengthening the hold of liquor upon
the finances of the Government. Liquor has the same strangle
hold upon the throat of our Government to-day that slavery
had before 1860. Congress has not permitted the cotton planter
to deposit his cotton in bond, but it has done everything for
the distiller so he can place his liquor in bond and on these
warrants get financial advances.
LIQUOR DEGENERATES THE CHARACTER.
The first finding of science that alcohol is a protoplasmic
poison and the second finding that it is an insidious, habit-
forming drug, though of great importance, are as unimportant
when compared with the third finding, that alcohol degenerates
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the character of men and tears down their spiritual nature.
Like the other members of the group of oxide derivatives of
hydrocarbons, alcohol is not only a general poison, but it has a
chemical affinity or deadly appetite for certain particular tis-
sues. Strychnine tears down the spinal cord. Alcohol tears down
the top part of the brain in a man, attacks certain tissues in
an animal, certain cells in a flower. It has been established
that whatever the line of a creature's evolution alcohol will
attack that line. Every type and every species is evolving in
building from generation to generation along some particular
line. Man' is evolving in the top part of the brain, the seat of
the will power, the seat of the moral senses, and of the spirit-
ual nature, the recognition of right and wrong, the conscious-
ness of God and of duty and of brotherly love and of self-
sacrifice.
REVERSES THE LIFE PRINCIPLE OF THE UNIVERSE.
All life in the universe is founded upon the principle of evo-
lution. Alcohol directly reverses that principle. Man has
risen from the savage up through successive steps to the level
of the semisavage, the semicivilized, and the highly civilized.
LIQUOR AND THE RED MAN.
Liquor promptly degenerates the red man, throws him back
into savagery. It will promptly put a tribe on the war path.
LIQUOR AND THE BLACK MAN.
Liquor will actually make a brute out of a negro, causing
him to commit unnatural crimes.
LIQUOR AND THE WHITE MAN.
The effect is the same on the white man, though the white
man being further evolved it takes longer time to reduce him
to the same level. Starting young, however, it does not take
a very long time to speedily cause a man in the forefront of
civilization to pass through the successive stages and become
semicivilized, semisavage, savage, and, at last, below the brute.
THE GREAT TRAGEDY.
The spiritual nature of man gives dignity to his life above
the life of the brute. It is this spiritual nature of man that
makes him in the image of his Maker, so that the Bible referred
to man as being a little lower than the angels. It is a tragedy
to blight the physical life. No measure can be made of blight-
ing the spiritual life.
THE BLIGHT OF DEGENERACY.
Nature does not tolerate reversing its evolutionary principle,
and proceeds automatically to exterminate any creature, any
- animal, any race, any species that degenerates. Nature adopts
two methods of extermination-one to shorten the life, the
other to blight the offspring.
.
DISEASE AND UNTIMELY DEATH
• Alcohol, even in small quantities, attacks all the vital organs
and the nervous system, the tissues, and the blood.
A large
percentage of premature deaths arising from disease are due to
this cause. The attack on the blood lowers the efficiency of the
white blood corpuscles to destroy the disease germs, exposing
the drinker far more than the abstainer to the ravages of con-
sumption, pneumonia, typhoid, and other germ diseases. The
records of insurance companies show that in the periods from
25 to 45 the mortality of total abstainers is only a fraction of
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that of the average.
This means that the bulk of deaths in
young manhood are due to alcohol. It means that people
ought not to die in their prime any more than animals.
THE MODERATE DRINKER SHORTENS HIS DAYS BY ONE-THIRD.
The records of the insurance companies show that a man-
starting at the age of 20 as a total abstainer lives to the average
age of 65, whereas starting at the age of 20 as a moderate
drinker he dies at 51, losing over 14 years, or a cutting down
of nearly one-third of his days.
THE HEAVY DRINKER SHORTENS HIS DAYS BY TWO-THIRDS.
Starting at the age of 20 as a heavy drinker a man dies at
35, a shear loss of two-thirds of the span of his whole life.
MILLIONS SLAIN.
We are dying at the rate of 1,000 deaths per 61,000 of the
population. Total abstainers in our midst are dying at the rate
of 560 per 61,000 of the population, though living under the
same conditions. The latter figures are those applied to adult
males as shown by the insurance companies' figures. Investiga-
tions show that the shortening of life of the offspring is far
greater and more serious than that of the parent, as I will point
out later, and since the adult males are the fathers of the young
of both sexes it is on the side of conservatism to apply the
proportion to the whole population, so that we can conserva-
tively say that 440 additional deaths are caused every year per
61,000 of the population-deaths that are premature and un-
necessary. This means that alcohol actually kills fully 700,000
American citizens every year.
LIQUOR'S ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE.
When these figures were first printed they were subject to
some ridicule and to many attempts to disprove them. Several
German scientists have employed the same methods of reason-
ing, and the liquor interests of the continent have a standing
offer of 6,000 marks to any scientist that can disprove the
figures of the great insurance companies which are the founda-
tion of this awful conclusion.
KILLS 2,000 A DAY.
When the great Titanic sank in mid-ocean with her precious
cargo and shocked the whole world, she carried down less than
1,600 souls: Alcohol carries down to a premature grave every
day more than 2,000 American souls.
MORE DESTRUCTIVE THAN WAR, PESTILENCE, AND FAMINE.
Mr. Gladstone in the maturity of his philosophy announced
that "strong drink is more destructive than the historic scourges
of war, pestilence, and famine combined." The old philosopher
was eminently correct. Many battles have been fought in his-
tory for which there is no authentic report of the casualty,
but of those of which there are records, from the Macedonian
War, 300 B. C., down to and including the Russo-Japanese
War, the sum total foots up to 2,800,000 killed and wounded,
which, being apportioned, would make a little more than
2,100,000 wounded and a little less than 700,000 killed. Bearing
in mind the qualifying circumstances, it can be generally said,
therefore, that alcohol brings to a premature gave more Ameri-
cans in one year than all the wars of the world, as recorded.
have killed on the field of battle in 2,300 years.
