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ARTES
1837
SCIENTIA
LIBRARYA
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
E-PLURIBUS-UNUM
DEBOR
SI-QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAN
CIRCUMSPICE

83
-65
226.
:
880.
c98
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T.I


1
1
PRINCIPLES
OF
-
کیمپ کے جا کر مجھے

GREEK ETYMOLOGY.
:


BY GEORGE CURTIUS,
PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG.
TRANSLATED, WITH THE SANCTION OF THE AUTHOR,
BY AUGUSTUS S. WILKINS, M. A.,
PROFESSOR OF LATIN AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN THE OWENS COLLEGE,
MANCHESTER,
AND
EDWIN B. ENGLAND, M.A.,
ASSISTANT LECTURER IN CLASSICS IN THE OWENS COLLEGE,
MANCHESTER,
VOLUME I.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1875.
Lately Published.
THE STUDENT'S GREEK GRAMMAR. A GRAMMAR OF THE
GREEK LANGUAGE. By Professor CURTIUS. Translated under the revision
of the Author. Edited by WM. SMITH, D.C.L. Seventh Edition. Post
8vo. 6s.
ELUCIDATIONS OF THE STUDENT'S GREEK GRAMMAR.
By Professor CURTIUS. Translated with the sanction of the Author. By
EVELYN ABBOT, M.A. Second Edition. Post 8vo. 7s. 6d.
A SMALLER GREEK GRAMMAR. FOR THE USE OF THE
MIDDLE AND LOWER FORMS. Abridged from CURTIUS' Larger Work. Ninthi
Edition. 12mo. 3s. 6d.
THE ACCIDENCE OF THE GREEK LANGUAGE. Extracted
from the above Work. 12mo. 2s. 6d.
TRANSLATORS' PREFACE.
The Principles of Greek Etymology' by Professor
Georg Curtius of Leipzig needs no introduction to those
English readers who are interested in classical studies.
We may therefore limit ourselves to one or two words
on the principles which have guided us in the task of
translation. Our object has been to render our version,
even in minor points, as faithful a reproduction of the
original, as was possible. Should a second edition be
called for, it might probably be well to make some
alterations to adapt the work the better to the use of
English students. The references to German books and
periodicals might be largely curtailed; and in many cases
the substance of the passage referred to might be inwoven
with the text. But it was felt that a work, which had so
repeatedly and so recently passed under the revision of its
author, had a claim to appear, once at any rate, in an
English dress without omissions or additions.
In a very
few instances we have ventured to add within square
brackets illustrations, mainly derived from Old English or
dialectic forms, which may naturally have escaped the com-
prehensive survey of the author: but in most cases we
have abstained from such additions, even where the possible
interest for English students made them very tempting.
Where it was possible, we have endeavoured to refer
to English translations of German works: but unfortunately
this did not seem advisable in the case of one or twg of
the books to which reference is frequent. The English
a*
IV
translation of Bopp's Comparative Grammar was made from
the first edition of the original, and has not been brought
up to the standard of the largely improved second edition,
to which Professor Curtius refers, although it has passed
through three editions in this country. We believe however
that there will rarely be any difficulty in finding at any
rate Bopp's πρῶται φροντίδες on the matter under discussion
from the excellent index to the English translation. In the
case of Buttmann's Lexilogus a similar difficulty arose from
the number of English editions through which it has passed,
differing in pagination, though not in any other material
respect. As the articles are in the translation arranged
alphabetically, it was judged best here also to leave the
references of the original unaltered. The English trans-
lation of a portion of Schleicher's Compendium appeared
too recently, and is still too incomplete, to enable us to
refer to it with advantage. In referring to passages in
the book itself, we have used the pagination of the ori-
ginal, printed in the margin here. This was necessary in
the case of the numerous forward references: and it seemed
better to follow a uniform practice throughout.
With regard to the translation itself, we have not
hesitated to aim at fidelity rather than elegance. Much
difficulty has been presented by the frequent recurrence of
technical terms, like what Mr. Peile so justly calls the
untranslateable Sprachgefühl, for which there are as yet no
recognized English equivalents. We have not found it
possible to preserve a uniform consistency in rendering
these, but have rather endeavoured to bring out the force
in which they are used in various passages, by various
renderings. If some of these appear unusual to English
ears, we must plead that the originals must have been
equally strange to the German language at the time of
their introduction.
We owe our best thanks to the Leipzig publishers who
kindly supplied us with the sheets of the fourth edition
as it passed through the press; to Dr. Herman Hager of
V
Manchester, a pupil of Professor Curtius, whose familiarity
with his teacher's language and ready command of ap-
propriate English have often been of service to us; and
above all to Professor Curtius himself, for much per-
sonal kindness, as well as for the ready sanction which he
gave to the present translation.
The publication of the present volume has been de-
layed much longer than was anticipated by a variety of
unforeseen hindrances. It is hoped that the second volume
will follow at an interval much shorter than that which
has separated the appearance of this volume from its first
announcement. This will contain full and complete indices
to the entire work.
Owens COLLEGE, Manchester, March 1875.
}
A. S. W.
E. B. E.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
To ascertain what results have been clearly established
by the science of Comparative Philology bearing on Greek
Etymology, apart from airy surmisings and absurd methods.
of investigation, has appeared to me for several reasons
a useful undertaking. The Science of Language presents
no subject so tempting, none that so invites to unwearying
research, as the unsurpassable language of the Greeks,
which has developed so richly and characteristically from
its primitive foundation: but, to avoid error in the research,
there is need for constant converse with that familiar
knowledge of the Greek language and its records, which,
inherited from Antiquity and the object of close and care-
ful study in our own century, we call in Germany by the
special name of Philology. On the other hand Classical
Philology, with the wider range which it has now won
for itself, asks a thousand questions about the descent and
original meaning of Greek words, and at the same time
about the history of the ideas and conceptions which they
present, questions which can only be answered outside its
own province, by the science of Comparative Philology.
The more lively the activity now reigning in the last-named
science, the more attention there is paid by Classical Philo-
logy on its side to the information to be gained from this
science, so much the greater will be the advantage to be
obtained by promoting a profitable commerce between the
two movements in this very province.
Without doubt this is a difficult undertaking. Com-
parative Philologers have been called not without a sneer
VII
'Circumnavigators of the World', a title which they might
be content to accept, were it not unseemly to call by
the name of 'world' that Indo-Germanic realm with which
we have here to do, and which is after all so very small
a part of the region of human speech. But who is to
restrict exploration to familiar coasting-voyages? Even
here there is most certainly no lack of danger. It is on
the rocks and shallows near the land that most ships are
wrecked, while it is only on the high seas that navigation
has reached its fuller development.
But the bolder the course, the more do we need points
of view to guide us. Therefore I have thought it needful
above all things in attempting what I have, to subject the
first principles and the methods of Comparative Etymology
in its application to the Greek language, to a searching
discussion. Not that I intended to exhaust the subject
systematically, once for all, but, adjusting myself to the
present attitude of the study, to handle a series of questions
of fundamental importance, and by so doing to establish
a fixed standard of procedure for the treatment of details
which is to follow. These are the ends served by the
First Book of this work.
Next I took as my task the synoptical enumeration
of those Greek words and families of words for which un-
doubted affinities could be found in the kindred languages,
along with the words so related. If I have erred in judging
of the connexion of words, I believe it has been on the
side of caution. Adhering firmly to the principle, thau it
is better to forbear to connect what may be unrelated,
than to connect it too hastily, and that a limited number
of sure comparisons has far more value than an abundance
of uncertain conjectures, I have not shrunk from repeated
scrutiny in each single instance. My matter however fell
naturally into two parts. Since every trustworthy inquiry
must start with the sound rather than the sense, a division
naturally resulted between the regular or constant substi-
tution of sounds and that which is irregular or sporadic.
VIII
Accordingly the Second Book treats of Regular Substitution
of Sounds. Its form is that of an index arranged pho-
netically.
In the treatment of the several families of words
I have endeavoured to state the facts of the case as clearly,
and at the same time as concisely as possible. I have
therefore given in all cases none but the most important
members, though I did not like to omit the translation even
of the Greek words. By its addition many readers are
saved the trouble of searching for rare words in the dict-
ionary, and even when the words are common, the trans-
lation of them has been a short and concise means of calling
attention not only to the prominent meaning, but also to
noteworthy coincidences and differences in the other lang-
uages, and this practice has for consistency's sake been.
maintained even in the absence of such special reasons.
I think that a hint here and there which may possibly be
superfluous does less harm in these inquiries than that
doctum silentium which gives rise to many misconceptions,
especially as this book may chance to be used by some who
are not so well versed in Greek as classical scholars are,
though perhaps all the more at home in other languages.
In the search for the Greek words which belong to
the same group I have derived much assistance from Niz's
small 'Etymologisches Wörterbuch' (second edition, by
I. Bekker, Berlin 1821). In this insignificant little book,
which has received too little attention, there is more etymo-
logical insight than in all our dictionaries, excellent though
they are in other respects. Of Greek grammarians and
lexicographers I have most frequently referred to Hesychius
who gives us much that is remarkable. I have however
carefully avoided indulging in guesses at isolated etymo-
logical puzzles, and have only noticed proper names by
the way.
In giving the words from the other languages I have
bestowed great care on the accuracy of their appended
translations. Hence I have generally followed my author-
IX
ities in using the language by means of which the meaning
is established. In the case of the Church-Slavonic and
Gothic words I have often added the Greek word to which
they both serve as a translation. This not unfrequently
makes analogies still more striking.
To each group of connected words I have added a short
commentary; and in so doing I have thought it necessary
in the first place to give the history of each etymology
more fully than has been done hitherto. The literature
of etymology has often been unduly neglected. The sanctity
of intellectual property, and the continuity so desireable
in scientific investigation, both demand, I think, greater care
in this direction. Accordingly, though I cannot vouch for
absolute completeness, and have omitted to notice attempts
which are clearly fantastic and unmethodical and of
these there are too many even in our days I have
faithfully recorded the contributions of my predecessors.
Still it is only the more important literature of the Com-
parative Study of Languages that is systematically noticed,
while etymologies of the old sort are only mentioned oc-
casionally, whenever they give occasion for decided ap-
proval or condemnation, or acquire importance from the
names of their authors, e. g. Buttmann, Lobeck or Doeder-
lein. These references to other authors are as a rule fol-
lowed by short notes of agreement or criticism, or expla-
nation and extension. The compressed brevity of these
remarks in the style of critical notes may find an excuse
in my desire to confine the work within reasonable limits.
Whoever takes the trouble to read these brief notes will
perceive from them that the results given in the text have
often been arrived at after much painstaking deliberation,
and will acquit me at all events of having chosen them
thoughtlessly. I hope too that by giving the grounds of
my comparisons I shall facilitate the refutation of my
errors, and at the same time raise the discussion of the
more difficult questions; and there are very many cases in
which fuller discussion is needed.
X
The annexed tables (pp. 155-159) of the regular sub-
stitution of sounds and the transcription of several alpha-
bets are intended to enable any one who desires to enter
on these questions, to use and test this book. It is to be
hoped then that it will not be laid aside with the often
pleaded remark 'I know no Sanskrit'. A knowledge of
this or of any other of the kindred languages, except the two
classic ones, is by no means necessary to the formation
of a judgment on the subjects here discussed. Whoever will
believe me that the Indian, Slavonic, or Lithuanian words
quoted are given conscientiously, in form and meaning, is
perfectly able to judge of the soundness of each comparison.
And such a readiness to accept much on trust is in other
branches of philology as necessary as it is safe. If we
credit the epigraphist with correctness in copying an in-
scription, the editor of a text with the accuracy of his
various readings, if we accept the measurements and de-
scriptions of the topographer, linguistic scholars can in
their turn demand that their statements shall not be
discredited without good reason. Error is inevitable in all
circumstances, and therefore even statements of fact need
constant revision. But division of labour and attention to
the discoveries and diligent compilations of others can
never be dispensed with. It is easy to plead 'I do not
understand the subject', but this plea can give no one the
right of ignoring our labour.
The Third Book, which is devoted to the sporadic
substitution of sounds, since it treats of rarer phonetic
changes, assumes naturally more the character and style
of an investigation. I felt myself more bound here not
only to state my own views, but to explain my reasons
more fully. I have endeavoured to discharge this duty
more especially with respect to that part of this book
which deals with the transformations of the j in Greek,
because I have ventured to propose on this subject several
explanations in many respects novel. I am well aware
that in these difficult investigations, I have been treading
XI
more frequently on dangerous ground. On the main point
however I have held firmly for many years to my view
of the relation of the letter d to j, and in spite of several
attacks, and repeated and conscientious examination, it re-
mains substantially the same. I hope that by its means
I have thrown light on many difficult questions connected
with the formation of words which are of importance not
only for linguistic study in general, but for the elucidation
of the Greek language in particular.
PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION.
In this edition the quotations, especially from
Pott, Corssen, and Fick, have been adjusted to the latest
editions of their works, and the Petersburg Dictionary has
been used as far as it has appeared. For the Zend words
M. Abel Hovelacque of Paris has had the great kindness
to send me a list of corrections, which I have used grate-
fully. The vowels of the Teutonic words are given with
greater accuracy owing entirely to the kind assistance of
Prof. Dr. Sievers of Jena. For much information with
regard to the Slavonic words I have to thank Herr Director
Vaníček of Trebitsch in Moravia, who at my request has
undertaken the correction of the proof sheets and the pre-
paration of an Eranian and a Slavo-Lithuanian index,
and has also been so kind as to subject the other indices
to a careful examination. There are therefore now indices
for all the languages of which I have treated. I have also
incorporated matter which I have collected from time to
time since the appearance of the third edition, and cancelled
in some instances views which I have since abandoned.
I had always regarded it as an essential defect of my
work that the Keltic languages had not been considered
by me along with the rest of the Indo-Germanic family.
XII
Hence I welcomed most heartily the kind offer of my
friend Prof. Dr. Ernst Windisch to add to the articles of
this work the most important and the best established
comparisons from these languages, and to supplement the
work at other points as opportunity offered. His familiarity
with Keltic and especially with Old-Irish is the result of
intercourse with speakers of the Irish tongue and with
the prominent Keltic scholars of that country. Although
these additions have not materially increased the size of
the book, they give this fourth edition a decided advantage
over the previous ones
Note on the Keltic Comparisons
(by Dr. Windisch).
With regard to my Keltic contributions to this fourth edition
of the 'Principles' I may make the following observations. I have
been able to add the Keltic words, in round numbers, to more than
230 of the sections of this work, in all more than 630. The majority
of these belong to Old and Middle Irish: as I have always given re-
ferences to the sources of my quotations, it did not seem to be ne-
cessary to divide them further into the various stages of the lang-
uage, which, in most of the cases here coming into consideration,
differ but little. Modern Irish has been but rarely quoted. Perhaps
somewhat too little use has been made of the British dialects: it is
only recently that I have become acquainted with them. Hence it
is this department especially which will need to receive many add-
itions; though much may yet be added even from Irish, as I know
already from my own experience. I have appended the authoritie
to the several words, as there is not yet any trustworthy dictionary,
nor any index to the Grammatica Celtica.
I add a list of the books which I have used, with the abbre-
viations of their titles:
2.2
Amra
Chron. Scot.
Cog.
Corm. Gl.
Zeuss Grammatica Celtica, editio altera, curante
H. Ebel.
The Amra Choluim Chilli, the original Irish and
literal translation, O'Beirne Crowe, Dublin 1871
Chronicum Scotorum, edited with a translation
by William M. Hennessy, London 1866.
Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh, The war of the
Gaedhil with the Gaill, edited with translation
and introduction by James Henthorn Todd,
London 1867.
London
Cormac's Glossary, in: Three Irish Glossaries,
with a preface and index by W. S.
1862.
XIV
Corm. Gl. Transl.
F. A.
Goid.
Ir. Gl.
Journ.
L. U.
O'Dav.
O'R.
Spurr. Dict.
T. B. Fr.
Cormac's Glossary translated and annotated, by
the late John O'Donovan LL. D., edited with
notes and indices by Whitley Stokes. Cal-
cutta 1868.
Fís Adamnáin, Adamnan's Vision, transcribed
and translated from the book of the Dunn Cow,
with notes (W. Stokes) Simla 1870.
Goidilica, or Notes on the Gaelic Manuscripts
preserved at Turin, Milan &c. edited by W. S.
Calcutta 1866. (Of the second edition, London
1872, I have been able to make but little use).
Irish Glosses, A Mediæval Tract on Latin De-
clension with examples explained in Irish,
edited by W. Stokes, Dublin 1860.
The Journal of the Royal Historical and Archaeo-
logical Association of Ireland.
Lebor na h-uidre, Dublin. M.S. of the end of
the 11th century, published in facsimile by the
Royal Irish Academy, Dublin 1870.
O'Davoren's Glossary, in: Three Irish Glossaries
&c. edited by W. S.
O'Reilly, An Irish-English Dictionary, a new
Edition with a supplement &c. by John
O'Donovan, Dublin 1864.
William Spurrell, A Dictionary of the Welsh
Language (3rd edition), Carmarthen 1866.
Táin Bó Fraich, The Spoil of the Cows of Froech
(from the Book of Leinster), translated and
edited by O'Beirne Crowe in the Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy, Ir. Mss. Series
Vol. I P. I. Dublin 1870.
Will. Lex. Cornu-Brit.
R. Williams, Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum,
London 1865.
Contents.
Book I. Introduction. Principles and Main Questions of Greek Etymo-
logy (pp. 1-152)
1) Conception and limits of Etymology; Etymo-
logy in Antiquity
·
2) Modern Etymology up to the time of Lobeck
and Döderlein
3) Philipp Buttmann
4) Stand-point of Comparative Philology
5) Significance of Sanskrit; misconceptions in
the employment of it; significance of other
related languages
Pages
1- 7
7- 17
17- 20
20-30
30- 38
6) Mistaken analyses; the prefix theory
7) Necessary limitation; conception of the root;
general views about the Greek roots; internal
changes; variation of roots.
38-53
53-75
8) Extension of the roots by addition at the end
(expansion).
75-90
9) Premature identification of formative suffixes
10) Under-estimation and over-estimation of equi-
valence of meaning .
90-99
99-104
11) The Indo-Germanic sounds: the Greek systèm
of sounds, compared with the related lang-
uages.
104-114
12) Necessity of a doctrine of meanings
114-118
13) General course of the development of mean-
ings, shown by illustrative examples
118-128
14) Assistance in the discovery of the fundamental
meaning.
128-139
15) Analogies for the exchange of meanings
16) Etymology of rare words, and of proper
139-145
names; mythological etymology
145-152
•
Book II. Regular Substitution of Sounds (pp. 153-502)
a) Transliteration of the Sanskrit, Zend, and
Cyrillic Alphabets
155-156
Lithuanian and Irish characters
156-157
•
XVI
b) Table of the Regular Substitution of Sounds
in Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Italian, German,
Church-Slavonic, Lithuanian, and Old Irish
K.
X
Pages
158-159
•
160-208
208-232
232-253
T
Δ
II
253-282
282-308
309-326
327-361
•
B
Φ
362-363
363-380
N
M
P
380-400
400-423
423-444
SHMA
444-468
468-478
478-481
481-489
Spiritus asper for initial s
489-493
Spiritus asper for j .
493-495
Vowels
495-502
A, B etc.
α, ß etc.
Ahrens aeol.
Ahrens dor.
Ascoli Glottol.
Aufr. and Kirch.
Beitr.
Bekker Hom. Bl.
Benf.
Bopp Gl.
Bopp Vgl. Gr.
Christ
C. I.
C. I. L.
Clemm Comp.
Corssen Beitr.
―
Abbreviations.
Books of the Iliad.
Books of the Odyssey.
De dialectis aeolicis et pseudaeolicis scr. H. L.
Ahrens. Gottingae 1839.
De dialecto dorica scr. H. L. Ahrens. Gott. 1843.
Lezioni di Fonologia comparata da G. J. Ascoli,
Torino e Firenze 1870. (Translated into Ger-
man by Bazzigher and Schweizer-Sidler, Halle
1872).
Die umbrischen Sprachdenkmäler. Ein Versuch
zur Deutung derselben von Aufrecht und Kirch-
hoff. Berlin 1849, 1851.
Beiträge zur vergleichenden Sprachforschung auf
dem Gebiete der arischen, celtischen und sla-
wischen Sprachen, herausgegeben von Kuhn
und Schleicher. Berlin 1858 ff.
Homerische Blätter von Immanuel Bekker. Bonn 1863.
Benfey's griechisches Wurzellexikon, Berlin 1839,
1842.
Bopp's 'Glossarium comparativum linguae Sanscri-
tae', ed. tertia. Berol. 1867.
Vergleichende Grammatik von Franz Bopp. 2. Aus-
gabe. Berl. 1857-61.
Grundzüge der griechischen Lautlehre von Wilh.
Christ. L. 1859.
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum.
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Vol. I. Berol. 1863.
De compositis graecis quae a verbis incipiunt scr.
V. Clemm. Gissae 1867.
Corssen Nachtr.
CURTIUS, Etymology.
Kritische Beiträge zur lateinischen Formenlehre
von W. Corssen. L. 1863.
Kritische Nachträge zur lateinischen Formenlehre
von W. Corssen. L. 1866.
b
XVIII
Corssen 12, II 2.
Diefenbach
Döderlein Gl.
E. M.
Fick 2
Fulda Unters.
Grimm Gesch.
Hes.
Hoffmann
Justi
Leo Meyer
Leo Meyer Goth.
Miklos. Lex.
Mommsen U.D.
Max Müller I
Max Müller II
Paul Ep.
Pictet
Pott¹
Pott 2
Pott W.
Ueber Aussprache, Vocalismus und Betonung der
lateinischen Sprache von W. Corssen. Zweite
Auflage. L. 1868, 70. -
Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der gothischen Sprache.
Frankfurt a. M. 1851.
Homerisches Glossarium von Ludw. Döderlein.
Erlangen 1850–58.
Etymologicum Magnum.
Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der indogermanischen
Sprachen von F. C. August Fiek. Göttingen 1870.
Untersuchungen über die homerischen Gedichte
von Albert Fulda. Duisburg 1865.
Geschichte der deutschen Sprache von Jacob
Grimm. L. 1848.
Hesychii Lexicon ed. M. Schmidt. Jena 1858–62.
Quaestiones homericae. Scripsit Chr. Aug. Jul.
Hoffmann. Clausthaliae 1842, 1848.
Handbuch der Zendsprache von Ferd. Justi. L. 1864.
- Vergleichende Grammatik der griechischen und
lateinischen Sprache von Leo Meyer. Berlin
1861, 65.
Die gothische Sprache, von Leo Meyer. Berlin 1869.
Lexicon Palaeoslovenico-Graeco-Latinum, emenda-
tum, auctum ed. Fr. Miklosich. Vindob. 1862
- 1865.
Die unteritalischen Dialekte von Theod. Mommsen.
L. 1850.
Lectures on the Science of Language by Max
Müller, London 1861.
Lectures on the Science of Language by Max
Müller. Second Series. London 1864.
Pauli Epitome Festi, by O. Müller's pages in his
edition of Festus (L. 1839).
-Les Origines Indoeuropéennes ou les Aryas primi-
tifs. Paris 1859, 63.
- Etymologische Forschungen auf dem Gebiete der
Indo-Germanischen Sprachen von Aug. Friedr.
Pott. Lemgo 1833, 36.
Second edition of the same work. Lemgo 1859, 61.
Wurzelwörterbuch der Indogermanischen Sprachen.
Detmold 1867–73.
PW. [Pet. Dict.] - Sanskritwörterbuch, herausgegeben von der kaiserl.
Akademie der Wissenschaften, bearbeitet von
0. Böhtlingk und Rud. Roth. Petersb. 1855 ff.
XIX
Roediger comp.
Schleich. Comp.
Kirchensl.
Lit.
Joh. Schmidt Voc. I.
Studien
Weber Et. Unters.
Ztschr.
Ztschr. f. d. Phil.
De priorum membrorum in nominibus graecis
compositis conformatione finali scr. Rich. Roe-
diger. L. 1866.
Compendium der vergleichenden Grammatik der
indogermanischen Sprachen von Aug. Schleicher.
Dritte Auflage. Weimar 1871.
Formenlehre der kirchenslawischen Sprache von
Aug. Schleicher. Bonn 1852.
Handbuch der litauischen Sprache von August
Schleicher. Prag 1856, 1857.
mus.
Zur Geschichte des indogermanischen Vocalis-
Erste Abtbeilung. Weimar 1871.
Studien zur griechischen und lateinischen Gram-
matik, herausgegeben von Georg Curtius. Leip-
zig 1868 ff.
Etymologische Untersuchungen von Dr. Hugo
Weber I. Halle 1861.
-Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung auf
dem Gebiete des Deutschen, Griechischen und
Lateinischen, herausgegeben von [Aufrecht und]
Adalb. Kuhn. Berlin 1852 ff.
Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, herausgegeben
von Höpfner und Zacher. Halle 1868 f.
b
[The following, additions to, and corrections of the Keltic ety-
mologies given in the text of this work are derived mainly from a
paper by Professor Windisch in the Studien zur Gr. und Lat. Gram-
matik edited by Professor Curtius, Vol. VII pp. 371–380. Those to
which St. is added are due to Mr. Whitley Stokes 'Some Remarks
on the Celtic Additions to Curtius' "Greek Etymology" (Calcutta
1874). Many others suggested by Mr. Stokes are judged by Prof.
Windisch still to need confirmation.]
I. Corrigenda.
68) Ir. celt, hair, has no authority.
129) Omit grén gen. gruin: the word is incorrectly translated 'crane'.
But cp. Old Gall. Tri-garanus. Beitr. III 168, 442.
166) Read: ochte angustia Z. 68.
frigus.
In Z. 1006 the word is ócht
190) Omit: Ir. géd goose, which is perhaps related to Lith. gàudras
stork, but does not directly belong to xýv.
204) Omit: Old Gall. ande- &c. With Gr. άvtí cp. Ir. étan frons Z.
776, O.-N. enni, O.-H.-G. andi brow, Lat. antiae, and see Fick 2
425. St.
205) Read: Corn. steren. This word is found in the voc. Z. 1065.
Cymric stirenn rests only on a conjecture in Z. 1063.
206) Read: i-fus, i-fos.
238) Omit: tair come.
267b) Read: The acc. plur. dromann, dromand (Z. 270) with the ab-
breviated gen. sing. drommo suggest an original stem drosmen,
the sm of which was directly assimilated to mm.
279) Omit: Ir. ithim edo. Cp. Beitr. VIII 5.
325) (end of note) Omit the conjecture as to Ir. uth.
326) Read: co-bodlas. But probably these words do not belong to
this group at all. The loss of the find nasal of the preposition
XXI
shows that b in the representative of an original v: cp. rather
with these Goth. ga-vath ovvέgev§ev, O.-H.-G. gi-wët pair, yoke,
gi-wëtan bind together, and (St.) Ir. fedan, Cymr. gwedd yoke,
Gr. οθόνη Gne linen.
342) Omit: Ir. niae means sister &c. (p. 332 at end of note).
350) (p. 336) Omit lines 12—13. c is only found for p in borrowed
words.
358) Omit note on creuas &c. (p. 340. An Indo-Germanic p is never
retained in Keltic.
359) (p. 340 at end of note) ér- aer- did not end in a vowel, but
was identical with prep. air.
360) Read inn-uraid.
365) Read: ro-chom-allsu.
412) (p. 375 1. 1) Read: bloden.
415) (note, last line) Read: bravant.
443) (p. 397 at end of note) Read: ro-snaidet they swam (omit:
strongly).
492) (p. 428 1. 17) Omit: (orig. part. pres. act.).
II. Addenda.
A. Numbers which have Keltic comparisons already supplied.
62) Rt. kλu: Ir, cloth famous (Brocc. Hy. 69) is identical with xlutós
even to the formation of the stem. Cp. the British forms of
this rt. Z. 604, e. g. Corn. ny clev non audit.
135) Rt. yvw: O.-Ir. gnath solitus, consuetus, Cymr. gnawt forma,
habitus Z. 16, 94. St.
155) Rt. σTEɣ: O.-Cymr. bou-tig stabulum Z. 136.
174) Rt. Mix: O.-Ir. ligur tongue (Corm. Gl. p. 26). St.
214) Rt. TET: O.-Ir. étar invenitur (cp. Goth. fintha), tuit for do-fo-it
пintɛl. The present stem was in both cases panta: cp. Beitr.
VIII 3.
244) Rt. TρEC: To Ir. tarrach belongs the O.-Ir. nom. pl. toirsich
tristes Z. 226.
255 b) Boadus: O.-Ir. mall (for mald-) lentus, tardus Z. 41, 224.
260) Rt. dau: O.-Cymr. dometic Z. 532, Cymr. dof (= dom) tame Z.
1057. St.
474) Rt. μy: 0.-Ir. cum-masc 'mixtio' (according to Stokes, not
'commutatio' Z. 872). The a in the root-syllable took the place
of e, because there was a preference for the sequence u-a,
XXII
B. New Keltic comparisons.
1) Rt. ȧyk: 0.-Ir. @cath hamus Z. 1009 (άπ. ɛiọ.). St.
4) άnxó-s O.-Ir. asil, Arm. esel membrum, artus Z. 121.
7) Rt. άρк: 0.-Ir. doimm-urc ango, coarcto, tess-urc servo, defendo,
(urc for arcu; tess- contracted from do-ess, ess = Gr. ¿§, imm
Gr. άupí) Z. 428, 884. Cp. Nigra, Rev. Celt. I 76.
15) Rt. dok: O.-Ir. doich verisimilis Z. 74. St.
29b) naléw: Ir. cailech gallus (Corm. Gl.). St.
42b) (note) St. compares with xo̟óxŋ O.-Ir. cloch fem. stone, Z. 649.
57) Rt. κı: Corn. ke i Z. 586. St.
64) Rt. кoF: perhaps Corn. scouarn auris, cp. Ztschr. XXI 429; but
the f in modern Welsh ysgyfarn 'ear', seems to be against this.
66) nónuvέ: Ir. cuach St. This occurs in L. U.
79) Rt. κU: Cymr. cwn altitudo, er-chynu elevare. For these and
other derivatives cp. Beitr. VIII 40 ff.
92) Rt. µuê: 0.-Ir. muc fem., Cymr. moch sus Z. 90, original form
munca. St.
93) vεnús: O.-Ir. éc, gen. éca (stem ancu), Corn. ancou mors Z. 58,
107. Cp. Ztschr. XXII 275.
122) Rt. yau: Ir. guaire st. gauria- noble (Corm. Gl. Trans. p. 91). St.
141) Rt. Fepy: Corn. gura faciet Z. 580 ff. The initial v has become
gu, the final g of the root has been lost. Cymr. guerg efficax
Ζ. 127, ep. πανούργος.
152) ỏgyń: O.-Ir. ferc ira, fercach iratus Z. 61. There are other in-
stances in which Ir. rc represents an original rg.
215) St. лɛτα: 0.-Cymr. etem filum, cp. Beitr. VIII 3.
226) Rt. CTIY: O.-Cymr. tigom naevi (Lux. Gl. Z. 1064), reminding
us, both in form and meaning, of Gr. oyun.
243) tétta: Corn. tat pater, Corn. hen-dat avus Z. 154, 159. St.
251) Rt. TuQ: O.-Ir. dub, Cymr. du niger Z. 139, with Gr. tvpló-s,
Goth. daubs and dumbs forming a highly interesting group. St.
317) Rt. Ope: Ir. dord susurrus (Corm. Gl.), dordaid dam mugit
cervus (Amra ed. Stokes 63). St.
351) St. παυ: O.-Ir. óa minor (for paujas) Z. 277, cp. the Goth.
comparative favizo 2. Cor. VIII 15.
358) пɛqάw, néovnui: O.-Ir. as-renai impendis, reddis, ni rir (redupl.
perf.) non vendidit. More fully discussed Beitr. VIII 11.
405) ỏœgús: Ir. brúad gen. pl. from a stem bhruvat-; cp. Ztschr.
XXI 430.
406) Copέw: Ir. srub muicci ‘a pig's snout' (Corm. Gl. Trans. 154). St.
424) Rt. EvEK: 0.-Ir. r-ecam 1 pl. pres. conj. (Brocc. Hy. 92), present
stem anka-, perf. r-anac, t-anac attain, come Z. 504. Cp. Ztschr.
XXI 412 ff.
XXIII
453) μ- 0.-Cymr. hanter, hanther, Corn. hanter dimidium Z. 1060,
153, cp. Rhys Rev. Celt. I 359.
"
503) qvis: Corn. er aquila Z. 1074, Cymr. eryr, erydd eagle (Spurr.
Dict.). St.
529) lapo-s: O.-Ir inn-elit capreolum, Cymbr. elain cerva Z. 805. St.
579) ovç: Cymr. hucc sus Z. 91. St.
582) ά§wv: Cymr. echel, Arm. ahell axis Z. 818; on Brit. ch for
original ks cp. 583. St.
593) réa: Cymr. gwden willow (Spurr. Dict.). St.
604) Rt. ú: Ir. suth milk (Corm. Gl. Transl. 166). St.
608) voµívn: 0.-Cymr. Jud-nerth (nerth virtus), Jud-ri (ri king),
Jud-bin (bin vivus) proper names; cp. Stokes. Rev. Celt. I 342.
660) Rt. Feλ: 0.-Ir. félmæ saepes Z. 770. St.
BOOK I.
INTRODUCTION.
PRINCIPLES AND MAIN QUESTIONS OF GREEK 3
ETYMOLOGY.
One who takes in hand a science that has acquired,
and deservedly acquired such an ill repute as that of Ety-
mology, has every reason for giving a strict account both
to himself and his readers of the goal of his endeavours
and the paths he means to follow in its pursuit. If he
omits to do this he will have no right to complain if he
is reckoned among those who have in ancient and modern
times brought the name of Etymology into discredit, or
if at all events his attempts are received with the same
distrust and incredulity which has consigned again to ob-
livion so many attempts at Etymology for the most part.
as soon as they were made, only however that they might
be replaced incessantly by fresh ones. For in spite of doubt
and ridicule an imperative instinct drives us to trace the
origin and mutual relation of words, or, as is so strikingly
suggested by the name of our science, to fathom in words
τὸ ἔτυμον the real to find their own true and pecu-
liar contents. Etymology has that perfection of charm
which belongs to all sciences that deal with the birth and
growth of the grand productions of Nature or the Mind.
But who can be blind to the fact that side by side with
the charm there meets us the very greatest danger? On
all sides it is only given to man's sagacity to penetrate
to a certain point. The earliest rise, the precise origin of
that which it sees in rich variety before it, which it has
CURTIUS, Etymology.
1
2
BOOK I.
the power to divide, to classify, and in its later develop-
ment to understand, is hidden from it. It approaches it
only with the help of more or less probable Hypotheses,
which, however indispensable to science, are still far re-
moved from the rigour of exact investigation and there-
fore lead so readily to airy deductions. From the times
of Heraclitus, the Pythagoreans, and Plato down to a very
recent period, whatever has been surmised or written be-
4 longs to this world of Hypothesis. Precisely in proportion
to the immaturity of the science was the rashness with
which men rose from the stage at which language had arrived
to its very first beginnings; but the richer the material
men began to have before them, the more carefully did
they separate what can be known from what must always
remain a problem, and contented themselves with a narrower
circle of obvious truths. "Man", says W. von Humboldt
(Ueber die Verschiedenheit des menschl. Sprachbaues p. 111),
"seeks the connection even of outward phenomena first in
the realm of thought; the historical art always comes last;
and simple observation and far more experiment, follow
only at a great distance upon ideal and fanciful systems."
W. von Humboldt was the first founder of the general
study of language, which, the result at once of a deep
insight into the nature of the human mind, and of a com-
prehensive knowledge of languages, was the means of
quickening and guiding on all sides minuter investigations.
The seeds sown by him have produced an abundant crop,
and since, thanks especially to Steinthal's various suggestive
and copious writings, the onesided and dogmatic logical
method has been replaced by the psychological, an anta-
gonism can hardly be said to exist between an empirical
method on the one hand and a philosophical on the other.
The Etymologist too, as we shall see more clearly further
on, must have formed a well-grounded conception of the
nature of language in general, or he will be met by
many problems with regard to details which he will be
unable to solve. The Science of Language in its swift
INTRODUCTION.
3
and sure progressive development assumes more and more
the form of a vast whole. Even the worker in but one
of its fields must be conscious of this continuity. Luckily
there is no lack of works combining special research with
universality of view. Among the first of these will rank
Max Müller's able "Lectures on the Science of Language"
by the side of which may now be placed the American
William Dwight Whitney's "Language and the study of
Language”, a work distinguished by severe sobriety of
judgment.
In the face of the violent revolution that the Science
of Language has within our own time gone through, we
can hardly propose to enter minutely into the history of
Etymology in general, or, what would be nearly the same
thing, that of Greek Etymology in particular. The aber- 5
rations are so immense and so complex, that it really re-
quires a special historical interest to tarry and search for
the thread that still doubtless runs through the maze. But
a brief glance at the leading etymological tendencies both
in older and in later times, may possibly be all the more
instructive for us as we are warned thereby of many
dangers that threaten us too on our own path.
Who first used the well-chosen name érvuoλoyía we are
not told. Still the first part of the word points to Ionia,
for the word tvμos is foreign to Attic prose, and is used
by Plato (Phædr. p. 260 e) only in a quotation. It probably
occurred in the works of those Ionian philosophers whom
Plato attacks in his Cratylus. It was no boon to Etymo-
logy that the study was first started in a quarter, which,
however far removed from the trained pursuit of a real
study of language, was still able, owing to the respect gained
from other sources, to procure for itself in this branch too
no small consideration. Even Plato*) has in his Craty-
*) How remarkable is the just conjecture ventured by the great
philosopher at p. 410a, of a possible connection between Greek and
Phrygian; and that again which finds its expression at p. 425 e in the
1
1*
4
BOOK I.
{
ד
lus, while furthering greatly the cause of Philosophy, and
even of the Philosophy of Language, done but a poor ser-
vice to Etymology. Who can doubt, after what has been
written on this head latterly from Schleiermacher down
to Steinthal (Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft) that
Plato in this dialogue used his derivations only as means
to an end, specially as attempts to determine how far the
assumption that words were "púбe" could be made good;
and that it was precisely in these portions of the dialogue
that he availed himself to the full of that Irony with which
he is so prone to spice his abstruse speculations. All the same
he gave the impulse to the very worst kind of derivation.
For as such we must consider that which leads the Ety-
mologist to seek again in the word his preconceived idea
of the thing. Since in this method of procedure the mind
is as a rule wholly directed to the thing, no attention at
all is for the most part paid to the peculiar conditions,
rules, and laws of language. Notwithstanding, this style of
derivation has ever been the favourite one. Language is
to confirm the results of our cogitation; we are not willing
to learn from it, but it is to learn from us. Lersch has
shewn in the third volume of his "Sprachphilosophie der
6 Alten" (Bonn 1841) that even Aristotle allowed himself to
be enticed into this path, when he for example derives
(Eth. Nicom. V, 7) dínaiov from díza, and (VII, 12) even
μακάριον from χαίρειν ! But the later philosophers and
especially the Stoics overstepped all bounds; not only were
they fond of supporting their doctrine by the interpreta-
tion of words, but had also a complete theory of the
κυριότης τῶν ὀνομάτων or the similitudo rei cum sono verbi
(Lersch p. 47), in which by way of a harmonizing principle
ἐναντίωσις or, as it is called later, ἀντίφρασις found its
place side by side with ὁμοιότης and ἀναλογία. Although
words εἰσι δὲ ἡμῶν ἀρχαιότεροι βάρβαροι. But it is just these con-
jectures that were quite ignored by Antiquity. Weight is attached
by Jac. Grimm (üb. Etymologie und Sprachvergleichung, Ges. Schrif-
ten I 30) to Plato's derivation of the word лvo̟ from the Phygian.
INTRODUCTION.
5
it would be an injustice to the originators of such prin-
ciples*) to make them answerable for all the abuse to
which they have been put,
and certainly for many
startling assumptions an excuse can be found in the striving
after some association by way of assisting the memory,
without making a great point of the soundness of the ex-
planation still this sort of thing is as unprofitable as
can possibly be. It seems that the philosophers rather
than the grammarians must bear the blame if Greek Ety-
mology went so utterly astray that, for instance, Chrysippus
could interpret the name Apollo ὡς οὐχὶ τῶν πολλῶν καὶ
φαύλων οὐσιῶν, ἡ ὅτι μόνος ἐστὶ καὶ οὐχὶ πολλοί (Macrob.
I, 17). In this style of mythological interpretation however
the most modern times do not lag behind antiquity. The
masters of the Alexandrine school kept themselves tolerably
clear of such caprices. Though not free from error they
yet went to work with caution and moderation, as is pointed
out by Nauck (p. 268 f.) especially of Aristophanes of By-
zantium. But after the ἐτυμολογίας εὕρεσις had become
a part of γραμματική, the grammarians seem to have
wished to engage in a contest of adroitness with the philo-
sophers. Although, as is pointed out by Heinr. Kleist in
his essay "de Philoxeni grammatici Alexandrini studiis ety-
mologicis" (Greifswald 1865), Philoxenus originated and 7
succeeded in establishing in long-lived repute a kind of
*) After Lobeck's severe attack upon Antiphrasis (de antiphrasi
et euphemismo, Acta Soc. Gr. II) Döderlein tries (Die Lateinische Wort-
bildung 19) to reinstate the principle of άvtípoaois under the name
of Enantiosemia, which he acknowledges to have borrowed from the
strange work of Kanne, de vocabulorum enantiosemia, Norimb. 1819,
tracing the opposed conceptions to one midway between the two.
Compare Pott, Etym. Forschungen II¹ 153 f, L. Tobler, Zeitschr. f.
Völkerpsych. I 360, Max Müller, Lectures II 248. That a remark-
able revolution often occurs in the meaning of a word cannot be
denied. But it is turning all science upside down, when, not con-
tent with recognizing and further investigating what is startling and
unexpected when clearly presented to us, we rather regard it as some-
thing that is to be anticipated.
6
BOOK I.
1
etymological system that was not devoid of acuteness, still
the grossest caprice peeps out everywhere in the works of
this inventor of the monosyllabic stemverbs, such as do,
2ã, e̟ã, på. It is the same with the highly esteemed
Herodian, as a glance at Aug. Lentz's preface to his Hero-
dian p. XXIV ff. may now teach us. When the former derives
μάγειρος from ἀγείρω, and the latter explains Ασκληπιός
as ὁ τὰ σκέλη καὶ πᾶν το σῶμα υγιές παρέχων καὶ ἀνώδυνον
[mov], it is enough to turn us in disgust from any fur-
ther inquiry into such tricks. Little by little this artificial
and capricious system grew, and with its help pretty nearly
anything could be derived from anything. It is truly in-
structive and can especially do good service as a serious
warning, to examine the so-called etymological rules which
Lersch (I 96 ff.) has collected from the old Etymologists.
No difficulty is made about the passing of almost any sound
into any other, even the most different: for instance 9
passes into π (εἰλαπίνη παρὰ τὸ εἴλας καὶ τὸ θοίνη κατ'
ἐναλλαγὴν τῶν στοιχείων Ε. Μ. p. 298, 11), λ into π
(Ε. Μ. s. v. Παρνασός· ῎Ανδρων δέ φησιν, ἐπειδὴ προσώρ
μισεν ἡ λάρναξ τοῦ Δευκαλίωνος· καὶ τὸ μεν πρότερον Μαρ-
νησσὸς ἐκαλεῖτο ὕστερον δέ, κατ᾽ ἐναλλαγὴν τοῦ λ εἰς π,
Παρνασός), μ into κ Ε. Gud. s. v. κελαινεφές). And yet
in the distinction of the γράμματα ἀντίστοιχα, that is those
that interchange the oftenest, for instance x and x, 2 and
o, a limiting principle had been discovered. There seem
also not to have been wanting other attempts after surer
rules. For example in the Etymologicum Magnum under
the word nóvaßos (p. 528, 14) we have it laid down that
οὐδέποτε τὸ ι εἰς α τρέπεται, a principle that is thoroughly
borne out by the latest linguistic research. Yet how little such
more reasonable views could make their way we may see
without going beyond this very article, in which we find,
notwithstanding, among many other derivations of the word
that from xóvis and Boń. All kinds of artifices are pressed
into the service; among others that which chiefly astounds
us is the extensive use of inserted letters. Lersch thinks
INTRODUCTION.
7
all consonants but έ were supposed to be inserted on occasion,
Yet ἔλλειψις and συγκοπή, μετάθεσις and ὑπέρθεσις enjoyed
their full share of favour. As farther all care in the considera-
tion of the meaning, but especially all separation of stem
from termination is wanting, we see that this whole en-
deavour could not fail to degenerate at last into a mere
amusement that had no longer any claim to the name of
a science. That such strange trifling could fetter clever
and learned men for centuries although the disease only 8
grew little by little, would be hard to believe did we
not re-encounter precisely similar examples in modern
times. In the case of the old Greeks there were many
palliating circumstances, especially that of the multiplicity
of dialects, the deeper meaning of which was to be hidden
from them and from the moderns too till the time of Jacob
Grimm. The apparently objectless change of sound be-
tween dialect and dialect contributed to some extent to
the belief in the possibility of the most various changes
and permutations within one and the same dialect as well
The far fuller Homeric forms which they treated as derived
from the Attic led to the notion that insertions and growths
of all kinds were admissible in language. Moreover the
upsetting of the old Greek pronunciation must not be lost
sight of, as it introduced the strangest contradictions be-
tween the written and the spoken words and must have
had a confusing effect upon the science. (Bernhardy ad
Suid. Comment. Cap. 2 p. XXXVII.)
2.
Modern philology produced at its very beginning in
the work of Julius Cæsar Scaliger de causis linguae latinae
a bold attempt at independent investigation: still we can
hardly recognize in this a real step in advance, unless we
are ready to reckon as such a rash and venturesome self-
confidence that approaches the deepest questions without
8
BOOK I.