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LIQUOR MORE. DESTRUCTIVE IN AMERICA THAN UNIVERSAL WAR IN EUROPE.
When the great war in Europe is over it will be found that
the sum total killed on the field of battle for all nations will
average less than 1,500 a day. Alcohol averages 2,000 Ameri-
cans a day. Europe is really in the eyes of nature better off
to-day in the midst of her great tragedy than she has been for
centuries, because Europe is almost dry. The convention of
life insurance presidents recently announced that Russia is
saving fully 50,000 lives of her adult males per year from her
recent prohibition order, which in a brief period of time will
far more than make up for the soldiers killed in battle. No
great nation was ever overthrown in war until after its vitality
had been undermined by degeneracy arising from alcoholic dissi-
pation.
THE SOUL TRAGEDY.
When a soldier falls on the field of battle we all realize the
tragedy, but in reality it is only his physical life that has been
snuffed out. The bullet that pierced the brave soldier's heart
never touched his character. When his soul rose to appear be-
fore its maker it had no wound. But when the victim is
stretched out in premature death from alcohol not only are his
heart and other organs and tissues of his body wounded but
the ghastly wound is the rent torn in his soul.
ALCOHOL RESORTS TO DUM DUMS.
Civilized nations forbid in warfare the use of flat-nosed bul-
lets that spatter in the flesh and bone. Alcohol uses dum dums
that not only spatter in the flesh and bone but crash into the
soul.
BETTER FOR AMERICA TO FACE THE COMBINED WORLD IN WAR.
I realize full well how cruel war is, having had friends of
mine among Spanish officers, men who had been kind to me in
prison, who had treated me like a brother, mortally wounded,
dying in agony. On board the Spanish wrecks shortly after the
Battle of Santiago I saw the dead men about the decks where
they had fallen at their posts of duty. I realized they were
brave men and good men, and my soul cried out at the cruelty
of their being killed at our hands. I realized not only the cruelty
but also the calamity of war, particularly when it overtakes a
nation unprepared as our Nation is; but if I had to choose one or
the other of these two destructive agents, alcohol or war, I
would rather see America, sober, stand alone and face the com-
bined world; I would rather see my country, as defenseless as
I know she is, face all the great armies of the world rather than
to see this great internal destroyer continue unchecked his
deadly ravages throughout our land.
BLIGHT UPON THE OFFSPRING.
Alcohol makes a deadly attack upon the organ of reproduction
in both male and female, and upon the nervous system of the
little life before birth in the embryonic period. One-half of 1
per cent of alcohol in solution, such as a future mother might
easily have in her circulation in attending a banquet or fashion-
able dinner, drinking only wine or beer, will, oft repeated, kill the
little life and endanger the life and health of the mother.
MULTIPLIES DANGERS AND SUFFERINGS OF MATERNITY.
If both parents are moderate drinkers, drinking but one glass
of wine or beer per day at one meal, the effect will- more than
quadruple the chances of miscarriage of the mother, increasing
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1.
over 400 per cent the dangers and sufferings in maternity, and
will nearly double the parcentage of their children that will die
the first year in infancy. The children of drinking parents on
the whole die off four to five fold more rapidly than the children ·
of abstaining parents.
THE SLAUGHTER OF THE INNOCENTS.
This means that scores and scores of thousands of little chil-
dren die every year from cruel wounds inflicted upon their
little lives before they were born at the hands of their parents
who did not know.
VISITATION OF SINS OF FATHERS UPON THE CHILDREN.
If both parents are alcoholic one child in five of those that do
survive will become insane before it is grown. One child in
seven will be born deformed. One child in three will become
epileptic, hysterical, or feeble-minded. Only one child in six
will be normal; five out of six will be blighted.
NATURE'S HIGHEST BLESSING.
On the other hand, if both parents are total abstainers, there
will be no more dangers and suffering in maternity than in the
case of other species; and no matter how hard the lot in life of
the parents may be, nine out of ten of their children will be abso-
lutely normal. These children normally born will be easy to
bring up, and, kept safe from degeneracy in their youth, will tend
to rise one degree higher and nobler in character than their
parents, following the line of the species evolution. If a family
or a nation is sober, nature in its normal course will cause them
to rise to a higher civilization. If a family or nation, on the
other hand, is debauched by liquor, it must decline and ulti-
mately perish.
THE RISE AND FALL OF NATIONS AND EMPIRES.
Rome during long centuries was frugal and abstemious, prac-
ticing absolute prohibition within its walls, and during this
period we see the wonderful rise of the Roman Empire. When
the Romans gathered into their great city and the youth gave
themselves over to dissipation, we see the decline and finally
the fall of that great empire. Similarly the other nations and
empires of the past have risen only to fall.
THE MILLSTONE OF DEGENERACY.
We are all familiar with thoroughbred races of horses, dogs,
and so forth, but who ever heard of a thoroughbred race of men?
We know that great aggregates of plants and animals continue
to rise, but a great nation is only born to die. Heretofore a
nation has only been able to rise to a certain level, when, gath-
ering in great cities, liquor has overtaken the youth and a great
millstone has settled about its neck. Back it sank, never to rise
again. We stand in the presence of this most startling discov-
ery of science that alcohol has absolutely disrupted the orderly
evolution of the great human species.
THE VERDICT.
Science has thus demonstrated that alcohol is a protoplasmic
poison, poisoning all living things; that alcohol is a habit-form-
ing drug that shackles millions of our citizens and maintains
slavery in our midst; that it lowers in a fearful way the stand-
ard of efficiency of the Nation, reducing enormously the national
wealth, entailing startling burdens of taxation, encumbering the
public with the care of crime, pauperism, and insanity; that it
corrupts politics and public servants, corrupts the Government,
}
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corrupts the public morals, lowers terrifically the average
standard of character of the citizenship, and undermines the
liberties and institutions of the Nation; that it undermines and
blights the home and the family, checks education, attacks the
young when they are entitled to protection, undermines the
public health, slaughtering, killing, and wounding our citizens
many fold times more than war, pestilence, and famine com-
bined; that it blights the progeny of the Nation, flooding the
land with a horde of degenerates; that it strikes deadly blows
at the life of the Nation itself and at the very life of the race,
reversing the great evolutionary principles of nature and the
purposes of the Almighty.
There can be but one verdict, and that is this great destroyer
must be destroyed. The time is ripe for fulfillment. The pres-
ent generation, the generation to which we belong, must cut
this millstone of degeneracy from the neck of humanity.
·
THE REMEDY.
What is the remedy for this great organic disease that is
Nation-wide and world-wide in its blight? Evidently the treat-
ment must itself be organic and must itself be Nation-wide and
world-wide.
ORGANIC TREATMENT.
We can look to nature and find out in what organic treatment
consists, for instance, in diseases of the body physical. In the
case of a cure for such a disease the cure consists not in the
curing of the old diseased tissues, but in the growth of young
tissue, and the very essence of the cure is to insure that the
disease or contagion shall not extend to the young tissue, giving
nature an opportunity to grow the cure.
NOT A QUESTION OF OLD DRINKERS.
The cure of the old drinkers is not nature's cure for such an
organic disease. It is not possible by enactment of a law to
make old drinkers stop drinking, to change the deep-seated
habits of a lifetime. The amendment proposed in this resolu-
tion does not undertake to coerce old drinkers or to regulate the
use of liquor by the individual.
BUT A QUESTION OF THE YOUNG.
The cure for this disease lies in the stopping of the debauch-
ing of the young. Our generation must establish such condi-
tions that hereafter the young will grow up sober.
posed amendment is scientifically drawn to attain this end.
ALL GOOD MEN MUST AGREE.
This pro-
Upon this all must agree. A man may drink himself, but if
he is a good man he would love to see such conditions estab-
lished that the young hereafter would grow up sober.
-
DEBAUCHING THE YOUTH.
I call the attention of Members to the chart showing that
68 per cent of all the drunkards had their habits contracted
before they were 21, 30 per cent before they were 16, and
7 per cent before they were 12. Less than 2 per cent of men
begin to drink after they are grown and settled down. Some
vast agent in our midst is systematically teaching the boys to
drink and debauching the youth. Who is it that carries on this
sinful business? Certainly it is not the drinkers. A man may
drink but unless he is a hopeless degenerate he would not teach
boys to drink. I have known many drinkers, but I have never
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1.
yet known one who made a habit of teaching boys to drink.
This sinister agent is the Liquor Trust of America.
LIQUOR TRUST MAINTAINS ITS VAST BUSINESS BY TEACHING THE YOUNG
TO DRINK.
Tens of thousands of paid agents all over the land are carry-
ing out this devilish work. The most deadly work thus far has
been in the cities where it is hard for parents to keep track of
their boys, but it extends to towns and is now being systematic-
ally extended to country settlements. The usual method in
cities is to operate where boys come together, sometimes having
the boys rendevous in saloons but more frequently in pool rooms
and other places of amusement, sometimes on vacant lots. The
bootlegger or licensed agent of the Liquor Trust arranges to
have the boys drink before breaking up to be sociable or as a
sign of manliness. To better influence the young boy who is
just beginning a special drink is prepared called " Cincinnati,"
which is sweetened to appeal to the boy's taste. In some cases
where it is difficult to reach the boys through agents, ás for
instance in the State of Oklahoma, the Liquor Trust has written
to them giving them numbers so that without the knowledge of
their parents, by mail or express, they can ship them liquor free.
WHAT IS THE MOTIVE?
In order to effectively and scientifically solve this question
we must discover and must remove the motive. What is the
motive of the liquor trust in this vast debauching of the youth?
Some have assumed that the motive is to harm the boys, blight-
ing the homes, and degenerating society in general. On this
assumption many have set about heaping abuse upon the agents
of the great liquor trust. For my part I realize this is not
the motive, that most of these agents are in the business to
make a living, and that the business has come down in natural
courses from the past, an occupation for which the whole of
society stands responsible. Recognizing this, I have abused
none; I have no bitterness; I have no desire to harm any man's
business.
DISTILLER M'COLLOUGH'S PROPOSITION.
Mr. John McCollough, president of the Green River Distilling
Co., of Owensboro, Ky., one of the big liquor men of the
country, has written to the big men in the business, suggesting
that the wise thing to do would be to stop fighting and ask for
terms on the basis of being allowed 10 years in which to adjust
their business and for the Government to set aside 10 per cent
of the revenue collected from the business every year, and at the
end of the 10 years for this fund to be used to compensate
those engaged in the business when the business is closed. I
have no authority to speak for others, but I do not hesitate to
say that if such a course were pursued by the liquor trust it
would certainly have my sympathetic consideration for statutory
adjustment. The South could have received hundreds of mil-
lions of dollars for its slaves without war, but when it chose
war it could not come back after war and hope to receive a
dollar in compensation. The conditions are analogous for
the liquor traffic, though liquor has no real legal vested rights,
as held by slavery. If liquor continues its barbaric warfare
to the bitter end, it need not come asking for compensation.
The real motive in teaching the boys to drink is to develop
future customers. With a reasonably small outlay the Liquor
1
74512-14339
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BOLL
**
↓
Trust can develop this appetite in the young and when the
young grow up with an appetite then as men they buy the
liquor, over the supply of which the Liquor Trust has a
monopoly. The large profits in the sale of their goods to
customers thus developed is the real motive of the great Liquor
Trust in systematically debauching the youth of the Nation.