#
a suspicion of their difficulty. The audacity of the deri-
vation, especially of Latin words from Greek - for instace
pulcher from лolúɣɛọ (p. 53 of the edition of Petrus Santan-
dreanus in 1584), ordo from ogov da, is almost greater
than in antiquity. The attempt of Henricus Stephanus.
at arranging the Greek words in his Thesaurus according
to their derivation has been severely blamed by Buttmann
(Preface to the Lexilogus p. IV), chiefly on the ground
of superficiality. But however full it is of mistakes,
we cannot but recognize in this work, which laid the
foundation for future efforts, a certain moderation in
derivation and a soundness of judgment. At all events
Henr. Stephanus, while sadly feeling, as he confesses in
his preface, the want of an Ariadne's thread in Etymology,
kept himself free from many follies which were loudly
9 trumpeted forth centuries after his time. On the relation
of French to Latin too, as is pointed out by Max Müller
(Lectures II 240) he held a more sensible view than many
others. Here and there we get gleams of light, as we
should expect from so great a man, from Joseph Scaliger's
Coniectanea ad Varronem, to which are added alphabetically
arranged verborum etymologiae. Especially do we find par-
ticular relations of sounds correctly noted. What in the
seventeenth century was held possible on the point of the
relation of Latin to Greek we may gather clearly from
the lengthy tractatus de litterarum permutatione prefixed to
the Etymologicum linguae latinae of Gerhard Joannes Vossius.
Here we still find changes such as that of u into s (similis
from uniós), v into s (héov plus), r into g (seges from
serendo), τ into v (vello from tíhlo), to say nothing of the
frequent assumption of an additur, an adiicitur, or a traiicitur.
Although we have besides the intermixture of Hebrew and
a completely perverted view of the relation of Latin to
Greek which however survived till quite lately and is
not yet entirely rooted out - we must still see justice
done to the acuteness of Vossius. His work is through-
out more a collection of derivations, in which as in the
INTRODUCTION.
9
Etymologicum Magnum several are as a rule placed side
by side, while the author does not always decide between
them. But Vossius has a keen perception of the meanings
of the words, and in this direction his diligent work will
always be of service. A far more pretentious movement,
now almost forgotten, was made by Dutch philology from
the time of Hemsterhuys in the direction of a comprehen-
sive etymological treatment of Greek, and incidentally also
of Latin. Valckenaer's observationes academicae, quibus via
munitur ad origines graecas investigandas lexicorumque defectus
resarciendos was followed by J. D. a Lennep's praelectiones
academicae de analogia linguae Græcae (1790), edited as was
also Lennep's larger work, the Etymologicum linguae Græcae,
by Everard Scheide, the latter work being supplemented
by an Index etymologicus praecipuarum vocum Latinarum.
Latin is here treated simply as a dialectus linguae Græcae.
The second edition of the Etymologicum by C. F. Nagel
(Trajecti ad Rhen. 1808) deserves notice from the fact that
we see from it how no great while after the appearance
of the much trumpeted new science, doubts began to be
felt about it in Holland itself. For Nagel's notes to Scheide's
Prolegomena follow in their track like lame attendants -
mostly trying to disprove the views in the text. What 10
was new in these attempts lay in the method, which was
to replace divining by calculation. Ruhnken in his Elogium
Hemsterhusii extols it as a special merit that the vir summus
"tenebras linguae per tot saecula offusas ita discussit, ut, qua
lingua nulla est neque verbis neque formis copiosior, eadem
jam nulla reperiatur ad discendum facilior"; he congratulates
his age on seeing at once the rise and completion of what
their predecessors had more wished than hoped for. Lennep
looks down slightingly upon the earlier attempts in Ety-
mology, which had only produced ludibria or tot mala bonis
quibusdam mixta, without holding in analogia the Ariadne's
thread which was an infallible guide. This analogia, which
at all events possesses this advantage over the other earlier
attempts that it kept within the limits of the two classical
10
BOOK I.
the
languages and laid down none but simple verbs as stirpes
or origines of the language, proceeds from the computation
of all conceivable simple verbs. Of verba bilitera
o of the 1st sing. pres. act. naturally counts always as a
letter there can be only five: a∞, ∞, ∞, oo, vo; the
trilitera are divided into two classes, one of which has the
consonant at the beginning of the word: Báo, yáo, the
other in the middle: äßo, ayo. Seeing that v and f as
“Digamma” count for nothing and the double consonants
are not reckoned in, and consequently 11 consonants and
5 vowels are left, there are 55 possible verbs of each sort.
As to the quadrilitera, in quibus consonantes et vocales alter-
natim sunt positae, such as hέyw, háyw, Lennep begins to
think it possible that they may be derivata, still he makes
room for these too among the stemverbs. Verbs with five
letters though count as derivata; they have arisen either
addita vocali ab initio: ¿-déλw, or consonante: 6-μúxo, or
σ-μύχω,
vocali interposita: uaíva from µávo, or interposita consonante:
τύπτω from τύπω. Still bolder assumptions were needed
to explain verbs with more than five letters; in their case
insertio quarumvis fere literarum was allowed. The meaning
was now considered along with the form: Verba quae non
nisi vocali ante o inter se differunt significationem unam pro-
priam communem habent (Lennep Prolegomena Etymolog.
p. 5) Sic verba indicata a∞, ∞ etc. significationem pro-
priam communem habent, quae in leni spiramine posita est,
quaeque ipsis literis a vel e etc. pronunciandis efficitur. So
again ἄρω, ἔρω, μάνω, μένω count as eadem quasi verba,
as moreover those too stand in closer relation to each other
'quae consonante vicina differunt (p. 6), e. g. yάw and xáo,
hέyo and léx∞. Thus we understand how Lennep can say:
11 lingua Græca comparatur horto paucis arboribus consito, inter
se plane similibus. An important rule for the meaning is
the following: notiones verborum propriae omnes sunt corporeae
sive ad res pertinentes, quae sensus nostros externos feriunt.
For the explanation of formative suffixes the freest use is
made of the method of deriving them from real or assumed
"
INTRODUCTION.
11
personal terminations of the verbs. Thus éxos is deve-
loped from the above-mentioned λέχω, γέρων from γέρω
'honoribus fungor', apn from the supposed perfect pa,
ἅμμα from ἧμμαι, λέξις from λέλεξαι, πατήρ from πέπαται
(nάo alo, nutrio). As to the surprising notion that first
and second persons might be transformed to substantival
forms, these learned Dutchmen experienced as little doubt
as the old Grammarians, who had already forestalled them
in such theories. It was enough to have succeeded in
connecting the noun with any part whatever of a verb, and
what was originally perhaps brought in rather as a practi-
cal assistance for schoolboys took up its place unchallenged
in the 'recta ratio' or 'via regia'. The perverseness of this
course was exposed as early as Gottfr. Hermann's work
'de emendanda ratione grammaticae graecae p. 123; but he
did not criticize the principles any farther, nor did he con-
fute them. He would probably have found it hard to do
the latter from his point of view. Now-a-days all those
old futilities are thrown aside; nevertheless views have
been but recently advanced which do not differ substanti-
ally from them: e. g. that of the supposed connection be-
tween the 3rd Pl. Act. in nti and the participial stems in
nt, and a computation of 'original syllables' formed by
the possible combinations of the sounds, resuscitated
though only for the purposes of theory in Conrad
Hermann's 'philosophische Grammatik' (Leipz. 1858, p. 166).
However we do find among the chaff here and there a
grain of wheat. Scheide for instance recognized the iden-
tity of the Latin verbs of the so-called first conjugation
with the Greek verbs in -aw, and, what is of more im-
portance, saw that the ending peculiar to the 1st pers. Sing.
was mi (Proleg. p. XXXII sqq.). On similar principles
Christian Tobias Damm had already, before the above-men-
tioned Dutch publications, brought out his Lexicon Homero-
Pindaricum, which as arranged alphabetically by Duncan, is
best known in Rost's edition (Lips. 1836). Even in this edi-
tion the etymological point of view is neglected, for we
12
BOOK I.
"
find among other things adάuy referred to the stem ả
(ῥᾷον θαμίζειν), βρῶσις to the stem βους for Damm
assumes nouns too as primary forms ἄλσος τo δέω.
During this period the Dutch school as good as disappeared,
but the root of all their errors has sprouted abundantly
12 even since, and it is perhaps worth while to find out the
roãτov vevdos from which so much evil has sprung. This
πρῶτον ψεῦδος consists in a radically false view of the
nature of human speech and the origin of the classical
tongues. It is an all but universal blunder of the last
century, and all inquiries that date from it, to think it
possible to go back by means of Greek to the beginnings
of the human race. That close behind Homer lay the
cradle of mankind was for a long time held - in direct
opposition to the theories now favoured by natural science,
which reckon by thousands of years to be indis-
putable. In this case man must have risen as quickly
from his swaddling-clothes to youth's vigour and manhood's
reflection as the baby Hermes in the Homeric hymn (v.17)
ἠρος γεγονὼς μέσῳ ἤματι ἐγκιθάριζεν,
ἑσπέριος βοῦς κλέψεν ἑκηβόλου Απόλλωνος.
But if the oldest Greek is not recognized as widely
removed from the original language of mankind, or if in
other words the veteres nominum impositores spoken of not
seldom even in Lobeck's works are considered to be Greeks
it is extremely likely that all conceptions formed a priori
of the most ancient circumstances of the condition of
language will be transferred to Greek. Now foremost among
these conceptions stands that of extreme simplicity, and
so it naturally follows that the simplest forms are held
to be the oldest and the less simple are derived from these
as from stems. Considering the subject from this point
of view we shall not refuse the Dutchmen above-mentioned
at least the merit of logical consistency; though it is true
this leads when pressed still further to the ingenious attempts
of Anton Schmitt, who in his "Organismus der Griechi-
schen Sprache" (1836) traces all Greek words to the letter
INTRODUCTION.
13
ε, and in his "Organismus der Lateinischen Sprache" (1846)
traces all Latin ones to the "Urelementarwurzelwort" he
or hi. Such simplicity surely is unsurpassable, and truly
primeval! The German Philologists who since Hermann
have laid the foundation of Greek Grammar and Lexico-
graphy had too much sound common sense to lose them-
selves in such extravagances as those. These men, whom
we have to thank for such invaluable assistance, had far
too much to do in the criticism and explanation of the
text, in the settlement of rules of Grammar, the con-
futation of absurd views, and in the establishment of a
true knowledge of classical antiquity, to venture otherwise
than occasionally on the slippery ground of Etymology.
Etymology remained a step-child of Philology. Derivations 13
were given with reluctance, and when the process was
unavoidable, it was gone through with a kind of smile
behind which lurked the consciousness that others had
done it far worse. The less the study was taken up in
earnest, the greater the boldness of the general principles
broached on occasion, and in these we clearly recognize
the above-mentioned лoτov yɛudos. When for instance
G. Hermann, who is always so fond of starting from a
general proposition, maintains in the work before alluded
to (p. 136) Credibile est, initio omnes nominum formas gene-
ris significatione caruisse, quam serius demum, sexuum ob-
servata diversitate et in linguas introducta, accessisse probabile
est, we have there one and the same conclusion which is
drawn from a general and quite arbitrary view of the be-
ginnings of language on the whole, transferred to the
Greek language. A similar line of thought is followed by
Lobeck in his 'Pηuatixóv, which begins with the words
Quemadmodum pictura a monochromatis orsa est, sic verborum
structura a monosyllabis. By monosyllaba he does not mean,
as we should have expected, roots, which we should re-
cognize unconditionally as monosyllables; but in adherence
to the theory of the old grammarians mentioned on p. 7,
contracted verbs like do, 2 which become monosyllabic
14
BOOK I..
only in the 1st pers. sing. pres. Lobeck has also taken
the trouble to shew that to translate his words the
stems ending in a consonant (such as dpeк, dак) have
bases (dpa, da) ending in a vowel. In this observation
there is, as we shall see later, some truth; but thus ge-
nerally expressed it is unwarranted. Thus we see that
the Grammar of old-established precedents with its pride
of sobriety was, as I have shown at greater length in the
Zeitschrift f. Alterthumsw. 1843 p. 51 ff., far bolder than
the new method. Even in Lobeck's last work the "Elementa
pathologiae graeci sermonis" we meet with the same funda-
mental views. On account of the assumed simplicity of
the oldest languages Lobeck is always far more inclined
to suppose the addition than the loss of a sound. He con-
siders it not impossible to derive λεύσσω and βλέπω from
hác, Bía from is, Biós from tós (p. 90), o it is true is
constantly expelled, but also added soni aspirandi causa
(p. 129). While he is very strict in admitting syncope
(p. 348), he allows internal augmentation of words to a
somewhat large extent, for he teaches (p. 137) saepius vo-
cabulorum primitivorum potestates non compositione solum et
derivatione sed etiam intestinis quibusdam mutationibus pressius
14 definiri solent, so that actually the old derivation of pogós
from oğús is allowed, and poitos conjecturally rests on
εiu as an initially increased itus. Still bolder is the as-
sumption of the prothesis of πλ in πλευρά from εὖρος
(p. 140), of στ in στόνυξ from ὄνυξ, of πτ in πτόρθος from
ooo, orior (cp. Rhematikon p. 245). With Lobeck however
even such attempts, whose questionableness he himself
sometimes notices, are always united to such rich learning,
such fine philological discrimination, and such careful
regard for tradition, that they still contribute much
to the comprehension of the principles of Greek Ety-
mology, and, even in cases where the results of the
inquiry cannot be allowed, the process of their discovery
- and this cannot be said of the processes of Lennep and
Scheide is itself exceedingly valuable from the material
INTRODUCTION.
15
upon which he works. The same however cannot be said
of the many wild derivations, that, especially since the
time of Joh. Gottl. Schneider, after being added to and
altered by Franz Passow*), meet us still in the majority
of the Lexicons in use. The first Greek Lexicon based on
a more correct insight into Etymology is Karl Schenkl's
Greek-German School-Dictionary (Wien 1859).
More earnestly than any celebrated Philologist of the
older school did Ludwig Döderlein enter into the study of
the Etymology of the classical languages. It is true that
Etymology is for him too both in his Synonymen und
Etymologien and especially in his Homerisches Glossarium
more a means than an end. Yet he acquired from
the diligent inquiry which was the continued employment
of his long and laborious life a kind of theory which is
in the main the only one that has been arrived at by re-
cent philology without the help of the comparison of
languages. And still there were probably few who agreed
with the etymological principles of a man of so much
merit in other respects. No one followed him in his as-
sumption of "dichotomic" and "trichotomic" bases, or in
his other elaborate and daring propositions, and it may
be doubted if any of his numerous pupils could to-day
with Döderlein (Lateinische Wortbildung p. 45) "think it
allowable to ascribe to Latin to a certain extent the cha-
racter of a jargon". Döderlein acknowledged as a prin-
ciple the importance of the comparative science of language,
and claimed to have distinguished formerly between 'Wort-
forschung' (the study of words) and 'Sprachenvergleichung' 15
(the comparison of languages) and afterwards between
'esoteric' and 'exoteric' inquiry. But he continually over-
leaped the bounds he himself had laid down and propounded
the boldest theories on the subject of the early history of
the life of all language which lies on the further side of
*) One of Passow's whims is the objection he has to considering
old words as compounds, which Pott (E. F. I¹, 158) has justly com-
bated in reference to the word ἄνθρωπος.
16
BOOK I.
the single language, as also on that of the primary forms
of words; and these theories were then regarded as sure
ground in the treatment of special questions. I have at-
tempted a more minute investigation of his etymological
processes in the 'Zeitschrift für die österrreich. Gymnasien'
1851, pp. 36-47. I acknowledged then in spite of fun-
damental objections the extraordinary and at times most
felicitous sagacity and the subtle knowledge of language
displayed by a man whom I too join in honouring, and I
may express the same acknowledgement again here. For my
present object however it will be enough to point out that
the means used by Döderlein to bring forms of different
sound together are often directly the opposite of those
used by Lobeck and the Dutch Etymologists. While these
latter talk of words growing up, expanding, and springing
from the shortest possible stems, Döderlein is much in-
clined to suppose older, fuller forms, or as he likes to
call them 'primary forms' (sometimes 'postulated forms',
Preface to his Glossary p. V). from which the words used
in historical times have arisen by loss, elision, and wea-
kening. We need only compare what Döderlein in his
book on Latin word-formation has collected under the head
"Ausbildung" (Expansion) pp. 112-119, with the com-
plicated and far-reaching treatment of "Umbildung" (trans-
formation) pp. 119-202. The fundamental principle of
his whole procedure is again a purely subjective view of
the earliest condition of language. While Lobeck and the
Dutch school hold a verb like 2úa to be absolutely pri-
mitive, Döderlein has to consider it as already mutilated
if he wishes to hold fast by the principle (Homer. Gloss.
I, Preface p. VII) that "in the primary form of a word.
consonant and vowel always alternate". Lobeck regards
Greek neuters like μένος, ἄχος as original so far as to
treat them as the earliest derivatives from the verbs; while
with Döderlein all such forms are abbreviations of what
he calls trichotomic primary forms (Glossary p. 7 note) —
e. g. μένος from μενετόν (p. 91), ἄχος from ἀχετόν (p. 277).
INTRODUCTION.
17
It is plain that in this case no decision is possible in the
absence of an external ruling principle; without one each
fresh Etymologist will hold that form to be the primitive
one which corresponds best to his views of the oldest con-
dition of language. And ought there still to be any one
who believes it possible to construct that condition a priori, 16
as men used once to construct the state from the meeting
together of primitive men, and the feelings awakened by
one in the breast of another? The oldest language (it may be
said) must have been simple like the life of the men who
spoke it. The opposite of this can be maintained just as
well: the organs of men in those early days were stronger,
their senses quicker, and so they could make use of forms
that were fuller and more difficult to pronounce than were
possible to the generations of their descendants whom ci-
vilization rendered effeminate. In this case the path of Hy-
pothesis is not the one that will bring us to our goal.
3.
It was the comparative study of languages that first
gave Etymology a surer hold. But before we pass to the ser-
vices it has rendered us we must make grateful mention
of the man who, before the discovery of the new resources,
without doubt contributed most to the elucidation of
Greek Etymology. Philipp Buttmann had the true spirit
of a judicious, penetrating etymologer in a degree which
makes us most deeply regret that he made no use of the
rich treasures discovered while he was still alive by Grimm
and Bopp. He would have been exactly the man to make
them the means of diffusing really fresh light. Buttmann
is distinguished from the men who were upon the same
footing as himself especially in two ways. He has sense
and feeling for the growth of language, and takes the
trouble to understand it from a study of its own pheno-
mena, instead of forcing it into traditional or invented
CURTIUS, Etymology.
2
18
BOOK I.
schemes. Hence he often makes very correct use of the
dialects, which Lobeck almost entirely excludes from his
inquiry, and selects with happy tact the oldest forms,
which he knows better than any of his predecessors how
to analyse. So far then Buttmann is already a forerunner
of the historical study of language. In general he, more
than other philologists before and after him, regards
language as a force or product of nature. Lobeck shows
most to advantage when he is arranging with a nice ac-
curacy a large stock of words of varying authority and
from different mints, drawing attention to the complexion
and force of a particular class, and undertaking from that
point of view to remove absurdities and correct mistakes.
Still he always treats language from the standpoint of a
critic and an interpreter, and consequently the most recent
17 has for him the same charm as the earliest. Hence Lobeck
must have before his mind the men who made and
used the words. Involuntarily he represents to himself a
nominum impositor, that he may test his art with the cri-
tic's probe. With Buttmann it is quite different. He is
attracted by the earliest stages, and so above all by the
language of Homer, with regard to which we cannot yet
speak of a conscious shaping of the language or of its
so-called development by civilization. With consummate
acuteness, and a method which is a pattern of clearness, and
which constantly charms us by its freshness, he can explain
the meaning of many half-understood Homeric words. So
well aware is he of the difficulty of Etymology proper,
that he makes it a principle to seek the explanation of
hard words invariably from their use, before resort-
ing to their supposed derivation. No philologist of his
age so clearly perceived the dangers of grammatical tra-
dition, or furthered in so many ways the treatment of
Greek as a continuous natural growth. Doubtless he has
entangled himself in many errors in his work. In the
explanations in his Lexilogus he attaches like Döderlein far
too little value to the traditions of the Alexandrine gram-
INTRODUCTION.
19
marians, for whom the Königsberg school have made us
feel greater respect; it is true that this respect degenerates
sometimes to an excessive reverence for and too servile
imitation of the old ways. Although in referring words
to their stems, and ascertaining their relation to each
other, Buttmann tries to arrive at fixed laws of sound, still
he goes astray in the endeavour like any dilettanté when
he admits by preference particular transitions — such e. g.
as the interchange of the hard mutes and aspirates, as
in the derivation of άxýv from & privativum and xaívo
maintained in Lexil. I 12 and too often repeated, and when
he in general falsely represents the older language as in-
distinct in its sounds, rough ("rauhgriechisch" Lexil. I 121
note), and only gradually acquiring a settled character
(Lexil. II 241 note). There is still evident here the effect
of the preposterous hypothesis mentioned on page 12. But
Buttmann completely loses his way when he, as he fre-
quently does, brings forward German words by way of
comparison. In so doing he has given an impulse to many
etymological futilities, since Germans naturally took a spe-
cial delight in making use of their dear mother-tongue to
explain Greek in all possible cases, with no knowledge of
Gothic and Old-High-German, and with no regard to the
laws of the shifting of sounds*). This was the penalty 18
Buttmann paid for having as late as 1825 - six years
after the first, three after the second edition of Grimm's
Grammar, nine years after Bopp's "Conjugationssystem"
learnt nothing from these works that introduced a new
epoch in the science. It was it is true no easy thing for
*) Buttmann arrived, independently as it appears, at the suppo-
sition that the German h corresponded to the Greek x (Lexil. I 35
note 2), though all the same he compares the German 'Hort' with
qua (I 112 note). It is true the same idea had dawned on Morhof
in his "Unterricht von der teutschen Sprache und Poësie" Kiel 1682,
in which at page 58 cornu is justly compared with horn, and zaodía
with the Low-German hart. But what a difference between such
casual observations and the logical adherence to a law of language!
2*
20
BOOK I.
a man advanced in years, and of established critical re-
putation, who had struck his roots into a different soil, to
adopt completely these new points of view, and who is
there that can reproach Buttmann with this neglect, when
year by year in our own time works are still appearing
by men for whom Bopp and Grimm have written in vain?
We will rather gratefully acknowledge Buttmann's services;
and we can always find in his treatment of Greek words,
more especially as regards distinctions of meaning, a pat-
tern for ourselves. Particularly for the investigation of
Homeric words we shall even now do well to apply to
Buttmann where occasion offers, to find in his lucid and
sterling demonstrations a multitude of noteworthy points.
of view. In general younger scholars, furnished with the
richer resources of Comparative Philology, will have con-
tinually much to learn from the older school on which
they too often look down with an unwarrantable contempt.
For Etymology as for everything else the exact knowledge
of particulars is far more important than many imagine
in their hasty theorizings.
4.
was
That Greek along with Latin is a link in the chain
that stretches from India to the West of Europe was
proved more than fifty years ago by Franz Bopp, not by
any attempt at a comprehensive explanation of words
but by the analysis of the structure of language, and
its grammatical forms.
This way
without any
doubt the right one. For the grammatical forms present,
as every one now knows, far less difficulty in analysis than
the coined and stamped words, and the similarity of in-
flexion especially in the verbs, is so striking that convic-
19 tion was most readily obtained on this side. Bopp con-
sequently occupied himself only occasionally with our pre-
INTRODUCTION.
21
sent subject
that of the explanation of words
espe-
cially in the Comparative Grammar (2nd ed. 1857—1861,
3rd ed. 1868-72), and in the work in which we find
his views collected in their shortest form the Glossa-
rium Sanscritum (Ed. tertia Berol. 1867, 4°). The real com-
parative Etymologist is rather Aug. Friedr. Pott, whose
Etymologische Forschungen auf dem Gebiete der
indo-germanischen Sprachen (Lemgo 1833 and 1836,
second and rewritten edition 1859, 1861, 1867 ff.) con-
tain the richest treasure in striking comparisons and in-
genious and always instructive generalizations, the result
of a knowledge of language that would astound the reader
of the book, if the author had not shown by his later
works, comprehending the languages of all parts of the
globe, that he feels cramped in a region that is limited to
merely a portion of Asia and Europe. It was perhaps not
favourable to the spread of the new science that before
Bopp had yet finished his systematic, and soundly demon-
strated exposition of the structure of language, an in-
vestigator of the vaulting, often grotesque and paradoxical
style that Pott is so fond of, brought his troops into the
field. The proud contempt with which Greek and Latin
scholars for a long time used to treat the new method,
to make up for it later by a feeble recognition, which
meanwhile did not prevent them from habitually banishing
the Indianists, the Sanscritists, the Comparative
Philologists to the Ganges and the Brahmans or even
further, as unworthy of classical soil, will always remain
an unpleasant feature in the history of the new science.
Carl Ottfried Müller was the first scholar of mark in these
circles to recognize openly the great importance of the
comparative method. But it certainly cannot be denied
that the form of the earlier works of comparative philo-
logists, especially those concerned with etymology, made
it very difficult to form a judgment about the new doc-
trines without protracted study, for which at that time
there were far fewer opportunitics than now, and that the
22
BOOK I.
multitude of extremely bold and in some cases decidedly
false generalizations, that went hand in hand with the
surest results, could not fail to frighten many away. Never-
theless we must gratefully acknowledge that by far the
larger part of what has been done in this line towards
the elucidation of Greek words we owe to Pott, whose
sagacity allowed hardly anything to escape it that could
be arrived at by the means in his power, and who has
kept clear withal of many mistakes into which some of
20 his fellow scholars fell. After the appearance of this im-
portant work, Greek was made the centre of a new and
comprehensive revision of the Indo-germanic vocabulary in
Benfey's Griechisches Wurzellexikon (Berlin 1839 and
1842). That in my opinion the method followed in this
book is a false one, and that the whole attempt in so ex-
tended a form was premature, I have already said on for-
mer occasions. We shall immediately consider more clo-
sely a few of the most essential mistakes, and many others.
will have to be noticed later in individual instances. Not-
withstanding, by his ingenuity and his power of combina-
tion the author has been of frequent service to Greek Ety-
mology. Leo Meyer, Benfey's pupil, who shares many of
his teacher's objectionable views, has in smaller essays,
and especially in his Vergleichende Grammatik des
Griechischen und Lateinischen (1861, 1863) brought
forward many etymological conclusions, summarily for the
most part and without any proof. A direct contrast to these
are Hugo Weber's etymologische Untersuchungen
(1861), which enter most carefully into the peculiarities
of a number of Greek stems. A rich mine of etymologies
and interesting though at the same time often over bold
deductions is to be found in Pictet's suggestive work Les
Origines Indo-Européennes ou les Aryas primitifs (Paris 1859,
1863), which, following in the track of A. Kuhn, attempts
on a comprehensive scale to deduce from the language the
oldest civilization of the Indo-germanic race. F. C. August
Fick attempts in his Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der
-
INTRODUCTION.
23
Indo-germanischen Sprache (Gött. 1870-72) to de-
duce the vocabulary of the original Indo-germanic language
and of the succeeding stages of the language in its histo-
rical development. [See also Fick's Die ehemalige
Spracheinheit der Indogermanen Europas (Gött.
1873).] While I am obliged to differ from him on
many points I am indebted to his acuteness for many
suggestions. Kuhn's Zeitschrift für vergleichende
Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete des Deutschen,
Griechischen und Lateinischen, of which twenty vo-
lumes have now appeared, contains a number of discussions
most valuable for our present purpose. To Benfey's Orient
und Occident, also, and to the Zeitschrift für Völ-
kerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft edited by
Steinthal and Lazarus frequent reference will be made.
The quotations in this work will serve as grateful acknow-
ledgement that Jacob Grimm in his deutsche Gramma-
tik, as in his Geschichte der deutschen Sprache, and
in his Wörterbuch has contributed much to the expla-
nation of Greek words as well, that Corssen's important
work Aussprache, Vocalismus und Betonung der la-
teinischen Sprache (2nd edition 1868, 1870) has been of 21
no mean service to me, and that Miklosich and Schleicher
by their special study of the Slavo-Lithuanian family of
languages have explained many phenomena in Greek. It
hardly need be mentioned too, how extremely important for
the task to which I have addressed myself are the sterling
works of H. L. Ahrens on the Greek dialects that followed
on Giese's suggestive book über den äolischen Dia-
lekt.
We have seen above that many questions that are
inseparable from every etymological enquiry are not to be
answered by any process of abstract speculation, calcula-
tion, or conjecture. The relation of the languages was found
to furnish in many cases the decisive authority, so that many
of these questions were settled at a glance. The case in
fact resembles that of textual criticism. Passages on which
24
BOOK I.
the labour of conjecture has been spent in vain, right
themselves often of their own accord as soon as a newly-
discovered manuscript of older date gives us other readings.
The new discovery sets for the first time in the true light
the relative value of the critical appliances hitherto known,
and textual criticism is based firmly on a Stemma Codicum
in which all the M. ss. are grouped in families. The seve-
ral languages of the Indo-germanic stock are like so many
copies of the lost original M. s. Not one presents us with
a faithful copy of the original text, but taken collectively
they are important to us as old witnesses of a state of
the language, not directly cognizable by us, which in many
instances at all events approaches nearly to the original.
Each copy has its peculiar, regularly recurring blunders,
but they mutually correct each other; we can also arrange
them according to their importance, and for several we
can discover a secondary source common to certain only
of the number. If we denote the state of the language
before the separation of the Indo-germanic tongues by A,
Greek (C) and Latin (D) are not to be derived directly
from it, but both are to be referred to a lost apograph
B, the Græco-Italian*), which itself was directly derived
*) In spite of various objections raised against it I hold to the
supposition of a near relationship between Greek and Latin. This
assumption has lately found in Förstemann (Zeitschr. XVII 354) a
doubtful advocate and in Sonne (Zur ethnolog. Stellung der Grie-
chen, Wismar 1869) an opponent. Granted that the position of
the Keltic languages is still undecided, I have become growingly
convinced by continued inquiry that all the European languages of
our stock are more nearly related to each other than any of them
to an Asiatic one, and that the two best-known tongues of Southern
Europe again are more like each other, especially in structure, than
either of them is to any northern language. I refer inter alia
to my essays in vols. 8 and 9 of the Zeitschr., to my paper read
before the Hamburg meeting of classical scholars (1855), and to Fick's
instructive collections (Wörterb. pp. 419-504 and pp. 333-418).
Johannes Schmidt too (Zur Geschichte des indo-germanischen
Vocalismus I p. 31) holds the same theory. On the subject of
the relation of Greek to Latin Corssen (II¹ 46 note) expresses views
INTRODUCTION.
25
from A. In like manner there exists an affinity between 22
Sanskrit, which stands first among all copies of A for
legibility and accuracy, and Persian, and again between
the readings of the Germanic languages on the one hand
and those of the Slavo-Lithuanian on the other (Schleicher,
Kieler Monatsschrift 1853, p. 785 f.). To wish to confine
inquiry on etymological subjects to a single language is
just as much a mistake as it would be to emend Plautus and
neglect the Ambrosianus and the vetus codex, or to emend
Sophocles without the help of the Laurentianus A-as ab-
surd as the old-fashioned practice of hammering at received
texts, a practice which however has gradually fallen into such
ill repute that no one ventures on it any longer. It is true
that all the evidence we have of the state of the Indo-
germanic language before its division is not completely
legible; the tradition too as a whole has some not incon-
siderable gaps, witness is wanting now from this language,.
now from that, and it is but seldom that the whole list can
be appealed to on any particular question. But if on this ac-
count we are systematically to neglect these witnesses we
shall be as wise as if we were to consider no manuscript but
the one that happens to be in our hands, because the others
have lacunae. Hence the oft-repeated rule, "see your way
clearly in each language separately before you try to learn
from the languages related to it", is quite untenable. The
languages before the separation need not have been, as
some still suppose, rough, restricted to a few meagre roots,
and immature, but were probably as perfect and complete
as their structure allowed. The Indo-germanic language
was not vague in its sounds, but firmly stamped with de-
finite clearly-recognizable forms. The task of the student
of language is not that of showing how a chaos, a 'pri-
meval mud' has gradually taken shape; it rather is like
that of the historian of art who traces the life-like figures
precisely similar to my own. [Cp. also Peile's Introduction to Gk.
and Lat. Etymology pp. 24–27.]
26
BOOK I.
of the art's prime from the rigid but clear-cut types of
an earlier stage in which the art's foundations were laid.
23 But a return to that earlier stage is indispensable. The
Greeks did not make their language themselves; they had
a rich inheritance, and they marvellously transfigured it.
So any one who wishes to penetrate at all to the origin of
words must inquire throughout whether the related languages
do not cast a peculiar light on the phenomena of the single
language, and then only is he entitled to restrict himself
to the single language, when he has sought in vain in
the others.
The older school of Etymology alternated between
two views: one was that the forms met with in Greek
had grown out of simpler and shorter ones; the other that
by the reverse of this process they had shrunk from older,
longer, and fuller forms by considerable abbreviations. The
comparative method declares entirely for the second of these
views. On finding, for instance, in Sanskrit the rost vas,
in Latin ves (ves-ti-s), in Gothic vas (ga-vas-jan) with the
meaning of "to clothe", all doubt vanishes as to whether
the above-mentioned forms can have been amplifications
of the Greek & in ev-vv-µ, or whether the reverse is the
case; whether we are, in accordance with a view that
is not yet completely exploded, to consider the F at the
beginning of the Greek word as a parasitic modification
of the initial letter, as if a
as if a ♬ could appear at pleasure
or rather as the remnant of the original form of the word.
Vas is the oldest form, to which we here have three-fold
testimony, a form historically handed down to us, from
which critical principles imperatively bid us start. On the
contrary when we find in Sanskrit, Latin, Gothic, Lithua-
nian, and Slavonic the root i meaning go, and meet it
again in the Greek εi-u, l-μev, we shall not allow our-
selves to suppose with Lobeck, that this root has received
in pot-to-s an unaccountable labial initial, but rather
shall be obliged to assign the latter word to another root.
It is quite true that the comparative philologist arrives
و
་
INTRODUCTION.
27
as he penetrates further, at a period in which the roots of
language experience special accretions. We shall have oc-
casion later on to notice more closely how a number of
roots are expanded by the addition of final consonants.
But if we leave out of consideration this process, in which
we recognize the oldest method of word-formation, and
those chance modifications arising from the capricious in-
troduction of subsidiary or kindred sounds, words grow
only by the amalgamation of the substance of the language
with the formative elements, i. e. by inflexion and forma-
tion, and by means of the easily cognizable phenomena
allied to these. But every change of sound belonging to
any other period is based on the fundamental principle
of the history of language, that which Bopp calls the degene-
ration [Entartung], but which we prefer to call the
weathering away [Verwitterung], of sounds, although 24
by no means this implies a decay of the language itself.
In thus assigning to all change of root sounds a single
definite direction by means of the comparison of languages,
we have already done inestimable service to the etymo-
logy of each single member of this circle. The older school
of Etymology arrived it is true (to take one instance) at
the conjecture that the Greek spiritus asper corresponded
to the Latin initial s; but which of the two sounds was
the older, whether the preference was to be given to the
Greek nu or to the Latin sêmi, they either did not ask
at all, or answered the question in different ways, but
most frequently with the favourite theory, hatched out of
nothing at all, of the "condensation of the aspirates".
Comparative Etymology establishes from a majority of
languages the priority of the s, and in accordance with
the fundamental tendency of all change of sound, the more
recent origin of the spiritus asper. The same thing has
occurred in other analogous cases. In the place of the
vague formula "a and b interchange" appeared almost
universally the definite one "a becomes b". Not less de-
cisive were the results in the case of the analysis of forms.
28
BOOK I.
Apart from the newly acquired insight into the essential
structure of languages, which does not fall within the pro-
vince of Etymology as here understood, the just distinc-
tion between stem and termination could not fail to be of
the greatest importance for the study of words. Even
Döderlein treated the nominative of the noun and the pre-
sent indicative of the verb as the form from which to
start, and Lobeck is not saved by any principle from this
error. As soon as we start with the correct theory as to
the stem we obtain a completely different point of view,
and consequently to a great degree different results. A
third characteristic of the etymological method is the col-
lection of closely related words into the same class. Here
too, as was natural, much that was new presented itself.
The mass of forms and words in different languages
that were at once seen to correspond immediately
was exceedingly large, and there was thus furnished a
considerable family of words for the etymology of the
single languages to work upon. But those who were in-
clined already to regard the real work as done, were sure
to err greatly in spite of all the progress that had been
made. Etymology is no more exhausted with the estab-
lishment of the affinities and principles of a language ac-
companied by a respectable index of the words common
to several languages, than is the criticism of a text, with
the arrangement of the manuscripts in families, and a se-
ries of striking emendations drawn from the manuscripts
25 hitherto but little used. That is only the foundation.
When this is laid the more difficult and delicate work
begins. Not all changes of sound are so evident as those
first perceived; the rich and intricate web of language shows
us much which is strange, and which only dawns gradually on
an eye made keen by practice. By the process of weather-
ing away forms originally quite different can become nearly
and even identically the same, so that doubt may arise
as to the root to which a given form belongs. The Greek
spiritus asper, for example, has arisen sometimes from an
INTRODUCTION.
29
S
original s, sometimes from an original j, in certain cases
even from the spiritus lenis: from s in the article o
Skt. sa, from j in the relative pronoun ő-
ő-s Skt. ja-s,
from the spiritus lenis in iлño-s= Skt. açva-s, Lat. equo-s,
(primitive form ak-va-s). Doubts may here arise which
in many cases can only be solved by careful investigation
of particulars, and especially by a nice appreciation of the
meaning. The cases in which we have thus to decide be-
tween different possibilities are very numerous. The limits
too within which the laws and tendencies of sounds hold
good have been but gradually perceived. Hot-headed eager-
ness has frequently been sobered down, and the separate
life of the several languages that was developed on the
basis of a common inheritance and a similar plan has
again made its true importance felt*). That in this line
there is still an immense amount to be done will be seen
at once by all who are occupied in investigating the par-
ticulars of the subject. There remain the further and to
a certain extent far more difficult questions as to the de-
velopement of meaning, to which we shall return at the
end of these introductory considerations. Previous con-
tributions to the science of language need to be subjected
to sound criticism, both as to method and as to separate
assertions, and not least in the region of Greek Etymology.
To contribute to this end is the principal purpose of this
work, and therefore it will be well in the next place to
examine certain fundamental questions of far-reaching im-
portance. We shall in the course of this inquiry be obliged
it is true constantly to express negative views, but oc-
casions will naturally offer themselves at the same time
of arriving at positive principles as to the course to be
observed in this work.
* See my essay Die vergleichende Sprachforschung in
ihrer neuesten Gestalt in the Monatsschrift für Wissensch. und
Litteratur, Jan. 1853, and my inaugural address Philologie und
Sprachwissenschaft (1862).
30
BOOK I.
26
5.
In the first place it cannot be doubted that, in the
first rejoicings over the magnificent discovery of Sanskrit,
the value of this language for the Etymologist was for a
time overrated, and that it acquired an excessive impor-
tance in comparison with the other families of languages
of the same stock. No competent scholar, it is true, ever
maintained that Sanskrit was the mother of the other
languages, and it was only ignorance which could imagine
that the comparative study of language aimed at regarding
Latin and Greek words as 'foreign' interlopers. But seeing
that the first students of this method all started with
Sanskrit, and felt most at home in that language, it was
natural that they should ask in the first place what were
the equivalents of Sanskrit roots and words in the other
languages, and that while doing this they should too ex-
clusively regard the Sanskrit system of sounds and forms
as their data. Owing to the transparency of its construc-
tion, the nicety of its laws and its great antiquity in many
respects and especially that of its vowel-system, Sanskrit
was more adapted than any other language to open men's
eyes to the nature of the connection of all the sister-
languages. The exuberance of the old Indian literature,
the antiquity of its most revered monument the Rigveda,
the perfection of its alphabet, the remarkable acuteness
and diligence of its native grammarians, who have pre-
pared the most valuable assistance for the study of Ety-
mology, if only by their discovery of the conception of
roots and their careful index of roots, all these are claims
on the part of Sanskrit, which only within the last half-
century has become the field of such fresh and important
investigations, to retain permanently the prominent position
of importance for the study of the whole Indo-germanic
stock of languages. But this is no reason why we should
not recognize even in Sanskrit peculiar weaknesses and
corruptions, the perception of which alone will help us
INTRODUCTION.
31
to the correct use of this speech in the science of language.
Even the sounds of Sanskrit must not directly be taken
as the starting point for comparison. Two classes of con-
sonants, the linguals and the palatals, as is now univer-
sally admitted, arose after the separation of the languages.
The recognition of this fact was arrived at only gradually,
and examples of the misuse of the palatals occur even in
the latest writings on the subject. Of the real character 27
of the palatal sounds the essay of Rud. von Raumer on
Aspiration und Lautverschiebung, now reprinted in
his Gesammelte sprachwissenschaftliche Schriften
(1863) gave for the first time a complete account. It is
there clearly pointed out that k and ģ are nothing but
the gutturals k and g affected by j sounded after them,
(p. 35) a view further developed and established by Schlei-
cher 'Zur vergleichenden Sprachengeschichte, p. 138.
Pott found in the 'Protean' form of several words and
roots that occur in Sanskrit with palatal consonants a
reason for ascribing to these sounds a great antiquity.
Answering to the Skt. katvaras is found the Greek tέ66αqɛs,
Dor. лέτooεs, Lat. quattuor, Goth. fidvor, Church-Slavonic
četyrije. As long as the customary pronunciation of k in
Sanskrit words as tsch was held to be the original one,
it certainly appeared probable that this tsch was preserved
in Slavonic as well as in Sanskrit, that in Ionic Greek it
left behind it one of its components t, while elsewhere it
appeared as a guttural or a labial. But we had no need
to go farther than the Lithuanian keturì to have a doubt
raised as to this view. Here the pure k appears, and see-
ing that beyond doubt Lithuanian is a near relative of
Slavonic, the Lith. keturì proves that before the separation
of the Lithuanian from the Slavonic, and consequently long
after the first appearrence of the general separation of the
languages the double sound tsch did not exist and that in
consequence the coincidence of the Slavonic with the pro-
nunciation now in vogue in Sanskrit is pure accident. For
the assumption of a possible retrograde change of k into
32
BOOK I.
28
k would fly in the face of all the latest results of phonetic
inquiry, by which it has been established as clearly as
possible that a sound once affected by j may possibly
undergo a series of further changes, but can no more re-
turn to what it was at first than the river can return
to its source. Besides this old explanation of the "Protean
form" loses all probability from the fact that in accordance
with the now ascertained pronunciation of the Palatals we
find in them no trace of a t much less then of a p
and that even such k's and g's as do not appear in Sanskrit
as k and ģ, reappear in the related languages in the form
of k, qu, t and л, e. g. Skt. ki-m Gr. tí, Osc. pi-d,
Lat. qui-d; Skt. jakrt = Gr. лαo, Lat. jecur. Hence, Bopp
too, who was before of a different opinion, pronounces in
the second edition of his Comparative Grammar § 14 for
the view that the said sounds in Sanskrit arose originally
from the gutturals*).
This relation is not so clearly recognized in the case
of the palatal sibilant denoted by the sign gas in that
of the palatal tenuis and media. The most thorough and sound
treatment of the pronunciation and origin of this is to
be found in Kuhn's paper in Hoefer's 'Zeitschrift für
die Wissenschaft der Sprache'. As regards its origin
it is certain that g has almost universally arisen from an
older k, and for this very reason corresponds to a k or a
sound which the laws of the several languages lead us to
expect in its place. The pronunciation of the sound can-
not be decided so easily. Kuhn inclines to that of the
German ch in mich, and Schleicher (Compendium³ p. 17)
agrees with him. Ebel on the contrary (Zeitschr. XIII,
276) and Max Müller (Lectures II, 132) hold g to be a
true sibilant, which the former identifies with the Polish
s. See Ascoli, Fonologia comparata p. 204. However this
ś.
may be it is quite certain that the Indic g where it cor-
*) We shall come back on p. 415 ff. to several questions that
are allied to this one.
INTRODUCTION.
33
responds to a k has arisen from the latter by a weakening
of the sound, and that there is no possibility that the
opposite process has occurred that the k has arisen
cкat,
from the c. It is not of course to be denied that cor-
responding to the Sanskrit g there sometimes appears in
the related languages by no means in Greek alone
the dental sibilant, and in Greek its usual representative
before a vowel at the beginning of a word, the spiritus
asper; e. g. in çakrt (stercus), Gk. скαт, Nom. oxoo from
the primitive form skart (No. 110); çvaçura-s (socer)
Envoó-s for 6Fεxvoó-s, Lat. socer for svecer (No. 20). In
such cases also however we must without doubt charge
the Sanskrit and not the Greek or the other related
languages with the corruption of the sound, and this cor-
ruption surprises us the less because this very letter s in
Sanskrit is in other cases also corrupted in various ways,
since it regularly changes after other sounds than that of
a or â to sh, and at the end of a word under certain con-
ditions into the aspirate h called visarga; while in the middle
of a word it more often becomes r. In Zend the same
shifting of the s to the palatal sibilant takes place to a
much greater extent. The letter g therefore has a double
value for the comparative philologist either that of a
k as is much more frequently the case
or, in far
fewer instances, that of an s. This is now essentially the
view of Bopp as well, according to his treatment of the
subject in § 21a of his Comparative Grammar (2nd edit.). 29
It is remarkable that in some later works
e. g. in
Pictet's book, these two kinds of ç are again confounded*).