SCIENTIFIC TREATMENT.
The real scientific way to cure this evil therefore is to remove
the motive-the profits in the sale of the goods. Clearly, this
can not be done by undertaking to coerce those who drink, but`
it can be done by prohibiting the sale and everything that re-
lates to the sale, particularly to the manufacture for sale. This
can be done the more readily as barter and sale for profit have
been subject to public control since the earliest days.
When the motive is removed and the liquor interests can no
longer derive profits from the sale, then the great Liquor Trust
of necessity will disintegrate. The debauching of the young
will thus end and the young generation will grow up sober.
INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY-SANCTITY OF THE HOME.
In this way no effort is made to coerce any citizen. Some
old drinkers desiring to stop will take advantage of the changed
environment and stop, and other old drinkers desiring to do so
will continue drinking until they die, subject to local or State
regulation or control; but when they die no new drinkers will
take their place and the next generation will be sober. This
method thus takes no chance of invading the sanctity of the
home or the liberties of the individual. Some men may feel that
they have an inherent right to drink liquor, but no man will
feel that he has a right to sell liquor. The proposed amend-
ment does not touch the question of the use of liquor, and
partakes in no manner of the nature of a sumptuary measure.
NO MAN HAS A RIGHT TO SELL LIQUOR.
Twelve decisions of the United States Supreme Court have
declared that no citizen has an inherent right to sell liquor.
What this amendment does is to declare that the Liquor Trust
shall not for petty lucre continue to debauch the young; that
neither Federal Government, nor State, nor any citizens shall
fatten upon the weaknesses and miseries of the people.
SHALL PROHIBITION BE LOCAL OR NATIONAL.
In carrying out the prohibition of the sale, manufacture for
sale, and all that relates to sale, the next question that arises
is whether the scope of the prohibition should be limited to
small units, like the town and the county, or should extend to
the large units making it State wide and nation wide. It is
good to have a town dry rather than wet. It is better to have
a county dry rather than wet; but if prohibition is by the small
unit, then wet towns and wet counties will be found near by,
and the virus there generated will pass over continuously and
reinfect the dry town and the dry county. It is a good thing
to cut out one root of a cancer, it is a better thing to cut out
another root, but as long as a single root remains it will gener-
ate the virus and inject it into the circulation and reinfect the
whole system. As long as there is one State in the Union that
is wet it will be the base of operations and source of supply
for the national Liquor Trust, from which, through interstate
commerce, to infect all the other States. Poison generated in
any part of the body, projected into the circulation, will reach
74512-14339
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24
all parts of the body, and no part can protect itself. The States
can not protect themselves against interstate commerce, nor
can Congress delegate to the States this power. The liquor
traffic is the most interstate of all business. Their organization
is a national organization. It is dealt with by the National
Government.
LIQUOR AN INTERSTATE NATIONAL OUTLAW.
Under our present system limiting prohibition to small units
the great Liquor Trust has trampled upon the rights of States,
of counties, and of towns, and has taken pride in proclaiming
that "prohibition does not prohibit."
This pose of the liquor outlaw that he is above the operations
of local law is a complete and conclusive demonstration of the
need of a national law. There can be no cure of a cancer until
all the roots have been cut out, until no centers of contagion
are left to reinfect. Local option in various forms, and even
State-wide prohibition, though valuable and useful, have not
proved adequate. Our whole experience shows that PROHIBI-
TION MUST BE NATIONAL.
SHALL PROHIBITION BE STATUTORY OR CONSTITUTIONAL ?
If Congress, in the exercise of the taxing power, should under-
take to establish prohibition by statute, the great Liquor Trust
would not permanently disintegrate, because what any one Con-
gress can do another Congress can undo. Wet and dry elec-
tions would be continually following each other all the time, and
the country would be wet part of the time and dry part of the
time, and the youth would not have time to grow up sober-the
remedy would only be superficial.
- THE FINAL CONCLUSION.
To cure this organic disease we must have recourse to the
organic law. The people themselves must act upon this ques-
tion. A generation must be prevailed upon to place prohibition
in their own constitutional law, and such a generation could
be counted upon to keep it in the Constitution during its life-
time. The Liquor Trust of necessity would disintegrate. The
youth would grow up sober. The final, scientific conclusion is
that we must have constitutional prohibition, prohibiting only
the sale, the manufacture for sale, and everything that pertains
to the sale, and invoke the power of both Federal and State
Governments for enforcement. The resolution is drawn to fill
these requirements.
THE POWER OF THE TRUTH.
If you ask me how to cause the people of a generation to take
the question into their own hands and act, I answer without
hesitation, reach them with the truth about alcohol. Thorough
education in this appalling truth, if it comes not too late in
life, will cause the individual to adopt total abstinence and the
people to destroy the traffic root and branch. The liquor inter-
ests realize this fact full well. They spend millions every year
in their efforts to control the liquor policies of the press and
keep the truth about alcohol from the people. They try to
destroy any man who dares to undertake this work. After my
first investigations as to the truth about alcohol I introduced
the results of my labors and put them in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD in a speech called the Great Destroyer and proceeded
to send this speech systematically to the youth of America. I
estimate that I have sent out about 2,500,000 copies and have
74512-14339
M
:
25
sent out more than a million and a half individual letters to the
youth on this subject. It is this work that has brought down
the arm of the great liquor interests in their efforts to destroy
me politically.
In the recent senatorial primary in Alabama it was not sim-
ply my distinguished and powerful opponent, but the great
liquor interests of the Nation that I had to fight. Their
national political agent, Charles Lewis, came to Alabama and
organized the fight. They opened up three different head-
quarters, independent of my opponent's regular organization,
and must have had a pipe line connecting these with their
national treasury from the magnitude of the campaign they
conducted, not only through the columns of the press and an
army of paid workers, but through great political agents, such
as the governor of the State and his administration. I do not
say that the Liquor Trust directly secured the cooperation of
the President, but I do say that the President and his adminis-
tration brought their powerful influence against me. Of course
I was defeated and my fate was held up as a warning to other
men in public life. Perhaps I might add what I said in a card
to the papers of Alabama the day after the primary, to notify
the liquor interests of America that I had simply finished my
training, and that I had only begun to fight, and that I would
meet them on a hundred battle fields and they would find me
in the thick of the fight when the thirty-sixth State ratifies the
resolution, which may perhaps go down in history under the
name of the Hobson resolution, that will put prohibition into
the Constitution of the United States forever. I wish to serve
notice now that the Liquor Trust need not imagine that it will
always be able to choose its own battle ground nor to concen-
trate its whole national strength against one man or even
against one State. Forces of righteousness are now organizing
into a compact army. If the Sixty-third and the Sixty-fourth
Congresses deny the people their plain and inherent right to
pass on this great question, the Liquor Trust will find in 1916
a battle line in front of them extending from the Great Lakes
to the Gulf and from ocean to ocean. A battle line organized,
compact, and inspired by the conscience and patriotism of the
whole people, as in the campaign of 1860.
•
LIQUOR'S FIGHT.
The campaign in Alabama is typical of the general methods
employed in liquor's fight. Finding themselves indefensible on
the merits of liquor they use their great resources to put for-
ward other issues. In a high-protection State they will put
forth the tariff and capitalize its strength. In the Southern
States they will invoke the race question, declaring it a question
of supporting a Democratic administration. If the struggle is
for county local option, they will declare that township local
option is the thing. If it is a question of State-wide prohibition,
they will become staunch advocates of county local option. Now
that it is a question of national prohibition they are declaring
in favor of the State unit.
REFUGE BEHIND MODERATE DRINKING.
They no longer debate the question of the nature of alcohol,
but take the ground that it is only the abuse that is harmful.
In the case of distilled liquors they claim that it is adulteration
that does the harm. Now, seeing the handwriting on the wall,
74512-14339
.
26
7
some of their forces are trying to save what wreckage they
can and declare that distilled liquors do the harm, that wines
and beers, fermented and malted liquors should be supported.
Of course, as pointed out above, alcohol in any form or in any
quantity is a poison of a deadly nature. Here on the floor of
the House, however, very little effort is made to defend drink-
ing, and we will see the fight adroitly maneuvered to change
the battle front by an appeal to some other method to obtain
the same object. Many of the real friends of temperance are
liable to be deceived by such tactics. A proposition is ad-
vanced to prohibit the transportation of alcohol in interstate
commerce by an amendment to the Constitution, though therɔ
has been no demand from the country at large for any such
change; there have been no petitions, no resolutions, no tem-
perance, prohibition, or moral forces having ever recommended
for the self-evident reason that Congress to-day has power by a
majority vote to prohibit the interstate transportation of intoxi-
cating liquors.
QUESTION OF STATE RIGHTS.
The question of State rights is advanced largely for the pur-
pose of influencing Members from the South. As a matter of
fact, liquor tramples upon the rights of the States. The wet
States of the Union can and do invade the rights of the dry
States. They forget that the fundamental right of the States
and the people is to protect the general welfare by not only
upholding the organic law that has come down from the past,
but by changing that organic law to meet whatever conditions
arise in the interest of the public welfare.
They talk of minorities dictating to majorities. As a matter
of fact, they can not find any practical conditions where a
majority of the people of the United States to-day would be
found against national prohibition. A substantial majority of
our people to-day are living under prohibition law. They do
not seem willing to let three-fourths of the States decide upon
the organic question, but would rather have one-fourth of the
States insist upon allowing the country to remain wet.
They did not propose a popular vote of referendum to change
the Constitution for the direct election of United States Senators
or the imposition of the income tax. Baseless indeed would be
the proposition of changing our organic law other than by hav-
ing three-fourths of the States given that power by popular vote
or any other method. They talk of confiscation of their property
without realizing that the court decisions are all in line in
denying that any vested right goes with the license to manu-
facture or sell liquor. They never think of the property rights
of families of drinkers or drunkards. They never think of the
financial rights of the society, upon whom they throw their fin-
ished products, the insane, the pauper, and the feeble-minded.
They talk of personal liberty, when they themselves own
5,000,000 slaves, when liquor undermined the liberties of Greece
and Rome, and is now through its degenerate vote threatening
the liberties of America.
They call out in the name of law and pretend to be against
creating bootleggers and blind tigers, and as a matter of fact
they are the fathers of these whelps, and they themselves are the
very lawbreakers against whom they cry. They are, indeed, the
modern pirate with skull and crossbones, defying organized
society, defying the laws of God and of man.
74512—14339
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;
They quote the Scriptures as readily as the devil himself.
They dethrone the preachers with the epithets of fanatics and
set themselves up as authorities on spiritual matters.
LIQUOR TRAFFIC INDEFENSIBLE.
Liquor really has no case in the light of discoveries of science
giving us the truth about alcohol.
The further continuance of the liquor traffic is absolutely
indefensible. The forces of society are now gathering through-
out the whole world. The battle line is drawn. Some might
wish that the battle be deferred for their own reasons, but the
war is now on, the first battle is now in progress. I want all
members to bear in mind when they cast their vote what this
great war means. When our country is sober and degeneracy
no longer lowers the standard of character of humanity it will
then be possible to solve the problems of the Nation which are
now so acute on account of degeneracy, social, economic, and
moral problems. It will permit the rapid advance of humanity
to the point where it will be possible to have universal peace,
hastening the day when liberty and free institutions will be
universal and when man will cooperate in a great brotherhood
of man under the fatherhood of God.