The Sanskrit laws of sound have been treated to a
*) Strange to say this important fact has had fresh doubt thrown
lately upon it by Pott (W. I 496 and III ad init.). He admits that
66
Greek, Latin, Keltic and Germanic are alike in representing the c
of Sanskrit words by gutturals (k, c, qu h, g)", but because the
rule does not hold in the Zend, which is the language most nearly
related to Sanskrit, “nor among the Slavonic languages (including
Lith., Lett., and Pruss.)" seeing that in all these languages ç is as
a rule represented by sibilants, and because in Sanskrit itself k and
CURTIUS, Etymology.
3
34
BOOK I.
still greater extent as the starting-point for comparison
by Benfey. For example there is found in Sanskrit a
ç are separate sounds, he holds that the fact can by no means be
regarded as proved. But firstly Zend, which certainly remained longer
united to the Sanskrit than these two did to the remaining lang-
uages, can prove nothing as to the state of things before the sepa-
ration. In the second place Pott is obliged even in the case of the
Slavo-Lettish languages, to admit considerable exceptions, whose
importance is by no means lessened by the fact that he finds each
single exception an astonishing one. Side by side with the Sanskrit
açmâ stands the Lith. akmu, Ch.-Sl. kameně (No. 3), with the Skt.
çvaçura-s the Ch.-S1. svekrů, Lit. szészura-s (No. 20), with the Skt.
çî the Lit. pa-kúj-u-s, (h.-Sl. po-koi (No. 45), with the Skt. gru
the Lit. klaus-aú (No. 62), with the Skt. piçuna-s the Lit. pìkta-s
(No. 100), and, conversely, with the Skt. hrd, the Lit. szirdì-s, Ch.-Sl.
srudice (No. 39). Thirdly the Slavo-Lettish sibilants when they cor-
respond to the Indic g are by no means identical with it. The idea
too, that this similarity establishes a more close connection between
these families, has been long since thoroughly refuted by Schleicher.
It remains therefore to choose between two views: either the Sanskrit-
Eranian, and Slavo-Lettish sibilant is to be considered the older
sound, and the k, which the remaining languages exhibit, the younger,
an assumption that from its extreme doubtfulness on physiological
grounds will find but few supporters, and which is moreover opposed
by the above-mentioned exceptions; or reversely k is the primitive
sound which was weakened independently at different times and places
into various sibilants. In that case the coincidence of the Lith.
deszimtis with the Skt. daçan as accidental as that of the Umbr.
deçen (No. 12) with these words, or say that of the Goth. hairt-ô
(No. 39) with the Skt. hrd. All competent scholars except Pott
have now, I think, decided for this view, and the historical conside-
ration of the life of language points clearly in the same direction.
Joh. Schmidt, Beitr. V 467, actually proves for one stem, that s
on distinctly Slavonic ground took the place of the older k: sloniti
with the older form kloniti (inclinare). The most careful treatment
that the relation of g to k in Sanskrit itself and of the representatives
of both sounds in the allied languages, has received is that of Ascoli,
Fonologia comparata p. 38 ff., 50 ff. He conjectures that as early as
the Indo-Germanic period certain words had an added k, out of which
other sounds could then arise more easily than out of the unmodified
word, while on the other hand it was possible that the neighbouring
sounds would disappear. [Cp. also Fick's Die ehemalige Sprach-
einheit der Indogermanen Europas pp. 1–138.]
INTRODUCTION.
35
whole series of stems ending in ksh which are usually re-
garded as roots, e. g. raksh 'servare', uksh 'humectare',
vaksh 'crescere'. Benfey himself acknowledges that these
have arisen from shorter stems, or roots in the narrower
sense of the word, by the addition of an s (Hallische Lit-
teraturzeitung 1838 p. 316). Here and there in the re-
lated languages the shorter as well as the longer form ap-
pears, e. g. Gk. Αλεξ by the side of ἀλκ (No. 7) Gk. αύξ
by the side of the Lat. aug (No. 159). Hence it is
reasonable to suppose that the lengthened form existed
side by side with the shorter one before the separation
of the languages. Now it happens also in some cases
that only the longer form has survived in Sanskrit, and 30
only the shorter in Greek; e. g. by the side of the Skt.
ulsh ‘humectare’Gk. Ủy in ủy-có-s (No. 158), Skt. bhalsh
'comedere' by the side of the Gk. par in payɛiv (No. 408).
In such cases Benfey (ut supra 317) is pleased to derive
the simple Greek sound from the doubled Sanskrit one,
while before him Pott surely got at the truth in assuming
in such cases that the Greeks had kept the purer root-
form, and that consequently the Indians had lost the
shorter forms ug, bhag, although the latter root occurs
with a somewhat different meaning in bhaý (sortiri, obtinere).
(See Pott, Berl. Jahrb. 1840 p. 651, and my book 'Die
Sprachvergleichung in ihrem Verhältniss zur classischen
Philologie', 2nd. edit. p. 59 ff.)
The Sanskrit h too cannot be reckoned an original
sound: h-except where, as in several cases has certainly
happened, a change of vocal-organ has taken place (h for
dh) points to an old gh, and this is the value it bears
in Comparative Philology. When then in spite of this
not only Benfey (I 35), but Pott and Bopp as well hold
it allowable to compare Greek roots ending in vowels with
Sanskrit ones ending in h, "because h can easily drop
away", we must object most decidedly. Before the sepa-
ration of the languages, it was not h but gh that stood
here, and even if we were to venture so far as to place
3*
36
BOOK I.
the Gk. di-αív-w (Pott, I¹ p. 282, differently explained W.
III 863) by the side of the Skt. dih (oblinere), for the h
in which (=gh) the Lat. pol-ling-o and the Lith. daž-ý-ti
(to dip in) give the regular representative, we should have
to regard not h but x as dropped a loss of which there
are it is true some examples, but only in cases when a con-
sonant follows. But we should be distinctly wrong if we were
to follow Benfey (I 72) in assuming, from the Skt. ruh (grow)
and rô-p-ajâ-mi (cause to grow) a stem rop, or even rap
for the allied languages also. In so doing we should be
pronouncing corruptions of sound peculiar to Sanskrit to
be older than the separation of the languages.
ɩ
In Sanskrit, by a weakening of sound peculiar to
itself i may arise from a, and mediately from a. In Greek
on the other hand the spheres of the vowels a and ɩ are
so far apart that is very seldom connected with an older
a and when it is, it is generally through the medium of an ɛ.
Consequently we must never expect to find an in Greek
as the representative of a Sanskrit that has arisen from
an a a mistake to which again Benfey is specially in-
clined, e. g. when he finds traces of the Skt. îksh, an
amplified form, peculiar to the Indic branch, of the root
ak, (Gk. ỏî), see, in the Greek lono, ¿ïóno (I 233), and
31 even sees in the diminutive suffix -16×0 (I 235) and in the
verbal-ending -oxo representatives of this same iksh which
beyond all doubt did not exist at the time of the separa-
ration of the languages. In opposition to such attempts
ventured on by Benfey again even in the seventh vo-
lume of the Zeitschrift we cannot be too strict in hold-
ing fast by the rule that the Indo-germanic primitive form
arrived at by proper combinations is to be placed at the
head of every comparison of words, and not the special
form of a single language.
This strict and logical method of employing Sanskrit
in the comparison with the allied languages has been
gradually gaining ground, and has especially been pursued
most rigorously by Schleicher in his Compendium der ver-
INTRODUCTION.
37
gleichenden Grammatik (1861, 1862, 2nd edit. 1866,
3rd. edit. 1871). From this more correct view Sanskrit
itself too will gain something. Now that this language
has for a long time served exclusively to throw light on
the others, the light begins to shine back from the other lang-
uages upon Sanskrit. This is quite the normal course of
the developement of science, which follows, as has rightly
been said, not a straight line but a spiral one.
The pre-
posterous idea that Sanskrit must have preserved in every
case alike the oldest form, would be almost more ruinous
to the examination of words, even apart from phonetic laws,
than for the analysis of forms. The forms in Sanskrit are
marked decidedly and with great fulness; although we often
miss in their application so far at any rate as we
can see as yet the nicety which excites such admira-
tion in Greek and Latin, their use is generally settled.
But as to the meaning of a Sanskrit word and that of its
various ramifications, it is often hard to arrive at certainty.
For the roots indeed, of which so many in former times
used to parade themselves with the shadowy meanings ire,
and splendere, better provision has been made since Wester-
gaard's excellent work Radices linguae Sanscritae (Bonn 1841).
But if we turn to any noun in Bopp's Glossary or in
Wilson's or Benfey's Lexicon, we often meet with what is
unsatisfactory. These books are only intended to satisfy
the most immediate needs. In Wilson a dozen completely
distinct meanings are often given for a single word, out
of which it is impossible to form a general idea. And the
excellent dictionary of Böhtlingk and Roth (St. Petersburg
1855 ff.) is unfortunately not nearly completed. The oldest
monuments of the language too, the Vedas, in spite of
the zeal and critical acumen which such men as Aufrecht,
Benfey, Kuhn, Max Müller, Roth, Albrecht Weber and 32
others have bestowed on their study, present on this very
point great difficulties and many riddles yet unsolved. For
this reason Sanskrit must, I believe, always remain less
satisfactorily understood than many of its sister-languages
38
BOOK I.
#
with regard to meanings, their developement and ramifica-
tion. It is especially in this direction that the importance
of living languages must not be underrated. Whenever
we have shown the identity of a German, Slavonic, or
Lithuanian word with a Greek one, the living use of the
word at the present time, which in this case can be as-
certained with much greater ease, is of more service in
arriving at the primitive meaning than the use of the
corresponding Sanskrit word or even of a Sanskrit root,
of the application of which we often find but an indefinite
ambiguous account, and that too often most imperfectly
given in indifferent Latin. Hence I cannot accept the rule
given by Pictet (Origines I 23) 'partir toujours du mot
sanscrit s'il existe'. Pott has rightly paid more attention
to the Occidental languages, and Benfey has done the same
in the second part of his Wurzellexicon to a greater
extent than in the first. Thanks to Miklosich and Schlei-
cher we are now enabled to make more use of Slavonic
and Lithuanian, whose wealth and natural prolificness promise
us a plentiful harvest, while our own Teutonic languages have
been already laid open before us by Jacob Grimm in such
a way as specially to favour etymological research.
6.
But in another respect also Sanskrit has been made
the standard for other languages in a manner which is
not justifiable. The truth, confessedly fundamental, that
Sanskrit is only to be regarded as a sister-language, with
especially distinct family features, has often been over-
looked in practice. It may be regarded as established that
neither Sanskrit, nor even the Indo-Germanic primitive
language, which we can only discover by combinations,
stands to the individual languages of our stock in a rela-
tion similar to that which Latin holds to the Romance
languages. The latter are related to the mother-tongue
in such a manner that between the time in which Latin
INTRODUCTION.
39
was a living language, and the developement of the daugh-
ter-tongues there was a loss of the sense of the nature 33
of language through which the structure of language
because of the interruption in the national tradition
suffered not a little, and its form received important alter-
ations. Even the relation which sounds in the daughter-
languages bear to those in Latin betray an important di-
minution of the instinctive correctness of articulation. We
have only to remember the numerous instances of weaken-
ing: e. g. of c to g (Ital. luogo locum), of t to d (Ital.
padre patrem), of p to b (Fr. abeille = apicula): and
the frequent rejection of consonants (Fr. père, lieu). No-
body would venture to deny that Fr. our originated in
audire, but who would venture on this analogy to assume
a similar mutilation for the Gr. dio, whereby it might
be brought into connection with audio? Indeed by this
very phonetic process the inflexions of Latin have for the
greater part disappeared, and in compensation for the case-
endings &c. of whose use the language has thus been de-
prived, new expedients have been introduced. Prepositions,
robbed of their full original sound, and with weakened
meaning, are compounded with each other (Fr. avant = ab
ante, devant de ab ante) and with pronominal forms
(It. del de illo). Thus the most various disfigurations arise.
Frequently one word is formed of two, three or even
more words welded together; very often a virtue has to
be made of necessity, and in too many cases we notice
in words how they fashioned themselves out of the ruins
of the older languages, in the first instance rather as con-
ventional aids, until the new germs developed, and by de-
grees idioms appeared, which in their way are again de-
serving of admiration. That It. medessimo arose from -met
ipsissimus, Fr. dans from de intus (Pott, Zeitschr. f. vergl.
Sprachf. I 311) no reasonable man will doubt. But if we
are recommended to assume similar mutilations, in order
to refer Sanskrit, Greek and Latin forms to their origin,
this; in my opinion, is to confuse with each other essen-
40
BOOK I.
tially different periods of language. For from the estab-
lishment of the primitive Indo-Germanic language, so far
as we can see, there was an uninterrupted tradition which
makes us à priori disinclined to rash attempts to refer forms
to elements completely confused and disfigured. For a time
so early in the life of language as that before the separa-
tion of the various tongues all the conditions are wanting,
by which such mutilations are explicable in younger lang-
uages. But further, the attempts to break up apparently
simple forms and roots have been made almost wholly by
means of Sanskrit and in such a manner as to involve
the assumption that all the little weaknesses of Sanskrit
were to be found existing before the separation of lang-
uages. This is the point of a difference between Pott and
myself which, after my objections in the first edition of
this book, led to a fresh discussion of this question on
his part in the second volume of the second edition of his
Etym. Forsch. (p. 293 ff.) and to a short reply on my
side in the preface to the second volume of the first edi-
34 tion of this work. Leaving everything personal as much
as possible on one side, I wish, without entering into the
very numerous details, simply to point out here briefly
the general character of the process, and to adduce the
reasons which, in addition to the one already mentioned,
prevent me, and indeed not me alone, from adopting it.
The most usual case is that in which it is believed that
in the initial letter of a root a more or less mutilated
prefix may be recognized, and that therefore it is allow-
able to derive this root from a shorter one. Thus most
of the Sanskrit prepositions are supposed to have been
used as prefixes to lengthen roots beginning with a vowel,
in just the way which the older Etymology ventured upon
in its confused fashion. Because in Sanskrit the prefix api
Gr. Exí commonly becomes pi by aphaeresis, therefore
Pott even now (II2 301, cp. W. III 423) finds no difficulty
in deriving ping, which besides other meanings is asserted
in Indian lists of roots to have also that of painting, though
INTRODUCTION.
41
in reality this meaning appears to have been invented me-
rely to explain the adjective piñģara-s 'golden yellow', as
well as the Lat. pingere from api-añý (oblinere) or (and
the very hesitation shows the doubtfulness of the assump-
tion) from api-masý (immergere) and in the same way to
assume similar mutilations for other prefixes commencing
with the vowel a. Where for instance apa από suits
better, an inconvenient p is referred to this, instead of to
api, e. g. pâpa-s 'bad' to apa-ap, i. e. to fail to reach,
to wander off [abgelangen, abirren] (p. 305). This how-
ever by no means prevents Pott from explaining conjectur-
ally this very ap, which occurs in the form ap in the
Lat. ap-iscor, through â-api-i to mean 'to go to this in
addition', in which the assumed root i has entirely dis-
appeared, or as Pott expresses himself, 'has gone the way
of all flesh'. In the same way an initial Sk. bh or Gr. 9
is referred to abhi*) (bei), e. g. Skt. bhrâý Gr. φλεγ,
Lat. fulg, to abhi-râý, to shine 'upon' an initial dh or
Gr. to adhi (over, upon) e. g. Skt. dhjâi, meditari, with
Gr. Dɛάoµaι to adhi-i (iévaı), adire, (p. 308), — an initial
n to ni (sub, de), e. g. vaí∞ to ni-vas (vas, 'to dwell')
(p. 308)†), - an initial d to ut 'upwards' which accord-
ing to certain phonetic laws in Sanskrit becomes d before
many sounds, e. g. Skt. duh, 'draw' from ut-vah 'evehere`
(p. 314, cp. W. III 1023), an initial v to vi 'one from an-
other', e. g. Skt. vrdh, 'crescere', from the equivalent rdh
(I¹ 250), Gr. iɛ in eodα from Skr. vi 'desiderare', and this
to vi-i (Ebel, Zeitschrift IV 104), or when convenient to 35
ava, 'away', e. g. Skt. vah, Gr. óx in oxos, Lat. veh in
veho, to ava-ha 'to go away', 'to make to go away' (Pott
I¹ 283 withdrawn II² 316), an initial s to sa, sam 'with',
*) Now the difficulty occurs to Pott himself (W. I 421) "Unfor-
tunately there is no trustworthy example of any qɩ in Greek".
†) Just to show that my doubt does not rest upon personal fan-
cies, I may mention that Pictet, who in many cases agrees with Pott
in resolving words, speaks of this meaning of vaío as very doubtful
(II 238).
42
BOOK I.
=
e. g. snushá
OHG snuor, Gr. vvós, Lat. nurus to sam-
vas 'to dwell with' (II² 300, W. II 2, 478), an initial sv
to the prefix su Gr. Ev; e. g. svád (gustare) from su-á-ad
'to eat well' (gut anessen) (II² 319). It is easy to see how far
it is possible to go in this direction; for as the meaning of
these prefixes can easily be turned about this way and
that way, and as writers have besides freely dealt in as-
sumptions of the most various elisions and phonetic chan-
ges in prefixes and verbal roots alike, any word can easily
be referrel by such means to a stem which in fuller or
abbreviated form resembles it in Sanskrit. Indeed this
whole theory of prefixes has contributed much to bring
Comparative Grammar into suspicion with those who have
not penetrated into it more deeply, and we must consider
it a great mistake that the masters of the new science,
instead of confining themselves to the wide-reaching and
indubitable mutual resemblances among kindred languages
have entered on these flighty combinations. It is true that
in this respect purely Greek Etymology does not lag be-
hind comparative Etymology. Thus Döderlein (Hom. Gloss.
§ 2272) says, 'as άvá is shortened into ά, xatά to xa- and
ἐκ to e- and x-, διά to ξα- and 6-, so also ὑπό is cur-
tailed into ' and even in § 2463 makes the 6 which he
supposes to originate in diά, take a 'leap for life', in order
to change the διαπελάγιοι into πελασγοί. But here we
must not fail to notice that Pott distinguishes many of
these combinations from certainly recognized analogies, as
being mere hypotheses, so that the greater number of his com-
parisons can be easily separated from these and retain their
full value. The more recent students of comparative phi-
lology have for the most part passed over these attempts
36 in silence, but some are reluctant entirely to give up the
right to avail themselves of such a method of procedure *).
X-9
&
*) So Scherer (Zur Gesch. d. deutschen Sprache p. 328) says 'in
cases of resemblance in sound and meaning'. But where can we find
a clear case of this kind? Pott (W. III 672) believes that he has
discovered one. The Vedic verb bhishak-ti 'it heals' (with bhishaý
INTRODUCTION.
43
What are the reasons then, for which I hold that I am
compelled to oppose not merely particular instances, but
this whole style of analysis? Pott always appeals to the
analogy of the more recent languages. That the s of the
It. s-aggio has arisen from ex we believe because in ex-
agium we have the Latin word before us, because the other
Romance languages (essai) still show traces of the e, and
because the omission of the vowel in a syllable which is
known to have been unaccented has every analogy on its
side. The same sibilant is common in the more modern
Slavonic languages in the meaning 'with'. Hence that
e. g. the Bohem. s-bor 'assembly' is derived from s (Ch. Sl.
sů Skt. sa 'with') and rt. ber (= Skt. bhar, qep, Lat.
fer) and that it originally meant much the same as Con-
fer-ence is evident. If any one should doubt that the case
was the same with the g of the Germ. g-lauben, he would
have to be referred to the OHG gelouben, galoubo, (Grimm
Gr. II 699) just as for the modern b-leiben we have the
OHG pi-lip-an. But what justifies us in arguing from these
precedents in late periods of language to the earliest, in
proposing combinations for which all the intermediate forms,
and all the criteria of probability are wanting which were
present in the instances just adduced, and in asserting a
composition with prepositions even where there is no strong
motive either in the sounds or in the meaning of the form
concerned to refer it to such elements? From the root ap
which, as we saw, Pott by a bold hypothesis makes a com-
pound, we arrive at the shorter form ap, which is the
'healing', the derived bhishaý-jati 'he heals' and bheshag-a-m 'medi-
cine') he refers with Pictet to (a) bhi-sag, for which the only demon-
strated meaning is 'to bewitch'. It is only through the hypothetical
intermediate stage 'to exorcise' that the two ideas are linked together.
Hence in the Pet. Dict. this etymology is not to be found. But even
allowing that it was correct, this would only prove that at the time
when Indic and Eranic were still one language (for the Zend baêshaza
means 'medicine'), a verbal compound became a stem used as a root,
not that this could have taken place in the far earlier Indo-Germanic
period.
44
BOOK I.
37 base e. g. of the Skt. ap-as Lat. opus. This ap just as
much as the rt. tap 'burn' (téq-qa) bears quite the character
of being original; it occurs plainly in ap-iscor, ap-tus. Just
as little is there anything in the rt. ping (whose very ex-
istence besides is not satisfactorily proved) pointing to
composition. The same is true of the rt. svad (åvd-áv-w, ñ8-
o-uα). All these roots are treated in their inflexion just
like those which even Pott regards as primitive. That is,
they are lengthened by expansion or vowel-intensification,
or again by nasalization (ap, svâd cFavd) means, which
language is accustomed to use for the formation of words
only in the case of actual roots. Again that such simple
ideas as 'to attain', 'to make gay', 'to taste', should have
been formed only by the intellectual method of composi-
tion will seem very improbable to any one who believes
with Max Müller (Lectures II 66) that the material of
language arose rather by a poetical fiat' then by analytic
thought. But we have other objections.
The process which we have been describing tacitly
assumes that all the prefixes found in use in Sanskrit not
only existed before the separation of the languages, but existed
as prefixes, and precisely in their Sanskrit form. But this
is an extremely bold assumption, which we can never ad-
mit. It would follow that roots, the proper substance of
language, by means of which men denoted the world lying
about them, for the most part owed their existence in the
first instance to a process of decay, while the little par-
ticles, which whether pronominal (Bopp. Vgl. Gr. III.
487) or, as Weber holds (Indische Studien II 406) with
Jacob Grimm (Wörterbuch I 50) and Schoemann (Redetheile
p. 142) of the same origin as verbal roots, or, as Pott will
have it, sui generis in any case have the function of
indicating and demonstrating rather than denoting, these
tiny elements of words were without exception extremely
old, older than many of the most common and indispens-
able verbal roots. Even Pott's learned and acute treat-
ment of the prepositions in the first volume of the Et.
INTRODUCTION.
45
an
Forsch. (second edition) has not convinced me of this. We 38
do not find by any means all the Sanskrit prepositions
recurring in the other languages in their separate use: â
e. g. and ava can only be shown to exist in Sanskrit and
Zend: api undoubtedly corresponds to Gr. iní, but whilst
api in Sanskrit very frequently loses its a, there is not a
single Greek word in which л unmistakeably stands for
ení. Even in Sanskrit the aphaeresis of a is by no means
usual, except in the case of api*). Pott himself states
that abhi, in spite of the fact that this preposition takes
the accent on the last syllable, never loses its a in the
living language; but this does not at all prevent him from
assuming for the far earlier period when the languages
were not yet separated this mutilation which was still un-
known in the period of language which can be ascertained
historically, and from delighting to regard as we saw,
initial bh as the remains of an abhi which early fell into
bad ways. As a proof of the position that we must as-
sume instances of aphaeresis even for that early time Pott
quotes (II² 314) Skt. smas = sumus, a very unfortunate
instance, for not only the Gr. ¿ouέv but also Lith. ésme,
Ch. Sl. jesmu, O. Ir. ammi prove indisputably that the Indo-
Germanic form was asmas, and that the coincidence of the
Indic form with the Latin in the loss of the initial vowel
is pure chance. It so happens that Greek is especially
conservative in the retention of an initial vowel, a circum-
stance which we have to thank for the preservation of the
augment in which this language has the advantage over
most of her sisters. In the same way su (cp. O. Ir. su-,
so-) is derived, as the Greek v shows, from asu, for it
is only thus that we can explain the two forms, which
are related to each other precisely as the Sanskrit strong
2
*) Other instances of aphaeresis in Sanskrit words assumed with
great confidence by Pott, are by no means admitted by other Sanskrit
scholars. The editors of the Pet. Dict. doubt the very first example
which is maintained against me on p. 299, taskara-s 'robber', ac-
cording to Pott atas-kara-s 'carrying away'.
46
BOOK I.
ευ
stem of the participle from the root as 'to be', sant, is re-
lated to the Gr. ẻovt, i. e. ecovт or as-ant. Hence we must
assume that before the separation asu and not su was the
prevalent form, and as we nowhere find in Greek a trace of
i for ev, sv, we cannot use this form at all in compara-
tive grammar. The case is in no way altered by the fact
that the initial vowel has disappeared also in Old Irish; nor
would any traces of a su in the German and Italian fa-
39 milies of languages, which Bugge (Ztschr. XX 34) believes
he can point out, be able to perplex us in our assumption
of an Indo-Germanic asu. Of a preposition vi denoting
separation we have no instance in Greek: in Latin the vi
of vi-dua (Skt. vi-dhavâ 'husbandless'*), the ve of vê-cors,
vê-sanus, ve-stig-iu-m has been regarded as the representa-
tive of this vi. But even in his first edition (I 127 f.)
Pott thought that this preposition showed itself most com-
monly in the form di, dis in Latin, and as diά in Greek,
and that it was to be referred to the root of the numeral
'two', dvi. With this view Bopp also agrees in his Glos-
sary s. v. vi (he gives a different explanation in Vgl. Gr.
III 506) and hardly anything can be said against it; for
that the same root appears in Latin sometimes with and
sometimes without d is shown beyond the possibility of
doubt by the comparison of duo and bis i. e. duis with
vi-ginti. But even though we find as the representative
―
*) This very simple and often repeated etymology of the words
which correspond so exactly to the Goth. viduvô, the Ch. Sl. vědova
(Bopp. Vgl. Gr. III 506), an etymology which I myself once regarded
as a sure one, is called in question in the Petersb. Dict., on the
ground that dhava-s is too young a word; and the authors of the
dictionary prefer to regard it as a word formed from vidhavá (see
Pictet's objections to this view II 342). The Sanskrit word is now
referred by Roth (Ztschr. XIX 223) to a rt. vidh (vindh) 'to be empty',
'to be faulty', which he gets from the Rgvêda. This at all events
agrees excellently with the Goth. vidu-vairna orphaned', and with
¡to-εo-s ‘a bachelor', which had been already compared by Benfey.
ǹ arose from a prosthetic & owing to the influence of the verse. Cp.
ἠρέμα Νο. 454.
INTRODUCTION.
47
of vi-ginti for dvi-ginti the Dor. Fixati, also with the loss
of d, yet the particle vi is only represented in Greek by
diá. And if we look into the matter more closely, there
is even a striking similarity in the use of vi and the Gr. diά;
vi-ģña is diaɣvævai, vi-ja (permeare) diïévai, vi-va (perflare)
diañvai. We can see that vi has the two meanings 'in
two' from which comes 'apart', Lat. dis, and 'between',
'through', just like diá. As for the form, I regard diá as
an instrumental case of the root dvi which appears in its
simple form in vi, and expanded in dis by the same s, by
which άupís is expanded from άupí, ¿ from ex, Lat. abs
from ab, and in which possibly we have an analogue of
the genitive suffix as, Gr. os (Weber, Ind. Stud. II 406).
Hence though we may have preserved, certainly in Latin*)
and perhaps also in some other branches of the Indo-Ger-
manic family, traces of a prefix analogous to the Skt. vi,
we cannot regard the weakening of dvi into vi as older
than the separation of the languages; and as in Greek
there is no single instance that can be clearly proved of
a prepositional F with the force of Skt. vi or the Lat. ve, 40
it appears to me extremely bold to make any use what-
ever of this Sanskrit preposition in Greek Etymology.
But our objections are not yet at an end. Was the
connection of prepositions with verbal roots in early times
really so close, that new stems could easily arise thus?
Nothing entitles us to make the assumption. On the con-
trary it is an established fact that prepositions were ori-
*) In Latin a remarkable trace of the fuller form dvi (in addi-
tion to the numeral adverb bis mentioned above, which when com-
pared with dis necessarily presupposes a Graeco-Italic duis) is pre-
served in bivira (i. e. dui-vira) which Kuhn Ztschr. III 400 has pointed
out, used, according to Nonius (II p. 56 ed. Gerlach), by Varro in the
sense of vidua. Hence even Latin in its earlier period was not as
yet inclined to the weakening of dvi into vi, which has been as-
sumed with so much confidence for the earliest times, and on the
ground of which scholars have thought themselves justified in regard-
ing the initial v of many roots as the remains of this particle (cp.
Pott II² 325).
48
BOOK I.
ginally without exception adverbs of direction, in which
we can sometimes still recognize clearly the case-forms.
Prepositions were therefore at first quite independent words,
though afterwards they lost their independence in two
ways, on the one hand becoming united with verbal stems.
as prefixes, on the other serving as prepositions (in the
usual sense of the word) joined to cases, and expressing
the manifold relations in a sentence. Language itself shows.
the composition with verbal stems to be but loose by the
fact in which Sanskrit and Greek agree - that it places
the augment and the reduplication between the preposition.
and the verb-form. These elements then, for this group of
languages, form in all preterite tenses and in the perfect a
wall of partition between the preposition and the verb,
which evidently must have made it a much more difficult
thing for the two parts to coalesce. It was otherwise e. g.
in the Germanic languages. Here this increased difficulty
did not present itself at all, or to a very unimportant ex-
tent, so that the Goth. fraitan (NHG fressen) may be derived
without hesitation from fra-itan (ver-essen) (Pott II² 313).
But in Greek the exceptions to the normal position of the
augment and the reduplication alike, such as ἐκάθισα, ἠνε-
oxóμŋv are wholly post-Homeric; so that they do not in
the least diminish the weight of the fact adduced as re-
gards the earliest period of our stock of languages. And
verbal compounds like the assumed su-ad, i. e. ɛvɛdɛiv were
altogether unknown to Greek, by a delicate and, as we may
venture to conjecture, old law of the language. Primitive
verbal stems have in the Indo-Germanic languages gene-
rally very little tendency to form firm combinations with
other kinds of words. Ludwig Lange in his 'Andeutungen
über Ziel und Methode der syntaktischen Forschung' (Ver-
handlungen der Göttinger Philologenversammlung 1852
p. 104 f.) has carried out more completely the observations
which we have made here as to the developement of pre-
positions, and has shown incontrovertibly by a computa-
tion of their proportionate occurrence, that the extremely
INTRODUCTION.
49
extensive use of prepositions as prefixes only presents it-
self in Epic Sanskrit, whilst Vedic Sanskrit in this respect
approaches more nearly to the state of things in the Ho-
meric poems. Hence as we see in the earliest monuments
of the Indian and the Greek languages that the preposi-
tions still showed so little tendency to enter into composition *),
sober reflection shows that we are by no means justified 41
in considering the use of prepositions as prefixes to be earlier
than the separation of the languages, far less in assuming
that a large number of verbal roots had already so en-
tirely coalesced with prefixes that new words could be
formed from them, which were no longer felt to be com-
pounds, and indeed not individual nouns merely but widely
ramifying verbal stems bearing the most primitive stamp.
The chronology of linguistic science, that is the sober
distinction between the various periods of the life of
language, is entirely opposed to this assumption. The
number of compound words which belong originally to
more languages than one, is altogether extremely small,
and even in the case of these there is often a doubt whether
they belong to the common inherited stock or to the store
that has been subsequently acquired. And to return to prepo-
sitional compounds, it might possibly be proved that there
is a considerable likeness between the use of them in two
languages, especially in languages so nearly related as Latin
and Greek, but even here this is the case but seldom. The
coinage of such words evidently belongs as a rule to the period
in which each language pursued its independent developement;
and the same holds good of the mutilations of prefixes of
the kind; and though examples of these can of course be
adduced in abundance in Sanskrit, and the Teutonic and
*) This view of the preposition (with which Sonne also agrees
Ztschr. XIV 5) is of course at variance also with the assumption that
in the case-endings we have mutilated prepositions, a theory which
Pott e. g. holds to be fully made out in the case of the suffix bhi
(Gr. 9ı, qıv). But who knows whether a-bhi is not rather itself a
case-form of the pronominal stem a?
CURTIUS, Etymology.
4
50.
BOOK I.
Slavonic languages, yet being entirely independent of each
other, they certainly made their appearance a long time
after the establishment of the use of such prefixes. It is
these phenomena which are far from numerous in Greek
and Latin, and especially in Greek the sense of the in-
dependence of prepositions kept its vitality in a high degree.
There is still less probability in the supposed instances
of composition with the interrogative stem ka (Pott II²
426 ff). By a peculiar idiom of Sanskrit various forms
of the interrogative pronoun, especially kim (quid) are
compounded with various substantives with the force of
astonishment, e. g. ki-râýâ 'what king!' i. e. what a king!
both in a good and in a bad sense. In the same way it
42 is asserted that the uninflected stem ka or kâ enters into
compounds, e. g. kâ-rava-s corvu-s, supposed to be from
ka and rava-s 'sound' (cp. ravi-s, rau-cu-s), 'having what a
sound!' (Bopp, Gl.). But even for Sanskrit this method
of composition is not quite established. In the Petersb.
Dict. II 2 we have these words: 'even if we are not to
think of denying absolutely such a method of composition,
yet we are bound to notice that this explanation has in
some cases been used too freely'. Hence it appears to me
more than venturesome to assume the existence of such
a specifically Indian method of expression in the time be-
fore the separation of languages; and I am not convinced
even by Pictet who is fond of the use of this instrument
of Etymology, and who (II 226) finds in it 'un charactère
de naiveté, qui s'accorde parfaitement avec la nature d'un
idiome primitif'. In an exclamation of astonishment there
lies hidden a reflexion which has merely the appearance of
naiveté, but which really contains a judgement, that is an
element of conception. That simple notions which obtrude
themselves directly on the perception of men*), should
*) As an instance we may take Skt. kapála-s κεφαλή, which
Pictet breaks up into ka-pála-s, and translates quel protecteur, add-
ing 'on ne saurait mieux charactériser le rôle natural du crâne' (I
308, II 305).
INTRODUCTION.
51
have found their expression by means of such exclamations
which became as it were fixed and passed into names, I
regard as wholly improbable. Hence we cannot for a mo-
ment conceive that Lat. caecu-s Goth. haih-s (one-eyed)
is 'quo oculo praeditus', as Pott holds (I¹ 166, cp. II² 445)
(ka-ocu-s) nor on the other hand can we regard it as a
compound of Skt. éka, 'one' and oco, the stem of oculu-s,
a derivation which Pott gives as also possible, and which
Bopp considers certain (Vergl. Gr. II2 59). For of this
éka, which is itself undoubtedly a derived form from the
stem which occurs in Sanskrit also as é-va, and in Zend
as aêva (Pott, Zählmethode 149) there is no trace to be
found in any of the allied languages, to say nothing of
the fact that we have to assume a very rare mutilation
which cuts out the very kernel of the word. This êka
again we hold to be especially Sanskrit, not Indo-Germanic.
-
My objections to the prefix-theory Pott meets in two
ways. At one time (p. 301) he establishes the existence of 'not a
few pairs of roots with simpler and fuller initial sounds'
side by side. He contends against the view that by mere
accident two roots with the meaning 'shine' like Skt. ráģ
and bhrág, differing only in their initial letters, came into
being independently of each other. But there are pairs
and triplets of roots of the kind, which even Pott cannot
refer to one and the same origin, e. g. Skt. jag and bhaý
'to honour'; in the case of which he admits of 'accident'
(II² 336), am, gam, kram three 'verba eundi', where the
prepositions leave us in the lurch, ad 'edere', kshad 'frangere',
an 'spirare', stan 'suspirare'. Or are we in order to favour
the prefix-theory to explain the last of these by sa +
ati + an 'together exceedingly to blow'? Then we might
perhaps find some help for jag in a ni-ag 'to move one-
self down' and for bhag in abhi-ag 'to move oneself up
to', in something of the sense of лoо6×νvεiv. To increase
the possibilities there is another hypothesis, according to 43
which all roots beginning with a vowel have lost initial
consonants. That would therefore be another way out,
4*
52
BOOK I.
which would indeed lead in the very opposite direction.
But many will, I believe, prefer with me to follow none
of these paths and to regard it simply as a fact, which
after all is not very surprising, that language sometimes
denotes related conceptions by similar sounds. It is hardly
worth while reminding the reader that the riddle is often
solved by the fact that the one form is the earlier, more
faithfully preserved, (e. g. OHG smilz-u) the other the more
mutilated (Gr. µéld-w).
A second argument Pott draws from the manifest ap-
propriateness of the meaning, which results from his com-
positions. But unfortunately in this respect I am wanting
according to his own expression, in 'the faculty of vision'.
This is a defect of nature. But when e. g. ñíðo-ç 'vessel'
is presented to me as such a clear instance, which must
necessarily have been derived from ni and 98, because on
the earthern πίθος lay a cover (ἐπίθημα) and must have
meant properly 'lid', I may still be permitted to observe
that the vessel may have been named after many other things.
For nouns whose coinage was more recent than the determi-
nation of the form and meaning of roots, and in whose case
several of the previously mentioned objections to the in-
corporation of prefixes disappear, the possibility of such
an origin might sooner be admitted; yet we can only allow
the probability of it where we have clear analogies in
sound as in meaning. This is certainly not the case e. g. in the
derivation of Skt. âp (aqua) from â and pi or pa 'antrinken’;
(drink at) for in no other instance does a Lat. qu arise from
p, and what the an has to do in such a word, no one
can see. And yet Pott regards this etymology as 'certain'*)
(307).
*) Another word of the kind which Pott (e. g. W. I 438) and
others after him delight to quote is Skt. nîḍa-s, and also nîḍa-m, ‘nest',
'camp', with the corresponding Vedic form nila-s. This word we are
told is derived from ni 'down' and sad 'to sit'. The meaning 'sitting
down' might be readily admitted for the Sanskrit, but miḍa-s cannot
be separated from the equivalent Lat. nîdu-s, OHG nëst, Ch. Sl. gnězdo
INTRODUCTION.
53
7.
In general the endeavour to break words up into their
elements has been pushed much too far. The principle
that he who proves too much proves nothing might be
well applied to many assertions of comparative philology.
In our judgment much more is gained if we set a Greek
word, together with the related and derived words which
accompany it in Greek, side by side with an actually oc-
curing Sanskrit, Latin, German or Slavonic word, and
do so with absoluté certainty, than if we lose ourselves
in bold hypotheses upon the origin of the form which
this comparison compels us to give as the root-form-
hypotheses which very rarely lead to sure results. Even
Pott in his review of Benfey's Wurzellexikon (Berl. Jahrb.
1840 p. 623 ff.) has uttered a warning against this danger,
and recommended, for many questions, an honest acknow-
ledgement of ignorance, in the place of flighty omniscience
though he has not always followed these principles
himself. It is possible that with time the veil, which hangs
over the early beginnings of the formation of the Indo-
Germanic languages, may be raised still more; it is possible
also that science, when in time to come it has risen into
purer heights, may show many points to us or to our
posterity in a different light: for the present position of
enquiry sober moderation is certainly as a general rule
the true course. Besides, the question of the relation of a
(with a bye-form gnězno), Lith lizda-s. But a preposition with the
meaning of 'down', ni cannot be proved for the Indo-Germanic time
(cp. below No. 425) and the g of the Slavonic word would be quite un-
intelligible, and hence Pott prudently passes it by. But what right
has he to do so? The g which retains its place in this as in the
younger Slavonic forms must be primitive, according to Pott's own
doctrine (W. I 355) that language never prefixes a consonant, least of
all a mute, pour passer le temps, and so points to an entirely different
etymon for all these words. Miklosich says, it is true, (Lex. 132) de
g praefixo cf. gnětiti cum nětiti', but who can say whether here
too the form with g is not the older?
44
54
BOOK I.
Greek word to a word in the other languages can in practice
be very satisfactorily answered, without entering upon the
latter questions. For instance, that the Greek ỏotέo-v with
the Latin os goes back to a stem asti, which in Sanskrit
is asthi (No. 213) is a fact of interest, which is completely
established. But to trace back the root-form so recognized
to its origin is a task quite different and to be kept en-
tirely distinct. And it seems to me that little is gained
45 by such conjectures as that put forward by Bopp in his
Glossary, and approved by Pott II2 296, that this asti
comes from the rost sta, 'to stand'. This can never be
proved. Pictet (I 515) gives for the same word, which
denotes at the same time the stone of a fruit, a quite dif-
ferent conjecture, which we shall venture to state under
No. 213. In other cases indeed we can go back to a root
with more certainty. The various names for Spring, Gr.
ë-aq, Skt. vas-ant-as, Lat. vê-r, ON. vâr, Ch. Sl. ves-na, Lith.
vas-arà find their meeting point in the stem vas. So far we
can go with certainty. But whether this vas is the same as
that which we find in Sanskrit, and also, though slightly alter-
ed in other cognate languages, with the meaning of 'to
clothe' according to which therefore Spring was de-
signated as the clother and adorner of earth (cp. Pictet I
101) or a quite distinct vas, which like the shorter
form us denotes burning and shining which would also
well suit the conception of Spring will perhaps be never
decided. The root lu (No. 547) occurs in Greek as Au in
λύ-μα, strengthened into λου in λού-ω; in Latin as lu in
lu-o, as lav in lav-o; among the Teutonic languages the
Old Norse gives ló-a (adluo). There we stop short, with-
out entering as Bopp does on the question whether this
lu is not perhaps merely a mutilated form of the root plu,
which we find with its initial letter well preserved in a
number of words in all the cognate languages (No. 369)
or conjecturing with Pott I¹ 209 (retracted W. I 1137) that
by an opposite process this plu in its turn may have pro-
ceded from pi api-lu (to wash upon). The objection
INTRODUCTION.
55
may be brought against us that we have thus passed by
many of the most interesting questions, and it is true that
the fancy of etymologers generally leads them first of all
to these extremely difficult problems. But in this case, as
often, we can only make advances by limiting the tasks
we set ourselves, and above all by a careful distinction of
that which may be known from that which can only be
reached by conjectures. Even within the narrower circle,
which is however quite wide enough, there will be no lack
of increased enlightenment on many points. Science has not
for its object the satisfaction of curiosity or the supply of an
arena where more or less ingenious hypotheses may dis-
port themselves, but the extension of the kingdom of
truth and the confinement of the rule of error within nar-
rower limits.
As a rule then we shall not in our combinations pro-
ceed beyond the forms which clearly present themselves
from the comparison of words actually occurring in the
various languages with which we are dealing; but in one
respect it will be hardly possible to observe strictly the
limits which we have drawn. I am referring to one of
the most difficult questions in the investigation of language,
the question of the variation of roots, or the formation of
secondary roots, which, though in part far removed from
the aims which we are here pursuing, yet cannot be left
untouched. As to the general idea of a root, we may ac-
cept the view of Pott (Review of Benfey's Wurzellexikon)
who calls roots the ultimate material (Grundstoff) of lang-
uage. But if we define roots according to the form in
which they present themselves in the Indo-Germanic
languages, we may say that a root is the significant com-
bination of sounds *) which is left remaining after a given 46
*) We shall be right in saying 'combination of sounds', for the
only Indo-Germanic root, which appears to consist of a single sound,
the root i (to go) has the smooth breathing before the vowel, a sound
which is generally left quite out of view in linguistic investigations,
but very incorrectly. The German alliteration shows most clearly
56
BOOK I.
word has been stripped of everything formative. Primi-
tive verb - forms are best adapted to this. Suppose
¿-tí-dɛ-to given. Grammar points out the particular gram-
matical force of every other part of this form, that is, ¿
denotes that the action lies in the past, the reduplicated
syllable tɩ denotes the present stem, duration, to the 3rd
sing. mid.; hence e is evidently the root. If we compare
ζεύγνυμι, ζεύξις, ζυγό-ν with each other, we arrive at
the root Zuy, from which these three forms may be easily
derived, because from the laws of inflection we can point
out the meaning of the syllables vv and u, and from the
laws of derivation we can explain the suffix t (6) with
the sign of the nominatives and the suffix o with the
sign of the accusative v, while in the first two forms we
can show that the diphthong has arisen from v by inten-
sification or expansion. The Indian grammarians, whose
views were followed at first by comparative philology, were
so far inconsistent in their procedure, that they set down
some roots, specially all that ended in a, as having a long
vowel: dâ, pâ, stâ &c. But Schleicher (Beitr. II 92) has
shown by convincing arguments, that the short vowel,
which has long been assigned to Greek roots like pa, do,
ɛ, really belongs to the root. The length of the vowel,
where it occurs, is to be considered as being itself some-
thing formative, as intensification. Hence I follow now
this treatment of Schleicher, in favour of which Pott also
(W. I 1) has expressed himself, though not without re-
serve, and Corssen (I2 604) more decidedly. For the future.
therefore, when it is a question of Indo-Germanic roots,
we shall be speaking only of roots like da, pa, sta &c.
But this definition of a root needs still further limitation.
that the smooth breathing was not unknown even to the linguistic
instinct of the unlearned. The recognition of the smooth breathing
as a real sound is often shown to be important, as in the interchange
with j and v in the Slavonic languages. The assumption of a verbal
root a in Heyse's 'System der Sprachwissenschaft' p. 113 rests upon
an error.
INTRODUCTION.
57
If we were to break up ἐ-γίγν-ε-το in the same way as
-ti-de-to, we should arrive at the utterly unpronounceable
root yv. Such roots, absolutely unpronounceable in some cases
and not merely unpronounceable according to Greek laws of
sound, are actually assumed by Benfey. According to him we 47
may work with the sound-groups Tλ, кр, кV, DF, arriving at
last at OFri and OPC. But objections to this have been
justly raised from various quarters. Ought any one really
to maintain in all gravity that the primitive language
which lies at the base of all Indo-Germanic languages
used such monstrous sounds? We can hardly credit
any language with forms like these in spite of all ex-
perience.
Or is it intended by such unpronounceable aggregations
of sound to represent mere shadowy existences, pure ab-
stractions? A proceeding in our judgment extremely doubt-
ful. It is true that we arrive at roots, as we conceive
them, by abstraction; but it does not by any means follow
from this that they did not really exist; it is only that
they have no independent existence in the state of language
which we have given to us historically. But for all that
they underlie the various forms which have sprung out of
them, just as the stems, formed from roots, underlie the
forms which in their turn spring from them. The instinc-
tive sense of roots and stems undoubtedly became in many
ways obliterated and obscured, especially in the more recent
periods of the life of language. But for more ancient times
and for languages of the transparent structure of Sanskrit,
and even Greek, as a rule at least, the feeling of the
mutual connection between words that originated in one
root or one stem must have been preserved in activity.
There is even much to be said for the view that in the
earliest period of the life of language, that is in the period
preceding inflection, roots had a real existence apart from
all additions, that, in other words, many at least of them
were once true words. This view has recently been as-
serted among others by Steinthal (Ztschr. f. Völkerpsychol.
58
BOOK I.
III 250) and Max Müller (Lectures II 37). Hence we can
recognize as Indo-Germanic roots only such combinations
of sound as according to the phonetic laws of the primi-
tive Indo-Germanic language can be pronounced. In fact
some vowel or other is always easily discovered as an
integral part of the root. One who preferred to start from
rv instead of rev, would be compelled to assume even in
yévos a strengthening, that is, formative element quite
apart from the termination, an assumption which would
be altogether unlawful. Evidently the rejection of the
vowel is something purely accidental, limited to some few
formations from the root; and hence we can no more as-
sume it in the root itself, than we could the strengthen-
ing of Zuy to Zeuy, which is also limited to particular forms.
We must therefore complete the definition of the origin
of a root given above, by adding that a root is the com-
bination of sounds which remains when everything forma-
48 tive and accidental has been stripped away from a given
word.
Another question is not so easily answered, i. e.
whether we are to lay down special roots for the several
languages, or common roots for the united stock. At the
first glance it seems to be more in accordance with the
approved view that roots were the actual primary words
of the languages, to speak not of Greek, but only of Indo-
Germanic roots. For nothing is more certain than that
Oε, Zur, rev were never independent words. These com-
binations of sound date from a time when language
had long passed beyond the primitive words. It is only of
the older sound-groups which may be regularly deduced
from them, of dha, jug, gan that it is probable that they
had an independent existence in that early time. Hence
Heyse (System der Sprachwissenschaft p. 112) will only
allow of Indo-Germanic roots, and Steinthal (Zeitschr. f.
Völkerpsychol. II 463, III 250) agrees with him, while
Jacob Grimm (über Diphthonge u. ausgef. Conson. p. 63)
maintains that what is held to be a root in one language
INTRODUCTION.
59
The question
need not be regarded as such in another.
is plainly not to be considered from the point of view of
theory alone, but essentially, so to say, from that of prac-
tice, that is, of the requirements of special investigations.
One who lays down only Indo-Germanic roots, must na-
turally set aside not only Greek, but also Sanskrit roots.
Accordingly we must not speak of the rt. gan any more than
yev, but only of gan. The rt. gar, which by the way may
be shown itself to have been used in three essentially
distinct primary meanings to call (nova), to devour (ẞo-
ρείν), (ἐγρηγορέναι),
oɛiv), to wake (¿yonyoqέvai), — would coincide with the root
gar, which again has three principal meanings,
to grow
old (yέowv), to approach, and to crackle. As an original k is
in Sanskrit sometimes preserved, sometimes changed into
K, and sometimes into g, the three roots kam 'love', kam
'sip', çam 'quiet', and again kar 'make' and kar 'go', would.
have to be reduced to one, or to several of identical sound.
But is not this simply bringing together theoretically forms
which in the living language diverge far from each other?
And there are still greater difficulties in the way in the
case of Greek, because here evidently from the earliest
times its richer vowel-system contributed to determine the
meaning. ¿d to eat and ỏd to smell are in Greek kept
as strictly distinct as the identical stems in Latin (edere,
odor) and in Lithuanian éd-mi I eat, úd-žu I smell. Are
we to refer both to a root ad, nowhere existing and purely
theoretical? Who can assure us, that ad 'to eat', was 49
not distinguished from the root meaning 'to smell', in
an earlier period in language, only in a way which we
cannot now discover? The stems ἀρ (ἀραρίσκω and ἀρόω),
ἐρ (ἐρέσσω), όρ (ὄρνυμι) go back to one original theme,
the ar retained in Sanskrit, but to each of these forms a
definite meaning is attached, to the one with a that of
fitting and ploughing, to the one with e that of rowing,
to the one with o that of raising or arousing; and if we
compare the Latin words artus, rêmus, orior, here too this
special meaning shows itself attached to the same vowels.
60
BOOK I.
It follows that this change of vowel is neither formative nor
accidental; hence according to our definition it belongs to
the root. Anyone who lays down simply ar as the root
of all these Greek words, obscures the special relation in
which the A-sound stands to the meaning of άo̟αo̟íónæ &c.
and fails to assume in the case of ἐρέσσω and ὄρμενος
an element in the stem which subserves the meaning. The
difference between ἄρμενος and ὄρμενος is quite other than
that between λέγω and λόγος, between ἔτρεπον and ἔτρα-
που. In the latter case the change of vowel is connected
with the form, but it is not so in the former; here it be-
longs to the very substance of the language. In the forms
ώρτο, ὄρνυμι, ὀρίνω, ὀρ presents itself in exactly the same
way as the fundamental element, appears in them all,
so to speak, as a monad, just as much as Skt. ar in the
words derived therefrom. The assertion of stems of this
kind is therefore as indispensable for a clear representa-
tion of the structure of language, as the assertion of
noun- stems, of derived verb-stems and of pronoun-stems.
The noun-stem пλоо certainly never existed independently,
and yet we give it the same name as the Skt. noun-stem
plava, in the case of which this independent existence is
more possible. We call s the termination of the nomina-
tive лlóο-s, plava-s, although the proper original sign of
this case was apparently sa. In short, in the science of
language we always call the atoms (Lautkörper) and elements
of the individual languages, which act as the representatives
and we might say heirs of the corresponding Indo-Germanic
atoms and elements, by the same names as these. As an
unbroken tradition reigned in the history of language,
yev is the heir of the rt. gan. The form yev which by
degrees developed out of gan always retains the same value
for the formation of derivatives: why are we to call the
two combinations of sound by different names? Hence I
am also of opinion that we do not get much profit from
the distinctions which some have attempted to make in
order to avoid a confusion of the Indo-Germanic roots
INTRODUCTION.
61
with their successors in the realm of language. Heyse
(ut supra) wishes to distinguish between 'roots' and 'root-
forms', but the idea of a root taken strictly excludes form:
Steinthal draws a distinction between 'root' and 'theme', 50
but the latter expression is too wide; Pott II² 246, distinguishes
absolute from relative roots. This would do better, and it
is in any case important to be aware of such a difference.
But can we really always succeed in reaching the absolute
final root? The many homonymous roots which we should
arrive at for the Indo-Germanic period warn us against
thinking so. Will any one undertake in the case of the
root kam mentioned above to trace back the meanings
'love' and 'sip' to one original signification, or will he
regard it as credible that language from the first denoted
such different conceptions by the same sounds? In short
we may certainly lay it down as probable that the Indo-
Germanic languages proceeded from elements of words like
the roots which we can infer, and that many of these
had from the beginning just those sounds, neither more
nor less, which we find in them by our inferences. But
to decide, in the case of every such unit which may be
inferred, whether it was the absolutely oldest combination
of sounds linked to this conception or not is impossible.
And therefore the science of language will always have to
do in detail essentially with relative roots, which present
themselves differently for each individual language.
Be this as it may, we can of course only speak of roots at
all in those languages, in which substance and form are not
too entirely confused. Where, as in daughter-languages
or in languages with much decayed sounds, e. g. in New
High German, the connection between forms originally be-
longing to each other is much effaced, the assumption of
a root for the particular language is a very doubtful step.
But in this respect Greek occupies a position not at all
differing from that of Sanskrit. It is true that Greek
grammar did not attain to the scientific consciousness of
roots, any more than to the consciousness of case-endings,
62
BOOK I.
noun- stems and verb-stems. But on all these points we
must supplement the linguistic sense which had not yet
been developed into clearness; whilst by the help of the
insight into the earlier history of the Greek language
which has been granted only to us, we give precision
to the representation of it, and carry our analysis (where
this is possible) as far as those small but significant
elements of words, which even in their Greek dress have
a well-grounded claim to the name of roots.
As to the Greek roots in particular, this will be the
place, before we go any further, to insert some remarks
upon their number and character. L. Lange has deserved
51 our thanks for taking the pains to count (for his notice
of the first volume of the present work in the Ztschr. für
Oest. Gymn. 1860 p. 118) the number of the roots re-
cognized by me in that volume, and to arrange them
according to their phonetic character. Although there is
room for doubt with respect to individual roots, yet this
grouping is well calculated to furnish us with a general
measure of the extent to which we can discover roots, and
also of their phonetic nature. With the help of this ar-
rangement, which I have altered in only a few points of
little importance, and supplemented by some additional
roots, I give here the main results. According to this, I
consider it possible to refer some 700 Greek word-stems,
which are treated as such separately, to 278 distinct roots;
and of these, if the spiritus lenis, as well as the spiritus
asper is counted as a consonant (p. 55 note)
1) 36 consist of a consonant and a vowel: 7 (615),
xα (179), dɛ (309), &c.
2) 152 of a consonant, a vowel, and a second con-
sonant: άx (2), dın (14), dɣ (118), yaƑ (122), &c.
3) 23 of two consonants and a vowel: σxɛ (45b), xλv
(62), dpa (272), &c.
4) 24 of a consonant, a vowel, and two following
consonants: ἀγκ (1), Fεργ (141), τερπ (240), &c.
5) 40 of two consonants, a vowel, and a following
consonant: κλεπ (58), σκυλ (114), χλαδ (196), &c.
INTRODUCTION.
63
6) 3 of two consonants, a vowel, and two following
consonants, namely биαλл (106), áñɛx (176b),
στεμφ (219).
With regard to the second division of roots, which
is so much larger than any of the other, two important
remarks are made by Grassmann in his papers 'On the
aspirates and their simultaneous occurrence at the begin-
ning and at the end of roots' (Ztschr. XII 81 ff.). The
first is that 'in Greek there is no root with two medial
mutes and a vowel standing between them, either by it-
self or expanded by a nasal liquid' (p. 115). Greek is
thus distinguished especially from the Germanic and Letto-
Slavic tongues, in which roots like the Gothic gab (give),
Ch. Sl. bud (wake) are very common. The distinction is ex-
plained by the corruption of the aspirates in the northern
tongues, and their transformation in other ways in the
two classical languages. Thus the course of the investi-
gation, which the author has conducted with equal acute-
ness and thoroughness, leads him in the next place to the
conjecture that not only for the primitive Indo-Germanic
language, but also for Greek we must assume roots both 52
beginning and ending with aspirates, like bhudh დამ.
By this latter assumption, opposed as it is to the view
held by most scholars, and by myself formerly, so much
light is thrown upon many questions hitherto dark, especially
with regard to the relation of several German roots to the cor-
responding Greek ones, that, in spite of Pott's passionate
attack upon it (Ztschr. XIX 16 ff.), I fully accept it. Ac-
cording to the familiar phonetic law, which in Sanskrit
as in Greek does not readily allow the succession of two
syllables each beginning with an aspirate, the first aspirate
lost of necessity its aspiration, either entirely (лvdέóðα,
лεúбоμα) or at least in the majority of its verbal forms
(τύφω, ύψω).
But even that section of the word which, in the manner
that has been indicated, we find to be indivisible, and
the proper vehicle of the meaning, sometimes presents it-
64
BOOK I.
self to us under more than one form, and the question
arises which is the more primitive, and the proper root-
form. It is comparatively easy to decide when we have
to deal with those regularly recurring series of vowels,
which Jacob Grimm established for the Germanic languages,
and denoted by the name Ablaut. In the case of the
chord presented by the three vowels in most of the strong
verbs, it is as a rule not difficult to arrive at the fundamental
note, to which the root is set. It is the same with the
corresponding phænomena in Greek. Modern philology,
here agreeing with the Sanskrit grammarians, usually re-
gards the shortest form of the root as the oldest; so that
what Grimm regarded as Ablaut (degradation of sound) we
hold to be rather Zulaut*) (addition of sound) or vowel-inten-
sification, which therefore, as being formative, must be
regarded as an addition to the root, and not as something
contained in it. Hence we regard Zuy as the root in spite
of ζεύγνυμι and ζεῦγος, λιπ in spite of λείπω and λέλοιπα,
λae in spite of 2ýŋ. According to this view the con-
ceptions of men, as has been well said, broke out first
'like lightning' in short syllables. It is only later, and
53 especially in connection with inflection and the coinage of
noun-stems in various ways, that we find the tendency to
bring out the root-syllable in certain cases more fully and
broadly, a tendency which led on the one hand to re-
duplication, on the other to the vowel-intensifications, which
then in the further course of the history of language under-
went various ramifications and changes. Attempts have
*) The word guna-s (from which the hybrid words guniren, Gu-
nirung have been formed, certainly not to the adornment of our
philological writings), used with especial preference, perhaps just
because of its mysterious origin, is according to Boehtlingk (Pet.
Dict.) properly 'the subordinate, secondary vowel-strengthening', op-
posed to vṛddhi-s (growth), the full strengthening. Why should we
not rather substitute a German word like Zulaut (addition of sound,
or Vokalsteigerung (vowel-intensification) for the curiously de-
vised and wholly unintelligible term of the Indian grammarians.
INTRODUCTION.
65
been made in different quarters to explain the 'addition of
sound' (Zulaut) by the accent. How far they have been
successful we need not discuss here. It is certain that
this hypothesis can be maintained only if we suppose for
the primitive Indo-Germanic language a system of accen-
tuation differing essentially from the traditional system of
Sanskrit and Greek. But allowing that in that early period
the main accent of a word always went along with vowel
intensification, yet this could not be regarded as any ex-
planation, for the further question would immediately pre-
sent itself, why the accent in one form fell upon the stem,
in another on the termination. And the answer would cer-
tainly in many cases bring us back to our previous conjecture,
i. e. that emphasis was sometimes used by language to
give prominence to the stem, at other times to the ter-
mination. This is not the place to enter into the details
of this modification of the vowels. They belong to the
science of the forms of language, i. e. to Grammar. The
subject has been besides discussed from various sides, espe-
cially thoroughly by Schleicher in his Compendium. Here
we may simply mention that the interchange of a and
ο νέμω and νόμος) and the much less common interchange
of n and a (ońyvvμi, ëqqwyα) belong to this category.
The view, which I established in my essay de nominum
formatione p. 22, that the o-sound is heavier than the ɛ-
sound and that therefore here too we must assume inten-
sification, addition of sound, though in a lesser degree, has
found many supporters. Since its publication it has been
confirmed by my investigations on the splitting of the A-
sound ('Ueber die Spaltung des A-Lautes') printed in the
'Sitzungsberichten d. k. Sächs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. 1864'
p. 9 ff. I believe that I have shown there that the divi-
sion of the old A-sound has a much deeper influence on
the structure of the European members of the Indo-Ger-
manic group of languages than has been hitherto supposed,
and that in particular, first e and then afterwards o arose
from what was originally a simple A-sound. The change of
CURTIUS, Etymology.
5
66
BOOK I.
the a to the thinner e, and afterwards to i, was the earlier,
the change of a to the duller o and afterwards u was
the later modification; and hence the above-mentioned
languages agree much more completely in the former than
54 in the latter point, e. g. Entά -septem, Goth. sibun, Lith.
septynì, ¡ëotí
-est, Goth. ist, Lith. ésti, but őr-s ovi-s,
Goth. avistr, Lith. avi-s. Hence I do not doubt, and have
proved more completely in the paper quoted above, that
in a very early time from original roots like gan, man,
gen and men were formed, and that gon and mon (yéyova,
μέμονα) are related to these as ζευγ to ζυγ, λειπ τo λιπ,
and just as the higher stages λοιπ, ποιθ (λέλοιπα, πέποι-
θα), ἐλουθ ειλήλουθα) to the lower stages λειπ, πειθ,
ἐλευθ (λείπω, πείθω, ἐλεύθ)σομαι). From the original
pair of sounds gan (Skt. gan-á-mi) and gân (Skt. perf. ģa-
ýân-a), bhar (Skt. bhar-â-mi) and bhâr (Skt. bhâra-s, 'burden')
by gradual 'shifting' probably first gen, gan, bher, bhar
were formed, then gen, gon (yevéodai, péyova), bher, bhor
(pέqw, pógo-ç). But we have no indication that there
was ever a period when γεν and γον, φερ and φορ were
arbitrarily interchanged, so that occasionally γονέσθαι, φόρω
were also used, or on the other hand yéyeva, pέoo-s. The
Greek vowel-modification is certainly a copy, however
much it may have been blurred, of the original, deeply
based in the structure of the language. Thus we have
here a new justification for ascribing the E-sound to the
Greek roots in question.
The case is not so simple where we have an inter-
change between & and a, as occurs in xéλoua by the side
of καλέω, στέλλω and ἐστάλην, βέλος and βάλλω, τρέπω
and τoαлоv. Here there is no firmly - established relation
ἔτραπον.
firmly-established
based upon a wide analogy. We cannot say that a as
the heavier vowel takes the place of o, for this o some-
times also appears by the side of & and a as a third vowel:
στόλος, βολή, τρόπος, and the heavier a is attached even
to those forms which are in other respects the shortest,
the forms of the strong aorist. But it is also dangerous
INTRODUCTION.
67
γεν.
to start with a root καλ, σταλ, βαλ, τραπ, for βολή and
τρόπο-s are related to βελ and τρεπ precisely as γόνο-ς
is related to yev. The forms in a are evidently isolated
remains of an older pre-Hellenic state of language. There
has been a weakening of the 'linguistic instinct', which
felt neither the one vowel nor the other to be decidedly
the characteristic one for the root concerned, and this re-
lation we cannot, I believe, denote better than by giving
double roots καλ κελ, ετελ σταλ, βαλ βελ, τρεπ τραπ, placing
that form first which is the most widely prevalent.
But there is another process bearing the closest re-
semblance to the vowel-intensification, from which, as we
saw, we have in many cases an apparently two-fold theme.
As τέτευχα is to τυχ, πέφηνα to φαν, so is κέκλαγγα to
κλαγ κλάζω). Accordingly I have always - and I am 55
pleased to find myself here entirely agreeing with Pott
treated the nasalization of a root, or its expansion by
means of a nasal (for which Pott occasionally uses the expres-
sion Rhinismus) as a phænomenon corresponding to vowel-
intensification. Inasmuch as several recent philologers have
either passed over this view in silence, or have contested
it, I must enter into the question here. This may how-
ever be done the more briefly because the subject-matter
has been discussed by me in the Tempora und Modi
p. 53 ff., and has been treated thoroughly by Pott again
in the Et. Forsch. II p. 451 ff. p. 680 ff., and, though
with differences on many points, by Joh. Schmidt, Voca-
lismus I, especially p. 115*). Even the old Greeks could not
fail to notice that nasals occurring before consonants in
the middle of a word did not always hold their ground
very firmly, did not always belong to the proper substance
of a word. They found oußquos used by the side of
ὄβριμος, τύμπανον by τύπανον (Hymn. Hom. XIV, 3),
2
*) Latin nasalization is discussed by Corssen, Nachträge 193,
Ausspr. I 565 f. Kölle (Nachr. d. Gött. Ges. d. Wissensch. 1866
p. 314) has shown the existence of nasalization in African languages,
especially as a supplement to reduplication.
5*
68
BOOK I.
πίμπλημι by ἐμπίπλημι. In an inscription we have actually
¿μлoíaτo (Ahrens Dor. 351). The old grammarians included
these expansions with other phænomena under the name
of oτoµœaoµós, fuller thicker pronunciation (Eustath. p. 1123,
41, p. 1350, 26). The reverse of this accretion of a nasal
sound is its disappearance in forms like Ὄλυπος, Νυφό-
dooos, on the occurrence of which Nauck, Aristoph Byz.
147, Keil, Analect. Epigr. 173 should be consulted.
And as in the middle of a word, so in its termination
Greek recognizes the moveable, nasal, the so-called v pε2-
κυστικόν, which in many forms, e. g. ἐστίν compared with
the Skt. asti, péqovбiv by Skt. bharanti is evidently an
added sound, which might originally be used arbitrarily
and according to no definite rule, but which, submitted to
the control of the linguistic consciousness, was only allowed,
or at least only recognized by the grammarians, where the
connection of the words in a sentence and the needs of
the verse made it desirable. The added nasal sound which
in Arabic is called Nunnation, appears according to what
I learn from those who know the language (though Phi-
lippi, Wesen des status constructus p. 184 takes a different
56 view) to have the greatest similarity to the paragogic v*).
Some remarkable analogies to this process have been re-
cently pointed out from German dialects, and though it
is exceptional and not in harmony with the general course
of language which tends towards a 'weathering away' of
sounds, yet it appears to be established beyond the possi-
bility of doubt. In the Litter. Centralbl. 1860 p. 57 ex-
amples are quoted from the Zürich dialect of an n inserted
*) The paragogic v and its employment in literary usage have
been treated of by Lobeck, Elementa II 143 ff. Deventer, who in
his treatise de litera v Graecorum paragogica Monast. 1863 collects
epigraphic material bearing on the question, endeavours, following
an earlier attempt of Fried. Müller's, but with more qualifications,
to vindicate the greater antiquity of the form in v. I consider this
probable only in the case of név Skt. kam, võv by the side of
vú and a few other words.
INTRODUCTION.
69
2
to avoid hiatus, e. g. wie'n er au wie er auch: and
in Zeitschr. XII 396 instances like ba'n euk bei euch
are quoted by Kuhn from Lexer's Carinthian Dictionary.
Among comparative grammarians besides Pott, Lepsius in
his work 'Palæography as a means for the Investigation
of Language', and W. v. Humboldt on the Variety of the
Structure of Human Language p. 254 have recognized na-
salization. Pott II² 680 remarks with justice 'No conso-
nant surpasses the nasal in flexibility and pliancy': 'If
in pronouncing a vowel I direct through the nose one arm
of the stream of breath which produces it, it becomes
rhinistic'. Physiologists describe the manner of producing
the nasals as approaching very nearly to that of the vowels.
"They have' says Brücke, (Grundzüge der Physiologie
und System. der Sprachlaute, p. 31) this in common.
with the vowels, that they have not like the other consonants
a sound of their own independent of the voice, but they
only rest upon resonance'. Lepsius (Standard Alphabet
p. 59) actually calls nasalization a vowel modification, and
points to the fact that the Indian designation of the nasal
after-sound (Anu-svâra-s, cp. svara-s, vowel) corresponds
with the designation of the vowel. For this very reason
this insertion or more correctly after-sound is something
very different from the insertion of real consonants which
was formerly so arbitrarily assumed. Those who contend
against the assumption of nasalization as a phænomenon
running parallel to reduplication and vowel intensification,
as they cannot deny the facts in question, have hitherto
followed two ways, so far as I know, for explaining these
facts. On the one hand they assume, at least for some of
the forms, that the nasal belonged from the first to the
root, so that not the κλαγ of κλάζω, but the κλαγγ of κέ-
xhayya would have to be considered the root; and simi-
larly not the stem which appears in ex-s and Skt. ahi-s,
but that which we find in the Latin angui-s and the
Lith. angi-s, which with its nasal occurs in Greek only
in the derivative ἔγχελυς anguilla. I admit that for 57
70
BOOK I.
و
-
many stems this view can be made to appear probable.
But what are we to do in cases where the nasalized form
only occurs quite sporadically. Are we because of the
single instance túµл-άvo-v to give тʊμя as the root instead
of τυπ? The gloss in Hesychius γρομφεῖς ζωγράφοι is
certainly read more correctly with L. Dindorf and M.
Schmidt yoopεis, as the alphabetical arrangement shows;
but this does not touch the fact that the grubbing sow
rooµpás derives its name from the same root which enters
into yoάpav, Germ. graben [Engl. grave and perhaps
even grub]. Now if we proceeded in the manner just
mentioned we should be obliged, for the sake of this one
form, to give the root as grambh, not grabh, and in all
the other forms in various languages gathered under No.
138 we should have to assume the loss of this nasal. And
in other cases we should be driven to still stranger as-
sumptions. Inasmuch as no one can fail to recognize the
connection of ινδάλλομαι with ἰδεῖν, we should be obliged
to maintain, not merely that the widely-extended root for
seeing had properly the form vind (Skt. vind-â-mi ‘I find'),
but also that vid is shortened from this vind, to become
on occasion again expanded to vaid (Gr. ɛid, oid). It is
evident that it will not be easy to explain the facts of
the case in this way. Hence another explanation has found
more favour, which however no one adopts universally,
but it is resorted to by preference only in certain verbal
forins (Kuhn, Zeitschr. II 455 ff. Schleicher, Compend.3
752). While we have by the side of the Latin jungimus
the Skt. junģmas, we have junaģ-mi corresponding to jungo,
and both scindo and oxidvnu occur. Now in these cases
the latter position of the nasal is by some regarded as
the normal one, and this is held to be, not incorporated
in the root, but rather the syllable na, which is considered
as a significant particle of pronominal origin, appended to
the root. This naturally leads to the further assumption
that in scindo just as in the Skt. Khinad-mi the nasal
shifts its position, and that it has obtained a position to
INTRODUCTION.
71
which it has no right between the vowel and the final
consonant of the root. This explanation might have some
claim on our attention in the case of the present stems;
though even in regard to these objections of many kinds.
would not be wanting. But how are we to explain the
noun- forms? It might be said that the nasal forced its
way into these after the analogy of the verbal forms, just
as the n of pungo, which properly belongs only to the
present stem, occurs also in punctus, and as conjunx as
well as conjux has its basis in jungo. Only unfortunately
in Greek we do not find so clear a relation of the nasal
in noun-forms to that which occurs in verbal forms. Does
it admit of doubt that the keen-sighted avys, and its hu-
man rival Avynɛús derive their names from the root AuK, 58
which appears in lɛú66w? But we should look in vain
for a form λυγκω, which might have arisen from λυκ-νη-
u, for a Skt. ruknámi or runkami. And
And all devices of
this kind break down before the nasal in reduplicated syl-
lables, e. g. in πίμπρημι, δένδρε(F)ov, in forms like διάν-
dixa and in the case of the paragogic v. As such difficulties
meet these attempts at explanation, and as on the other
hand the view maintained by Pott and myself has not to
contend with any of the kind, and is certainly not
without strong supports, I see no reason to deviate
from it.
A difficulty of a wholly different kind presents itself
in a number of roots, whose final consonant does not al-
ways remain the same. For ὄψομαι and ὄψις we shall
lay down on as the root unconditionally: but it will ap-
pear hereafter that the л here is the successor of a x, and
that the related words ὄσσε, ὄσσομαι are only explained
by the root ok, occurring in the Lat. ocu-lu-s. But it would
not be correct to give on as the root of oyoua also, for
the interchange of x and is neither formative, serving
for the expression of any distinction, nor accidental, in
ὄψομαι, ὄψις.
őpoμai, vis. We evidently find ourselves here in the
same position as previously in the case of the interchange
72
BOOK I.
of ɛ and a. We must recognize a dulling of the linguistic
sense, which we express by allowing the co-existence of a
two-fold root ỏк, оπ.
Hitherto we have always been able to explain the
differing forms of roots from peculiar relations of sounds.
But there is a variation of roots which extends beyond
these limits. This phænomenon, which has not as yet
been sufficiently considered from a general point of view,
has received its most thorough discussion from Pott in
the Etym. Forsch. I¹ 27, 167 and recently in II² 272.
Pott assumes a tolerably extensive variation of roots at
a period evidently very early in the life of language, by
means of which a modification (Temperirung) of the fun-
damental conception became possible. This modification,
expressed by a change or addition of sounds is conceivable
in three ways, by means of an alteration either at the
beginning, in the middle or at the end of a root. In all
these alterations we do not include those changes of sounds
which are to be explained by the general process of
'weathering away'. Thus we have here no concern with
the fact that when we find in Greek, by the side of ctey
the form τεγ (στέγος and τέγος), we explain the latter
form, as well as the Lat. teg in teg-o as shortened from
the first and fuller root. Here there is no variation
but an affection of the root, though in this case a very
old one, extending beyond the period of the Graeco-Italic
59 language, inasmuch as we find also in German and Erse
a simple dental initial consonant. But an initial variation
presents itself, according to Pott in the Lat. scalp-o, sculp-o
compared with the root glab in glab-er, glub in glub-0:
σκόλοψ (St. σκολοπ) and σκάλοψ (mole), σκολύπτω, are
connected with scalp and sculp, γλάφ-ω, γλάφου, γλαφυρός
with glab, yλúp-o with glub: all have in common the
idea of 'hollowing'. Now here Pott regards it as possible.
that the initial s, which he does not in this case take to
be a preposition, contributed to give a special colouring,
so that skalp and galbh, skulp and gulbh
for so we
INTRODUCTION.
73
should have to give the forms
would be sister-roots,
which we should have, not to derive one from another,
but to consider as having an equal right to recognition.
We might be able to agree to accept this principle, espe-
cially as we cannot fail to recognize the existence of a
slight difference of meaning. However it will as a rule
be more prudent here to neglect entirely the question of
mutual connection. And in particular it appears to me
that we have no sufficient basis for the assumption of 'an
initial formative sound modifying the meaning of the ori-
ginal root'*). (Heyse, System p. 114). The place where
formative sounds are added, according to the universal ten-
dency of the Indo-Germanic languages is not the beginning,
but the end. For our purpose we keep roots of the kind
entirely distinct, except indeed where the curtailed begin-
ning can be explained as an affection, because we may
reasonably conjecture that they were separated even before
the division of the languages. Besides their number will
be found to be small.
•
The case is similar with letters in the middle of a
root. The same verbs may serve us here again as examples:
scalp and sculp, yλaq and yλvo are distinguished from
each other by the vowel, and certainly this distinction is
not without meaning. Hence in our view, as in form and
meaning they are not quite identical, these also are distinct.
roots, and we do not undertake the attempt to derive the
u from the a†). Still less shall we endeavour to refer to 60-
*) This means of reducing two similar roots to a unity, which
reminds us of the attempts of older philologers, mentioned above
(p. 13) has been used again tolerably extensively by Pictet. A. Weber
also (Ztschr. VI 139) occasionally allows a prefixed s', and Max
Müller (Lectures II 312) expresses a similar judgment. Cp. p. 42
note.
†) The attempt to explain every radical i and u, with the ex-
ception of those which have proceeded from ja and va, as a weaken-
ing of an original a, has been made by Fick (Vergl. Wörterb. p.
943 ff.) I gladly recognize the acuteness which has been employed
in the process, but confess that these hypotheses are too flighty for
74
BOOK I.
one root such forms as are distinguished in respect to
consonants within the root, with the sole exception of the
nasals, which we discussed above. In spite of the slight
difference in meaning the roots Fpar (önyvvu) and Far
(άyvvui) are regarded by us as distinct. In this case, as
in the numerous similar cases quoted by Pott (Berl. Jahrb.
1840, p. 635) we are contented to divide that, the sepa-
ration of which is at least extremely old. If sounds are
connected with the conceptions denoted by them by an
internal bond, it is natural that similar conceptions should
be denoted by similar sounds. To that time of the first
establishment of sounds and ideas we do not here go back.
But there are particular Greek stems, in the case of which
our task will not allow us to dispense with the assump-
tion of root-variation, effected by early differences of vo-
calization. Thus we must claim for the time before the
separation of the languages a root tak with the bye-forms
tik and tuk, that is to say, a root appearing in three various
forms though a degradation of vowel (Ablaut) as in the Ger-
man, the existence of which in all three forms can be proved
in the case of almost all the allied languages. In Greek from
tak sprung tɛx and тox (No. 235). But these three forms of the
root are not so distinguished from each other, that each form
possesses a definite meaning: in that case we should give
three roots, but the principal meanings, beget, hit, prepare,
are so distributed to the three main forms, that in three fami-
lies of speech different vowels appear for each of them, i. e.
a (ε o)
Gr. τεκ-εῖν
τέκ- μαρ
τόξο -ν
บ
i
0. Pr. teik-usna
(creatio)
Lith. tik-ý-ti
(to aim)
U
Skt. tốk-a-s (rt. tuk)
(proles)
tink-a-s
(it befalls)
Gr. τυχ- είν
me. So long as Fick himself is compelled to give up the attempt
to refer such an important and widely extended root as bhu 'grow'
to a form in a, no one can be censured for feeling unable to draw
such a conclusion as that above-mentioned.
INTRODUCTION.
75
τέκτων
Skt. tak-sh-an (faber)
tak-sh
(fabricari)
Lith. taszý-ti
(to work in wood)
τετύκοντο
τύκος
Gr. τεύχειν
O. Pr. tik-in-t
(make)
Here even in Greek the relation of τέκμαρ and τυχεῖν 61
x has arisen out of x by affection of τέκτων and
τετύκοντο, τύκος (chisel) is not conceivable without the
assumption of a vowel-splitting. We must certainly main-
tain a root-variation which perhaps coincided originally
with the differentiation of meaning, but afterwards con-
tinued independently of it, and this is the very reason
why a complete separation is not possible.
8.
More important than such isolated interchange of vowels
in the middle of roots which should not however mislead
us into allowing a promiscuous interchange of the three pri-
mitive vowels a, i, u is the transformation of the final letter.
It does not admit of doubt that a considerable number of
roots are preserved to us in two-fold forms, of which the
one is longer than the other by a final consonant. J. Grimm
in his essay 'On Diphthongs after dropped consonants
(Dec. 11, 1845), reprinted in the third volume of his
'Kleinere Schriften', in discussing a long list of such double
roots, ascribes the priority to the forms ending in a con-
sonant, at any rate in the Teutonic languages (p. 60),
though he concludes by regarding as possible for an earlier
period of language the accretion of a consonant. That
Lobeck from his own point of view was led to the as-
sumption of such accretion we saw above, p. 13. Here
with Pott who discusses these affixes thoroughly in II²
460 ff., we call the shorter form the primary, the longer
the secondary, and the process of the addition of a con-
2
76
BOOK I.
μι
S
sonant expansion (Weiterbildung)*). Of course here again
we do not take into consideration cases in which the two-
62 fold form is only apparent; for instance where we have
a moveable s at the end of Greek roots, for the falls
away or is assimilated according to definite phonetic laws
(e. g. the root èc — -ove for 6-ovt, el-uí, root éc — ev-vv-
ἐ-οντ εἰμί,
μ for έ6-vv-u) but roots which in several laaguages show
themselves in a two-fold shape, although the occurrence
of the shorter is not phonetically explicable. Here we
must go back to the period of the organization of language;
and to understand even Greek we must not neglect to cast
a glance upon these phænomena. If we compare the verb
rúpa with the Skt. dhup, suffire, fumare, as has often
been done, inasmuch as the aspiration in túp∞ has changed
its place (as vya, dúußoa show), we cannot but refer
both verbs to the shorter root eu, Skt. dhu, which clearly
occurs in θύω (Νο. 320), θύος, θύμον, and also in the
Skt. dhu-ma-s 'smoke' Lat. fû-mu-s, Lith. dú-mai
(smoke). The root dhu is therefore strengthened by p,
and in this expanded form comes under the head of the
Sanskrit causative forms in p, with which however a num-
ber of forms without a distinctly causative meaning are
connected (Pott I¹ 27). A similar p might be assumed in
δαπ (δάπτω, δαπάνη) which is connected with the
Skt. dápajâmi (dividi jubeo) and with the Lat. dap-s: from
which we see that dein-v-ov undoubtedly belongs here
(No. 261). The shorter root is the da of dα-í-∞ = Skt.
dâ, dô (No. 256), whence dai-5 (stem dair) and Skt.
δαιτ
*) Fick (Wörterb. 968 ff.) treats the whole question here touched
upon in its widest extent. The principles on which this is done,
do not differ essentially from those which are here maintained. But
I do not understand why every consonant that occurs as final in a
root where the initial letter is also a consonant, should be secondary.
If there were always roots like ak, ad, ar, why not also tak, pad
tar? Some important roots, as e. g. bhar 'bear' according to Fick's
own confession, stubbornly resist his bold analysis. Here as else-
where a systematizing consistency seems to be out of place. Still, it
is useful to see what can be done in this direction.
INTRODUCTION.
77
dája-m (portio). du-π for the usual du (dua) is demon-
strable first in the Alexandrian poets in the forms dúñτw,
δύπτης. τού-π-η, τρυπάω are connected with τρύω
and tɛío-o, Lat. ter-o (No. 239). It is very probable
that the root λπ for Feλ-π (No. 333) is connected with
the Lat. volup, and is to be referred to the shorter stem
which enters into Boulouai, vol-o, velle; and also that
βούλομαι,
xλέ-x-τ-∞, Lat. cle-p-o, Goth. hliftu-s (thief) [Scotch
'lift' of cattle] is an expansion of the root which occurs
in the shortest form in Lat. oc-cul-o, clam, but which is
similarly expanded by a p in the O. Pr. anklip-t-s, 'con-
cealed'. In another way xóλл-o-ç might have arisen from
the same root denoting 'to conceal', 'to hide'. Still it is
perhaps better to connect the word with the O. N. hvalf.
(vault). Cp. Pott II2 463, Fick2 408 and Soph. Bugge
Stud. IV 332. Whether xalúлto, which is more diffi-
cult because of xahúßn, but which was compared by Pott
even in I¹ 27 (cp. W. II 196) with Lat. clup-e-us, also
belongs here, we shall have to consider further on in our
investigation of the weakening of sounds, and there we
shall have also to discuss the relation of otέq-w to the
Lat. stip-o, Skt. sthápajâmi (No. 224). The form σкаλя 63
(No. 106) discussed above with reference to its vowel
(p. 73), which occurs in oxálov, Lat. scalp-o, is still more
plainly connected with the shorter σκαλ in σκάλλω, σκα-
λίς; and the root καρπ (No. 41) of καρπ-άλιμο-ς, κραιπ
vó-s, which has its direct analogue in OHG. hlouf-an 'run',
and in Ch. Sl. krěpů-ků 'bold, active', is connected with Skt.
kar, incedere, i. e. kar and the Lat. cur-ro. χρέμ-π-τε-σθαι
'to clear the throat' is evidently from the root xpeµ (No.
200b); and in the same way xоíμ-л-τw points to the root
χρα-ν of χραίνω. (No. 201).
1
For the expansive affix of a q = Skt. bh we can quote at
least one instance that can hardly be contested. In Sanskrit
the root va (found also in the form vê, Pres. va-ja-mi) occurs
with the meaning 'weave', which is preserved in -τo10-v 'warp
of the web', for Fý-too-v. Besides this Aufrecht (Ztschr. IV
78
BOOK I.
277 ff.) has shown from the name of the spider úrna-vabhi-s,
which he translates 'wool-weaver', the existence of a root vabh,
which is to be recognized in the OS. webbi, OHG. web-an,
but also, surprising as it may appear at first sight, in
vq-aívo. But i❤--α6-μa points to a stronger form
Fap, which is related to up precisely as Skt. svap 'sleep'
Possibly also the Skt. ubh
to vл in vлvo-s (No. 391).
ὑπ ὕπνος
ހ
'bind') is only a shor-
175. In addition to this
'hold together' (in composition
tened vabh. Cp. Pictet II 167,
instance, it is very easy to derive Skt. stabh 'support',
with Gr. σTEμg (No. 219) from the root sta 'stand'.
I have often pointed out on previous occasions the frequent
addition of a k in Greek and Latin roots (Ztschr. für das
Alterthumsw. 1849 p. 337, Ztschr. f. vergl. Sprachf. II 400,
III 408). The following are Greek stems in x, which may
with certainty be regarded as expanded: oλEк in the Ho-
meric ὄλεκεν, ὀλέκοντο by the side of όλε, which is oλ
(ὤλεσα, ὄλλυμι) expanded by the addition of a subsidiary
vowel. We may therefore consider ỏl as the root, though
no form certainly correlated has yet been found in the
kindred languages. The expanded form may be compared
with Skt. arg, with the weakened form rig and the mean-
ing 'hurt'. πτακ in ἔπτακ-ο-ν, πτήσσω i. e. πτηκ-ι-ω)
by the side of πτα in κατα-πτή-την (Buttm. A. Gr. Π
285), and as a bye-form πτωκ in πτώξ (St. πτωκ) πτώσ
βακ in βάκτρον and bac-ulu-m by the side of
Ba, Bñvai, Skt gå (Pott gives a different explanation: W.
I 31). τακ in τήκ-ω (Νο. 231) ἐ-τάκ-η-ν compared
with Lat. tâ-be-s, tâ-bum, tâ-be-sc-o, and Ch.-Sl. ta-ja
'melt', if indeed the guttural has not been dropped in Latin
and Slavonic. βρυκ in βρύκω from βορ in βι-βρώ-
ox, Skt. gar (glutire), Lat. vor-a-re. —
σκω,
δικα
dik, which may
be deduced from δειδίσσομαι by the side of δι in δει-δι-
64 µɛv (cp. below p. 607). ἐρυκ in ἐκ-ω by the side of
¿qú-o. To these we shall hereafter add some verbal stems,
in which the x appears in a weakened form. This expan-
sive x finds employment also in the formation of tenses,
бю.
INTRODUCTION.
79
-α
for the Perf. 62-cólɛx-a reminds us forcibly of the stem
όλεκ, and so δεί-δοικ-α of the stem δικ: in the case of
the form in noi (p 365) there is even some doubt whe-
ther it is to be referred to a Perf. λn-x-a or a Present
îλý-x-w from the stem ia, and x-w, whose derivation
from the root ja 'go' is established, has with a present
form confessedly a certain perfect force. Hence the x in
the Greek perf. act. may most naturally be brought into
connection with the root-expanding x. But it is note-
worthy that this x originally had a place only in those
perfects where there was a phonetic need for it, and from
these, as has been shown in Tempora und Modi p. 199 ff.,
only gradually became more widely extended*). Of the
three roots which form an aorist in -xa, 0e, é and do, the
first two are found in Latin, (i. e. in fa-c-i-o and ja-c-i-o)
again extended by a c. Accordingly -ŋx-α and ế-ŋx-a
are in a sense aorists of Oŋk, ýк. As for e-dax-a we
may compare it with the Skt. daç for dák 'present', which
originated evidently in the equivalent dâ. At least one
root is expanded by the medial g; and this has various
ramifications in Greek. As Skt. ju (colligare) is to juģ i.
e. jug (conjungere), so is ¿v (¿áó-vvv-µi) to ¿vy (¿ɛúy-vv-µi).
Other instances of the kind are given by Corssen, Nachtr.
223.
"
Much more frequent use is made in Sanskrit of kh
(Pott, II² 621). This is universally recognized as a Sans-
*) The view which has recently been maintained again in seve-
ral quarters that the x of the perfects originated in v cannot appear
probable, until a phonetic transition so surprising as this is has been
shown to exist elsewhere and been thoroughly established. Savels-
berg's theory as to the origin of a x from a 6 (Symbola philol. Bonn.
II 505, Ztschr. XVI) in spite of the abundance of material that has
been brought together under this point of view, by no means con-
vinces me. Perhaps to δεί-δοικα and ὀλώλεκ-α, we may add
μέμβλωκ - inasmuch as the root μολ which presents itself in
¿ - µoλ-o-v is related to the Skt. mruk or mluk (mlôkati) ‘go down'
(cp. anu-mluk ‘go up', upa-mluk 'hide oneself') i. e. mlu-k with the
assumption that the u is a duller form of a, just as ỏle is to òlek.
όλε
80
BOOK I.
krit weakening of the original sk. So that the Skt. ga-kh-
a-ti (he goes) from the root gam, stands on the same
footing as the Gk. ẞά-on-ε, and accordingly this affix
takes its place among the large family of amplifications
of the present stem, and is treated accordingly in my
Tempora und Modi p. 115. [Das Verbum c. X.] The inchoative
meaning of this affix, which subsequently branches off into
various subdivisions, is unmistakeable, but the theory of the
origin of this combination of letters which I endeavoured to
establish in the Ztschr. I 17 I now relinquish owing to
the lack of instances of a similar change of sound.
The dental mutes are likewise not wanting among
the appended consonants. The t appears but seldom; (Pott
II2 733) the clearest instance is that of the Skt. dju-t
'twinkle' or 'glitter', by the side of the shorter div of like
meaning. We may compare with this the t that has found
its way into a small number of Greek words before suf-
fixes beginning with u. In one of these, av-t-unv, ά-x-µń,
ά-t-uós, forms which together with ἄετμα φλόξ, ἀετ-
μὸν πνεῦμα Hesych. we may regard as varieties of
one primitive form (No. 588), we have the analogy of
Sanskrit and German to help us. For it corresponds to
the Skt. a-t-man, breath, soul, and OHG. a-t-am by the
side of the NHG. o-d-em. The shorter root is undoubtedly
av, au, Gk. αvo, anu. Light is thrown by this t on the
t of the present-stems TUπт, Оαпт &c., about which I
can share neither the view expressed by Max Müller,
Ztschr. IV 362 ff. nor that of which the fullest defence
has been given by Grassmann (XI 44), and which will
be more closely examined below. I state the following
simple equation τυπτ: τυπ ἀϋτ: ἀϋ.
An amplificatory d, though likewise rare, may be
recognized at least in two roots which are widely spread
through several languages. The root кe (for oxɛ) in xɛ-í-w,
xɛ-ά-go has the same relation to the root cкe-d in σ×ɛ-
8-άvvv-u that the Skt. Kha or khô (i. e. ska) in kha-j-á-mi
δάννυ-
(scindo) has to skhad, scindere, fugare, as is seen from the
INTRODUCTION.
81
comparison of the forms collected at No. 45b, No. 294
and 295. Also we cannot but conclude from µέd-i-µvo-s,
μέd-ovτ-εs, Lat. mod-u-s, mod-i-us, mod-er-or the existence
μέδ-οντ-ες,
of a root μed, which has apparently developed from ma,
and meets us again in the Gothic mit-an with the natural
change of d to t (No. 286).