Some of my colleagues are not to return to the Sixty-fourth
Congress, like myself; others are to remain here. To both
alike I make my appeal. I know there is danger in confront-
ing this great and powerful enemy, but in time of war the good
soldier does not stop because of danger. I do not ask you to
go where I would not go myself. It may be that I am politi-
cally dead, my political life destroyed by the liquor interest,
but I do not hesitate to say that I am not afraid of political
death. I would rather hold my hand up and fight like a man
though I had to die a hundred political deaths. I would
rather to-day do a man's part in this struggle to cut the mill-
stone of degeneracy from the neck of humanity—I would rather
do that than to be United States Senator from Alabama, and if
I know my own mind I would rather do that than be President
of the United States. I call on you, my colleagues, to hold your
heads up in the face of this enemy and be men. In the name of
your manhood, in the name of your patriotism, in the name of
all that is held dear by good men, in the name of your fireside,
in the name of our institutions, in the name of our country, and
in the name of humanity and of humanity's God, I call on you
to join hands with me and each one to do his full duty.
The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from Alabama
has expired. All time has expired.
Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker, I desire to offer an amendment.
*
*
*.
*
The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alabama [Mr. HOB-
SON] is recognized.
Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker, after the reading of the first
section I desire to offer an amendment.
The SPEAKER.
Has not the first section already been read?
Mr. HOBSON. No. Let the Clerk read the first section.
The SPEAKER. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
Page 2, line 5:
"ARTICLE
"SECTION 1. The sale, manufacture for sale, transportation for sale,
Importation for sale, and exportation for sale of intoxicating liquors for
74512-14339
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28
beverage purposes in the United States and all territory subject to the
jurisdiction thereof are forever prohibited."
Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker, I offer the amendment which I
have already sent to the Clerk's desk.
The SPEAKER. The Clerk will report it.
The Clerk read as follows:
66
Amendment offered by Mr. HOBSON: In section 1 strike out the
words and exportation for sale," in line 7; and in line 9, after
the word "thereof," insert the
insert the words and exportation for sale
thereof," so that the section will read as follows:
"SECTION 1. The sale, manufacture for sale, transportation for sale,
importation for sale of intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes in
the United States and all territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof
and exportation for sale thereof are forever prohibited."
Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker, a slight mistake was made
there. That last clause was "and exportation thereof."·· The
words for sale" should not have been repeated.
<<
The SPEAKER. What is the modification?
Mr. HOBSON. The words "for sale" are there by mistake
in the last amendment. It should read " exportation thereof.
The words "for sale" are in there by error.
The SPEAKER. Without objection, the modification of the
amendment will be made.
There was no objection.
*
*
The SPEAKER. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
SEC. 2. Congress shall have power to provide for the manufacture,
sale, importation, and transportation of intoxicating liquors for sacra-
mental, medicinal, mechanical, pharmaceutical, or scientific purposes,
or for use in the arts, and shall have power to enforce this article
by all needful legislation.
Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker, I offer the following amend-
ment, which I send to the desk and ask to have read.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Hobson: In section 2 strike out the sec-
tion and in lieu thereof substitute the following:
"SEC. 2. The Congress or the States shall have power independently
or concurrently to enforce this article by all needful legislation.'
""
Mr. HOBSON. Mr. Speaker, I do not desire to discuss the
section. It is thoroughly understood by Members, but I should
refer to the evolution of this section.
The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. MANN] has referred to the
fact that I have introduced a number of resolutions in the last
two years, and he asked which one I preferred. Well, I will
say to the gentleman that if he has followed the evolution of
these resolutions-
Mr. MANN. I have.
Mr. HOBSON (continuing). He will find that the last resolu-
tion (H. Res. 277) is very close to the original, the first one
introduced.
Mr. MANN.
Mr. HOBSON.
Oh, it is very different; I have them both here.
Very close.
Mr. MANN. Very different.
Mr. HOBSON. I will say to the gentleman that the resolu-
tion has gone the rounds of most of the temperance and prohi-
bition forces and organizations, and that its final wording was
practically determined in the subcommittee of the Judiciary
Committee of the Senate, as the result of a long conference be-
tween Senators CHILTON, BORAH, SHEPPARD, and SHIELDS, with
Mr. Dinwiddie and myself present. I will add that the main
>
{
74512-14339
29
*
}
object was to provide absolutel against any chance either of a
conflict of authority or of an encroachment by the Federal Gov-
ernment upon the rights of the States. The changes since then
have been unimportant.
*
*
The SPEAKER. The question is on agreeing to the motion
of the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. HовSON] to strike out
and insert.
The motion was agreed to.
The SPEAKER. The question is on the Hobson resolu-
tion-
Mr. HOBSON. The preamble still remains, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. MANN. You can dispose of that after the resolution has
been agreed to.
Mr. HOBSON.
be stricken out.
I ask unanimous consent that the preamble
The SPEAKER. The gentleman asks unanimous consent to
strike out the preamble. Is there objection?
Mr. HOBSON. Before that is done, I want to take this
occasion to say that under the spirit of the Constitution and
the rules of this House I mention this now that we are ap-
proaching the final vote any Member who is financially inter-
ested in the outcome of the vote shall not vote.
Mr. STAFFORD. That disqualifies you, then.
Mr. MANN. I will ask the gentleman-
The SPEAKER. That proposition is not before the House.
Mr. HOBSON. I ask unanimous consent to strike out the
preamble.
The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Alabama asks unani-
mous consent to strike out the preamble. Is there objection?
There was no objection.
Mr. HOBSON. Now, Mr. Speaker, a parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER. The gentleman will state it.
Mr. HOBSON. Whether Members of this body who are
financially interested, by owning bonds or stocks in breweries,
distilleries,** or other establishments of manufacture, or who
own saloons or an interest in saloons, or property rented for
saloons, or other properties which make them financially in-
terested in this measure, can conscientiously vote on this
measure, or whether they can do so under the rules of this
House and under the spirit of the Constitution, which provides
not only for the judiciary but for the legislative branch of the
Government?