More important is the aspirate Skt. dh, Gr. 9.
Sanskrit and Greek both agree in having this affix in judh
to fight, i. e. manus conserere, from which come Skt. judhman
battle, and Gk. vouîv, voμívn with o instead of the 9
that was added to the ju. But in an entirely independent
fashion, the Greek language uses its to the widest ex-
tent. How far the addition of a is adapted to explain
verbal inflection may here be intimated rather than fully
explained*). We find an added in past tenses like ¿-6xɛ-
-ο-ν, ἀπ-έ-φι-θ-ο-ν, ἐ-κι-α-τ-ο-ν, ἠμύν-α--ο-ν, εἴργ-α-π-ο-ν,
йyεo-έ-d-ovтo (to which we may perhaps add Hesych. άyoά-
θεν συνάγειν, συμμίσγειν), νεμ-έ-θ-οντο; in present forms like 66
Αρέθουσα, ἠερ-έ-θ-ονται, τελ-έ-π-ω, φα-έ-π-ω, φλεγ-έ-π-ω,
πλή-θ-ω Rt. πλα), πω Rt. πρα), κνή-νω (by the
side of nvá-w), vý-d-w (Rt. ve), on-d-w (Rt. ca), пú-d-w
(Rt. πʊ, Skt. pú-já-mi, I foul, No. 383), ßagú-d-εɩ, ßoi-d-w,
ødɩ-vú-d-w, µɩ-vý-d-œ, äx-d-o-µa (by the side of ax-os),
€6-9-w and ε6-í-o (Rt. 8), united to o in aï-69-∞ (Rt. aF),
ßɩ-ßá-óð-∞ (Rt. ßa); in the perfect in ¿yo-nyóo-d-a6ı (K 419),
Bε-Boc--ois ▲ 35 (?); common to several tense-stems in
the stems πα-θ, πεν-θ (-πα-θ-ον, πέ-που-θ-α, Rt. πα, παν
Νο. 354), ήλ-υ-θ-ον, ἐλήλυθα, by the side of ἔρ-χ-ο-μαι,
which is perhaps for co-бx-o-µαɩ, both being from a root
ép Skt. ar, go; cleaving inseparably to a stem in dap-e,
ἐρ
¿-dọa-d-o-v, daọ-d-áv-w, Skt. drâ (drải), sleep (No. 262),
µɑ-0, ë-µa-d-o-v, µav-d-άv-∞ (No. 430) Rt. man think
πύθω
*) Cp. Buttmann (Ausführl. Gr. II 61) with Lobeck's note, and
the diligent and careful investigation of Wentzel 'qua vi posuit Ho-
merus verba quae in do cadunt?' Progr. of Oppeln 1836.
CURTIUS, Etymology.
6
82
BOOK I.
(Benf. I 258, II 36)*), ¿-, i. e. cFe-0, ¿ð-í-¿∞, εï'œda (Tem-
pora und Modi 141). In Ztschr. I 25 ff. I have tried to show,
in a manner differing from Bopp (Vgl. Gramm. II 517), that
the 9 of the weak (first) aorist passive belongs to this group.
Primitive derivatives sometimes show the in common
with the corresponding verbal forms: ἄχθος, πένθος, πά-
θος, ἔθος and ἦθος, μενθῆραι (Hesych.), μεθῆρες (Suid.)
poovτides, sometimes are the only ones that show us
forms with 9, e. g. in ¿-9-ú-s (root i, cp. i-ty-s), yvá-
d-o-5, vvá-d-µó-s, őx-d-o-s, otñ-d-os (root στa), čá-
-ς,
-os (root Fec), xiv-άð-16-µα (Aesch. Prom. 124) and in
other words already treated by me in my essay de no-
minum formatione pp. 19, 20. Perhaps too the 9 that
appears more frequently than t before suffixes beginning
with u springs from the same source e. g. ooxn-d-µó-s,
--μη (cp.i--ύ-ς, going) σταθμός (ep. ἐϋ-στα-θ-έος
μεγάροιο and στῆ--ος). For I no longer consider this
letter as mere euphonicum. The in the termination
of the middle infinitive -oda belongs likewise to the same.
class, inasmuch as it corresponds to an Indic dh (Ved. inf.
-dhjai) (Bopp. Vergl. Gr. III 330, differently explained by
Kuhn Ztschr. XV 307), but it is true it has obtained in
this case a much firmer hold on the construction of the
form in a somewhat different way. (Cp. Lange on the
Lat. Inf. Pass.) It has been already often remarked (Pott
I¹ 187, II² 474) that in Latin, German, Lithuanian and
Slavonic there is found for this ubiquitous its regular
correspondent d, which proves the ✈ to be very old. Among
the more striking coincidences are: gau-de-o with yn-
dé-w, yέ-ynd-a (No. 122), the forms of the Gk. preterites
compared with the German preterites of the so-called weak
67 verbs (Bopp. Vgl. Gr. II 505 ff.), the numerous Lithuanian
and occasional Church-Slavonic verbs with an added d
e. g. Ch.-Sl. j-d-a, I go, with which however, according
*) I am not convinced by Kuhn, who (Ztschr. II 395) compares
µa☺, μave with Skt. manth, shake.
INTRODUCTION.
83
to Müllenhoff (Haupt's Ztschr. XII 387) the Goth. iddja, I
went, has nothing in common but the root. The Ch.-Sl. d
then we may compare immediately with the 9 in loú-s
and un. It is deserving of notice that it happens that
the root i makes in Ch.-Sl. more use of the d than the
other verbs of the same class. (Schleicher Kirchenslaw.
Formenlehre 325.)
Of the addition of a sibilant in a long list of Sanskrit
roots discussed by Pott I¹ 167 and II² 566 (cp. Jac. Grimm
Kl. Schriften I 317) we have already spoken at p. 35. Greek
forms of this kind are the following: aůž = Skt. vaksh,
Goth. vahs-j-an, pres. av§-a, Ion. άé§-∞, i. e. άƑɛ§-∞,
av§-άv-∞ by the side of the Lat. aug-e-o (No. 159), ảλež,
pres. ἀλέξω
-Skt. rak-sh (servare, tueri) for ark-s by the
side of ἀλαλκεῖν, ἀλκή (No. 7), οδαξ, ἀδαξ, pres. ὀδάξω
with several collateral forms (Buttmann A. Gr. II 250) by
the side of the root daк, dáxv-w, Skt. dag, dac (No. 9),
δεξ in δεξιός (No. 266) by the side of δεκ in δέκ-ομαι,
Sántvλo-s (No. 11), dey, pres. dέy-w, Lat. deps-o by the
side of δέφ-ω, έψ for πεψ pres. ψ-ω from the root πεπ
Skt. pak (cook), and so for лéyo. The roots with an added
s are often connected with the desiderative forms, which
on their side again stand in an undeniable relation to the
future in 6.
A nasal appears joined to several widely disseminated
roots of great antiquity, though the nasal is not always
of the same order in the different languages. So to the
Skt. ga (go), of which the Aor. is a-g-a-m, corresponds
the Gk. Ba (No. 634), of which the Aor. is ¿-ßn-v, while
gam with short vowel and added m is represented by ẞaíva
i. e. ßav-jo, as also by the Lat. ven-io, Osc. ben (ben-ust
venerit) and by the Goth. quam (quima venio). φα
bears to paíva (No. 407) the same relation that ßa does
to ẞaívo, with the distinction however that in the case
of the former root the nasal affix has established itself
more firmly (-pάv-nv). To the shorter form which occurs
in on-uí, and which unites the conceptions 'shine' and
6*
84
BOOK I.
'speak', corresponds the Skt. bhâ (bhâ-mi), to shine, to ap-
pear, to the longer the Skt. bhan (later bhan), that appears
in the Vedas with a dental nasal in the sense of 'resound',
'ring', in later Skt. with a lingual nasal in that of 'talk',
'speak'. Similar is the relation of τα to τείνω. The
shortest form is contained in the Homeric tñ. From ta we
arrive at the Gk. tá-vv-ta Skt. ta-nu-tế, in which the
nasal affix seems to be used in the present - stem alone.
But this is intimately connected with the Gk. tavv- in
compounds like Tavú-nɛn20-s together with the Skt. ad-
68 jective tamu-s = tenu-i-s, ON thunn-r, Ch.-Sl. ti-ni-ků. For
τείνω tev-jo and all its belongings (No. 230) as also
for the Lat. ten-e-o and ten-d-o, Goth. than-j-a, Lith. tem-p-jù
(cp. Lat. tem-p-tare) we have to take the nasalized stem
as equivalent to a root. Again as Tα is to Tev, so is ya
to γεν, and so accordingly is γε-γα-ώς to ἐ-γενό-μην (No.
128), in which words however may be observed the special
tendency of Greek to suppress v after a. Notwithstanding
ra must be taken as the starting-point, and we are thus
enabled to understand also the Lith. gim-ti, nasci, with its
m, and this m points us back to the Gk. yάu-o-s, yaµ-εïv
(cp. below p. 536). µáo-va-µai (No. 458) stands by the
side of the marn to kill, to fight with, which is usual in
the Vedas, and the connection of this word with the root
mar (mr) Lat. mor-i can hardly be denied. The same nasal
element that in Greek is confined to the present-stem ex-
tends through a large range in Sanskrit. In two other
roots the relation of the nasal is more obscure. To the
root κρεμ in κρέμαμαι (Νο. 75) corresponds directly the
Goth. hram-j-an, to crucify, but it is so nearly approached
also by the Lith. kár-ti, to hang, that, seeing that meta-
thesis is frequent in the case of r, we may perhaps sup-
pose kar to be the primitive form, from which first kra,
then kram has developed. The root de in déw, di-dn-μi
(No. 264) is identical with the Vedic da, to bind, but it
is possible to suppose a connection with the root dau,
Sauάo Skt. dam Lat. domo &c. (No. 260) and even with
δέμ-ω, δέμας, δόμος (Νο. 265).
INTRODUCTION.
85
Much more limited is the number of roots which seem
to be increased by the addition of one of the two liquids
l and r.
Still a connection cannot be denied between the
roots μep (uéo-os, Lat. mer-eo No. 467) and ue (μé-too-v
Skt. má No. 461), between σtel (ótέllw No. 218) and στA
(Skt. stha No. 216). Even the addition of a v is nearly
certain at all events in the roots qaF (Aeol. pavos) by the
side of qa (Skt. bha No. 407) and xaF (xav-vo-s No. 179)
by the side of xa.
Let us here pause, leaving untouched for the present
a number of other questions still more difficult to decide,
and try to put together the results of this survey. It is
certain that a considerable number of roots, of which as
a rule we have been able to consider those only which
have been preserved in Greek, appear with little or no
change of meaning in a two-fold form; also that this two-
fold form is occasionally applied to the formation of the
tense-stems, or for some other variation of meaning affect-
ing the verbal inflections. How then was it that one form
arose from the other? The question may next be asked,
are we warranted in calling the shorter form the primary
and the longer the secondary one? J. Grimm has, as we 69
have seen, adjudged from a comprehensive point of view
the priority to the longer form, at least for the circle of
languages with which he was immediately concerned. But
he does not venture to apply this principle throughout
on a larger scale, a proceeding indeed which would ne-
cessitate an extreme of capriciousness. It will scarcely
be maintained by the boldest that the root ou is a muti-
lated form of θυπ, ὀλ οι όλε of ὀλεκ, the Skt. ju of jug.
We should be obliged to relinquish such an attempt, espe-
cially in the cases where the root ending in a vowel is
accompanied by several stems ending in different conso-
nantal characteristics. We find for instance jug and judh
by the side of ju, bhan, bhas and bhav by the side of bha,
mad and mar by the side of ma (Gk. ue), stap, star and
stal by the side of sta. Confident then that the shorter
86
BOOK I.
2
form is the older one, we must next inquire how the longer
one arose from it. Here several possibilities are conceiv-
able. In the first place it has been held that the longer
form is to be referred to a noun-theme. According to
this view Kuhn especially Ztschr. II p. 392 ff., 455 ff.
(Corssen I² 306 expresses a similar view) attempts to trace
back the nasal additions to derivative suffixes. With respect
to the syllables nu and na which are joined to the root
in the present-stem I now agree with him (cp. my 'Chrono-
logie' p. 227). But whether the bare nasals are to be so
regarded is very doubtful. The other amplificatory affixes
can certainly not be proved to be noun-suffixes: whatever
may be the case with k and t, it is quite untenable with
regard to p, g, s, d and dh unless recourse be had to the
most audacious methods of proof. A second possible view,
which has been repeatedly urged with regard to dh espe-
cially, is that amplified roots were real compounds. Here
again the addition might be either a new verb-root or a
pronominal one. The readiest way is to derive dh from
the root dha to place, do (Gk. 0e). It is conceivable that
6--∞ and έ6-91-∞ may be divided thus ἐδ-θε and
translated 'I do eat'. We are at once reminded of the
familiar application of the same root in English and in
almost all German dialects in the periphrasis for the simple
verb-forms: he did not come and the like, phrases which
Pott II2 475 has collected in great numbers. Still a consider-
able distinction is at once observable here. This dh
makes its way into noun-formations as well: Skt. ju-dh-man
(strife vóµɩv), ñá-d-os; it is even found often in nouns
alone: ora-d-uós. We shall have therefore in any case to
suppose that at a very early period all consciousness of
this origin disappeared and that this appendage acquired
completely the character of an element essential to the
70 meaning of the stems in question. The amplificatory p is
connected by Benfey (Kurze Sanskritgrammatik p. 57) with
a root pa, a supposition that in a somewhat different form
has met with Schleicher's assent as well (Compend.³ 344),
INTRODUCTION.
87
at least to the extent that he derives the Sanskrit causal
pajâ-mi e. g. dâ-pa-ja-mi 'I make to give' from
verbs in
this root. But unfortunately this root pa, with the
meaning make which meaning is the only feasible one in
the case of verb-stems with causal and other suffixes, is
entirely hypothetical. All we can go upon is the sub-
stantive apas Lat. opus and a few related words whence.
a root ap with this meaning is with some small probabi-
lity inferred; but the probability of a root pa with a trans-
position of the consonant is far smaller. For even though
it must be admitted that special roots e. g. ak (ac-utu-s)
and ka (co-(t)-s) have their vowel now before now after
their characteristic consonant, this is of by no means so
frequent occurrence that we should be entitled to assume
it universally*). The Skt. root am press forward, whence
comes ama-s vehemence, and ma measure, an breathe and
the na spin which must be assumed for the Gk. vé-o are
perfectly distinct from each other. The attempt to prop
up the hypothetical pa, do, from the Gk. Toléo seems to
me likewise a failure. TOLέ-∞ is seen at once to be a
derivative. Benfey with the approval of several eminent
scholars compares it with the Skt. apas-ja-mi a denomina-
tive from the above-mentioned apas, derived from it as
operor is from opus, with the meaning I am busy. But
this apas-ja-mi would become in Greek onɛo-to, like Teλeσ
Tελεo-to which gives tɛɛío, and even were we willing to
admit that the root vowel had fallen away in a manner
unexampled in Greek, and that in the place of the &, which
we should expect to find in the suffix as an o had appeared
we should after all have arrived only at noíw and should
*) Albert Kühn, in his essay "Ueber Wurzelvariation durch Meta-
thesis" Bonn 1868, makes the most extensive use of the supposition
of transpositions of this kind but certainly goes too far in doing so.
Clear instances of different meaning in the case of sounds which are
identical but are arranged in different ways, like those cited in the
text should serves to teach us caution. Cp. Kraushaar 'de radicum
quarundam variatione' Marburg 1869.
88
BOOK I.
have been forced to assume a substantive-stem nolo Nom.
лоLO-s with the meaning operator in order thence to pro-
ceed to a лolέ- ∞ in the sense of operator sum. I confess
I find this too long a journey, and moreover hold it to be
far from immaterial that noιεiv does not mean operari but
to create, to produce, and so is removed even in meaning
from opus and operari. Attempts such as those made
71 by Benfey (Kieler Monatsschrift 1854 p. 35) to explain
these affixes in the case of other verb-stems are still less
convincing. Even Pott says (W. I 1245) that there is
only a 'distant possibility' that the g in juý måy have
arisen from ag (ayo, ago).
Another way out of the difficulty would be to con-
sider pronoun-stems as the source of these appended suf-
fixes, or at least of some of them. But on a review of
pronoun-stems we shall find at most only the stems ka,
ta, da and na with which the appended k, t, d and n may
be connected. If this assumption is made we shall have
to assign to these affixes, the same origin as to the suf-
fixes used to form noun-stems. But evidently the function
of the two elements is very different. The amplification
of roots is a phenomenon of clearly older date than any
formation of nouns, inasmuch as the coinage of different
verb-forms itself assumes that stems have been already
lengthened. It is a kind of word-formation autecedent to
the process of word-formation, or in other words an older
stratum of formation, over which the system of inflexion
and stem-formation in use in historic times has been depo-
sited. But as regards the origin of these additions we
have hardly any other course left us for the present at
least than to confess that we know nothing about it. We
stand here on a boundary beyond which, at least for the pre-
sent, our view does not extend. Accordingly we consider all
these sounds as elements of such a kind as, without being
reckoned among formative suffixes "serve", as Pott E. F.
I¹ 172 says "to convey significance" ("dienen dem Prin-
cipe der Bedeutsamkeit"), a view which is not very far
INTRODUCTION.
89
removed from that which Lobeck expresses of his idea
further developed in the Rhematikon - in a note to Butt-
mann's Ausf. Gk. Gr. II p. 63, where he calls consonants
like τ in xλéñto, din axdoua auxiliary consonants (Hülfs-
consonanten). Similarly J. Grimm "Ueber Diphthonge"
p. 63 speaks of an older and a younger and stronger genera-
tion of roots. "In the place of roots ending in a vowel
with many meanings and easily confounded, such as appear
in oriental languages, there seems to exist a tendency in
the European languages and especially in German to confer
on roots by means of added consonants a greater indivi-
duality". (Cp. Heyse System p. 128.)
These affixes therefore may be called in accordance with
a name proposed by me (Ztschr. IV 211 ff.) for the subject
of noun-formation root-determinatives (Wurzel-
determinative)*). In some branches of the Indo-Germanic 72
*) Corssen (Beiträge zur lateinischen Formenlehre p. 116) makes
a two-fold objection to this name. He finds the expression Deter-
minative not definite enough, because in reality every suffix used
in the formation of words is determinative. But since for these the
name suffix is already in general use a word which is itself of
a very indefinite nature, but which has become however sufficiently
fixed by use and since by the addition of the word root the
special reference to these primary elements of language is made clear,
it seems to me that sufficient distinctness is obtained. Of more im-
portance is a second objection, which expresses more definitely a view
that has been urged against me from other quarters as well. Corssen
says "he cannot conceive how pure bald consonants with no vowel
sounded with them, which taken by themselves are unpronounceable
elements of sound, sound - monads existing only in the mind ...
could be originally affixed by themselves to roots to give distinctness
to their meaning". This, which is to me equally inconceivable, is a
view I never expressed: all I did was to maintain the origin of the
determinative to be unexplained. This is not the only instance in
which philologists have to reckon with unknown quantities, and they
have to be content sometimes in such cases to arrange them, to
classify them and to determine their functions. A name by which
we distinguish a certain class of such elements from the others seems
to me by no means worthless. If, however any hypothesis is to
be hazarded as to the origin of the root-determinatives, it seems to
90
BOOK I.
family this younger kind of roots are used by preference.
It is remarkable that J. Grimm allows to the German and
also the Slavonic languages only a small number of roots.
ending in a vowel, while in Sanskrit, Greek and Latin a
considerable number have been retained.
9.
73 In our endeavour to subject the methods of comparative
philology to a comprehensive criticism, we saw that there
were two errors of frequent occurrence, against which we
must be on our guard, the one an unwarrantably high
estimation of the importance of Sanskrit, the other an ex-
cessively minute analysis of roots. The consideration of
the latter point necessitated a short discussion of the idea
re two possible ones are presented to us. It is conceivable that
during the period when roots were originated, language created du-
plicate roots a short one and, a longer one with an affixed con-
sonant and a kindred meaning. This is Max Müller's opinion (Lect.
II 312): he assumes clusters of roots, 'differing from each other
merely by one or two letters', and in this respect puts the initial
and the final letter on a level. In this view there is no assumption
of the addition of letters. The second possible hypothesis is that of
an expansion by means of composition, in which case we should have
to recognize in those single consonants weather-worn stems. It has
been shown above that this hypothesis has been brought to some
degree of probability only in the case of the root dha, compared
with dh. I grant that the second supposition, which is adopted also
by Carl Pauli (Zur Geschichte der lat. Verba auf uo p. 7) is more
in accordance with the results arrived at by the science in other
quarters, but as long as the greatest part of these elements remain
in such obscurity I prefer to regard the question as an open one.
In my essay 'Zur Chronologie der indogermanischen Sprachforschung'
(Abh. d. k. sächs. Ges. d. Wiss., philolog. histor. Cl. Bd. V No. III)
I have advanced my views as to the whole question of the gradual
creation of the Indogermanic form of speech, and in this connection
have also (p. 206 ff.) touched on this subject again. Further sugges-
tions are offered by Fick in the often-mentioned 'Nachwort' to his
'Wörterbuch', where he adopts the terminology here proposed.
INTRODUCTION.
91
1
of a root, from which we were led to the question of the
possible shifting elements still to be found in the root,
and further to the question how far we may assume ac-
cessary components to have been added to the roots them-
selves. In direct contrast to this excessive analysis and
decomposition of roots is the attempt made by compara-
tive etymologists wherever they can, to prove entire words
unmistakeably related to each other to be completely
identical. From this tendency Pott is exceptionally free.
He has repeatedly (again II2 897, 935) and emphatically
asserted that we must be content to distinguish between
partial and complete identity, and must not deny to lang-
uage, the right of deriving different words from one root
or one stem by means of different affixes. On the other
hand an attempt has been quite recently made, first by
Kuhn and Ebel, then to a much greater extent by Benfey
and Leo Meyer to prove the identity of suffixes of different
sound from the fact that they are added with similar
meaning to the same stems; and this attempt finally re-
sults in the above-mentioned endeavour to raise partial to
the rank of complete resemblance. Adalb. Kuhn first tried
to prove (Ztschr. I 368 ff.) that the Sanskrit suffix as, much
used, especially in the case of neuters - as representative
of which the Gk. &c Nom. os, and the Lat. es Nom. us
had been long recognized, arose from at, and going
through a long list of words he arrived at the result that
not only these forms but the suffixes ar, an, ant as well
had all arisen from one and the same primitive form. For
Sanskrit some of the changes of sound here maintained
can be established, especially that of final s to r. But
if we seek for analogous cases, in order for example to
prove the asserted change of the older dos the dative
de does not actually occur before Hesiod. Theog. 61 to
doo, and the origin of both in idar, we are referred at
p. 374 to the pretended identity of the syllables άo and
ếọt with the Skt. ati. But this single analogous case is
a very suspicious one. To the Skt. ati (ultra, nimis) cor- 74
+
92
BOOK I.
responds, as is universally acknowledged, the Gk. tɩ the
Lat. et and most likely the at in at-avu-s. That the same
word is to be found besides in so different a form is of
itself unlikely. But the use of the word moreover does
not favour the supposition. It is true that the emphasizing
and superlative force of ao and ot, as to the difference
between which Buttmann's observations Lexil. I. 147 are
still quite worth reading, comes very near to that of the
Skt. ati in composition. But not a trace is to be found
in the use of ảọɩ and cọ of the primitive meaning 'out
over' which is unmistakeably prominent e. g. in ati-mâtra-s
excessive, and ati-rátra-s lasting over-night. The use of
άρι is rather one which reminds us much of ἄρτι, ἄρτιο-ς.
ἀρτίφρων ω 261 means right-minded like ἀρίφρων, ἀρτιε-
лns X 281 'rightly speaking'. If we consider further that
from the notions of fitting aright and suiting the Greek
gets the metaphysical conceptions contained in aquɛvos,
ἀρηρώς, ἀρέσκ-ω and its nearly related ἀρετή, we shall
be much inclined to refer do- to this very root and to
connect it with aoi-oro-s, apɛíwv (No. 488). We meet the
same letters in Sanskrit too with a similar meaning in
the adverb ara-m 'aright, fitly, sufficiently', ar-ja-s which
among other things means 'kindly, the best', with which
the name Aryan, as denoting the noble good people,
has been long connected. Why then seek so far for an
origin for dot, when it lies so near at hand? As to ot
έρι
whose meaning Buttmann was for connecting with ɛvous,
I will not too positively assert its identity with ảọɩ, though
it happens that the vowels & and a interchange before o
more often than before other consonants. It is moreover
possible that it may be connected with Skt. varu, which
on account of varija-s we must suppose as an older form
of uru-s = εvoú-s. In that case the digamma would have
disappeared without a trace. Bepp in his Glossary com-
pares with uru the Irish ur (very), which in that case
would come very near to our do. However that may be,
what has been said is quite enough to discredit the asso-
INTRODUCTION.
93
ciation of the two prefixes with ati. After all who can
πτ
و
believe that the t which is of such constant and universal
occurrence in inflexions and derivatives, which we see be-
fore our very eyes hundreds of times pass, through the
influence of a neighbouring or v into 6, in a few cases
here and there struck out quite different paths. All ratio-
nal processes of Etymology must follow the method laid
down by Herodotus for his investigations (II 33). There
are certain plain facts which occasionally, even in spite
of the rarity of the appearances which they present, com-
pel us to an unconditional recognition. Although the change
of лτ, xτ in the middle of a word into ẞd and yd cannot
be proved by any unmistakeable analogies*), no one will 75
deny that ἕβδομος and ὄγδοος come from ἑπτά and ὀκτώ.
Is this case a similar one? We see that by means of
a multiplicity of suffixes, in some of which we are able
to recognize pronoun- stems, a large number of words are
derived from roots not one from each root, but ever
so many. Everything inclines us to ascribe to the lang-
uage of those old times before the separation of the Indo-
germanic tongues an exuberant energy of growth. That
the many words which spring from one root are not to
be arranged under the abstract categories into which the
the grammar of a later age tries to force them, that on
the other hand almost all suffixes were used to denote the
same categories, I have shown in my dissertation de no-
minum Græcorum formatione. It does not of course follow
that the numerous primitive words which sprang from one
root were completely identical in meaning. The differences
must have been of a somewhat physical and concrete kind,
and we must consider that the real function of the suffixes
Seeing then that from
is that of individualizing a word.
the one root ud there was made in Skt. ud-an (water)
Goth. vato (St. vatin) by means of the suffix an, and again
*) We have an example of initial yd for nτ in уdоvños by the
side of κτύπος (cf. p. 687).
94
BOOK I.
the ud-ar or vad-ar which is the base of the O. Sax. wat-ar,
why should we not here suppose an original double for-
mation with no perceptible difference of meaning, and that
too as there is an absolute lack of any plain example of the
change of n into, especially between vowels, which has
so often maintained? With this ud-ar ranks the Gk. vdog
which can hardly be connected with the stem of the other
cases ύδατ except through ύδαρτ. This assumed ὑδαρ-τ is
stronger than idag by a t. But I regard this t as a new super-
added suffix with an individualizing force, for which see
further Ztschr. IV 211 ff. The explanation of the Hesiodic
dative idɛ, which the old grammarians referred to "das
like οὔδει from οἶδας, will then be the simple one that
it comes from a nominative das which was formed from
this idar and has lost its t. Meeting as we do in all
stages of word-formation not with meagre uniformity but
with manifold variety, why should we try in the face of
all phonetic laws to weld these suffixes into one? In my
opinion it is not even allowable to identify offhand suf-
fixes nearer to each other in sound than these are. Al-
76 though in certain circumstances t passes into s I venture
to bring together neither the suffixes with t with those
with s nor even the pronoun- stem ta with sa. It seems
to me that in all these cases it is safer to separate than
to join. Even for the marking of such relations as in
their simple and, one may almost say, palpable nature
seem least to give an opportunity for it, the Indogermanic
language makes use of different phonetic expedients: we
find лo̟óμos, primus, Goth. fruma by the side of лçãτоs
and pra-tha-ma-s, we have two comparative suffixes and a
great variety of diminutive forms. From one and the same
root an (No. 419) are formed with the same meaning and
different suffixes Skt. an-i-la-s, Gk. άv-e-μo-s Lat.
an-i-mu-s) O.H.G. un-s-t. From the root par fill (Gk. and
Lat. ple) spring лλñ--оs, plê-bê-s, O.H.G. fol-c, with only
slight difference of meaning, though we should not be
justified in identifying the formative syllables in these
INTRODUCTION.
95
words as well as the root. We have a redundancy in the
case of the two Ch.-Sl. words ple-me (tribus) and plů-ků
which is identical with Volk. Sanskrit itself, though that
is the language in which all these attempts at identifying
suffixes have their origin, shows from the beginning an
extraordinary variety in its formations. We have from
the root ad, eat, the substantives ad-ana-m, an-na-m (i. e.
ad-na-m), ad-man, ad-ja-m with no difference or at all
events no sensible difference of meaning, all having the
sense of eating, nourishment, while in the Gk. d-wdź,
¿d-ŋtú-s, in the Lat es-ca, in the Lith. Ed-i-s (St. ëdja),
other suffixes are used for the same purpose. From the
root da, give, are formed with the meaning of a nomen
agentis dátar (= dorno, dator) and dâ-ja-s, dâ-ja-ka-s giving,
dâ-ru-s generous, to denote a gift dá-na-m (= dônum),
dâ-man. Why then try to derive the Gk. da-po-v from
such a word as dá-na-m, and that too when we find the
same double form in Slavonic and Lithuanian? A gift in
Lith. is du-ni-s with an N-suffix, in Ch.-Sl. da-ru with an
R-suffix. Again -ti occurs in just the same sense in da-t--s
Lat. do-t-(i)-s. From the root gan 'beget' is formed
ģan-i-tar yɛvɛtno, genitor, ģan-aka-s, ģan-i-tva-s ‘father',
ģanas révos, genus, and in the same sense the common
gan-us and with a slight difference of meaning gan-i-man,
ģâ-t-i-s = gen(t-i-)s, ģâ-na-m, ģân-a-na-m, ģani-s (cp. Goth.
kuni). Seeing then that the same language has recourse,
as far back as we can trace it, to a number of suffixes,
and that in the related languages now this suffix and now
that one has come into use exclusively or at least mainly
for a definite purpose, there is absolutely no inducement
to us to identify suffixes that are different in sound. Ebel's
attempts alone (Ztschr. IV p. 121 ff.) show what it costs
to carry out the theory of monotony. I hope below to
be able to give more probable explanations of several of 77
the suffixes he treats of, and especially of those with a d,
which when alone can never be proved to be a degenerate
T.
But Leo Meyer in the second vol. of his Vgl. Gr. des
96
BOOK I.
Gr. u. Lat. goes much farther. He there carries to its
extreme a theory of word-formation which has been aptly
termed the participial theory*). This theory most de-
cisively rejected by Pott II2 936, W. I 416 and by Corssen
e. g. Ausspr. 12 585, and controverted on excellent grounds by
Sonne (Ztschr. XII 285), rests on the entirely arbitrary
assumption of Benfey's that the participles, and particularly
the present participle active, are of older date than a num-
ber of other noun-forms. Benfey really rests this assertion
solely on the extraordinary idea that the suffix of this
participle -ant has arisen from bharanti Dor. pépovri.
φέροντι.
I doubt whether a single person shares this opinion. Still
Leo Meyer makes the suffix -ant the starting-point for his
argument, and seeks to shew that by means of weakening
and loss of sounds, a large number of the commonest
noun- suffixes have arisen from this -ant and its collateral
form with an added a -anta. According to him among
others -as, e. g. in Skt. ģan-as yεvos, genus, -an,
-án
e. g. in ånd-ov, aid-ov, -ana e. g. in to̟úñ-avo-v, -ala e. g.
in i'x-ɛλo-s, -ara, e. g. in λıñ-αo̟ó-s, -na, e. g. in dɛ-vó-s,
are one and all only various phases of this -ant. Definite
analogies for the assumed changes of sound are seldom
brought forward; the requisition of such analogies is even
styled in so many words a vain pedantry, and appeal is
made to tendencies of sound which look to the future for
recognition. It seems that the spirit of language, which even
Leo Meyer does not allow to range at will in the case
of roots and verb-terminations through such sounds as
t, s, n, l and r, took a special fancy to destroy in the one
case of noun-suffixes all that had been previously created
even though far from awkward, allowing all the while the
old suffix-forms to live on side by side with the new ones.
While the new science of language is at pains to reveal
*) A. Ludwig's essay "Die Entstehung der A-Declination" has
since appeared in the Transactions of the Vienna Academy (histor.
philol. Cl. Bd. 65, Jan. 1867) in which the same views are carried
out to an even greater extent.
INTRODUCTION.
97
in all other cases a governing rational principle in lang-
uage, this theory would enthrone, at least in this province
of linguistic formations the merest chance as a destroyer
of sound, and while it is elsewhere held to be proved that 78
what is purely accidental does not come within the pro-
vince of scientific knowledge, the power is claimed in this
case of unravelling the serpentine windings of this game
of chance, and that too often with an assurance which
proposes to trample all doubt underfoot.
Even the sup-
porters of the participial theory which might just as
well be called the Proteus theory assume that noun-
suffixes have arisen from pronoun-stems. They would very
probably admit that their favourite -ant is itself a compound
of an and ta. But then what in the world can warrant
the assertion that the former of these two stems is never
used by itself, but that rather where an actually occurs
it is a deformed -ant? I feel accordingly in respect to
this theory the want of internal consistency and agreement
with what we believe we have discerned about language
elsewhere.
In our review of the store of words possessed by the
Greek language attention on the contrary will constantly
be drawn to the existence of a diversified variety, and also
to the fact that origin from one and the same root by
no means implies the use of the same suffix even where
the meaning is the same. I make no attempt to prove
the identity of lacruma (No. 10) with the Gk. dánov or
dánov-o-v, of dántvλo-s or Lat. digitu-s (No. 11) with the
O.H.G. zéhá, of -ó-s 'arrow' with the Skt. ish-u-s, in the
suffix as well as in the rest of the word, but am content
to point out the identity of the root and of the meaning.
It is easy to find many ways of explaining how it can
exist in both these points without existing in the third.
In the first place, for instance, it is certain that in many
cases several forms existed side by side, even before the
separation of the languages, with but a slight difference
of usage; a fact of which we find numerous proofs in every
CURTIUS, Etymology.
7
98
BOOK I.
language; and it has happened that one language has kept
one form and another another, though we are not able and
this is specially difficult in the case of names for external
objects to perceive any difference of meaning between
them. Again we may be allowed to attribute even to the
time subsequent to the separation so much remains of
vital energy as would serve, not merely to maim and dis-
figure the suffixes but to amplify then and make them
ramify afresh. Seeing that e. g. Latin even after its se-
paration from the primitive Græco-Italic stock was able
from the stem gno-ti (Gk. yv-бi-s), apparently already
existing, to form gno-ti-on (Nom. gno-ti-o)*) by adding a
second suffix, why not credit the Greeks with the power
79 of occasionally assuming at independently, especially as
the absolute identification of all related and synonymous
words is a goal that cannot be reached even by the bold-
est etymologist? The x of the Persian word onά-x-α =
xvv-a (No. 84) mentioned by Herodotus we shall be obliged
to allow to stand as an additional formative affix, while
the stem oлα can by Persian phonetic rules be derived
from çvan κυεν. If the Persians however could indi-
but
vidualize this name for an animal by k, why not other
nations by other sounds. (Cp. Ebel Ztschr. IV 331.) To
prove new changes of sound we need striking cases,
no comparison can be a striking one unless meaning and
form both coincide. A clearly defined meaning however
can be said to belong to but very few suffixes. It follows
that as a rule one of the two chief factors disappears when
a comparison is made between suffixes. If then the sounds
are different as well, and it is an assured fact that by the
addition of different suffixes to like roots words of similar
meaning are produced, what becomes of the cogency of
the argument?
*) Another origin for the Lat. -tiôn, though likewise from two
suffixes (tjá + na) has been maintained by Leo Meyer Orient u.
Occident II 586 ff.
2
INTRODUCTION.
99 -
10.
The error against which we have thought the above
warning necessary, arose from a tendency to ascribe to
the Indogermanic language, before it branched off as it did
later into its several divisions, the largest possible supply
of perfect words with a determinate sound and meaning.
There is another mistake akin to thus that of identi-
fying words of similar meaning even when the identifica-
tion is not supported by evident similarity of sound. It
is true there are parts of the vocabulary in which simi-
larity of meaning carries great weight, even when accom-
panied by a certain difference of sound. It is plain e. g.
that the numerals, excepting the first and those over a
hundred, were determined at a very early period, and it is
scarcely conceivable that a single language has taken a
way of its own in reference to one of these much-used
words. Accordingly though évvéa is by no means so much
like the Skt. navan or Lat. novem as we should like, no
attempt will be made to separate it from them, nor will
any one separate ἕβδομος from ἑπτά, οι ὄγδοος from ὀκτώ,
although the weakening of лt or xt in the middle of a word
is unknown elsewhere. The number of the pronominal-
stems is in general small, but the personal pronouns are de-
rived from a specially limited number of stems. Accordingly 80
if Hesychius gloss "τρέ σε Κρήτες" has been transmitted to us
without any error we have no choice but to declare both forms
identical with the Skt. tva. For it is in the last degree im-
probable that in toέ we encounter a special stem for this
pronoun that is heard of nowhere else. The number of
prepositions is considerably larger, but the list in each
language may soon be passed under review. It seems to
me therefore to be not very probable that within one and
the same language we should find, alongside of the regular
prepositions which are fixed by the most constant use,
other words of the same class, isolated but in full use,
and moreover completely identical. in meaning with the
Horm
7*
100.
BOOK I.
regular ones. The complete similarity of meaning be-
tween the Doric-Homeric Tоτí and the Homeric лooτí
(= Skt. prati) and the Cretan rooτí, is enough to make
me assume for the first form the loss of the o̟, and in spite
of Pott 12 272, consider лo̟oτí, ñoτí and ño̟ós as identical.
I agreed just as little with Corssen when he impugned
the identity of the Lat. á, au, af with ab and that of ê
with ec and ex (Beitr. 510, 426). I am delighted to see
that he now (Ausspr. 12 152) allows at least that of a
with ab and that of é with ex. As Corssen remarks at
p. 395 of the 'Beiträge' with regard to the identification
of pêdo with лédш, and of pêjerare with perjurare, the
connection is too directly obvious to be disallowed. These
small words which have no independent existence are not
to be measured by the same rule as nouns and verbs*).
In their close connection with words possessing more mean-
ing they were exposed to more manifold ravages and dis-
figurements. How easy it was for the c in e-mendo, ê-neco
to fall out after the analogy of lûmen (luc-men), lû-na (luc-na)
and for ê to take regularly the place of ec even when used
separately! Ab might also have passed through abs to as and
so to â, so that a would be to as as tra to trans. Even though
we here still look in vain for analogies for particular phonetic
processes, it seems to me more prudent to hold fast to the
81 identity of these synonymous words than to make new com-
binations, which would lose probability in another direction.
A similar, if not the same decision may be arrived at also
*) Corssen (as above) gathers from this sentence of mine that
I put such little words "outside the range of the laws that hold
elsewhere"; but his words that follow "I called them a lawless
abandoned crew" show how impossible it is here to weigh his
words accurately. What I mean is only this that these words
which even in accentuation are dependent on others, are exposed to
more manifold losses of sound than noun and verb forms, and I hold
firmly to this opinion, in proof of which I point e. g. to the Greek
particles én, ovn, άqa (άo, éα). I have dwelt at greater length on
these points in my essay 'Ueber die Tragweite der Lautgesetze’,
Ber. der k. sächs. Ges. d. Wissensch. 1870.
Moll
INTRODUCTION.
101
1
as to the names for objects and conceptions, which from
apparently primitive times downwards were provided among
the Indo-Germanic peoples with fixed and much-used names;
this is the case with names of relationships and of do-
mestic animals and of the commonest beasts of prey.
Grassmann was the first to explain clearly the phonetic
relation of duyarɛo to the Skt. duhitar (Ztschr. XII 126).
Still before this every body justly connected the two words.
A Latin p does not often correspond to a Greek x. Still
I connect lupu-s (No. 89) with lúxo-s (for Fluxos) and the
Skt. vṛka-s because I find it more easy to believe that in
this case the k has, contrary to the rule become p, than
that the Romans used for the beast of prey which has al-
ways been the most dreaded a name that was not the
primitive one, although almost identical in sound. After
all we do actually find some few analogies for pk. Of
more recent etymologists Hugo Weber is the diαigɛtinátatos.
I find myself differing from him constantly in maintaining
the connection of several stems of the same meaning which
may be phonetically brought together, e. g. No. 187, 188.
The farther however we go from this kind of words
and advance into a region where the conception, and with
it the name, has a larger range allowed to it, the less
we are able to decide from an agreement in meaning when
not accompanied by complete agreement in sound. The
Greeks had many names for individual Gods. How much
more then shall we be justified in assuming with respect
to the general word for God, that the Indogermanic nation
felt "Namen nennen ihn nicht” and accordingly made from
the beginning different attempts at finding a name. Hence it
is that the several nations of the same stem differ so greatly
from each other in these names. Out of many primitive
ones there remains here one and there another, doubtless
not without connection with the national conception of the
Deity. The less right have we, seeing that there is
moreover a difference in the initial letter entirely unex-
plained to connect ɛó-s and deu-s. Now the same
Uor M
102
BOOK I.
•
holds good also in the case of other words of a less me-
taphysical stamp. Thus Bopp in his Glossary compares
Skt. ģaģ, pugnare with the Lat. pug-n-o, 'mutata gutturali
in labialem', though neither is the change of the guttural
media g into the labial tenuis p proveable in any other
instance, nor can pug-n-a-re with pug-na be separated from
pug-nu-s Gk. ñú§ O.H.G. fûst, which latter is again brought
82 with a 'huc traxerim' side by side with the Skt mushți
fist. лúlŋ and porta find themselves placed with a 'fortasse'
under the Skt. dvara-m 'door', a connection of which we shall
certainly not be convinced by the analogy there adduced be-
tween the Pers. açpa and the Skt. açva (equus), because while
in the latter case v in the middle of the word is changed to
p by means of a neighbouring f, in the former an even
bolder assumption of corruption of sound at the beginning
of the word would have to be made without any such
reason; and moreover it is dúoa that is the Greek repre-
sentative of the above Skr. dvara-m, which I have no doubt
is a corruption of dhvara-m (No. 319). Still bolder is it
to compare, as is done, with another 'fortasse', at p. 240
of the 3rd edition (cp. Pott II² 345), diva “e ßiva pro ñíчɑ”
with the Skt. pi-pâ-sá of the same meaning, or (p. 244)
the Lat. urb-s “litteris transpositis" with the Skt. purî town.
Of the suspicious character of such propositions their author
was himself aware, though he held to them firmly to the
end of his life; few will be found to agree with him now.
Still there is no lack of later attempts in a similar direc-
tion, in which I reckon that of Legerlotz to identify the
German schwarz with the Gk. uéias (Ztschr. VII 135). In
referring then to these attempts, our sole object was to
find the origin of the mistake. Language arrives at the
same idea by means of the most different conceptions
and at the same conceptions by means of the most
different signs. The Skt. purî for parî Gk. πόλις
(No. 374) comes undoubtedly from the root par, ñɛλ, ñhɛ
and denoted originally the idea of fulness, of a crowd,
a throng, from which later the idea 'town' is deve-
INTRODUCTION.
103
loped even without this physical conception. The Greeks
themselves were conscious of the relation of πόλις to πολ-
Zoí. Even in Plato (Republ. II p. 369 c.), aristocrat though
he was, there is a reference, as Steinthal (Gesch. d.
Sprachw. 82), points out, to this etymology. On the other
hand ἄστυ for Fαστυ Skt. vastu (No. 206), from the
root vas to dwell, has attained to the same idea from
the more general conception of 'dwelling', 'an inhabited
place', which is still in Sanskrit associated with the word
vâstu. A sense of the difference has been actually preserved
in the more political meaning of лólis and the purely local
one of άotv. By the side of urb-s the etymology of which
is still doubtful*), the Romans have their word op-pidu-m
which I (ep. Schweizer Ztschr. II 354) derive from pedu-m 83
(cp. Pedum) =Gk. лédo-v Skt. pada-m (No. 291) and ob
'on', 'near', 'over', and interpret it accordingly as origi-
nally "what lies on or over the open ground” a com-
pound like am-segetes, quorum ager viam tangit (Paul. p. 21),
am-termini, qui circa terminos provinciae manent (ib. 17);
hence may well also be derived the old use of oppida for
the barriers of a race-course (ib. 184), which lie on, over
the arena. Seeing then that in this manner every lang-
uage is wont to have a number of synonymous words for
the same idea, what probability is there that one of
these words should be identical even in spite of phone-
tic differences with that of another language? Pott warns
us repeatedly in his writings against "that Siren, simila-
rity of sound", and it is certainly a characteristic distinc-
*) Against the identification of urbs with orbis in the sense of
the encircling wall (xúxlos) Corssen Ausspr. I² 170 raises the objec-
tion that the old Italian towns were not built in a circular form.
Whether this is proved by the old 'Roma quadrata' I do not know.
Varro de 1. 1. V, 5, 143 says: "oppida quae prius erant circumducta
aratro ab orbe et urvo urbes". The connection lately approved by
Corssen of urbs with the old Persian vard-ana town (Ascoli Ztschr.
XVI 120) remains very doubtful, as no traces at all are elsewhere
to be found in any Italian language of this word or its root (vardh
grow).