Mr. MANN. Mr. Speaker, what is before the House, except
the gentleman from Alabama?
The SPEAKER. The gentleman is making a parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. MANN. I thought he was making a speech. He is deal-
ing in buncombe, at least.
The SPEAKER. The rule about that is Rule VIII:
Every Member shall be present within the Hall of the House during
its sittings unless excused or necessarily prevented; and shall vote
upon each question put, unless he has a direct, personal, or pecuniary
interest in the event of such question.
It was decided after a bitter wrangle in the House in the case
of John Quincy Adams, who came back to the House after he
had been President, that you could not make a Member vote
unless he wanted to. It has practically been decided by Speaker
74512-14339
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30
Blaine in a most elaborate opinion ever rendered on the subject
that each Member must decide the thing for himself, whether
he is sufficiently interested pecuniarily to prevent his voting.
It must affect him directly and personally and not as a member
of a class. If it were not so long, the Chair would read it in
full. It arose in this way. They had a bill about national
banks before the House and Mr. Hooper, of Massachusetts, who
was the president of a national bank, voted. Somebody raised
the point of order that his vote ought to be stricken from the
RECORD. Speaker Blaine made this kind of a ruling of which I
will give the substance; that where it affected an individual he
could not vote, but that where it affected a class he could vote.
He cited two different classes, one of which was national
banks-a law that affected every national bank in the country,
and a great number of Members of the House were more or less
interested in national banks. Another class he cited was the
old soldiers, of whom there were many in the House, and bills
were constantly coming up at that time providing for pensions
and bounties. He said that nobody would claim that these old
soldiers should not be permitted to vote on that kind of a bill.
He wound up finally with the suggestion that knowing the fine
constitution of the mind of the gentleman from Massachusetts
and his high sense of honor, and how jealous he was of his
reputation, he would suggest to him whether he would withdraw
his vote or not, and he withdrew the vote.
Now, if there was a bill here affecting one institution, if you
call it that, the Chair would be inclined to rule that a Member
interested in it pecuniarily could not vote, but where it affects
a whole class he can vote.
Mr. MANN. Like the cotton-warehouse bill that the gentle-
man from Alabama voted for, [Laughter.]
The SPEAKER. Here is a ruling of Speaker Randall on
the same subject in section 5950, volume 5, of Hinds' Precedents:
On March 2, 1877, the yeas and nays were being taken on a motion
to suspend the rules in order to take up the Senate bill (No. 14) to
extend the time for the construction and completion of the Northern
Pacific Railroad.
During the call of the roll Mr. William P. Frye, of Maine, said that
he did not feel at liberty to vote on the bill until the Chair had ruled
upon his right to do so, since he was a stockholder in the road.
The Speaker said:
"Rule 29 reads: 'No Member shall vote on any question in the event
of which he is immediately or particularly interested.'
"Having read this rule, it is for the gentleman himself to determine
whether he shall vote, not for the Chair.'
Mr. Frye declined to vote.
""
The question is on the passage of the Hobson resolution sub-
mitting a constitutional amendment.
Mr. HOBSON, Mr. UNDERWOOD, and Mr. MANN demanded
the yeas and nays.
Mr. HENRY. Mr. Speaker, I suggest that the request has not
been put as to striking out the preamble.
Mr. MANN. And I would like to make the suggestion, Mr.
Speaker, that the bill has not been engrossed and read a third
time.
The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks he submitted the request
to strike out the preamble.
Mr. MANN. That was agreed to.
The SPEAKER. What was the suggestion of the gentleman
from Illinois?
74512-14339

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:
$
Mr. MANN. It has not been ordered to be engrossed
a third time.
and read
The SPEAKER. That is true.
The resolution was ordered to be engrossed and read a third
time, and was read the third time.
The SPEAKER. The question now is on ordering the yeas
and nays.
The question was taken, and the yeas and nays were ordered.
The question was taken, and there were yeas 197, nays 189,
answered " present" 1, not voting 41, as follows:
Flood, Va.
Floyd, Ark.
Abercrombie
Adamson
Aiken
Fordney
Alexander
Foster
Anderson
Fowler
Anthony
Francis
Austin
French
Avis
Garrett, Tex.
Baker
Glass
Good
YEAS-197.
Kinkaid, Nebr.
Kirkpatrick
Kitchin
Kreider
Lafferty
La Follette
Langham
Langley
Shreve
Sims
Sinnott
Sisson
Slemp
Sloan
l
Borchers
Gudger
Borland
Hamilton, Mich.
Brodbeck
Hamilton, N. Y.
Bryan
Hamlin
Burke, S. Dak.
Harrison
Burnett
Haugen
Butler
Hawley
Byrnes, S. C.
Hay
Byrns, Tenn.
Hayden
Campbell
Helgesen
Candler, Miss.
Helm
Caraway
Helvering
Carr
Hensley
Carter
Hinds
Clark, Fla.
Hinebaugh
Collier
Hobson
Connelly, Kans.
Holland
Copley
Houston
Barkley
Barton
Bell, Cal.
Bell, Ga.
Goodwin, Ark.
Green, Iowa
Griest
Lever
Lewis, Md.
Lewis, Pa.
Lindbergh
Lindquist
Lloyd
McKellar
McKenzie
McLaughlin
MacDonald
Mapes
Mondell
Moon
Morgan, Okla.
Moss, W. Va.
Murray
Smith, Idaho
Smith, Md.
Smith, J. M. C.
Smith, Saml. W.
Smith, Tex.
Sparkman
Stedman
Steenerson
Stephens, Cal.
Stephens, Miss.
Stephens, Tex.
Stout
Sutherland
Switzer
Taggart
Tavenner
Taylor, Ala.
Taylor, Ark.
Temple
Thomas
Thompson, Okla.