104
BOOK I.
tion between the sober well-regulated etymology which we
aim at and the wild etymology of earlier times, that for us
mere similarity of sound not only counts for little, but
is actually, when the relation of words of different lang-
uages is in question, a positive reason for denying the con-
nection. Max Müller (Lectures II 243) states this in the
following witty saying: "sound etymology has nothing
to do with sound”, a saying which however might
easily be misunderstood. But we must also beware of
a fairy, related to the above-mentioned Siren, namely
similarity of meaning, and must avoid its influence with
equal care. When properly examined similarity of sound,
like similarity of meaning, occurs in many cases, as a matter
of pure chance, and as in no way fundamental. If there
really had occurred in the history of language such very
sporadic variations and completely diseased and unaccountable
corruptions of sound as are confidently assumed by many
scholars, we should be obliged to renounce etymologising
altogether. For it is only what is regular, and internally
coherent, that can be scientifically investigated; what is arbi-
trary can at most be guessed at, never decided with certainty.
The case is however, I believe, not quite so bad as that;
we shall be able to hold fast by laws and rules even though
allowing occasional exceptions and deviations; and to treat
our word-stores to a great extent on the same principles
as those used by Bopp to discover the formative structure
of the Indogermanic languages with all its firmly estab-
lished rules.
11.
Now if we ask what is the surest method of solv-
ing the problem we have set ourselves, we shall find
84 that it is necessary before all things, without making pre-
cipitate attempts at discovering the ultimate elements of
language, to select from the word-stores of each single
language that which appears on simple and directly con-
INTRODUCTION.
105
vincing principles to be related to the stores of the related
languages, to place what appears to be so related together,
and thus to prepare the way for a general view of the
common stores of the whole group of languages on the one
hand, and of the special inheritance of each separate lang-
uage on the other. This simple collection of related words
is so far radically distinct from investigation of roots, in-
asmuch as the question as to the root of two related words
is here often quite disregarded. But where a number of
roots are unmistakeably to be referred to one root, which
has a corresponding form in the related languages, the
comparison of roots is naturally not excluded. Comparison
of words is much more productive than comparison of roots;
inasmuch as in considering the wide-spread agreement of
several languages in the case of words formed with similar
sound and meaning, we catch a glimpse of an old world
of intellectual life and of common national views and ideas,
which forms the back-ground of the individual life of every
people. If starting from Greek we are to attempt on this
principle to collect all words in the related languages that
clearly correspond to Greek words, our first object must
be to obtain criteria of relationship. We see at once that
such words in kindred languages are related as and
thus far all are agreed correspond in sound and in
sense. On each of these two points something still remains
to be said here.
With regard to the correspondence of sound, this is the
point from which we must always start. Where there is pho-
netic agreement, there exists within the circle of the re-
lated languages, as it were, the presumption of relation-
ship. We have, it is true, already seen that phonetic
agreement is not to be understood is the sense of simila-
rity of sound, which often is a matter of pure chance. It
is precisely in the life of sounds that fixed laws may be
discovered which act with the consistency of the forces of
nature. Phonetic laws are the one sure foundation of all
rational etymology. For this very reason the law of the
106
BOOK I.
'shifting' of sounds discovered by Jacob Grimm inaugu-
rated almost as completely a new epoch for the science
of languags aedid the acquisition of Sanskrit. By its means
the Teutonic languages have obtained their fixed place in
the entire Indogermanic stock, like planets in the Solar
system. And now that the discovery is made every ratio-
nal investigation of a single language must begin with
85 the question, how are the sounds of this language related
to those of the kindred ones? Since such investigations
with reference to the community of stock which embraces
have been undertaken in many quarters all these kindred
languages, it has become possible to determine the list of
sounds which the original Indogermanic language possessed ·
before it was broken up into its various divisions and sub-
divisions. In general agreement with Schleicher (who be-
gins his Compendium with a similar review) I assume for
this original Indogermanic language the following list of
sounds*) which must naturally form the starting-point for
the consideration of the Greek sounds.
A) the vowels a â i î u ú**)
B) the consonants
1) explosive or momentary sounds
k
g
gh
t
d
dh
Ρ
b (?)
bh
*) In denoting the sounds at least as far as the main distinc-
tions are concerned I adopt the theory which was arrived at by
a physiological method (cp. Lepsius, Das allgemeine linguistische
Alphabet p. 27 and Standard Alphabet, Second Edition, London and
Berlin 1863; Brücke Grundzüge der Physiologie und Systematik der
Sprachlaute, Wien 1856; Heyse System der Sprachwissenschaft, p. 269).
Still I retain the names 'nasals', 'liquids', 'spirants', which are very
convenient in the study of language, as also the denotation of the
organs of speech as 'guttural', 'dental', 'labial' and the distinction
between 'tenues' and 'mediae' in spite of the many manifest incon-
veniences of these expressions.
**) Schleicher, in the 'Beiträge' I 328-333, brings forward rea-
sons well worthy of consideration for the assumption that the long
1
INTRODUCTION.
107
2) fricative or
continuous sounds
n
r
j
n nasals 7} liquids s spirants
m
v
in com-
The guttural nasal corresponding to the Greek y be-
fore gutturals
is here denoted by n. For aspirates I
have set down the soft aspirates which (as I have argued
at length in 'Zeitschrift' II 321 sqq.) must certainly be as-
sumed to have existed in the original Indogermanic lang-
uage, in order to explain various consonants in the kindred
languages which correspond to the Sanskrit gh (h), dh, bh.
Schleicher now shares this conviction of mine,
mon with most etymologists. Even Grassmann in the trea-
tises above mentioned (p. 63) agrees with me so far as 86
to consider that gh, dh, bh are the sounds of the original
Indogermanic language, from which the Greek aspirates in
the majority of cases have been derived. But he supposes
that the language of that time possessed, like Sanskrit,
not only the soft but also the hard aspirates kh, th, ph
and that the Greek x, 9, 9 in some degree correspond to
these. I agree decidedly with Grassmann that there are
I have myself maintained in my treatise on the aspirates
a number of Sanskrit words in which as in çankhas
xóyxos (No. 65) the hard aspirate of the Indic lang-
uages is found side by side with that of the Greek. But
it does not appear to me to be quite established that the
aspirate was present in such words before the division of
the languages, but on the other hand it is quite possible
that in both languages the aspirate was developed inde-
pendently out of the tenuis. It is true that one or two
word-stems, in which a German and Latin k (c) is found
side by side with an Indic kh, are very well explained accord-
ing to Grassmann's view, ex. gr. khalati-s (bald-headed) Germ.
kahlköpfig Lat. cal-vu-s A.S. calo [Eng. callow]; but we can
as
The
i and u were wanting as yet in the Indogermanic language.
question however seems to me not yet definitely settled. And indeed
it is of no great importance for the etymology of single forms.
1
108
BOOK I.
also understand them in their German form by suppos-
ing an occasional 'stoppage of the shifting of sounds'
(Stocken der Lautverschiebung) which is not to be altogether
rejected. In other cases there are other explanations
possible, and the number of the words which belong to
this class is altogether not large enough to enable us very
easily to come to a definite decision. Hence I regard it
as an open question whether the original Indogermanic
language possessed hard as well as soft aspirates. That
the hard aspirates of Sanskrit are in many cases specially
Indic transformations of a tenuis even Grassmann concedes.
Of the view of those who regard all aspirates as originally
hard I shall have to speak in the third book. With re-
gard to the liquids Schleicher assumes only one, r, and
considers in every case as a weakening of r.
7
Still we
shall see further on that, in spite of the frequent inter-
change of the two sounds, in a considerable number of
instances the Greek 2 is represented in the cognate lang-
uages by 1, while on the other hand in a large number
of words the r remains constant*). Therefore it appears
to me more prudent to start from the assumption that
there were always two sounds, but at the same time to
recognize a very close relationship between the two and
therefore an early tendency to the transition from r to l,
87 though probably not from 7 to r. For the nasals m and n a si-
milar liability to interchange must be conceded, although
within far narrower limits. Lastly we may without doubt
assume the presence also of that weakest of all sounds
that of the spiritus lenis in the earliest age of the Indo-
germanic language. (See above p. 55 n.)
Now this original list of sounds, i. e. the sounds which
existed immediately before the division of the languages,
has not been retained in its entirety by a single Indoger-
*) Lottner Zeitschrift VII 19 shews that the European branches
of the Indogermanic stem are in this respect distinguished in many
cases from the Asiatic. With this may be compared my remarks
further on upon the division of the A-sound.
INTRODUCTION.
109
manic language. Among the changes which are to be ob-
served in the single languages we shall do well to dis-
tinguish two classes. The one class of sound-change per-
vades the entire structure of a language, and gives it dis-
tinctly its phonetic character. We may call these regular
or general changes *). In the Teutonic languages since the
time of Grimm the very appropriate name of 'shifting
of sounds' (Lautverschiebung) has come into use for any
prominent example of changes of this sort. For the Greek
language also this name is very appropriate. As in Gothic
tho old gh, dh, bh is represented by g, d, b, so in Greek
it is represented by kh, th, ph i. e. x, 9, 9. Nevertheless
the name 'shifting of sounds' does not serve to denote
all the essential or general changes of the sound-system.
For in addition to shifting we meet also with division,
to which must be added in the third place the complete
loss of single sounds. We regard then shifting, division or
splitting (Spaltung), and loss of sounds as subdivisions of es-
sential sound-change. But from this essential sound-change
we must be careful to distinguish irregular or sporadic, i. e.
such a disturbance of the original relation as presents itself
only in a more or less limited number of instances, so that
the distinct phonetic character of a language is not determined
by them. This is why all the dialects of a language share
although not in the same degree the regular changes
of sound, whereas it is in the sporadic changes that the
varieties of dialect are seen. For example, all Greek dia-
lects have y in the place of an original bh, we can con-
ceive of no Greek at all without the sound 9, all dialects
show the 'splitting' of the short as well as of the long a;
but the appearance of a л in the place of an original k,
as for instance in nos from the interrogative stem ka, is
sporadic, and hence the new-Ionic dialect has still pre-
served the old k in xas. The distinction between these
*) Ascoli uses for these changes the name 'tralignamento' (Fono-
logia p. 26).
110
BOOK I.
two main classes of sound-change seems to me to be of
the greatest importance in etymology. Through trusting
to a few examples of correspondence of sound the mistake
88 has very often been made of making the interchange of
two sounds universally admissible. Thus, for example, on
the strength of certain well-established instances in which
the Greek л corresponds to the old k it has been asserted
that for every kл may be expected in Greek, nay even
(what is of course a still bolder inference) that for every
pax may sometimes be expected in Greek. Every rational
scientific process depends simply on the rule being distin-
guished from the exception, and this is why we insist upon
a complete separation between the two classes of sound-
change. In the second book of this treatise we shall have
to examine the rule in its far-reaching influence, including
the permanence of the Indogermanic sounds in the Greek
language and that regular change of them which has be-
comes a law. For this reason the arrangement of a lexicon
has been chosen for that part. In the third book we treat
of the exceptions and endeavour to throw some further
light upon a series of unessential phonetic transitions and
modifications. At the same time it is needless to say that
we do not regard either the one or the other class of
phonetic change as accidental, but rather start with the
opinion that laws penetrate this phonetic side of the lang-
uage, as they do the whole. But as the students of na-
tural science are wont to distinguish between normal and
abnormal phenomena, so also must the students of lang-
uage. It will not always be possible to discover the rea-
son of the anomaly, but still by comparison of kindred
anomalies we may discover even in these a certain order,
and it is important to determine the extent of that order
with statistical exactness. Especially the great preponderance
of the rule over the exception in point of number may be
made clear by this method, and a standard obtained for
possible future etymological combinations.
When we return then to the question, what is the re-
INTRODUCTION.
111
lation of the Greek phonetic system to that of the origi-
nal Indogermanic language, we find that of the vowels i
both short and long, of the consonants the first two orders
of explosive sounds, and the nasals and the liquids, in all
13 out of 23 sounds have remained untouched. On the
other hand of the vowels u has become v, û has become
v, of the explosive sounds the aspirates have become tenues
aspiratae. The two a-sounds have been 'split' into the
three sounds a, e, o, and of the spirants j entirely, v to
a great extent, s in the great majority of cases where
it occurs before a vowel, either have become changed
into a simple breathing or has completely disappeared.
If we compare with this the phonetic relations of the lang-
uages most nearly related to the Greek the Italian
we meet directly with a point of agreement in the fact that 89
no single primitive sound is changed in the Italian lang-
uages which remained untouched in the Greek. On the other
hand of the 10 sounds which Greek has altered the Italian
languages have kept the long and the short u throughout, and
spirants have as a general rule been retained. A regular
transformation is seen then only in 5 sounds, i. e. in the
three aspirates, which are completely 'shifted' and in the
two sounds of a which have been 'split' as in Greek.
That this 'splitting' must have been shared in common
by the two families while the Græco-Italians were still one
people was maintained by me first in my paper before
the 'Hamburger Philologenversammlung' in 1855. I consider
e. g. lego, ego as Græco-Italic forms, which with their
present vocalisation were already in use at the time
where the Greeks and Italians formed one people, but had
already separated themselves from the rest of the Indo-
germanic stock. Similarly I hold anemos too to be a
Græco-Italic form, which, retained untouched by the Greeks,
was weakened by the Latins into animus, though not till a
much later time historically demonstrable. As to the degree
in which the two classical tongues agree in this respect I have
instituted a more elaborate inquiry in the essay already
112
BOOK I.
mentioned at p. 65 (Sitzungsber. d. k. s. Ges. d. Wissensch.
1864 p. 9 ff.). The most important result is the establish-
ment of the fact that the splitting of the a-sound is com-
mon to all the European members of our family of
languages as distinguished from the oriental ones. A si-
milar agreement of the European group is to be met with
in more cases than one. At p. 108 we adduced one such
instance. Schleicher (Hildebrand's Jahrb. f. Nationalöko-
nomie 1863 p. 498) and likewise Pictet in his 'Origines'
show several important notions of civilization to be the com-
mon property of this group (cp. No. 490, No. 481)*). In a
considerable number of word-stems we find the old a pre-
served in all these languages
O.-N.aka
Gk.aya Lat. ago
e. g.
No.117
""
"}
ἄλλος aliu-s Goth.ali-s
O.-I. aile
No.524
ἀντί
ante
and Lith. ànt O.-Gall. ande No.204.
27
29
"2
In a still longer list a is in all these languages atten-
uated to e or still more so to i
e. g.
Gk. δέκα
Lat.decem 0.-H.-G.zehan Ch.-Sl.desetí O.-I.déc No. 12
sita Lith. sédmi sedait No.280
δος
sedeo
Goth.
"
22
""
μέσσος mediu-s
90
وو
In a much smaller
""
midji-s Ch.-Sl.meždu, medón No.469.
one we find in all the dulling of
e. g.
a to o or further to u
Gk. Boũ-ç Lat. bô-s O.-H.-G.chuo Ch.-Sl.gov-edo O.-I. bó No.644.
In all these examples we recognize a closer relation-
ship between Greek and Latin, but more especially in the
fact that these two languages put the duller sound in the
place of the old a even in cases where this is not done in
the northern languages e. g.,
Gk.
Lat.
ɣɩ-ɣvá-óx-w gnô-sc-o O.H.G.kná-u Ch.Sl.zna-ti
ا"
oi
O.Ir.
ad-gén-sa No.135
No.595
ahtau
asztunì
ocht No. 96.
""
ovi-s Goth.avi-str Lit.avi-s
ői-s
ὀκτώ
octo
وو
*) [This question has recently been most fully discussed by Fick,
Die ehemalige Spracheinheit der Indogermanen Europas, pp. 262–432.
Cp. 'Essays and Addresses' (Owens College, Manchester) pp. 320–325.]
INTRODUCTION.
113
We see then that this vowel division ranks as a pheno-
menon which, though not a special possession of the two
languages is in certain exceptional cases common to these
two alone. In particular it is not improbable that in a very
early period the e-sound appeare dby the side of the a-sound,
but that it was not till much later that the o-sound did so,
and that the latter change happened at a time in which the
northern languages were no longer in any connection with
the southern. In the Graeco-Italian period however a was
often changed into the duller vowel, which then remained
as a witness of a longer and closer connection between
the Greeks and Romans. The Keltic languages, to which
some reference is made in the above-mentioned essay,
appear on the whole to stand nearer in this respect to
the southern nations than to the northern. The prac-
tical utilization of these results will lie in the direction of
careful attention to the differences of the vowels as well
as the consonants in etymology.
In general we may with tolerable certainty assert that
the phonetic conditions of the Italian languages are of greater
antiquity than those of Greek. It is true that in estimating
this antiquity we must not forget to reckon the serious
disturbance of the position of the aspirates noticed in my
essay on the subject, and especially the rise of the pure-
ly Italian spirant f, which corresponds not only to the
old bh (root fu No. 417) but also very often to an old
dh (No. 320), nor must we forget the confounding of the
vowels i and u in the sphere of the a which appears on
Italian soil. ´— The position in Gothic is quite a different
one. Here the change appears at quite other points. The
spirants, which were exposed in the Graeco-Italian lang-
uages to so many disturbances, are here completely un-
altered, but the whole class of explosive sounds have been
transformed to an extent which gives its special cha-
racter to the German languages. Similarly the Slavo-
Lithuanian family of languages, which shows
more decided inclination to the spirants,
CURTIUS, Etymology.
a still
shares on the 91
8
1
114
BOOK I.
other hand with the German languages the mutilation
of the aspirates and has as its special characteristic the
manifold corruption of the guttural explosive sounds. We
see then that even in their phonetic conditions the connec-
tion of the two south-European families is in certain im-
portant points clearly manifest. It is true that owing to
the fact that each single language again developes different
laws with respect to groups of sounds, consonantal and
vowel alike, and in respect to the different parts of the
word the beginning, the middle and the end their
position becomes a far more complicated one. Of these
special laws which cannot be entirely distinguished from
the sporadic sound-changes, those which find an extended
application in the accidence, e. g. the expulsion of the sibi-
lant between two vowels, the change of every final m into v,
the very strict laws as to final letters in Greek, are as a
rule passed by here, seeing that their discussion falls with-
in the province of the science of forms or grammar. Other
phenomena of the kind will occupy our attention in the
investigations in the third book. Where a doubt seemed
possible a slight hint has been given in the notes to the
separate etymologies.
12.
It must be confessed that it is much harder to dis-
cover the fixed principles which underlie the change and
transition of meanings. While the majority of the Indo-
Germanic sounds have remained unaltered in Greek, and
the remainder have undergone change according to simple
laws, the number of roots and words which can be assumed
to have completely retained their meaning from that pri-
meval period is not large. Slight differences at least will
as a general rule present themselves, and it will be diffi-
cult to reduce these to laws, or merely to illustrate them
by analogies, even when we have to deal with the deve-
lopment of meaning in a single language. "The words
of a language", says a reviewer of Grimm's dictionary in
INTRODUCTION.
115
the Litterar. Centralblatt 1852 p. 484, "do not in the
development of their meaning take a logical straight-for-
ward course; it is simply a delusion to suppose that we
can thus make out the route of their journey now. He
who should wish to stretch out the words of a language
upon the frame-work of a logically evolved scheme, would
torture them to death and scare away the spirit of fresh
wanton daring life their very soul itself". A special 92
linguistic science, Semasiology or the science of significa-
tion, has more than once been laid down as necessary.
Reisig assigned to it a place of its own in grammar be-
tween accidence and syntax. In his "Vorlesungen über
lateinische Sprachwissenschaft" this part contains nothing
but scattered remarks, some of which do not belong to the
province of grammar at all, but to rhetoric, and have little
in common with what concerns us here. Apart from the
meaning of inflexions, which is treated of in syntax, and
from the meaning of the elements of word-formation which
comes under the formation of nouns, the science of signi-
fication in the case of a single language would have this
task, to show in what special way the meanings of words
have been developed in the language. Evidently this is
a task of the highest interest, inasmuch as the special in-
tellectual life of a people will be seen with peculiar clear-
ness in the way in which they have turned to account
what is most intellectual in their language. But just as
we cannot estimate the course taken by the sounds of a
language until the list of sounds which it possessed at its
beginning is before us, so we require for determining the
course taken by the signification the firm basis supplied
by the stem-words which were in existence before that
course began, and neither the one nor the other can be
obtained without a historical comparison of languages.
There is then hardly any other course open to us but to
arrange with all possible foresight the materials in each
single language as a preliminary step, and to leave to the
future the construction of a science of signification partly
8*
116
BOOK I.
"
of the Indo-Germanic language partly of the single tongues
specially. Indeed for this a still more general point of
view is possible. As it is possible that general investi-
gation of languages will one day enable us to obtain com-
pletely general laws for all change of sound, laws common
to all languages, and as at least one or two widely ex-
tended phenomena of language are already explained from
this point of view such as e. g. the dual form by W.
von Humboldt, the principle of the system of numbers
and 'reduplication' by Pott, and the phonetic process of
what he calls zetacismus by Schleicher it will also
be possible to find for transitions of meaning general
93 human laws and analogies *), which will then be naturally
of the greatest importance to philosophic etymology and
for philosophy in general. How interesting would it be
for example if the generally received principle that the
abstract proceeds from the concrete were to be tested by
a multitude of examples from the most different languages!
These are however distant views into the undoubtedly great
and rich future of the science of language, in the elements
of which we find as yet enough to occupy us. But why
should we not, while conscious of our present elementary
point of view, hold even such distant goals in sight? The
comparative investigation of languages has hitherto done
this too little; it has but too often lost itself in the par-
ticular, in which each in his way makes his experiments,
often without the least attention to the undertakings of
others. For the exploration of this profoundly dark province
of the shifting of signification guiding points of view are
indispensably necessary.
In order to arrive at these we must lay it down at
*) Individual references and interesting collocations of the kind
are given by Renan 'De l'origine du langage' p. 125-130 of the
4th edition (Paris 1864); on the relation between sound and meaning
in general he makes at p. 149 the following striking remark: la
liaison du sens et du mot n'est jamais nécessaire jamais arbitraire,
toujours elle est motivée.
INTRODUCTION.
117
starting that there is as a rule a limit even to these
changes, that although in the attempt to seize on the
true meaning of a word-stem or a root we may often be
inclined to exclaim quo teneam voltus mutantem Protea nodo?
still in the end the Proteus is obliged to give an answer to
the persistent hero. In spite of all change there is also
to be seen in language a tendency to conservatism. We
see, how, in spite of the thousands of years that lie be-
tween them, the sounds of Greek and more still those of
Latin have been preserved in another form in Gothic. All
the people of our stock from the Ganges to the Atlantic
use the sound-group sta to convey the idea of standing;
to the sound-group plu with only immaterial changes
they all attach the notion of flowing. This cannot have
happened by chance. It was no doubt because there ex-
isted between sound and sense an inward bond for the
instinct of those nations, that the same idea remained
bound for thousands of years to the same sounds, in other
words there existed a tendency to express this idea by
means of just these sounds. The philosophy of language
must postulate a physiological value of sounds and can
only account for the origin of words by the assumption
of a relation between their sounds and the impression the
things denoted by them produce in the mind of the speaker.
The idea therefore dwells like a soul in the sounds, "the con-
ception" says W. v. Humboldt, Introduction p. 110 "is just
as little able to separate itself from the word as the man
can lay aside his features". But this is the very reason
why we must be able to recognize this type of features
in the many members of a family of words, and must 94
practise our eye in observing the changes which as ne-
cessarily pass over the features of words in old age as
over those of old men. In this sense we may speak of a
physiognomy of languages. No help is however to be ob-
tained here from logical schemes, but all must depend on
certain just fundamental intuitions in the statement of
which the science of language touches upon the ground
118
BOOK I.
of Psychology*), and also on the nice discernment of
analogies.
13.
A question which we must certainly ask in these in-
vestigations is, how are we to conceive of the oldest vo-
cabulary with respect to signification. Did language arise
out of a limited number of simple ideas? In that case
we should have to suppose such simple ideas in their na-
tural ramification as in all cases our starting points. Or
was the childhood of a language richer than its later stages,
was it at that time master of a more copious store not
so much of ideas as of concrete conceptions the
birth of lively impressions? In that case we should have
to be careful how we traced special meanings to general
ones. The attempt to refer the motley variety of words
back to certain simple primitive ideas has been frequently
made. K. Ferd. Becker especially in his treatise "das Wort
in seiner organischen Verwandlung" (Frankf. 1833) lays down
12 cardinal ideas from which he thinks it possible to de-
rive all other ideas and conceptions. But Pott among
other places in his "Rassen" p. 212 f. and Et. Forsch. II²
238 and Heyse (System p. 132) have rightly taken excep-
tion to this view. Man forms ideas through abstraction
and generalization from individual conceptions, which must
necessarily be in existence before he can arrive at the idea
(Begriff), that is, as the name itself implies, at compre-
hension. Accordingly ideas as e. g. that of going pre-
suppose conceptions e. g. of wandering, walking, striding,
95 creeping, climbing, running, leaping, from which man,
in that period in which reflecting thought began to
awake, first grasped the simple idea that comprehends
*) With this idea L. Tobler in the Ztschr. f. Völkerpsychologie
u. Sprachwissenschaft I 350 brings forward his "Versuch eines Sys-
tems der Etymologie" an essay rich in examples, to which we shall
occasionally refer.
INTRODUCTION.
119
is the same with
them all. In this respect the case is
nominal as with verbal ideas. Man could name the
several animals for thousands of years before he found an
expression that denoted all animals generally. It was not
till Plato's time that Greek arrived at a word for animal
as distinguished from man, and the word gov, which,
like the Latin animal includes all living beings, is - as
Ed. Ott remarks in the 'Programm' of the Triest Gym-
nasium for 1857 p. 6 posthomeric. The attempt to
construct the multitude of significations from cardinal ideas
would turn upside down all that has been discovered since
Wilh. v. Humboldt about the nature and life of language.
Such a theory is moreover contradicted by the vocabulary
of the Indo-Germanic languages. If language had originated
from those cardinal ideas we should be driven to expect for
each of them one root only, and could at most hold it to be
possible that, as the meaning became individualized, stems
had arisen from them which, though modified, were still
to be recognized from their sounds as related to them.
But the reverse is the case. For the first of Becker's car-
dinal ideas, that of going, there are to be found in the
Indo-Germanic languages a quantity of roots which have
not the slightest phonetic connection. The two which
are the most widely extended were originally i and ga,
Greek and Ba, both of which, though having un-
doubtedly the meaning go, were even in Homer's time so
distinct not in idea but with the difference that is the
result of linguistic instinct (Sprachgefühl), that they could
be brought together in such formulas as ẞáón' iðɩ, or
ẞñ iέvai. I see not the faintest reason for regarding this
difference as an after-growth. On the contrary, if there
was any inherent necessity ruling the creation of lang-
uage, it cannot be the result of chance that for an action,
which regarded from the point of view of reflection forms
a single idea, two different words should occur. From the
difference of the words we may infer originally different
conceptions which necessarily found their expression in
120
BOOK I.
different phonetic formations. The Indo-Germanic stock
then denoted the different kinds of going before they de-
noted the general idea. And we find the same process in
all cases. The idea of seeing is to the linguistic conscious-
ness of the Greeks so far from being a single one that
they actually make use of another root in the different
96 tenses to express it. The momentary perception of a thing
they denote by idɛiv, continued observance, by the derived
word ooav, the root of which may be seen more clearly
in ovoos watchman; if they wished to mark future time,
and occasionally if they wished to denote a completed
action they had recourse to the root ỏл, which, arising
from ỏk has given its name to the organ of sight in the
Indo-Germanic languages. It was only by the use of this
threefold form that they could express the idea of seeing.
But there was no lack of other separate words besides
these for the same idea, which denote again other modi-
fications of the idea or rather other conceptions, from
which the general idea first arose by combination. Any
one, who is not wilfully blind, learns from such patent facts
that diversity is older than uniformity, and abandons the
attempt at going to work with cardinal ideas, an attempt
that in its way is as absurd with respect to signification
as the attempts to refer the whole of the actually existing
roots to a limited number of primitive forms is phoneti-
cally. And yet with the stupidity that is generally
exhibited by classical scholars in linguistic matters,
such absurdities are constantly being set before us.
For example, in the latest edition of Passow's Lexicon
p. 2374 not only the Latin fundo but even ❤έow, fero,
and gero are derived from the Greek qúc, and Joh.
Heinr. Voss is quoted who in an unlucky moment hit
upon the idea that "the entire Greek, Old-Latin and
German languages were derived from this common root".
He who instead of forcing language into the torture-boots
of his logic, or subjecting it like a genuine pedagogue
to his caprices, prefers to learn from it, will necessarily
INTRODUCTION.
121
be brought to an entirely opposite view, such as has la-
tely been stated with great clearness and consistency in
the excellent work of Heyse. There we read (p. 130 f.)
'If we consider the root as that which lies at the foun-
dation of a whole family of words in common, its mean-
ing must certainly appear more general, that is, indefinite,
than that of any single word formed from it; both in form
and in substance, for form and substance cannot be ab-
solutely separated, and by the limitation of the form the
contents also become different. On the other hand if we
regard the root in its origin as the product of an intuition
(Anschauung) created by sensuous perception, we must on
the contrary consider it as the expression of something
entirely individual and particular. It is more general,
more vague than any word developed out of it, and yet
in respect of its original contents it is more individual,
more sensuously intuitive, more absolutely vivid. And 97
further on he says "The procedure is as a rule from the
unit of sensuous perception to the more or less general
intuition and conception, and from this back to the parti-
cular'*). We might also say: the differences of synonymes
*) If Max Müller (Lectures II 352) remarks 'the specialization of
general roots is more common than the generalization of special roots,
though both processes must be admitted`, this is opposed to our view
more in appearance than in reality. For the question there rather
concerns the manifold employment of a root in words coined from
it. 'Thus from roots meaning to shine (he says p. 353) to be bright
names were formed for sun, moon, stars, the eye of man, gold, silver,
play, joy, happiness, love'. I would only add, that it is not every
root, which falls under the ovoμa of 'to shine', which is adapted for
all these uses: rather there is in the root something peculiar to it-
self, so to say a character indelebilis, which capacitates it preeminently
for a certain specialization in the sense assigned to it. As an in-
stance I may quote the root div (No. 269) which is distinguished from
the many roots meaning 'shine', e. g. bha, bharg, rag or arg, lamp by
its developement of the meanings 'to play', 'to be cheerful'. Herein
it agrees to a certain extent only with the root gal, discussed under
No. 123, and perhaps with las 'glitter, play'. Jacob Grimm (Kl.
Schrift. I 124) calls words which do not now allow their fundamental
122
BOOK I.
are older and more original than the differences of the
spheres of conception. We conjectured this before with
regard to the conceptions 'go' and 'see', but we return
once more to the latter, for it may be shown with espe-
cial clearness that the ideas of contemplating, espying, look-
ing, regarding, observing existed as distinct earlier than
the general words which denote the various operations of
the senses, those of seeing, hearing and feeling. And
words which like the post-Homeric alodávεodai, sentire,
'to perceive', denote sensuous perception generally, belong
to the latest development.
The Indo-Germanic root skav (No. 64) which occurs
most plainly in the O.-H.-G. scawôn (schauen), 'to contem-
plate', is preserved in Greek in the form oxof, xof, but
it has not only in dvo-6×ó-0-s the meaning 'to look out',
but also in noᾷ (Hesych. ἀκούει, πεύεται; cp. κοᾶσαι αἱ-
óðéóðαɩ) that of hearing, ascertaining. The limits of the
two senses are overlept, but the particular fundamental
meaning, by which contemplation (schauen) is distinguished
from looking (blicken) or spying (spähen) is preserved. It
occurs in the Lat. cavere, cautus precisely as in the
Goth. skau-s cautious. The vagueness of the meaning
of the root here lies in something very different from the
98 idea; it lies in the fact that the conception of thoughtful
contemplation is not yet applied to anything special. For
certainly from this the notion of cautious looking out, as
in the German proverb 'trau, schau, wem' may be deve-
loped just as well as that of joyful satisfied contemplation,
from which, to say nothing of other comparisons, not
quite free from doubt, the Goth. skaun-s (schön), beautiful,
sprang. The fundamental idea is that of the eye dwelling
on an object. The sensuous meaning may be faintly per-
ceived in the Latin formula lege cautum est, for as this
idea to appear 'hard lava', and adds 'All appellations are wont to
overflow faster or slower the banks of the conception which lies
in them'.
INTRODUCTION.
123
occurs in connection not only with ne but also with ut,
cautum est comes very near to the German es ist vorgesehen,
'it is provided'. According to the analogy which the
senses bear one to another, it was possible for this root
to be transferred from the sense of sight, as we saw, to
that of hearing, sooner than from the fundamental idea to
another, as for instance to that of looking or espying. Just
as old as the conception of contemplation (schauen) is that
of espying (spähen). We Germans are fortunate enough
to distinguish them directly by the instinct of our lang-
uage, as the living sense of nations, it is true, has al-
ways done, while the definition of the meaning of the
two verbs is not easy, but even an uneducated man can
easily distinguish the espying eye from the contempla
tive. The root for this conception (No. 111) was origi-
nally spak, whence Skt. spaça-s, Сг. б×оñó-ç 'spy', Lat.
spec-ula 'place of espial', O.-H.-G. spëh-ó-m, 'I espy'*). In
Sanskrit this root has lost its initial s in the present stem
paç-ja. The meaning assigned is 'see, descry, behold';
and it is significant that pacjâmi, at any rate in the later
language, is only used in the present stem, like ógάw, but
in the other tenses it is supplemented by darç, correspond-
ing to the Greek deρк. The force of the Latin root spac
in speculum, conspicio, adspicio has been generalized in like
manner. For certainly the spirit of language allows itself
to generalize conceptions, to 'strip them of their natural
element' as Heyse (System p. 96) well calls it, while on
the other hand it is by the irresistible force of usage that
the name ox, 'espier' is given only to one particular
*) A. Weber (Ztschr. VI 319) wishes to derive this root from
the Skt. paç (pak) 'establish' (πýуvvμɩ No. 343) 'by means of a pre-
fixed s'. The assumption of this added sound appears to me, as has
been said above (p. 58), just as uncertain, as the assumption which
concerns the meaning, that the sensuous conception of espying should
have proceeded from the entirely abstract notion of 'attaching the
look firmly to anything'.
+
BOOK I.
124
bird. From the same sensuous fundamental notion Greek
arrived at the idea of the 'mark' oxолó-s and at that of
hesitating reflection σκέπτεσθαι, σκοπεῖσθαι. But in all
99 these cases it is not difficult to recognize the fixed nucleus
in the development of the meanings. A third synonyme
for the idea of seeing was originally ak, in which form
it has been preserved only in the Lithuanian verb àk-ti
and in the substantive ak-i-s 'eye'. Expanded by a sibi-
lant the root appears in the Skt. ak-sh-i 'eye': the Graeco-
Italic form ok occurs in oc-ulu-s, and more disguised in
666ε for ox--ε, which the Slav. ok-o very closely approaches,
the Goth. aug-ô somewhat more distantly. By labialism
ὀκ becomes ὀπ in ὄψις, ὄψομαι &c. The especial meaning
of this root appears, as will be shown more fully on
p. 457, to be that of a keen, penetrating look. The Li-
thuanian akti, 'to have open i. e. penetrating eyes' comes
very near to this idea. The opposite to it is tvplós if
we are right in regarding it under No. 251 as 'surrounded
with mist, gloomy, dull'. In a fourth root, which comes
under the ovoμa of seeing, the root Fid, we may at least
regard it as characteristic that in five families of language
the idea of knowing has developed out of it: oida - Skt.
vêda but also vêdmi Goth. vait Ch.-Sl. věd-ě-ti
O.Ir. ro-fitir (for ro-fid-tir) novit. In Sanskrit we also meet
with the apparently related verb vi-n-d-a-mi 'I find'. Hence
it may be conjectured that from the beginning the idea
of the apprehending, discovering sight was attached to
this root: and therefore Greek confined this root in its
sensuous signification to the aorist. Indeed in some pas-
sages idɛîv cannot be translated better than by 'find': e. g.
Plat. Sympos. 174Ε χθὲς ζητῶν σε ἵνα καλέσαιμι, οὐχ
olós 'n idεiv. For a fifth synonymous root, in its old-
est form appearing as dark (No. 13), Skt. dadarç-a = Gr.
dé-doo̟n-α, as it is connected with the idea of brightness
(Ch.-Sl. torh-t, splendens), and served to supply a name
for the dragon doán-wov and for the gazelle doox-ás, we
may perhaps assume the idea of a clear, bright flashing
ร
INTRODUCTION.
125
The case is
look as the proper or especial meaning*).
quite otherwise with ógá-w, whose connection with ovoo-s,
'watchman' was intimated above (p. 120). As the forms
¿áo̟wv, ¿áqɑna point to an initial digamma, the root Fop
(No. 501) may be compared with the O.-H.-G. war-a cura,
war-t custos and the substantive war in the usage found
even in Middle-High-German 'war nemen eines dinges' (to
take heed [be ware] of a thing); and with these we have
to place also oa 'care, heed'. Perhaps even Lat. ver-e-o-r
is derived from this root: its proper meaning would then
be 'I beware of'. However this may be, we assign to the 100
root Fop the fundamental notion of wary, anxious sight.
In
Besides these six verbs of seeing we have still a num-
ber of others which for the most part bear the marks of
great antiquity, as for instance to confine ourselves to
Greek λεύσσω (Νο. 87), βλέπω, θεάομαι (No. 308). The
original multiplicity is here as obvious as possible, and
must banish any thought of a cardinal-idea. But the same
plurality may be proved in the case of many other ideas.
We have only to think of the numerous roots which mean
'say', of the manifold verbs of shining and gleaming.
this multiplicity of concrete and quite peculiar conceptions,
all of which carry in themselves the power of being ge-
neralized and of becoming as it were signs of the idea,
lies the main reason which explains the πολυωνυμία, and
at the same time also the plurality of languages and the
deviations of even nearly related languages from each
other. To group these relations a special sense is requi-
site, which is nurtured rather by a genuine scholarly de-
votion to single languages than by widely extended in-
vestigations into the struction of language generally. Here
lies the weakness of comparative grammar in the direction
laid down by Bopp, a weakness which is indeed very na-
turally explained by the immeasurable extent of the task
*) This conjecture is confirmed by the thorough discussion of
this root in its employment by the Indians and Greeks, given by
Sonne, Ztschr. XII 351 ff.
126
BOOK I.
"
to be performed. Here we need the instinct for language,
the instinctive perception of the poetry slumbering in
language such as no one showed more than Jacob
Grimm and on the other hand the careful attention to
out-of-the-way formations and differences of usage, which
not uncommonly guided Döderlein to successful combina-
tions. But as all enquiries of the kind go back to the
earliest periods of the life of language, it is quite impos-
sible to limit one's self to a single language in conducting
them, and here we may clearly see how detailed and com-
prehensive investigation require and claim each other's help *).
We now set ourselves the task not indeed of ex-
plaining the meanings of words from the mechanical ag-
gregation of small elements of little force but rather
so far as possible of referring them to a physical con-
ception as special as possible, which is the ruling idea
and as it were the soul of the word, and adopt the long-
approved principle that abstract words have proceeded from
101 concrete ones. But we must not however neglect to use
the greatest caution in the application of this principle.
For it is well established that there are among the roots
of the Indo-Germanic languages some, which whether
from the first or not we need not consider at present
at any rate before the separation of languages denoted
strictly mental activities**). As such we may regard the
roots man (No. 429), smar (No. 486), gna (No. 135). In-
deed in these we can discover, so to say, a retrograde
tendency: starting with what may be clearly recognized
as a metaphysical application they are employed to denote
ideas, which lie rather in the region of the senses. The
*) Compare the excellent remarks of Steinthal (Philologie, Ge-
schichte und Psychologie p. 45) directed against the severance of
Philology and the Science of Language, which in such questions as
those discussed above is most decisively shown to be impossible. Si-
milarly in 'Abriss der Sprachwissenschaft' I p. 40 f.
**) The attempt to make these roots also dependent on sensuous
ideas will be discussed in the case of each separately.
INTRODUCTION.
127
Indo-Germanic root man, which in Sanskrit means 'think',
and which expresses mental activities in the substantives
man-as 'animus', ma-t-is 'opinion', in the Gr. uéuova, uévos,
uñtis, in the Lat. memini, mens, moneo, in the Goth. ga-
mun-an 'remember', in the Lith. menù 'I think', cannot
however be separated either from the more physical uaívo-
µai, µñvis (Skt. manju-s, 'sense, spirit, ill. humour') nor
from µέvo, maneo, Zend upa-man, fra-man 'to remain,
wait'; and it appears certain that language derived the
idea of remaining and persisting first from that of reflec-
tive hesitant thinking and bethinking, as the opposite of
hasty action. According to this precedent I connect the
Lat. mora with the root occurring in me-mor,
which ap-
pears in Greek as μep, and preserves its form most com-
pletely in μέo-1-µva, µég-uno-a, but in Skt. as smar 'to
bethink', smr-ti-s, smar-a-na-m, memoria. The Latin lang-
uage, it is true, certainly was not conscious that mora
had any connection with memor, and so entirely genera-
lized the usage of this substantive, as of the derived verb
morari (in a manner, as it appears, especially common in
Latin) that without the analogy we have quoted we should
hardly think of assuming a connection between these two
words*). Perhaps however the same root experienced a
similar change of meaning in Greek also, if we may con-
nect uέllo with the root μep. In any case we find here
the ideas of thinking and hesitating side by side with
each other. Hence if there is a shifting of the meaning
from the metaphysical back to the physical, the accepted
derivation of the German manu and the Lat. mas, Ch.-Sl.
maži from the root of thinking has nothing absurd in it;
and we need not be prevented from accepting this deriva- 102
tion by the fact that the Latin word, even more exclusi-
vely than the German, denotes only a half of the human
race. Hence any one who with Diefenbach (Vergl. Wörterb.
*) A confirmation of this view may be found in O.Ir. mar-ait
(manent), ni-mair (he is not living.)
128
BOOK I.
II. p. 33) should prefer to separate the German words
from the root man and to connect it with mar ‘die' would
be mistaken, inasmuch as he would be sinning against our
first principle, to start with an agreement in sound, and
for the sake of avoiding a change of meaning, surprising
only at first sight, would be driven to maintain a change
of sound which is altogether untenable.
14.
To discover the fundamental idea in a family of words
it is of great importance to examine it, where possible,
in a verb. For though we are not to go back to the old
erroneous view that roots are verbs, and that the verb
was older than the noun, the idea of a root unmistake-
ably unfolds itself most freely and broadly in verbal ex-
pression. It is here to a certain extent still in a state of
flux, and here it reveals to us soonest upon close exami-
nation its essential nature. As a rule only one side of
this idea is expressed in a noun, in a verb several. There
is an advantage for the etymologist even in the fact that
a root which is living as a verb always presents itself to
us in a different light in the various tenses. For un-
doubtedly the difference between incipient*), continuous and
complete action—which I think I have justly distinguished
in my school Greek Grammar § 484 (cp. my 'Elucidations'
of it p. 203 ff. [E. T.]) from the difference between the orders
of time (Zeitstufen) has the closest connexion with the
fundamental idea of a verb, and stands generally on that
limit between the substance and the form of language,
between inflection and word-building, which, though for
the requirements of elementary teaching we regard it as
*) ["The epithet is difficult of translation, and cannot be repre-
sented in all its bearings by any single English word. It is 'initial'
as opposed to 'continued', 'culminating' as opposed to 'preparatory',
'instantaneous' as opposed to 'durative." Elucidations p. 205 (E.T.)].
INTRODUCTION.
129
firmly established, yet in deeper investigations we may
consider as in many respects wavering. That this diffe-
rence is an original one, to be assumed as existing even
in the earliest period of the Indo-Germanic language, al-
though hardly a trace of it is to be found in Sanskrit, can
hardly be doubted, when we consider that the whole con-
jugation of the verb, and especially of the Indian verb,
rests upon the distinction between the verbal stem (budh
πуе) and the present stem (bộdh TEυ0). With Steinthal 103
(Philologie &c. p. 46) I recognise the principle 'the sound
is always the secondary factor, the primary factor is the
inner mental activity', and it seems to me inconceivable
that the relation which comes out so clearly in Greek and
in the Slavonic languages, according to which an action
viewed as momentary is connected with the shorter stem-form,
one viewed as continuous with the extended form, should rest
upon pure accident, and that such a distinction only arose
after the separation of languages. Pott has recently again
expressed himself to the same effect (II2 668 ff.), and ad-
duces, as a proof of the fact that the finer distinctions of
duration themselves are by no means a product of the reflection
of the understanding or of mental cultivation, but rather
belong peculiarly to the instinct of language, some remark-
able analogies from the dialects of India. With measure,
moderation, limitation the Indians in no sense concerned
themselves. Their earliest poetry reveals to us a ideal cha-
racter averse to reality, and what wonder is it if they
early lost the sense for distinctions which had little im-
portance for them? There is nothing surprising in the fact
that among them too forms deprived of their significance
were still preserved. But inasmuch as certain roots by
virtue of their fundamental idea could be conceived of
only as continuous, or on the other hand only as incipient,
we find some roots only in the present stem, others only
in the aorist, and for this very reason, as we have seen,
language was compelled sometimes to unite various defec-
tive roots and stems, in order to arrive at a complete verb,
CURTIUS, Etymology.
9
130
BOOK I.
bound together by one conception, as ôọãv
μαι, φέρω
εἶδον ὄψο-
ἤνεγκον oïów, sum fui, ɛiµí — ἔφυν
οι ἐγενόμην πέφυκα οι γέγονα, λέγω εἶπον
o. It is just this primitive wealth of the Greek language,
which often furnishes us in this respect with the most im-
portant conclusions*). For, apart from such mixed verbs, it
is undoubtedly not a matter of indifference to which class
a verb belongs, whether the shortest stem occurs in the
aorist or the present, whether the present, if it has a length-
ened stem, is lengthened by nasal or vowel affixes, or it
may be by reduplication, or by the inchoative characte-
ristic ox, which indeed sometimes occurs united with re-
104 duplication. On the contrary all this throws light upon
the meaning of the root, and facilitates the difficult task
of ascertaining its fundamental idea, especially if we also
pay attention to the employment of the individual forms
in living use, particularly in the oldest period. For in-
stance, to a root which like the Greek кaµ, means when
regarded as momentary, 'to make ready, manufacture' (4.