Thomson, Ill.
Towner
Tribble
Neely, W. Va.
Taylor, Colo.
Nelson
Norton
O'Hair
Oldfield
Padgett
Page, N. C.
Cramton
Howard
Park
Volstead
Crisp
Hoxworth
Patton, Pa.
Walker
Decker
Hughes, Ga.
Peters
Wallin
Deitrick
Hulings
Plumley
Walters
Dershem
Hull
Post
Watkins
Dickinson
Difenderfer
Humphrey, Wash. Powers
Humphreys, Miss. Prouty
Watson
Weaver
Dillon
Jacoway
Quin
Webb
Doolittle
Johnson, Ky.
Ragsdale
Whaley
Dunn
Johnson, S. C.
Rainey
Evans
Johnson, Wash.
Raker
Faison
Jones
Rubey
Falconer
Keating
Farr
Keister
Fergusson
Kelley, Mich.
Russell
Rucker
Rupley
White
Willis
Wingo
Woods
Young, N. Dak.
Woodruff
Ferris
Kelly, Pa.
Saunders
Young, Tex.
Fess
Kennedy, Iowa
Seldomridge
Fields
Kiess, Pa.
Sells
Finley
Kindel
Shackleford
NAYS-189.
Adair
Bowdle
Burke, Wis.
Coady
Allen
Britten
Callaway
Conry
Aswell
Brockson
Cantor
Cooper
Bailey
Broussard
Cantrill
Cox
Barchfeld
Brown, N. Y.
Carew
Crosser
Barnhart
Browne, Wis.
Carlin
Bartholdt
Browning
Cary
Bartlett
Bruckner
Casey
Cullop
Curry
Dale
Bathrick
Buchanan, Ill.
Chandler, N. Y.
Danforth
Beakes
Buchanan, Tex.
Blackmon
Bulkley
Booher
Burgess
Church
Clancy
Cline
Davis
Dent
Dies
74512-14339


UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 03244 2033
32
Dixon
Hammond
Manahan
Rouse
Donohoe
Hardy
Mann
Sabath.
Donovan
Hart
Miller
Scott
Dooling
Hayes
Mitchell
Scully
Doremus
Heflin
Montague
Sherley
Driscoll
-Henry
Moore
Sherwood
Drukker
Hill
Morgan, La
Slayden
Dupré
Howell
Morin
Smith, Minn.
Eagan
Igoe
Morrison
Eagle
Johnson, Utah
Moss, Ind.
Stafford
Edmonds
Kahn
Mott
Smith, N. Y.
Stanley
Esch
Kennedy, Conn.
Mulkey
Stephens, Nebr.
Estopinal
Kennedy, R. I.
O'Brien
Stevens, Minn.
Fitzgerald
Kent
Oglesby
FitzHenry
Kettner
O'Leary
Frear
Key, Ohio
Gallagher
Kinkead, N. J.
Gallivan
Knowland, J. R.
Gard
Korbly
Gardner
Lazaro
Garner
Lee, Ga.
George
Lee, Pa.
Gerry
Lenroot
Patten, N. Y.
Peterson
Phelan
Gill
Lesher
Platt
Gillett
Levy
Porter
Gilmore
Lieb
Pou
Goeke
Linthicum
Price
Goldfogle
Lobeck
Gordon
Loft
Rauch
Rayburn
Lonergan
Goulden
Graham, Ill.
Gray
Greene, Mass.
Greene, Vt.
Griffin
Hamill
Ainey
Ansberry
Ashbrook
Baltz
McAndrews
McGillicuddy
Madden
Maguire, Nebr.
Mahan
Maher
O'Shaunessy
Paige, Mass.
Palmer
Parker, N. J.
Parker, N. Y.
Reed
Reilly, Conn.
Reilly, Wis.
Riordan
Roberts, Mass.
Roberts, Nev.
Rogers
PRESENT "-1.
ANSWERED "PRESENT
Small
NOT VOTING 41.
Guernsey
Harris
Hughes, W. Va.
Konop
L'Engle
Logue
McClellan
Stevens, N. H.
Stone
Stringer
Sumners
Talbott, Md.
Talcott, N. Y.
Thacher
Treadway
Tuttle
Underhill
Underwood
Vaughan
Vinson
Vollmer
Walsh
Whitacre
Williams
Wilson, N. Y.
Winslow
Witherspoon
Neeley, Kans.
Nolan, J. I..
Rothermel
Taylor, N. Y.
Ten Eyck
Townsend
Vare
LEKE
Beall, Tex.
Brown, W. Va.
Brumbaugh-
Burke, Pa.
Calder
Claypool
Davenport
Doughton
Edwards
Elder
Fairchild
Garrett, Tenn.
Gittins
Godwin, N. C.
Gorman
Graham, Pa.
Connolly, Iowa
Gregg
McGuire, Okla.
Martin
Metz
Murdock
Wilson, Fla.
So, two-thirds not having voted in favor thereof, the resolu-
tion was rejected.
The Clerk announced the following pairs:
Mr. DAVENPORT and Mr. HARRIS (for) with Mr. KONOP
(against).
Mr. NEELEY of Kansas and Mr. MARTIN (for) and Mr. GREGG
(against).
Mr. AINEY and Mr. GUERNSEY (for)
(for) with Mr. FAIRCHILD
(against).
Mr. L'ENGLE and Mr. DOUGHTON (for) with Mr. SMALL
(against).
Mr. MCGUIRE of Oklahoma and Mr. GARRETT of Tennessee
(for) with Mr. BURKE of Pennsylvania (against).
Mr. SMALL. Mr. Speaker, I voted nay.” I am paired
with my colleague, Mr. DOUGHTON, who has just been com-
pelled to leave the city, and I wish to withdraw my vote and
answer "present."
The name of Mr. SMALL was called and he answered "Present.”
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
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