187 τὴν χαλκῆες κάμον ἄνδρες) and in the middle voice
(Σ. 341 τὰς αὐτοὶ καμόμεσθα 'to acquire (Döderlein,
Glossar. 2169), we cannot possibly attach as its fundament-
idea that of torpidity or exhaustion, because of the ilea
of growing weary peculiar to the durative xάuva: though
this would have to be the case if, with Benfey II. 150 we
wished to connect kaµ with Skt. çam sedari, cessare,
a view to which there would be no phonetic objections.
For the aoristic form of 'make ready, manufacture', could
not be developed from any such fundamental idea†. Even
*) Cp. the discussion of this anomaly by L. Tobler (Ztschr. IX.
251 ff.), who falls in with my view. The tendency to characterize
the present stem by methods peculiar to it, is preserved in Greek
down to historic times. Thus Atticism limits the use of the root CKETT
to the aorist, perfect and future, and uses in the place of it the de-
rived σxoлã in the present and imperfect. Kontos, in the Дóylos
Ἑρμῆς Α, 566.
†) It is a significant fact for the meaning of nάuvev, that the
word in modern Greek means do: µǹ záµns tó, in Cyprus is 'don't
do that'. Cp. E. Curtius, Gött. Anz. 1857 p. 301.
INTRODUCTION.
131
the distinction of the so-called genera verbi is instructive for
the determination of meaning. Our judgement as to the
fundamental idea of a verb will vary according as it oc-
curs only in the active, or only in the middle, or in both
forms, and according to the meaning which it has deve-
loped in the latter. For instance, the fact that both άv-
δάνω and ἥδομαι originate in the root & pr. srad), by no
means favours the derivation of suad from su ad 'gut
essen', or even su â ad 'gut anessen' rejected above on
other grounds. Again, as the idea of a verb is brought
out, as it were, in various lights by the richness of in-
flection, so it is presented in various aspects and situations,
so to speak, by the composition of the verb with prepo-
sitions. By this means we frequently get additional elu-
cidation. The fundamental meaning is completely ascertained
only by surveying all the instances of its composition with
prepositions though it is not always easy to effect this,
owing to the arrangement of our lexicons. It is certainly
not unimportant with regard to the correct conception of
the Lat. root tul that while in other respects it follows the
meaning of the synonymous fer, it does not share its in-
transitive use, which occurs in differre διαφέρειν, while
distuli, as I have shown in my Prooemium de aoristi latini
reliquiis (Ind. lect. Kil. hib. 18) p. VI [reprinted in
Studien Vol. V: cp. p. 429], is not found in the sense of
diversus fui. The root ex (x) (No. 169, 170) has been
considered quite identical with the Skt. vah (vah-â-mi, 105
veho) and the Lat. veh (veho). But in addition to the use
of the middle exouai rivos 'I hold on to a thing', which
of itself would make us hesitate, compounds like ovv-
Exco 'I hold together' are not less opposed to such
έχω
a view. The meaning of the Skt. root pat 'fly, throw one-
self down, fall' (No. 214) does not seem to be very close
to that of the Lat. petere which is much less definite. But
compounds like ut-pat 'spring up, go up' pra-pat 'hasten
before, hasten to' show that the fundamental idea was that
of motion through the air generally, just as a certain in-
9*
132
BOOK I.
definiteness remained with the Romans. Finally in the case
of a verb we have certainly also to consider its construction,
in which sometimes a trace of the original idea betrays
itself. This forms part of the border-land between etymo-
logy and syntax. The latter has often been led into error
by endeavouring to derive the construction of a verb from
the meaning most common to it in a later stage of the
language, while the reason of it lay in the original idea,
which has perhaps almost wholly faded away in the cur-
rent usage. This I have endeavoured to show, for instance
in the case of the Lat. úti (Ztschr. IV. 237). Conversely
the genitive, with which άoxo, άoxouaι are construed, must
be taken into consideration in enquiring as to the meaning
of the root apx (No. 165) and it is significant as regards
the difference of the radically identical verbs diyɣáveiv and
fingere (No. 145) that the former is almost always followed
by the genitive, the latter by the accusative.
رو
Nouns, as compared with verbs, show a certain in-
flexibility. They do not offer by any means so many ad-
vantages for the discovery of the primitive sense which
language attached to them. But still sometimes the deri-
vation of nouns gives us the same kind of help as the
inflection of verbs. For in the case of derivation also, it
is not always the full and undivided fundamental idea which
meets us in single derived words, but often a fragment of
it, a modified meaning. The fundamental idea, so to say,
breaks up in the derivatives, and each one of these eluci-
dates the whole, just as the fragments of a rock give in-
dications of its quality. Hence it is of the greatest impor-
tance for etymology to collect as completely as possible
all the words that belong to each other and in the case
of every word that is to be discussed, we shall have to
adduce at least the most important representatives from
among its derivatives. Even formations of a date so (pro-
106 portionally) late as diminutives are sometimes throw much
light upon the stem-word. Thus Pictet (Ztschr. V. 27)
aptly makes use of the form sig-ill-um, which presupposes
INTRODUCTION.
133
a shorter sig-ul-um to refer the abstract idea of the pri-
mitive sig-nu-m to a visible conception, which he not im-
probably derives from the Skt. sag, sang, adhaerere, the Lit.
sèg-ti 'fasten on', so that the more physical idea of 'the
fastening' or 'the attached' appears to have been preserved
longer in the diminutive than in the stem-word. Corssen
however explains the word otherwise in Nachtr. 122. Čon-
versely an etymology is often refuted by the fact that
some member of the family, which can hardly be se-
parated from the word explained, refuses to coincide in
its peculiar application with the idea assumed as funda-
mental. Thus Ebel (Ztschr. IV. 20b) connects the Lat.
vincere with the Gr. eixav, as its causative. There is no
difficulty presented by their phonetic relations, and as far
as the meaning is concerned also the words might well be
brought into connection. But we cannot separate per-vic-
ax from vincere and this word cannot be referred to the
idea of yielding (Cp. Corssen Beitr. 61). We must regard
as the first requisite for arriving at the fundamental idea
(cp. Pott II² 233) the most comprehensive examination of
all usages. Even etymologers of repute have often sinned
against this principle. Meanings are often treated far too
lightly, and they are drawn from indices of roots and lexi-
cons, and not from the living language, or constructed
artificially out of inadequate materials. Inasmuch as com-
parative philology has to do with many languages, there
is of course often great difficulty in discovering the pre-
cise meaning of a word, for it is impossible to be equally
at home in all, and certainly it is mainly in this direction
that our labours will need to be corrected in the future.
But we must at least be aware of the dangers which
threaten us at every step. We may therefore give here
some instances of incorrect procedure. In the Ztschr. XII.
238 бñéos 'cavern' is derived from onά∞, and the substan-
tive is translated by 'cleft, tear', the verb by 'cleave, tear'.
But in reality onάw has only the meaning 'draw, drag,
pull', never of dividing or of tearing in pieces; and this
134
BOOK I.
alone would suit the etymology proposed. Occasion for
error has been given by the fact that oлav may sometimes
be translated by 'tear' (reissen) in the sense of 'drag to
oneself' or 'drag forth'. From the root an, which as
a verb in Sanskrit means only 'breathe, blow' (cf. äveµo-s,
anima) it certainly appears that also anala-s 'fire' is de-
rived; and it may be not without reason that the notion
of flickering (cf. пvoiй Нpaíбtoio P. 355) serves as a link
between the ideas of breathing and burning. (Cf. Studien
IV. p. 228). But this by no means justifies us in ascribing
107 to the root itself the meaning 'burn', and further the more
remote idea of 'shine'. It is not improbable that Skt.
agni-s Lat. igni-s, Lith. ugni-s, is derived from the root.
ag (Skt. aý) ‘move' (P. W.: but cp. Fick² 6), but who would
therefore venture to ascribe to the root ag itself the mean-
ing 'burn'? With the same justice, on the ground of
pãoos, which undoubtedly belongs to the root pɛo (No. 411)
we might attribute to this root the bye-meaning 'clothe',
and even, as pop = fur is also derived from it, the further
notion of 'steal'. Nouns are always to a certain extent
names, which are given from some motive or other, drawn
from the object and often fixed upon with bold caprice.
We cannot distinguish sharply enough between such iso-
lated offshoots of a root, and the main stem, or, to drop
metaphor, between the fundamental idea which is visible
throughout and isolated applications and bolder metony-
mies. The danger of embracing a cloud instead of Hera
is one to which the etymologist is always exposed. And
in this respect the Indian indices of roots are misleading.
If we reflect how hard it is to give the idea of a word,
especially of a verb, with brevity, we shall not imagine
that we have, in the meanings assigned by grammarians
to their roots, anything but approximate estimates. Let
any one take any verbs he pleases in our High German
literary language, as e. g. heben (heave) schöpfen (draw)
ahnen (guess) helfen (help), and endeavour to explain them
merely by two or three other words, without the help of
INTRODUCTION.
135
another language, and without complete definitions, and it
will be seen how impossible it is in this way to hit the
central point of the meaning. He could hardly do more than
set by the side of them some similar words such as tragen
(bear) nehmen (take) vermuthen (conjecture) unterstützen (sup-
port). Now this is just what the compilers of the Indian
indices of roots did. They only state that one verb is
synonymous with another, or that it is a word for the
general idea (naman ovoua) go, wish, sound &c. Hence
Pott especially has justly warned us (e. g. II². 460) against
too hasty a use of these indices; and so also Westergaard
(Radices linguae Sanscritae p. XI) has uttered the words
which well deserve to be laid to heart: 'caeterum
puto cavendum esse, ne illa grammaticorum de potestate
radicum decreta nimis urgeantur, nam illis nihil vagius
nihil magis dubium et ambiguum esse potest. These in-
dices to which an additional confusing element is added
by the Latin translations of their editors hardly give
us more information than would be gained in the case of
Latin verbs if they were divided into verba declarandi,
sentiendi, eundi, splendendi &c. We can never arrive at 108
the real meaning of a root, except from its usage, and
hence nothing can be done with unauthenticated roots,
even if many of them do not rest upon arbitrary assump-
tion. But even in the case of those which are established
by isolated examples, we can see from the number of
quite different meanings which are found united under one
root, how impossible it is to say that their fundamental
idea is ascertained. For instance, under the root vi we
have no less than six; 1) ire (trans. ferre), 2) obtinere,
3) (fetum) concipere, 4) desiderare, amare, 5) iacere, 6) co-
medere. So long as these different meanings are not referred
to one centre, the etymologer can make no use of a root
of the kind, especially beyond the limits of Sanskrit. Ben-
fey in his Lexicon to the Sâmavêda makes it probable
that the fourth meaning is merely an offshoot of the first,
and that the notion adire is the intermediate stage between
136
BOOK I.
1 and 4, which 2 also fits. (Cp. Pott W. I. 609). Hence
we cannot approve of Corssen's use (Beitr. 18, Nachtr. 53)
of the fourth meaning, severed from the rest, to explain
thereby the Lat. in-vi-tus. The arguments which Benfey
(Orient und Occident. III. 91) brings forward to establish
the active meaning 'willing' for the Skt. vita-s, rest upon
a very unconvincing explanation of an obscure passage in
the Rgveda. A scholar who aims at exactness not merely
in reference to the sounds, but also to the more meta-
physical element of language, will have to guard himself
carefully in etymologizing against the ἀμενηνὰ κάρηνα of
the indices of roots.
It is a further departure from the region of the com-
prehensible and intelligible, when such shadowy forms are
created only by abstraction. This is an error, into which
Leo Meyer falls. This scholar himself declares, it is true
(Vergl. Gramm. I. 336) that he has taken the trouble to
extract only 'roots in a less rigorous sense', that is 'those
simplest elements, which it has been found possible hitherto
to separate from words actually occurring after stripping
off parts which belong to a suffix or a prefix': but he does
not always follow his own rule. It might be difficult to prove
that in Lat. saxu-m the syllable sax (p. 399), in 2ŋ
silva the syllable sul, in vño-s the syllable nas had no
suffix still attached to them. But apart from this it is
quite impossible to see what use is to be made of the as-
sertion of groups of sounds arrived at in such a purely
arbitrary manner. The author himself feels the shadowy
nature of these forms, for he does not venture to attach
any meaning whatever to many of them. Pott gives as
a jocose example of such procedure the root gen 'to be
a cheek' for gena (II2 929); and in reality for the root as,
which Leo Meyer (p. 345) extracts from as-inu-s, if we
wished to translate it, we should have nothing to choose
109 but the meaning 'to be an ass'. But there is hardly more
sense in assuming for the benefit of the Lat. facere (p. 359) a root
bhak 'make', for άyañãv (p. 399) a root gap 'love'. We may
INTRODUCTION.
137
assert confidently that the root of sci-o is sci, but what is
gained thereby, if we here lay down the abstract idea as
the only one. But inasmuch as sci-sc-o, plebi-sci-tu-m, populi-
sci-tu-m also belong to this root, and as in de-sci-sco we
see the notion of separation coming out prominently, it be-
comes clear that sci-o is identical with xɛí-w (for one-w)
'cleave' (No. 45b) and that the meaning 'sever' (scheiden)
branched off into 'decide' (entscheiden) and 'distinguish'
(unter-scheiden). From the last it is a short step to 'know';
and indeed in German we use the word gescheit (discreet)
in a similar sense (cp. Döderlein, Synon. and Etym. VI.
323): while the Lat. cernere offers another parallel instance.
The etymon is therefore in this case only found, when to
the form which may be proved to be the most primitive,
we attach that meaning which the living usage of the
whole group of connected words has shown to be the oldest.
It is self-evident that we may on the whole expect
to find both the fundamental meaning and the primitive
form of a word first in the oldest language, and that ac-
cordingly we have to pay especial attention to the usage
in the earliest period of language: and it is hardly ne-
cessary to point out the great importance of Homer's diction
for Greek etymology. Yet many etymologers in ancient
and modern times have paid too little regard to the Ho-
meric usage. The old etymology of μéouva 'care' from
μɛoitav 'divide', 'because care distracts the heart' lingered
on down to very recent times. This explanation would
have little probability in itself, because it would ascribe to
language the propounding of a riddle, but it is completely
disproved by the consideration, that in Homer, as I have
noticed already in the Philologus III. p. 738, the words
uέoos and μɛqíçav do not occur at all, and the related
μόρος, μοῖρα, είμαρται only justify us in attaching to the
root μep the meaning 'apportion to', and by no means the
materially different meaning of 'part asunder' (Homer.
δαίειν, δαΐζειν). Hence μέριμνα like μέρμηρα belongs to
the root μep from smar (No. 466); from which on p. 101 we
138
BOOK I.
0
explained me-mor and mora. The same consideration disproves
the explanation of μέooy as 'dividing the voice, speaking
articulately', which is now attacked on all sides, and which
is in itself improbable enough: it is maintained however
by Döderlein (Gloss. 2479). Christ (Gr. Lautlehre p. 186)
derives poάça from the Skt. pra-vad 'to say before or to
110 say out'. But even Aristarchus showed (Lehrs. p. 93) that
the verb in Homer still meant, not 'say', but 'show' dia-
σημαίνειν, whence in the middle, e. g. σὺ δε φράσαι εἴ με
бαáбels (A. 83) comes the force 'to show oneself', 'to
make oneself clear', 'to consider'. This is alone enough to
wreck Christ's theory. In consequence of the importance
of the language of Homer for our purpose I have taken
especial care to adduce in their proper place characteristic
passages from the Homeric poems to elucidate the
meanings. It will be readily understood that on the other
hand the later language also can in its turn often supply
its own peculiar offshoots, in particular cases, especially in
popular and proverbial uses. Even Modern Greek is not
to be despised occasionally. Now xaioós means 'weather',
xoóvos 'year'. In both words the essential idea remained
unaltered: in xaɩgós this is mutability, in xgóvos it is du-
ration. We shall be obliged to presuppose this essential.
notion even in the etymon. Fortunately the rich history
of the Greek language furnishes us with such facts in abun-
dance*), and we are very rarely so situated as to be ob-
liged to learn the meaning of any Greek words merely
from lexicons and other isolated explanations which might
readily lead us astray. Accordingly where we are thrown
back upon such notices, e. g. those of Hesychius, we ought
*) There is a peculiar feature in the development of the meaning
of words, called the 'pessimistic' (cp. Bechstein, Germania VIII. 330)
which occurs occasionally also in Greek, e. g. in rovngós, deάoos.
Max Müller (II. 249) notices similar instances. But undoubtedly the
motive to this pessimism is often the endeavour to give milder names
to bad things, i. e. euphemism. Cf. Lobeck de antiphrasi et euphe-
mismo. Acta Societ. Graec. II. 291.
INTRODUCTION.
139
never to forget on what slippery ground we are moving.
But it will be permissible to make a cautious use of glosses
whose transmission does not in itself lie open to any su-
spicion. This is certainly less venturesome than to refer
rare words of the kind by doubtful conjectures to the
standard of familiar Greek.
15.
Apart from the assistance in the discovery of the
meanings of words, given by the means already indicated,
we are exclusively confined to analogy, a great, but un-
questionably not always trustworthy teacher. In linguistic
investigations analogy has of course demonstrative force
only when it is supported by a series of evident instances. 111
This is frequently the case with regard to the substitution
of sounds. But in the region with which we are at pre-
sent concerned it is difficult to form a series of any length,
because the particular cases are too individual, so that we
shall not often find that precisely the same conception is
formed more than twice from one and the same original
conception. But even a single sure example can throw
surprising light on a similar case.
Hence what is espe-
cially needed is a careful collection of such analogies: and
up to the present time we feel a painful want of this.
Hitherto at most one side of the development of meanings
has been regarded, though this is certainly one of the most.
important, the figurative nature of expression, which runs
through all languages. No one can fail to see that lan-
guage is crowded in every part with metaphors, which
shed a poetic fragrance over the simplest forms of speech.
On this point much material has been collected. We have
already referred (p. 91) to Renan De l'origine du lan-
gage. Pott (Ztschr. II. 101) shows how man transfers his
own circumstances, relations and properties to inanimate
nature. Indeed grammatical gender is nothing but an at-
140
BOOK I.
tempt of the same kind to assimilate the world of things
to the nature of man. Even the ancients did not fail to
observe that language itself here paved the way, so to
speak, for the poet and the orator. Quint. VIII. 6. 4. says
that translatio is ita ab ipsa nobis concessa natura, ut indocti
quoque ac non sentientes ea frequenter utantur. Hence he
views artistic metaphor as a continuation of the natural
process. The same opinion is expressed by Lobeck in the
attractive dissertations de metaphora et metonymia, which
Friedlaender has published (Königsb. 1864). Max Müller
also (II. 535) discusses metaphors very thoroughly, dividing
them into radical and poetical metaphors. We cannot over-
look the distinction between the unconscious expression of
an image which is, for the naïve instinct of language, the
most natural way of denoting a thing, and the intentional
choice of one which the poet summons in order to reflect
in it what he has to denote. But as the language of
poetry in general approaches closely to the creative spirit
of the people, so from poetical metaphors light may be
cast upon those which are instinctive. Thus the student
of language will be able to learn from collections such as
the extremely rich one of Hense 'Poetic Personification in
Greek poetry with reference to Latin Poets and to Shakspere'
Parchim 1864, published in an enlarged form as a first
112 part, Halle 1868. In this, e. g. it is explained how nu-
merous the ways are in which expressions like κάρα, κόμη,
μέτωπον, πούς are used by the poets.
Here without rigorously distinguishing the metaphorical
change of meaning from changes otherwise effected, we may
point out some instances of repeated transition. We start
with what is directly obvious. It will be readily admitted
that the Greek Acúбow 'see' (No. 87), though most closely
corresponding to the Skt. lók 'see', is connected not only
with levxós, but also with lux, luceo, if it is remembered
that lumina and pasa denote the eyes, that avɣážɛovaι
αυγάζεσθαι
means in poetic language 'to look upon', and that also the
root depк, as we saw on p. 99, is related to O. S. torht
INTRODUCTION.
141
e
'splendens'. We may therefore here state the compound
proportion
λεύσσω : λυκ
lumina : luceo
φάεα : φαίνω
αὐγάζεσθαι : αὐγή
déonoμai: torht.
The correspondence of Lat. gemo with the Gr. yέuw (No.
127b) is not merely phonetic: language seems rather to
derive the sigh, the expression of a burdened anxious heart
from the idea of crowded fulness, for
gemo‘sigh' : yέµœ ‘amfull'
Skt. stan-âmi 'sigh' : Gr. 6τévoμaι
Gr. στένω
(No. 220)*)
This is a case of analogy in the change of meaning
which Jos. Scaliger points out in his 'Coniectanea ad
Varronem'. Upon closer investigation we find in Latin
also isolated traces of the meaning of fulness in derivatives.
of the root gem, and I even regard it as not improbable
that the swelling bud, gemma, derived its name from this, -
as in Skt. stana-s, the swelling breast in woman, from
the synonymous root stan. The Greek ẞoadú-s with its
derivatives (No. 255 b) has only the meaning of slowness:
at most the form βράδων, explained by Hesychius as ἀδύ
varos, might lead us to assign a different fundamental idea
to the adjective. But the Skt. mrdu-s, which, originating
by metathesis in mardu-s is compelled, according to Greek
phonetic laws to change its m into ẞ, has preserved the
earlier meaning tener, mollis, which occurs also in the Ch.
Sl. mlad-ů. Now if we further compare the Lat. lentus 113
with lenis we have the proportion
Boadus 'slow': Skt. mydus 'soft' lentu-s: leni-s.
*) Albert Fulda in his 'Untersuchungen über die Sprache der
Homerischen Gedichte I.' Duisburg 1865 p. 112 points out how in 4
out of 5 places where otέvo occurs in Homer with its second sense
we find no added. The idea of this work, that of tracing out from
such constructions the origin of metaphorical usages, is a happy one.
It is very dangerous, though, to lay down criteria for the origin of
the text from such considerations.
142
BOOK I.
The old world, which honoured even its Achilles above all
things as being ñóðas άxús conceived of slowness as an
accident of weakness and soft effeminacy. But the idea of
softness was reached by language from that of rubbing
away, for the Skt. mṛdu-s points as clearly to the root
mard, rub, rub away, as the Gr. téon with the related
Skt. taruna-s 'soft' points to the root Tep, tɛiow (No. 239).
Again from the same fundamental notion of rubbing away
is developed that of age. The root gar in Sanskrit unites
both applications 'to rub, away, to make small', and 'to
cause to grow old' (senio conficere). The fundamental phy-
sical idea has been preserved in grâ-nu-m and yõqɩ-ç ‘fine
meal', the metaphorical idea in rép-wv, yñoas (No. 130).
Max Müller even unites in a similar way the conception
of death with that of rubbing away, and derives the root
mor (mori (No. 468) from a root mar, which has retained
he thinks, its original force in µúλŋ, mola: according to
this view yέoov: grânu-m as mori: mola. The notion of
dirt is developed from that of wetting, moistening: for as
no one can fail to see the connection of άoda 'dirt',
ἄρδαλος ‘dirty', ἀρδαλοῦν ‘to dirty', with ἄρδειν “to
το
wet', the connection of pol-lu-o with lu-o, lav-o is also
made clear, and the two furnish an adequate analogy
for the comparison of the Gr. uúdos 'wetness, rotten-
ness' and uvdάw with the MHG. smuz (No. 479) 'smut'.
Language conceives of colour as a covering, for as color
is connected with celare, oc-cul-ere, so the Skt. varņa-s (co-
lour) is with the root var 'cover, conceal' the Gr. xocua
with zoos 'skin', and perhaps also the Skt Khavi-s in the
sense of colour with the rt. sku (cp. No. 113) 'cover'. The
ground it denoted as 'the trodden', for as the Skt. pada-m
and the Gr. лédo-v (No. 291) with the Ital. Pedu-m point
to the root pad 'tread', so the Gr. ovdas and ¿d-apos (No.
281) with the Lat. sol-u-m point to the Skt. sad which in
compounds means 'go', as the Ch. Sl. chod-i-ti does al-
The notion of a meal is derived in many ways
ways.
from the idea of portioning out. Thus daí-s, as every one
INTRODUCTION.
143
"
can see, is to be compared with δαίω, δεῖπνον not only
with dap-s, but also with dan-άvη, and both with the Skt.
dấp, the causative of the root dâ 'give': but also payɛïv
eat' (No. 408) is related to Skt. bhag 'portion out, re-
ceive as a portion, enjoy'. Hence payɛiv means pro-
perly 'to get one's share', and it was therefore limited to
the expression of a point of time. A further analogy is
presented by the Skt. root aç, obtinere, comedere. Jacob
Grimm (Gramm. II. 60) derives the Goth. figgr-s (finger) from
fangen (fahan). This analogy entends to dáztvλos (No. 11), 111
which as being a diminutive form points to a lost daxto-s,
as digitus to dec-etu-s, to be connected, not indeed with the
root dik (dεíxvvu), which the a shows to be wholly foreign
to it, but (in spite of Pott's protest II. 220) with the root
DEK: the meaning of this root, employed only in the middle.
forms δέχομαι, δέχομαι, is there used in such an abstract
manner, that there is something surprising in the idea of the
connection. But this scruple vanishes when it is remembered
that empfangen (receive, take to oneself) is a compound of
fangen (take), and that doxós 'beam', doxávn 'fork', dozuń
'span' belong to the same root. To us the notion of 'quiver'
does not seem to come very near to that of 'bear' inasmuch
as many other things are borne, beside this particular art-
icle. Certainly nations thought otherwise in those old
times when no part of the dress was so necessary as this,
hence
φαρέτρα : root φερ =
{
Ch. Sl. tulu 'quiver': root tul 'bear'
Skt. túņa-s
""
πέλας and πλησίον ‘near are derived from the root πλα,
to which we must assign the meaning 'strike, hit' (cp.
No. 367). This root has been retained without any change of
meaning in the Ch. Sl. pra-ti 'strike'. If we remember the
German 'prallen' (bounce) and 'anprallen' (fly against), though
these have nothing to do with the root phonetically, the con-
nexion in sense will be regarded as a natural one. But as
πλησίον is to πλα so is the equivalent κ-ταρ to the root is,
Lat. ic-ere (No. 623). Ou-µó-c passion, spirit belongs to lú-
144
BOOK I.
eiv 'rush, rage', whence the Thyiads have their name (No. 320),
as well as the Ch. Sl. du-chu 'spiritus', Lith. du-má 'spirit'.
The same relation exists between the root kup, which in
the Skt. kup-ja-mi means 'to be in motion, in agitation'
and then 'to be angry', but in the Lat. cup-io only 'de-
sire', and the hypothetical root kvap, which we must assume
from the Lith. kvápa-s 'breath', kvep-ti 'breathe, reek'. From
this, with the loss of the v we have xαл-vós (No. 36) and
Skt. kap-i-s 'smoke of frankincense', so that Ouµó-c is re-
lated to the Skt. dhuma-s 'smoke' (fû-mu-s) just as kup-
ja-mi is to καπνός. In the Ztschr. XII. 399 I have
shown with reference to farcio and poάoow by the side of
frequens, with the fundamental idea (No. 413) retained in the
Lith. bruku, how the notions crowd, stuff, protect are oftén
attached to one and the same root, also that frequenter is
to φράσσειν as saepe is to saepire and as ἀλέντες to εἴλειν.
Verbs of saying frequently originate in words of
pointing, so φά-ναι from the root φα (φαίνω Νο. 407)
dicere from the root dik, deixvvui (No. 14) poάtev, which
still in Homer means 'to point’. Mention has been made
above of the repeatedly recurring connections between the
ideas 'separate' and 'recognize' (p. 109).
Even some ap-
115 pellations which appear at first sight quite arbitrary and
originating rather in a witty fancy, recur to our surprise
more than once in entirely independent regions of language.
Poets have indeed called the windows the eyes of the house,
as conversely the eye a window of the soul but the
window is explicitly called by the Goths augo-dauro, pro-
perly the 'eye-door', by the Slaves ok-no (ok-o 'eye'), the In-
dians grhaksha-s from grha 'house' and aksha-m 'eye'. The
O. N. vind-auga along with the English wind-ow is somewhat
specialized (cp. Pictet II. 254). The appellation of ‘look-
out' for an opening occurs elsewhere too, e. g. in the Gr.
οπή (Νο. 627). We shall have therefore to pay good
heed to these and similar analogies of the transition of
meaning in the consideration of individual etymologies.
INTRODUCTION.
145
ว
16.
Our principle of undertaking the etymology of no
word without having thoroughly instructed ourselves as to
its meaning from the living usage of the Greek language,
is met by great difficulties in the case of certain kinds of
words. In the first place there is the case of isolated
words which cannot be said to have any usage at all.
The ancients distinguished these words, so difficult of inter-
pretation, from the rest of the stores of language, by the
name phoбoα. The explanation of these words, which we
must regard as being for the most part remains of an older
use, representatives of extinct families, has given the learned
world plenty of occupation from the work of Democritus,
περὶ Ὁμήρου, ἢ ὀρθοεπείης και γλωσσέων, to the latest
times. Even the connection in which these words are in-
troduced, especially in Homer, often tells us very little
about their meaning. In the Homeric epos the epithets
are as traditional as the figures of gods and heroes: and
therefore we may conjecture for μέροπες, ἀλφησταί, διερός
according to the connection any epithet which suits the
nature of man, and for voy, vapoy any which suits the
qualities of brass, provided it does not contradict the Ho-
meric conception. Hence in cases like these a special mean-
ing is given us only by the grammarians. And we must
by all means guard against putting too low a value on the
grammatical tradition. The Alexandrians possessed in the
rich treasure of the literature accessible to them, in the
collections of the old y2w66oyoápor, in their own collections 116
of dialectic expressions, certainly drawn in part from living
usage as in fact Aristophanes of Byzantium gathered
Λακωνικαὶ γλῶσσαι
materials denied to us for the ex-
planation of Homeric glosses, from which assuredly many
a word could be at once interpreted. Since the work of
the pioneer in this field, Lehrs de Aristarchi studiis home-
ricis, no one can enter upon the task of explaining Homeric
CURTIUS, Etymology.
21
10
146
BOOK I.
words without having at least ransacked the Venetian
scholiasts and Apollonius Sophista, if he does not wish
to expose himself to the just charge of superficiality. But
unfortunately many an etymologist of recent times thinks
not only that he may neglect this task, but also that he
can dispense with an exact knowledge of the Homeric dia-
lect and construction of the verse, without which not a step
can be taken with safety. Even when we employ all the
aids accessible the difficulties with this class of words are
very great, and the determination of the meaning of a word
merely from its etymology is always a 'periculosae plenum
opus aleae'.
It is much the same with proper names, the very words
for which the etymologer is called upon most constantly
and most zealously to give his aid. It is demanded of him
that he should solve by his art the riddle of the history
of nations, the foundation of cities, the beliefs as to the
Gods: and men are often not ill-disposed to estimate the
whole art too low, if their warm desires are met by cold
scepticism. Pott has based his extremely rich, inexhaustible
book on Personal Names upon the principle that 'there are
for the etymologer, as a matter of primary belief, absolutely
no nomina propria, but only appellatives' (p. 1). This
must be so far allowed, that certainly every proper name
has arisen from an appellative, and in countless instances,
the fundamental meaning may be ascertained with ease and
certainty. This is most easy with reference to the names
which form the proper matter of Pott's book, i. e. personal
names, inasmuch as these have been formed, at least in great
measure, in times known to history, were in part intelli-
gible at the time to their own nation, and were derived
from circumstances of life otherwise familiar, even though
not always explicable at first sight*). But for all this,
*) Some remarks as to the giving of names are to be found in
my dissertation on the Delphic inscriptions discovered by Wescher
& Foucart (Berichte der k. sächs Ges. der Wissensch. 1864 p. 234).
INTRODUCTION.
147
}
with every proper name the etymological operation is by one
degree more difficult than with an appellative. For having
to do in etymology with three factors generally, form,
meaning, and origin, we are furnished in the case of appel-
latives with the first two of these, but in the case of proper 117
names only with the first. Hence in the case of the latter
we have to deal, so to speak, with two unknown quantities.
It is therefore especially difficult to conjecture the meaning
of proper names, and above all of local and mythical names.
We do not refer here to the fact that even a man who is
inclined to explain the Greek nation, Pelasgians as well
as Hellenes, entirely from itself and its early history, can-
not entirely disregard the influence of foreign stocks and
nations. But even if, as is certainly the case with the
great majority of names, Greek stems and roots lie at their
base, difficulties enough are left remaining. In names of
places we are helped by exact knowledge, by the aspect
of the locality, which may be so characteristic that the
meaning of the name at once becomes clear. But this is
proportionately seldom the case, and there are so many
motives for naming a place, natural, historic, mythologic,
derived sometimes from the situation itself, sometimes from
its inhabitants, that as a rule not one but many possibi-
lities are furnished*). It is still more difficult with my-
thological etymologies. For in order to discover the meaning
in such cases we must have some mythological conception
as a basis from which to start. Are we to look for the
occasion of the names of Gods in natural phenomena, or
in ethical conceptions, in Greek localities, or in common
*) Gust. Ed. Benseler's third edition of Pape's Dictionary of
Proper Names (completed in 1870) gives for all proper names German
translations, a bold attempt, in which we cannot help recognizing the
wit and the talent for combination shown by the translator. But
G. Benseler was certainly right in not continuing these attempts of
his father's in the portion of the book which he prepared himself.
Ernst Curtius (Gött. Anz., Nachr. 1861 p. 143 ff.) treats of 'geo-
graphic onomatology', and especially of the names of promontories.
10*
148
BOOK I.
natural circumstances, in the splendor of the morning and
its beams, or the cloud-mountain and its billows? Are we
to seek the source of the names of the heroes in historical
and human, or on the other hand in physical facts. From
the stand-point of language it is often quite impossible to
come to a decision, especially as we find here a circum-
stance which creates great difficulties in the whole sphere
of Greek etymology, i. e. the number of homonyms in
Greek. In consequence of the extent to which the Greeks
lost the three spirants j v and s, often without having
any traces of them left, many words and stems origin-
ally distinct in sound became identical in their form. For
instance a final -o might equally well represent any
one of the original roots ak (ovoµaı) ‘see', vak (őv) ‘call,
118 speak', aр (ỏл, Lat opus) 'work', vap (Fɛñ) 'to be busy':
the syllable id might be referred equally well to vid 'see'
or to svid 'sweat'. In fact even before the distinctively
Greek stage of the language there were homonymous
roots, such as sak sequi, έñɛ6dαι and sak dicere, vi-
σπεῖν. But it is just this plurality of meanings in
a word which is a main cause of its difficulty. Hence
etymological science in such cases can often only determine
the sphere within which the meaning may lie, and not
actually furnish it. For instance, from a linguistic point
of view the name 'Ayı-λɛús may just as well mean Exέ-
λαος ‘holder of the people' (ep. Εχέδημος, Εχέστρατος,
Exéлolis) as Exέ-haos 'holder of stones', seeing that the
stem λαo assumes the form λευ in βασιλεύς, Δευ-τιχίδης
just as the stem λaa does in 2ɛú-c 'stone'. One who re-
gards the heroes as historical personages will prefer the
former hypothesis; one who views them as humanized de-
ities who originated in natural conceptions, will prefer the
second, seeing in Achilles a river-god. But we cannot allow
what Preller following earlier scholars appears to
regard as possible (by grouping together Myth. II² 400
Axiλɛú-s and 'Axeλo-s), that the former part of the word
denotes 'water' and may be compared with the Latin aqua.
2
INTRODUCTION.
149
For in the place of aqua, which corresponds to the Skt.
ap, Goth. ahva of identical meaning, we can hardly assume
any other form in Greek than ά, a form which seems
to be preserved in the names Μεσσάπιοι, i. e. Μεθύδριοι,
Mɛббαлéαι. Although the x, which we must assume as
Μεσσαπέαι.
the original sound in this stem, is sometimes aspirated
(cp. dek dex, TUK TUX) yet this is altogether improbable in
the present instance: the analogy of Sanskrit and of the
names quoted points rather to labialism*). Hence it often
happens that nothing is left for the science of language
except to give her veto. This is the case, for instance,
with the comparison, formerly much in favour, of "Hoa with
the Lat. hera, because the Greek spiritus asper is never
equivalent to a genuine Italian h: and it is the same with
the connection of this name with oa 'earth' (Welcker
Götterl. I. 363), because, to say nothing of the difference
in quantity, the spiritus asper for the lenis, though not in-
deed unexampled, still hardly ever occurs without having
traces of another initial sound in some dialect or other
or in some related form. Leo Meyer certainly is right in 119
assuming (Bemerkungen zur ältesten Geschichte d. Gr. My-
thol. p. 18) as the stem the Skt. svar 'heaven' (cp. Preller
II² 124). I find no convincing arguments in the objections
of Pott to this derivation (W. I. 605, 925). We must as
decisively reject the frequently repeated derivation of the
name Antó from ladɛiv, so far at any rate as the name is
maintained to be Greek. For it is wholly inconceivable
that by the side of Añdos, Дýdŋ, the & should in this
name change without any provocation into a t, however ready
the older school of philology was to accept such assump-
*) Pott (in the Ztschr. IX. 211) has attempted to bring into favour
again the old explanation 'troubler of the Ilians': and so too Benseler,
who translates the name Schmerzer. But the Digamma and the ī of
Filios are objections to this etymology. Sonne (Ztschr. X. 98) ex-
plains A-xle-s 'Clear shining', comparing a with the Skt. sa 'with',
and the second element with the words of bright colour, collected
here under No. 197.
S
150
BOOK I.
tions, at first sight not very bold, but really quite un-
founded. On the contrary it is one of the chief characte-
ristics of the Greek language to hold firmly to the gradations.
of the mutes, and from this there are but few exceptions,
and these of a definite kind and confined to narrow limits.
But I cannot agree with either Benfey (Höfer's Ztschr. II.
117) or with Welcker (Götterl. I. 300) that 'the etymolo-
gical relations of sound are not to be pressed in all their
rigour in the case of proper names'. On the contrary with-
out such rigour all attempts at etymology are impossible.
For this very reason it is much to be desired that histo-
rians, topographers, mythologists and ethnologists should
make themselves acquainted with the simple principles of
comparative philology, in order to have the instruments it
supplies always at their command, and to avoid coming
into collision with it.
But mythological etymology has other dangers pe-
culiar to itself, which it is the more necessary to mention,
because comparative mythologists of later years in parti-
cular have not always succeded in avoiding them. In the
attempt to connect Greek mythical names with the Indian,
they have too often neglected to regard the Greek in con-
nection with the family of words to which they belong,
and in the meaning which they have outside the pale of mytho-
logy. Thus Max Müller in his able essay on 'Comparative
Mythology' (Oxford Essays 1856 p. 81, now reprinted in his
'Chips' Vol. II), compares the Greek "Eows with the Skt. ar-
vân, arushi-s, arusha-s, which forms, as he shows, starting from
the original meaning 'runner, horse', denote the Sun-god.
We pass over the doubts which might perhaps arise against
the supposition, which Müller brings out so poetically,
that love is denoted as the rising sun. But how can we
separate Ἔρως from ἔρο-ς, ἔραμαι, ἐράω, ἐρατός, ερατεινός
and other words, which are all of old date, and above all
Homeric? They could not have arisen from the name cows,
and if we suppose their origin to be the same root ar, to
which we should be obliged to give the original meaning
INTRODUCTION.
151
2
6
'go, run, strive', then epos would mean something like 120
'striving, impulse' and it would be hard to show that the
cognate "Eows had originated in the precise meaning 'horse,
sun-horse' assumed for the Sanskrit words quoted. I hold
the same opinion of the explanation of the Xaqites as the
Skt. haritas (the name given in the Vedas to the horses
of the sun), at first sight attractive, and approved also by
Leo Meyer (Bemerkungen p. 39), but rejected by Sonne in
his exhaustive essay on Charis (Ztschr. X) and by Pott
II² 897, W. II. 1. 209. For what are we to do with the
appellative χάρις, and with χαρά, χαίρω, χαρίζομαι, χαρίεις?
Max Müller (II 418) now endeavours to derive both these
words and the Sanskrit harit 'yellow, pale' from the root
ghar, to which he assigns the fundamental meaning of
glittering brightness: xáois as a substantive would then
originally mean 'brightness', harit as an adjective 'bright
ones'. But the assumption of an adjective is still very bold
in the case of Greek, and the explanation that 'one of the
derivatives of the root was carried off by the stream of
mythology' would excuse this, only if a more decided par-
allel really existed in the Greek conception between the
Xaqites and the horses of the sun: aud this Müller himself
does not altogether assume. But further, we cannot banish
from Homer all personifications of abstract ideas: 4ɛµós,
Φόβος, Ερις, Ατη, Ἥβη show this. I believe therefore that
the mythical Xaqis was never distinct from the xáois of real
life. With respect to the physical basis of this conception,
to which we shall recur in No. 185 Sonne's thorough dis-
cussion should be consulted. The attempts to refer a my-
thical name to a definite object, and the simple use of the
appellative may not always agree well together; as
e. g.
Leo Meyer himself feels in his explanation of výμon and
Núuçaι (Bemerk. p. 66). But as certainly as class-names
are older than proper names, so certainly must we regard
as unsatisfactory any etymology of the latter which leaves.
unexplained a class-name evidently connected with it. As
we must by no means exempt mythological etymology from
152
BOOK I.
the necessity of paying attention to phonetic laws, so we
can as little excuse it from the duty of looking at every
word in connection with its family of related words. Purely
linguistic etymology is in relation to mythology and other
studies that need the explanation of words a kind of topic
science. It teaches how to find in accordance with pho-
netic laws and the analogies of the change of meaning the
place where the etymon of a word may be sought, and
how to avoid the errors in which etymological dilettantism
with its dim glimmer of 'similarity in sound' and not less
dull light of 'connection of meaning' must always lose it-
self, and especially when despising linguistic studies, it
seeks in names only the confirmation of the views of things
which it has already formed. Still the meanings of dif-
ficult words can frequently only be discovered by a lucky
dive into the stores of a knowledge of the subject, and al-
ways resemble to a certain extent conjectures in the realm
of criticism. Just as grammar or palaeography cannot be
required to restore to perfect correctness the texts of au-
thors, so etymology as a branch of study cannot be ex-
pected to solve all the riddles offered by words. But it
furnishes by the evidence of phonetic laws, by an abundance
of examples, and by placing together what is mutually
connected the indispensable tools for etymological divi-
nation: and this is the sense in which I give to this at-
tempt the name of 'Principles of Greek Etymology'.
II.
Second Book.
Regular Substitution of Sounds.
Ἐγὼ συμβάλλομαι τοῖσι ἐμφανέσι τὰ μη
γιγνωσκόμενα τεκμαιρόμενος. Herod. II 33.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
155
Transliteration of the Sanscrit Alphabet.

Consonants
Vowels
Di-
phthongs
Gutturals Palatals
Linguals Dentals
Labials Liquids
अ a
आ a
इ ओ ०
PP
Tê
aik
च k
~
Z
•ct
त t
Чр
Tr
ऐei
ख kh छkh
7 th 2 th
फ ph ल 1
π g
15
ज
-20
3 d
द a
ब )
ळ !
|
ङn
ई 1 औ au घgh ज्ञ्gh ढđh
उ u
ghdhdh
धdh
મbh
bh
Aspirate
ञn Un An
Am
ह h
Jû
य j
षsh | स s
to
a v
ऋ !
श
ऋ
<
Anusvára (a slight appended nasal) is represented by an inverted
comma placed below the preceding vowel (ą).
[In the Skt. Alphabet 1=li, rri, f rī, ǹ = ng, in
king, k = ch, in church, ģ=j, in judge (so commonly pro-
nounced: but cp. p. 30), ñgn in Campagna, jy, in yes,
Ç ch in Germ. Sichel (see p. 32), ț, d, n are commonly pro-
nounced as t, d, n but they were produced originally by the in-
fluence of a neighbouring r: the lower surface of the tongue should
be brought against the palate in pronouncing them: V probably
the Eng. W. kh, th, ph, are pronounced almost as in ink-
horn, pothouse, topheavy, gh, dh, bh as in loghouse, madhouse,
Hobhouse.]
In the transliteration of the Zend Alphabet I follow
Justi, Handbuch der Zendsprache (Leipzig, 1864). The most impor-
tant points to be noticed are
j = Skt. ģ [Eng. j], y
Skt. j [Eng. y], c = k [Eng. ch].
156
BOOK II.
Transliteration of the Cyrillic Alphabet.
a a
b b
B V (German W)
T
I g
да
€ e
مع
(Cp. Schleicher Beitr. I p. 30 ff.)
M m
N 1
p
bl
ů (dull, light u)
y
↳ Ĭ (light i)
L
bě (je, perhaps pro-
10 ju
戊 ​ja
I je
0 0
II
p
r*
C S
Ž (French j)
T
t
ZZ (soft s)
ov u
Hi
x
X
ch (German ch)
H
й j
பு
c (German z)
X
č (tsch)
场
​K k
Ꭺ ]
Iš (sch)
perly a long e)
Aę (in in the French fin)
m ję
m
a (on in the French on)
ją
*ř in Bohemian words has the sound of r followed by
a French j.
Lithuanian.
The nasalized vowels are denoted as in Slavonic by an inverted
comma subscript (ą ę į ų), which does not affect the pronun-
ciation.
e dentes an open e (ä).
é a closed long e appended to i, as in the Germ. See.
ë a diphthongal sound, lying intermediate between ea and
ia, written by others ie and arising out of i.
ů is to be pronounced like O with a following a.
y is a long i.
Z is a soft S as in Slavonic.
Ž is a French j, as in Slavonic.
SZ
Ch. Sl. Š is the Germ. sch [Eng. sh].
The Grave accent denotes an accented short vowel (sèkti), the
Acute an accented long vowel (žolė).
(Cp. Schleicher Lit. Gramm. p. 7 ff.)
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
157
Irish.
The needful remarks with regard to the Irish consonants will
be found at the head of the several sections. Here foilow some re-
marks as to the phonetic laws of the vowels in Old Irish. Cp. Ebel
Beiträge I. 163, Stokes, Jr. Gl. p. 160.
In most words the earliest demonstrable form of the intensifi-
cation of i and u is a long é and ó, for which however we find
even in the earliest authorities the ia and ua which appear with
constantly increasing frequency. Rarer forms of the intensified i are
ai ae oi oe (never alternating with é), in the place of which the
modern language presents us throughout with ao (aon unus, in the
place of the old ain aen oin oen). The appearence of au
(alternating with ó) as an intensification of u is still rarer. An
original ava or va seems as a rule to occur as a long ú.
A long í can only be proved with certainly for the I-row in the
few cases in which an i originally short has suffered compensatory
lengthening: it has also occasionally arisen at the beginning of a word
from an original ja.
It is a well-known fact that we have in Irish (the younger the
authority the more this appears) the endeavour to assimilate the vo-
wels of neighbouring syllables. In this respect the influence which
i and e exert backwards is especially important. Either it assimi-
lates to itself the vowel of the preceding syllable, and then an a
becomes an i (e), or it forces its way bodily into the preceding
syllable. Thus arises a series of secondary diphthongs and triph-
thongs:
a becomes ai ei (oi) ui,
é becomes éiui éui íui éoi and commonly éi,
e ou á ó ú ia ua become respectively ei oi ui ái
ói úi iai uai.
In the old language u has, though to a less extent, the same
influence backwards. It assimilates a and the weakened forms of
a to u (0) or it forces its way bodily into the preceding syllable.
Usually au eu and iu have arisen in this way. A following a
changes i and u in the preceding syllable into e and o. The
accent over the vowels only denotes their length.
158
BOOK II.
Regular Substitution
in Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Italian,

Indo-
Germanic
Sanskrit
Zend
Greek
Italian
a
a a (e o)
άεο
ае о
i u
<63
â
<63
â
<63
â
αη ω
â ê ô
i
i
i
ĭ
î (?)
Î
Î
<mod
5
u
u
τ
i
e
i
u
1
û (?)
ai
û
û
ī
ê
aê
αι ει οι
u
ai ê oi
ae
oe î û
1
âi
âi
âi
α n w
au
Ô
ao éu
αυ ευ ου
au o
u
akg
âu
âu
âu
αν ην
au
k kh kę
k kh e ç
c
H
g g
g gh j zh z
Υ
gh
gh h
g gh j zh z
X
t
t th
t th
τ
d
d
d dh
б
dh
dh
d dh
P
p ph
pf
वह है
cq (Umbr. ç)
go
init. h med. g
Lat.
t
d
init, fmed, d,b
JOsc. Umb.
f
p
b
b
b
β
b
bh
bh
b (w)
Lat.
init. f med. b
Osc.Umb.
f
Ф
་
i
ǹ î
î ǹ
y before Gutt.
n
11
n ņ
11
บ
11
m
m
m
μ
111
r
I
1
j
S
T
1
j
י
y
s sh sç sh h
V
V
2
1
init. spir. asp.
j
s (r)
▼
б, spir. asp.
F
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
159
4
of Sounds.
German, Church-Slavonic, Lithuanian and Old Irish.

German
Slavonic
Lithuanian
Old Irish
Gothic
Old HighGerm.
a i u
a i u
a e o
aeiou a ei o u
io
ai au
e o
ê ô
â (ô) uo
a o
á o é
i ai
i e
î
<p>
i Ĭ
i
i
á é í ó
i e
ei
y
u au
u o
и о уй
u
u?
û
u y
u
ai
ei
ě oj
ë ei
aj
ai
au, iu
ou ô iu io
u ov
n
u o
ai ae oi oe
é ia
!
av
au
h (g)
k
go
h (g)
k (ch)
g (k)
k č c s
k sz
g ž z
g z z
60 00
g ž
au
ó ua
c ch (g)
g
g ž
Ž
th (d)
t
d
Z SZ
t
t
t th (d)
d
d
d
d
t
d
d
d
f
f, v (b)
p
p
b
b (p)
b
b
b
11
A
A
11
11
n
11
n
n
n
m
m
m
m
m
1
1
r
I'
1
1
1
1
j
j
j
j
s (z)
s (r)
s ch š
S
S
V
W
V
V
init. f
130
K
Greek corresponds to Indogermanic k. In Sanskrit
this is represented by k, kh, k or e, in Zend by k, kh, c,
ç, in Latin by c (k), q, seldom by g, in Gothic by h, at
the beginning of words also by g, in Church-Slavonic by
l, č, c, s, in Lithuanian by k, sz, in Old Irish by c, bet-
ween vowels by ch, g. The Sanskrit sound Kh stands for
an original sk and therefore corresponds to the Greek ox.
1) Root ἀγκ ἀγκ-ών bend, ἀγκ-ύλο-ς crooked, ἀγκύλη
noose, ox-o-s bend, circumference, orvos
hook.
Skt. root ak ank-a-mi I bend, ank-a-s lap, hook.
Zd. aka (M.) a rivet.
Lat. anc-u-s (qui aduncum bracchium habet Paul.
p. 19, 15), unc-u-s ad-unc-us, unc-inu-s, ung-
ulu-s.
Goth. agga (hals-agga neck) O.-H.-G. angul barb,
hook.
Benf. II 22 P. W. under ankas and ak. Pott W. III 119. The
rest of the related words in Greek readily occur. άynás, άynálŋ, άyu-
óvn correspond remarkably closely to the meaning of 'arm' which
we get from the Rv. for anka-s. For the meaning of őyxo-s the fem.
ὄγκη, γωνία, μέγεθος (Hesych.) must be noticed. The neuter
anka-s, bending, agrees perfectly in sound with άyxo-s ravine, while
ankuça-s hook agrees in meaning with uncu-s, as with the O.-H.-G.
angul. It is probable that angulu-s belongs to the same stock: it
has the same relation to ancu-s, as un-gulu-s (anulus), that was held
to be an Oscan word (Mommsen U. D. 306) and was an old Latin
one (Fest. 375), had to uncu-s.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
161
2) Root άк άx-az-uévo-s pointed, άx-cox-ń point, ax-
όνη whetstone, ἄκ-ων (St. ἀκοντ) javelin, ἄκ-
avo-s, ax-aiva thorn, ax-pos pointed, äxqi-s,
oxo-s mountain peak, ox-ú-g swift.
Skt. aç-an missile, ak-ra-s quick (?), âçu-s swift,
-agra-s (in compounds) -cornered, agri-s corner.
Zd. aku (M.) point.
Lat. ac-u-s, acu-o, âcer, acu-ped-iu-s, ôc-ior, ôc-iter. 131
O.-Norse. egg-ja sharpen, excite. [Eng. egg on.]
Lith. asz-t-rù-s, Ch.-Sl. os-t-rů, sharp.
Cymr. ochr margo (Z.2 827).
Pott W. I 491, Benf. I. 155 ff., Roth Ztschr. II 46, Schleicher
Ksl. 98, PW. 510. Joh. Schmidt gives the whole root a careful treat-
ment in his 'Die Wurzel ak' Weimar 1865. acupedius (Paul. Ep.
p. 9) dicebatur cui praecipuum erat in currendo acumen pedum'.
Cp. Plac. gl. acu pedum velocitate pedum. For acer (St. acri) Old Lat.
acru-s, Charis. I p. 117 K. On the Umbrian stem okri, which cor-
responds to the Latin ocri (Nom. ocri-s, mons confragosus) and the
deminutive Ocriculu-m see A. & K. umbr. Sprachdenkm. II 64.
Ocior can hardly be a borrowed word, but has the same change of
vowel that the Gk. word has. -άxun identical in meaning with ac-ie-s,
approaches most closely to the Lith. asz-mi' (St. aszmen), sharpness.
-The meanings sharp, pointed, swift arrived at through the idea of
penetrating (Doederl. Gl. 180), are united in this root (cp. wnides
ενώτια Hes.). From the amplified root aks (ep. Skt. aksh reach, hit)
is derived ogý-s swift, perhaps also as-tú, astû-tu-s with s for x as in
Ses-tius, tes-ta, tes-tu (No. 235).
ἄκ-
3) άx-μov (St. άxuov) anvil, thunderbolt.
Skt. aç-mâ (St. açman) stone, thunderbolt, aç-ma-
ra-s made of stone.
O.-Norse. hamar-r (saxum, malleus) O.-H.-G. hamar
(malleus).
Lith. ak-mií (St. ak-men), Ch.-Sl. ka-meni stone.
Bopp Gl., Grimm Gesch. 400, Scheicher Ksl. 97, Pott W. I 502.
In German as in Slavonic metathesis has taken place. Roth
Ztschr. II 42 shows, starting from the meaning stone, how first that
of sling-stone, thunderbolt, was derived from it (Hes. Theog. 722
χάλκεος ἄκμων οὐρανόθεν κατιών), secondly that of anvil and hammer,
thirdly that of the vault of heaven, thought of as stone. Hence Zend
agman heaven, and likewise Hesych. Ακμων Οὐρανός, ἀκμονίδαι οἱ
οὐρανίδαι; Ακμονος ὁ Οὐρανός Αλκμάν ap. Εustath. p. 1154, 25.
CURTIUS, Etymology.
11
162
BOOK II.
132
The meaning stone is prominent in ἄκμονα αλετρίβανον (pestle) Κύ-
лQLοι (Hesуch.). The root seems to be No. 2. Cp. Aufrecht Ztschr.
V. 135 f.
4) ἀκχός (ώμος Hesych.) shoulder Lat. á-la (for
ax-la), axilla. — O.-H.-G. ahsala, uohs-a, shoulder.
Bopp Gl. s. v. aça, which I with the PW. hold to be only a de-
faced asa (No. 487) Otherwise Benf. I 352, who connects also He-
sychius's gloss ἀκχαλίβαρ κράββατος with ἀκχός; this Laconian word
cannot however be separated from άlíßag vɛzgós and seems to mean
a bier, perh. from the root ex. anyós itself indeed is not firmly
established, for in the manuscript auós not duos occurs (Mor. Schmidt
Hesych. s. v.). J. Grimm Dict. s. v. Achse conjectures relationship
with aşov (No. 582) and origin in the Root ay (No. 117) in the
sense of turning round, cp. Pott W. III 376. Corssen Ausspr. I²
641, Goetze 'Studien' II 170
ων
5) άλжη elk. Skt. rça-s, reja-s the buck of a kind
ἄλκη
of Antelope.
Norse elg-r.
Pott W. II, 2, 456.
Lat. alce-s.
O.-H.-G. elaho,
Weber Ztschr. VI 320, where however
the Latin hircu-s is wrongly compared with it, for the h in it is
shown by the Sabine fircu-s (Varro 1. 1. V 97) to belong to the stem.
On the mistake in connecting it with άoxtos and the relationship
to ἔλαφος cp. ἄρκτος Νο. 8. On the a that has been introduced in
O.-H.-G. v. Kirchhoff Ztschr. I 39. Dietrich, Jahn's Jahrb. 81, 38
considers the Latin and Gk. word to be borrowed from the German.
Lat. alcêdo.
6) áh×váv (St. άλкuov) sea-kingfisher.
- O.-H.-G. alacra.
Förstemann Ztschr. III 48. The spir. lenis is established I 563
and authenticated by other passages too; the spir. asp. is only Attic
and is rightly explained by Förstemann as the result of popular ety-
mology, i. e. of the similarity of the sound with that of äls, whence
the etymology παρὰ τὸ ἐν ἁλι μυεῖν (Ε. Μ.). - The genuine Latin
ålì
alcedo (Varro 1. 1. VII § 88 'haec avis nunc graece dicitur áhuváóv')
and the O.-H.-G. form prove that the word began with a vowel.
Hence Benfey's explanation II 165 is a wrong one.
7) Root
ἀλκ
ἁλ-αλκ-εϊν to keep of, ἀλκ-ή defence
ἀρκ
άonéw I keep off, suffice, ox-10-s sufficient, safe.
Lat. Root arc arc-e-o, arx, arca chest, arc-era
covered waggon.
Pott W. II, 1, 100; 2, 455. On the interchange of 2 and g
p. 537 ff. An amplification of alк by means of a vowel is alé§w,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
163
that corresponds to the Skt. raksh (for rak-s, ark-s) rakshâmi defend,
protect, cp. p. 67 No. 24 and 581. On άęńyw p. 522. In the root
άрк the positive meaning, to hold good, is prominent, in ảλк the ne-
gative one, to keep off. But Simonides Ceus fr. 102 B. йonɛoav
arcuerunt. Lat. arc-s 'defence' Mommsen Rom. H. (I 39). — Perhaps
the Goth. all-s vaós, iɛgóv A. S. ealh-stede palatium belongs here as
being a protected place (Delbrück Ztschr. f. deutsche Philologie
I 133).
κε
8) ἄρκτο-ς bear, also ἄρκο-ς, ἄρκ-ιλο-s young bear.
Skt. rksha-s bear (from arksa-s). Lat. ursu-s
(from urcsu-s). Lith. loký-s (for lokja-s)?
Ir. art bear (O'Reilly Dict. p. 39).
1
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 85. On ἄρκος and ἄρκιλος ep. A. Nauck
Aristophanis Byzantii fragm. p. 111, 115.
Kuhn Hoefer's Ztschr.
I 155 regards the root ark shine (No. 24) as the root (cp. M. Müller
II 361), more correctly however the PW. the root arç (ric) hurt
(= ỏlɛn cp. p. 63). Likewise Pictet I 427. Kirchhoff's and
Förstemann's connection of the word with O.-H.-G. elaho (No. 5),
Ztschr. I 39, 493, cannot be allowed on account of the difference
between the animals. Lith. loký-s may be kept here more cert-
ainly because according to Nesselmann, Wörterb. p. 372 it is now
obsolete and seems to have been in Old Prussian cloki-s (Vocab.
p. 30), (Fick 2 15).
9) Root dαк dάx-v-w I bite, dáx-os a biting beast,
δῆγμα bite.
Skt. root dag daç-â-mi I bite, dac-a-s dac-man bite.
Goth. tah-ja lacero, O.-H.-G. záh-i tough (Germ.
zähe).
Bopp. Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 506. Lat. lac-er-o belongs to root 133
λακ Νο. 86.
10) δάκρυ, δάκρυ-ο ν tear, δακρύ-ω Ι weep.
Lat.
lacru-ma. Goth. tagr tear, tagr-ja I weep;
O.-H.-G. zahar, N.-H.-G. Zähre. — Old-Cymr.
2
dacr Z.² 827); O.-Ir. déra Nom Pl. (F. A. 305).
Grimm Gesch. 300 refers it to Skt. dąç, daк 'a tear bites'.
Pott W. II, 2, 509. There is a trace of an old Latin initial d for
7 in Paul. Ep. p. 69 'dacrimas pro lacrimas Livius saepe posuit', and
Bergk is undoubtedly right in reading in Ennius's epitaph ‘nemo me
dacrumis decoret' (Philol. XIV 187). The connection with the Skt.
açru and Lith. àszara, is, in spite of the similarity of meaning, doubt-
ful on account of the initial letter, especially as both words could
11*
164
BOOK II.
be formed from the root al be sharp, in a way similar to that in
which the words here brought together are formed from the root
dak. Cp. Aufrecht on the Uggvaladatta p. 277 n.
11) δάκτυ-λο-ς finger. Lat. digitu-s.
O.-H.-G. zêhâ toe.
A.-S. tô,
Grimm Gesch. 403. dántvlo-s is a secondary form, the pro-
totype of which must be sought in dig-itu-s. The latter word has g
for c like viginti (No. 16) and comes from an older deceto-s. A shorter
form occurs as the base of the Teutonic words. The root I hold to
be δεκ (δεχ) in δέκομαι, and its meaning has the same relation to
the root as that of Germ. Finger (finger) to fangen (catch) (p. 113).
A distinctly physical meaning of the root deк is to be seen in the
Homeric ὁ δ᾽ ἐδέξατο χειρί, and in δεξιός (Νο. 266), δοκός beam,
δοκάνη fork, δοχή, δοχός, δοχεῖον vessel, δεξαμενή cistern (that which
has caught), reservoir, and doxuń span, on which cp. Lobeck Para-
lipp. 495. By this the doubts expressed by Corssen (Beitr. 47, cp.
I 381, II 208), are removed; he assigns digitu-s to the root dic
show, but leaves the Gk. and Tentonic words unexplained. Sέxa too
(No. 12), the sum of the fingers is related to this root. Other-
wise Pott II¹ 220.
12) δέκα ten.
Skt. Zd. daçan. Lat. decem, Umbr.
deçen-du-f duodecim. - Goth. taihun. O.-H.-G.
zëhan. Ch.-Sl. deseti, Lith. dészimtis. O.-Ir.
deich.
Bopp Gl. &c. On the formation of the Slavo-Lithuanian form
see Schleicher Kirchensl. 88. O.-Ir. deich points to a form* deci, the
final nasal is kept in deich mbai decem vaccae (Z.2 304.) Cp. No 11.
13) Root δερκ δέρκ-ο-μαι I see, δέργ-μα look, δράκων
(St. doaxovr) dragon, doox-ás (St. doox-að) gazelle.
Skt. root darç (from dark) see, perf. da-darç-a,
drg eye.
Old-S. torh-t splendens, O.-H.-G. zoraht bright, clear.
O.-Ir. ad-con-darc conspexi (= dédoọna, Z² 448),
2
derc eye, (Amra p. 22), derccaid watchman (T. B.
Fr. p. 138), air-dirce, ir-dircc conspicuous (Z.2 67).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 531, Grimm Gesch. 402, Sonne Ztschr.
XII 351. δράκων παρὰ τὸ δέρκω, τὸ βλέπω· ὀξυδερκὲς γὰρ τὸ
¿ãov E. M., so also öqis from гoot ỏк, ỏп (No. 629). Cp. above
Perhaps Pott is right in supposing for vлódęα (II² 938 W.
1, 137) a shorter root dar, dra, and in comparing this with the Skt.
dar (â-dar to take care) and the Lith. dýr-o-ti to gape.
134 p. 99.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
165
14) Root δικ (δεικ) δείκνυμι I show, δείξις a pointing
out, dɛîyua something pointed out, díx-n justice.
Skt. root dig, (dig-a-mi) show, exhibit, point out,
diç, diça judgment (of men and gods).
Lat. root dic, dîc-o, causi-dic-us, in-dic-o, judex, dic-is
causa.
Goth. teih-a nuntio, O.-H.-G. zîhu accuse (Germ.
zeihe), zeigôm show (Germ. zeige).
δίκη has
O-Ir. decha dicat, in-dia dicet (Beitr. VII 47).
Bopp Gl. Pott W. II, 2, 511, Grimm Gesch. 403.
kept, both in the tragic Acc. díxŋv after the fashion, and in the
Homeric αὕτη τοι δίκη ἐστὶ θεῶν (τ 43, ep. w 255), the old meaning
of way. As to the later use cp. ju-dex (= jus-dex) and the German
'Recht weisen' (to put into the right way). dic-io is also related; it
calls to mind the Skt. diç regio; the verb dig has in Skt. also the
meaning 'command' which appears in dictator, dishṭa-m (for dik-ta-m)
is fatum.
Further con-dic-io (Corssen 12 52), properly an agree-
ment. Sonne Ztschr. XV 52 gives an important collection of words
related to this root among which however I cannot allow dixɛiv 'to
cast' to have a place. O.-Ir. -dia for * dés δείξει.
15) Root doк dox-έ-o I am valued at, am of opinion,
dóğa value, opinion. Skt. daç-as- fame (by
the side of jaças). - Lat. dec-et, dec-us, dig-nu-s.
Kuhn Ztschr. II 265. The relation of daças- (in daças-jâ-mi)
to jaças, which will occupy us further on, does not invalidate the
assumption here made of its connection with the root dok.
15b) Root δυκ δα-δύσσε-σθαι· ἕλκεσθαι, σπαράττεσθαι,
δαι-δύσσεσθαι· ἕλκεσθαι (Hesych). Lat. root
đúc, đục (đặc-is), dico (O.-Lat. ao-coucit). Goth.
tiuha, O.-H.-G. ziohu I draw (Germ. ziehe).
Roscher Stud. III 199. The Greek words which are also
brought forward in the EM. to furnish doí-dvg, pestle, with a deri-
vation which is a very doubtful one, have indeed an abnormal re-
duplication, but the meaning new comes so near to that of the
Latin and Teutonic words, that I bring them forward here as long
missed representatives of the latter in Greek. Roscher holds 'Odvoσɛús
as well to belong to the same root.
Lat. viginti.
O.-Ir.
16) εïxoσı(v), Boeot. Fixati, Lacon. ßɛixarı, twenty.
Skt. viçati, Zd. vîçaiti.
fiche (Z.2 305).
166
BOOK II.
135
Bopp. Comp. Gr. II 87 &c. Ahrens d. aeol. 170, dor. 45: on
ɛínooɩ and the traces of the F in Homer Hoffmann Quaestiones
Homer. § 116. inavτiv εixooi Hes. remarkable on account of the prc-
servation of the nasal in the middle of the word. The diphthong
in the first syllable seems to he a mistake (Ahrens Philol. XXIII
202). The primitive c occurs in vicesimus, vîcies. Cp. No. 277.
O.-Ir. fiche Gen. fichet represents an original vicant, cp. O.-Cym.
uceint (Z.2 319).
*
17) Fik (ik) εino yield, i'x-vos trace (?)
vik (vi-na-k-mi) to separate, winnow (?).
vî-to for vic-(i)-to avoid.
Skt. root
Lat.
Bopp Gl. The connection of vi-ta-re with this root which
is upheld Ztsch. II 153, I hold to be correct, notwithstanding Corssen's
objections and attempts at different derivations (Beitr. 18, Nachtr.
55). Vitoria Victoria is a certain example of a c driven out be-
fore a t. From the Teutonic languages 0.-N. vík (move, turn)
O.-H.-G. wichu give way (Germ. weiche) and, with Leo Meyer Ztschr.
VII 127 Schleicher XI 52 (cp. Pott II2 339) O.-H.-G. weh-sal exchange
(Germ. Wechsel) cp. Lat. vic-es, vic-issim), wëhha week, seem to be-
long to this root. The F is proved by clear traces in Homer
(Hoffmann § 116), by age in Alkman (fr. 31 B³) and by yişαı xwq-
ñoɑɩ (Ahr. d. aeol. p. 171). Cp. Leo Meyer Ztschr. VII 129. To the
identity of this root with the Lat. vic in vinc-o maintained by Ebel
Ztschr. IV 205 f., on which Corssen Beitr. 61 and Pott II2 874 may
be compared, I find an insuperable objection in per-vic-ax (cp. above
p. 106): the connection with vinά-w for viƑiná-w, supposed to be a com-
pound with the Skt. preposition ni, which he has again maintained,
is at variance with the principles laid down in the Introduction p. 38 f.
Doubts are expressed by Pott W. II, 2, 590.
18) ἑ-κατό-ν hundred, δια-κόσιοι, Dor. δια-κατίοι.
Skt. çata-m. Zd. çate-m. Lat. centu-m, du-centi.
Goth. hund. Lith. szìmta-s, Ch.-Sl. sŭto.
O.-Cymr. cant, O.-Ir. cét (Z.2 306, 321).
Bopp Gl. &c. On dianatioɩ Ahr. dor. 281. The prefixed c-
must be the numeral v.
ام
19) Root FEK (ÉK) Êx-cóv (St. έx-ovt) willing, ex-n-tɩ for
the sake of, ex-n-λo-s willing, calm.
Skt. root vaç (vaç-mi) to will, to desire, a-vaç-a-s
invîtus, uç-ant willing. Zd. an-uç-an! un-
willingly.
Lat. in-vi-tu-s (for in-vic-(i)-tu-s).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 574, Kuhn Ztschr. II 132.
The F
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
167
betrays itself not only in ά-έxov, ά-énŋtı but also in (Hesych.)
γέγκαλον ἥσυχον, γεκαθά ἕκουσα (Ahr. dor. 53), also in the Homeric
εύκηλος (Buttm. Lexil. I 146), perhaps for ἐδέκηλος, ἔκηλος. ἑκών
in έ. ovx av tis hoito (I′ 66, cp. H 198), to which Aristarchus's
Sinn must have referred, is a genuine participle 'even if he wished'.
ἀ-έκ-η-τι: ἐκ = ἀμαχ-η-τί: μαχ. I am not disconcerted by Corssen's
repeated objection (Beitr. 18) to the comparison of in-vi-tus i. e.
άɛnŋtos with this root (cp. Ztschr. II 154). Cp. above No. 17 and
p. 108.
20) έxvoó-s father-in-law, xvoά mother-in-law.
Skt. çvaçura-s socer, çvagrú-s socrus.
(g sv) socer.
Lat. socer (st. socero), socrus.
Zd. qaçura
Goth. svaíhra (St. svaih-ran) socer, svaíhró socrus.
Ch.-Sl. svekrů socer, svekruvi or svekry socrus, Lith.
szészura-s socer.
Corn. hveger mother-in-law, hvigeren father-in-law 136
(Z.2 124. 168).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 85 Benf. II 176.
Skt. initial g stands
here as often for s (cp. Grassmann Ztschr. IX 2) so that the primi-
tive form is svakura-s, the connection of which with the stem sva
'one's own' is very probable. Cp. Pictet II 370. Perhaps we may
with him and others refer -xvgo-s to No. 82 and translate the word
idios nýgios. P. gives analogous instances for this polite designation
of the beau père. Lat. so- sva- as somnu-s = Skt. svapna-s
(No. 391); the Gk. spir. asp. is here as in the pronoun-stem έ
(No. 601) the representative of of (Hoffmann Quaest. Hom. § 106).
Lat. sălix (St. salic).
21) έlíxŋ (Arcad.) willow.
sva
O.-H.-G. salaha. Ir. sail, saileach, Corn. heligen
(Z.² 296).
The relation-
Kuhn Ztschr. II 129, Pictet I 194, Fick 2 403.
ship with lig, Elíoow, which viewed only with reference to Greek
seems probable, cannot be maintained in the face of the kindred
words above quoted, since the Root of lig is Fɛl (No. 527). On
the Keltic words cp. Stokes, Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 154, Williams Lex.
Cornu-Brit. p. 213, O'Reilly Dict. p. 436.
22) Root Feλк ëλxo I draw, ôλný, ôλ×ó-s a drawing,
a line, Êλx-η--µó-s a dragging.
Ch.-Sl. vlěk-a, Lith. velk-ù I draw, valk-s-mas fishing-
line.
Schleicher Kirchensl. 135, Pott W. III 281. To this root be-
168
BOOK II.
long also the Homeric 1g (St. lx) furrow, by the side of avla§,
Dor. ώλαξ, Att. ἄλοξ, of which αὐλακ arose from Flax by vocaliza-
tion, άlox from Flox by expulsion of the F, both being provided
with a prothetic ά. Cp. p. 566. The form Favla given by
Legerlotz Ztschr. X 371 has no authority. No sufficient explanation
has been given of the relation of ôlxós to the Lat. sulcus and A.-S.
sulh of like meaning, on which Kuhn Ztschr. II 135 may be referred
to. The augment of silnov is clearly to be explained by έ-Fɛhx-o-v.
Corssen Beitr. 46 with Leo Meyer compares Lat. lac-io, lagu-eu-s,
whose stem he supposes to have arisen from vlak with the loss of
the v.
Whether the German locken however has anything to do with
this root is still doubtful. Cp. note to No. 89.
23)
xos ulcer Lat. ulcus.
ἕλκος
G. J. Voss Etymologicum linguae latinae p. 564, Pott W. III
285. The Latin word is too frequently used, has developed its mean-
ing in too special a line, branching as it does into ulcerare, ulcerosus
&c., for it to be suspected of being borrowed from the Greek.
Connection with No. 22 is doubtful. Other suppositions Benf. I 51.
24) ἠλέκτωρ sun, beaming, ἤλεκτρο-ν shining metal
and amber, Ηλέκτρα, Ηλεκτρυών.
Skt. root ark to beam, ark-a-s beam, sun, crystal,
copper, arkis glitter.
PW. p. 419. The connection here maintained rests chiefly
on the similarity of meaning between the Skt. ark-a-s sun, also sun-
god, and the Homeric ỷλén-twę which stands sometimes by itself and
137 sometimes as an epithet of Hyperion. As root I take ȧλк
==
Skt.
ark, the ɛ was developed later as in alέgo from root ảк (No. 7),
the a lengthened into ŋ as in tŋlɛ-dá-w i. e. tal-dά-w (root ear).
Walter Ztschr. XI 431. Pott (cp. W. III 590) Ztschr. VI 357,
Benf. I 105 compare Skt. rág, rañý to shine (No. 121).
24b) Root ik in-ua(d)-s moisture, inua-2éo-s moist, ix-
μaív-o I wet, inua-co-s the wetter.
Skt. sik sink-a-mi spargo, rigo, sék-a-s, sék-ana-m
rigatio, sek-tar adspergens, maritus. - Zd. hic
(hiñcaiti) to wet.
O.-H-G. sih-u colo, M.-H.-G. sih-e sieve, colum,
sih-te low. [Germ. seicht.]
Lith. sunk-iù I filter (?), séki-s low ground, sèk-ti
to get low (of water), to fall (?), Ch.-Șl. sic-a-ti
mingere.
Bopp Gl., Pott I 234, Ztschr. VII 85, where the names Iµάlio-s
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
169
•
(Cretan month) and 'Igiov are referred to this root. Benfey's ob-
jections (I 439, II 354) founded on a supposed F in ixuás, which rely
only on P 392, are of no weight, because an isolated hiatus of that
kind occurs in Homer even before a number of words which certainly
begin with a vowel (Hoffmann Quaest. Hom. I 93). The original
sibilant has here as in other cases left only a spir. lenis. Cp. No.
208, 518.
24c) Root Fix ïx-∞, în-vé-o-µaι, ix-ά-vo come, reach,
ἱκ-έ-τη-ς, ἵκ-τήρ, ἱκετή σιο-s coming for protection,
ix-avó-s coming far enough, sufficient, ix-uevo-S
coming towards, favourable.
Skt. viç (viç-â-mi) to settle, enter, come. Zd. viç
come, Mid. to do homage.
O.-Ir. fechta “he went in" (Stokes, Beitr. VII 27)
fri fecht "on a journey" (Corm. Gl. p. 3), in-
fect-so nunc (Z.² 212).
Bopp. Gl., Benf. I 350, Gust. Lange Quaestionum hom. specimen
(Berl. 1863).
The one single trace of the F is found in ά-iz-to-s
'not to be approached' (h. in Merc. 346) and Sappho fr. 109 Be., if
we there with Schneidewin and in spite of Ahrens aeol. 27 read
οὐκέτι Είξω πρὸς σέ, οὐκέτι Γίξω instead of the more ordinary ἥξω,
and thus remove the awkward hiatus. It is quite certain though
that Foixos (No. 95) which we cannot separate from this root, has
the digamma, and consequently we shall not doubt the relationship
here asserted. Perhaps noо-in-τn-s beggar (e 352) belongs here too,
(ò лооïxνоvμεvоs) (Phot. Lex), also noоtoбout (Archil. fr. 130 B.³).
On the development of the meaning of the Irish fcct, fecht, cp.
Stokes Beitr. III 161.
25) xάdo-s pail, cask.
Ch.-Sl. kadi cask.
Lat. cadu-s cask, pitcher.
Benf. II 161, Schleicher Kirchensl. 95.
According to the
former it is borrowed from the Hebrew; this may be left undecided.
In any case the derivation from the root xad zavdáva is one of
the hallucinations that deface our dictionaries.
26) ×αð-αgó-s pure, xadαío-∞ I purify, náðαq-6ɩ-s puri-
fication, expiation, Kaotahía.
Skt. gudh, gundhâmi purifico, lustro, gudh-ja-mi ab-138
luor, lustror.
Lat. cas-tu-s for cad-tu-s.
O.-Sax. hêdar, O.-H.-G. heitar (?).
Ch.-Sl. čis-tu pure.
170
BOOK II.
1
Grimm Gesch. 401, Pott I¹ 252. Benf. II 169 conjectures that
Skt. gudh comes from a form kvadh. Candidus, candor seem to be
related to castus, but they must be separated from it because of
candere, candela; cp. however Ztschr. I 32; I have not made up my
mind about the Gk. καίνυμαι. Scherer (z. Gesch. d. d. Spr. 472)
derives. heitar from the primitive form kadh-ja-ra, while Joh. Schmidt
Vocal. I 97 compares the Lith. skaidrús clear, and consequently as-
sumes another root for it.
27) xaí and.
Skt. ka. Lat. que.
Pott W. III 64. The form seems to be the Locative of the
(cp. Lith. kaí how?), which has here kept its de-
From the same stem comes tε with t for x, on
pronoun-stem kа, кo
monstrative force.
which see below p. 479.
27b) Root κaк xan-ó-ç bad, nanó-w, xax-úv-∞ harm, spoil,
κάκη badness, στομα-κάκη pain in the mouth,
xx-ά- (late) mischievous abusive. Lat.
Cacu-s (?).
Lith. kank-ín-ti to torment, kènk-ti
to injure.
Fick 2 28.
28) κάκκη dung, κακκά-ω.
O.-r. cach dung.
Benf. II 159, Pott W. III 140.
Lat. cac-o.
Lith. szikù.
The number of its derivatives
in Latin proves that the word was not borrowed. The Irish word
occurs in Three Ir. Gl. p. 69 (s. v. conluan): cach na con stercus canum,
and Ir. Gl. 1075: cac gabhar, goats' dung. According to Ebel (Z.²
267) and Stokes the correct form is cacc.
29) κάλαμος reed, καλάμη stalk, καλαμεύς reaper, fisher-
man, Κάλαμοι (the name of a place) Κάλαμις.
Skt. kalama-s´ a kind of rice, writing-reed.
Lat. calamu-s stalk, reed, culmu-s stalk.
O.-H.-G. halam, halm stalk.
Ch.-Sl. slama xaλáµη.
Grimm Gesch. 399, Miklosich Lex. 856, Pott W. II 1, 180.
Lat. cal-a-mu-s: cul-mu-s O.-H.-G. hal-a-m: halm. But perhaps the
former is borrowed (Dietrich Jahn's Jahrb. 83, 38, Corssen Nachtr.
275). It is possible that this root may exist in the Lat. ccl (celsus,
excello), Lith. kél-ti lift up (No. 68).
291) καλέ-ω call (κέκληκα, κλητός), κλητήρ κλήτωρ
one who calls or summons, xλñ-б-ç call, sum-
mon, xλŋ-tɛú-w I summon.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
171
1
Lat. calendae, cal-á-re, inter-calâ-ris, con-cil-iu-m, nomen-
clá-tor.
0.-H.-G. hal-ôn to call, Goth. la-th-ô-na (ga-la-thôn),
O.-H.-G. ladôn to summon (Germ. laden). Goth.
lath-on-s κλήσις (?).
Grimm Gesch. 401, Schweizer Ztschr. I 559, Corssen de Volsco- 139
rum 1. p. 24, Pott W. II 1, 187. On calendae from an obsolete
calere, Varro 1. 1. VI 27 (Müller) "primi dies mensium nominati ab eo
quod his diebus calantur eius mensis Nonae, quintanae an septimanae
sint futurae”. Among the Latin themselves Quintilian (VI 1, 33)
connected classis with this same calare, which however as Pott has
seen (I¹ 214, II² 376) by its ss proves that it could not possibly have
come directly from the root cal, cla by addition of the Suffix ti. The
word is either (cp. bassis) borrowed from what we may suppose to
have been the Doric form of the Gk. xλños, i. e. xlãois (Mommsen
Hist. of Rome I 95) or, as Corssen 12 496 supposes, arose from
an intermediate verbal stem cla-t, like fassio from fa-t. In any case
classis means “a mustering", "a summons", (Dion, Halic. Antiq. IV
18). The etymon may still be discerned in classicum (Quint. I6, 33).
The Goth. lathô-n &c. if, in spite of the absence of the initial h, it
belongs to this root, stands in the same rank with alŋteveɩv. κέλ-
o-μai, nɛh-ɛv-w with the prominent meaning "urge on" (cp. No. 48)
I put aside, and still more decidedly calu-mn-ia which cannot be se-
parated from calv-or. It is certain though that cla-mor and clâ-mâre
are formations from the same root (Corssen Beitr. 241).
―
30) nahia hut, store-room, bird-cage, xalıó-s, xahiá-s
(St. καλιαδ) cottage, dim. καλίδιο-ν.
Skt. khala-s, khala-m, threshing floor, shed, çâlâ
house, çâlâra-m bird-cage.
Lat. cella.
Ch.-Sl. klě-ti daµa, tauɛîov, Lith. klét-i-s “outbuilding
for stores".
Kuhn in Weber's Ind. Studien I 360 Ind. lect. Kiliens. aest.
a. 1856 p. IV, where the form and meaning of the words are dis-
cussed. The stem-form for Skt. Gk. and Lat. appears to be kala with
the meaning of store-house. The old etymology from xalov wood
cannot be entertained for a moment. In opposition to my view
that Lat. cella is a diminutive form for cel-ula, Kuhn Ztschr. V 454
holds that cella stands for celia and consequently answers completely
to the Greek word, but this does not admit of strict proof. He also
connects the Low Germ. hille, in Holstein hilgen "place over the
cow-stalls, where hay and the like are stored” for which there is
1
172
BOOK II.
also a form hilde. The rt. is kaλ, Lat. cél-are (cp. domi-cil-iu-m),
O.-H.-G. hël-an, the same rt. from which comes also the Goth. halja,
O.-H.G. hella, hell, and from which the Slavo-Lith. words are deri-
ved with another suffix. Cp. Döderlein Gloss. 2109, Pott W. II
1 196. Otherwise Fick 2 39.
31) καλο-ς, beautiful, comp. καλλίων, κάλλος, καλλονή
beauty, xahlúvw I adorn, clean.
Skt. kal-ja-s healthy, pleasant, kaljana-s beautiful,
striking.
Goth. hail-s sound, healthy.
Ch.-Sl. cělů totus, sanus.
Bopp Gl., Schleicher Ksl. 101.
Assimilation of lj to 12 oc-
2
curs in the comp. and superl. and also in zάllos, and in compounds
with καλλι-, also in the Dorian καλλά Halos Apoll. de adv. 565,
140 14 (cp. Ahrens d. dor. 102, Lobeck Path. El. I 468). The length of
the « in the earlier language is slso a remnant of the double con-
sonant. Benfey's connection of the word with Skt. Karu-s pleasant,
charming (Ztschr. VII 115), which is approved of by Pott II² 723,
828, is less consistent with xallóvɛiv, nállvvτgov broom, where the
idea of cleaning is apparent (κάλλιστον ὕδωρ Φ 158, Καλλιρρόη). This
idea is closely connected with Germ. heil Goth. hail-s arose from
hal-ja-s as xɛíqov did from xɛg-iwv (Scherer 472). Cp. No. 74.
31a) xaμάoα vault, covered waggon. - Skt. rt. kmar
to be crooked, Zd. kamara vault, girdle.
camuru-s bent inwards.
Lat.
Benf. II 283, Pictet II 247, Pott W. I 503. Here belongs
nuéλ-ε-doo-v (cp. dúo-e-too-v), which Pamphilos according to Herodian
(Et. M. 521, 29) marked as a gloss with the explanation oquaívɛi tàs
doxovs (timber-work) (cp. M. Schmidt ad. Hes. II 496). The Homeric
μέladeo-v has often been compared with it.
Fick2 33 compares
Zd. kameredha head, skull, where the connection would lic in the
meaning "vault”. kmar cannot be demonstrated to be the root,
and has the look of a secondary form. camera (also camara) must
in spite of camurus have been borrowed from the Greek.
31b) нαμл-η caterpillar. -Skt. kap-anâ, kamp-and worm,
caterpillar.
PW. The rt. is doubtful, for the more we are tempted to
compare it with Gk. nάμл-τ-∞, the farther we are from an expla-
nation of the Skt. word, since Skt. kamp to tremble can hardly be
compared with the Gk. word.
32) Rt. καν κανάζω I sound, καναχή noise, καναχής
sounding, xóvaßo-s sound.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
173
Skt. kan-kan-i bell, kvan sonnare, tinnire.
Lat. can-o, can-tu-s, can-oru-s.
2
O.-Ir. canaid canit (Z.² 431), for-chun for-chanim
doceo praecipio (Z.2 428, 429), for-ro-i-chan-sa
institui (roichan *ro-chechan Perf. Z.² 448), fair-
chechuin praedixit (ibid.), for-cital doctrina, for-
cit-lid praeceptor (Z.² 800).
κόνα-βο-ς
Benf. II 63, Bopp Gl., Grassmann Ztschr. IX 13.
with suffix Bo Skt. va (Pictet Ztschr. V 323). That xú-xv-o-S
as well reduplicated like xú-xλ-o-s comes from this root and
gets its name from the sound it makes like the O.-H.-G. svan (Skt.
svan sonare), and consequently corresponds, as far as its root goes, to
the Goth. hana, O.-H.-G. huon (Grimm Gr. II 989) seems to me pro-
bable in spite of the different views of Förstemann Ztschr. III 52
(nú-xv-o-s ci-con-ia) and Pictet I 391 (= Skt. kóka-s duck, Pers.
cûcah swan).
33) κάνναβις hemp
;
Skt. çanam cannabis
hamp-r, O.-H.-G. hanf — Bohem. konopě.
Ó.-Norse
Grimm Gesch. 407, Bopp Gl. Pictet I 316, who holds the Skt.
kanapa-s a kind of lance to be also related, as being manufactured
from the hemp-stalk. Kuhn Beitr. II 382. Both consider the Greek
word borrowed from the East, and the Teutonic one from the Lat.
cannabi-s which certainly made its way to them. So also Hehn
Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere 120 f.
34) Rt. кαл иón-η handle. - Lat. cap cap-ulu-m, cap-i-0, 141
cap-ax. — Goth. haf-ja (Germ. hebe) I lift, M.-H.-G.
haft vinculum, hefte handle, haft.
Benf. II 158, Grimm Gesch. 400. In the three words κώπη
capulum, Heft (cp. laßń) the relationship is evident; the further
development of the meaning in cap-io and haf-ja has taken a sepa-
rate course of its own. Lat capi-s (St. capid) bowl with a handle
Umbr kapir (Aufr. and Kirchh. II 409) is compared with the Greek
xañíðŋ, but this word appears from Xen. Anab. I 5, 6 to be Persian.
Froehde Ztschr. XIII 452 connects the former with No. 109.
If,
as Fick 2 32 conjectures the Skt. kap-ați two hands full (cp. the word
καπετι-ς = xoivic which according to Hultsch Metrol. 275 is Persian)
be from this root, it also would have to be considered an Eastern one.
35) κάπηλος peddler, Fem. καπηλίες, καπηλεύω hawk
wares, nañŋkɛía retail trade, peddling.
Lat. caup-o peddler, innkeeper, cop-a bar-maid, caup-
ôna inn, cauponari.
174
BOOK II.
Ch.-Sl. kupiti buy, kupici, Lith. kupczu-s merchant.
Benf. II 158, Schleicher Ch.-Sl. 96.- Goth. kaupon, O.-H.-G.koufan,
koufôn must be held to be borrowed, on account of the irregularity
of letter change. Corssen I2 352 takes No. 34 as the Rt. and refers
to the fundamental meaning of em-ere. On the relation of Lat. au
to Gk. ǎ cp. also Walter Ztschr. XII 379.
36) Rt. кал иαn-ú-∞ breathe forth, ne-nap-n-os gasping,
panting, ἐγ-κάπτει Hesych. ἐκπνεῖ, καπνός
smoke, nón-po-s dung.
Skt. kap-is, kapi-la-s incense (?).
Lat. vap-or (for cvap-or) vapour, fragrance, vapor-
are to exhale vapour, vap-idu-s evaporated, flat,
vappa flat wine.
Goth. hvap-ja I choke (?).
Lith. kváp-a-s breath, fragrance, evaporation, kvep-iù
breathe, smell, kvepalai perfume, kvėpoju pant.
Bohem. kopet smoke, soot, Ch.-Sl. kop-rů
anethum.
The rt. is kvap, the form in which it occurs in Lith. (cp. p. 114),
the fundamental meaning 'breathe forth' (cp. Hes. nέnn❤e tédvnue),
whence the meanings breathe (Hes. xάños vxý пvɛõµα), evaporate,
smoke, smell are developed. Precisely similar changes are to be
found in the case of the rt. v dhû (No. 320). Pott II 205, Benf.
I 268, whose analysis into ka-vap I reject in accordance with p. 48.
The query is put to the Ind. words on account of the variety of
their other meanings, to the Goth. because of the final letter of its
stem. Here would belong Kanavɛús either as the 'snorter' (ẞan-
Xεvwv Énέnveι Soph. Antig. 136), cp. Passow Philol. XX 606, or as
'the man of smoke and fire'. Pott Ztschr. VII 324 explains the word
by naлávη chariot.
37) κάπ-ρο-ς boar, also κάπριο-ς, καπράω, καπρίζω am
rank, lustful, xanoia the ovary of the sow.
Lat. Umbr. caper (St. capro) he-goat, capra she-goat.
O.-Norse hafr, A.-S. häfar buck.
Ch.-Sl. vepri boar.
Grimm Gesch. 35, 36, Pott I¹ 256, who gives No. 36 as the rt.
the "snorter, the stinker", Pictet (I 348) who with less probabi-
lity takes as base the rt. found in the Skt. Kap-ala-s active. Benf.
I 269. Cp. also Hesych. κάπρα αϊξ Τυρρηνοί. The agreement
of several languages even in the final letter of the rt. makes Aufrecht's
142
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
175
derivation from Skt. çaç i. e. kak (Umbr. Sprachdenkm. I 88) impro-
A.-S. eofor, O.-H.-G. ebar belongs elsewhere
bable. Lat. aper
(Corssen Nachtr. 32, cp. Studien I 260).
38) κάρα (St. κρα-ατ, καρη-ατ), κάρ, κάρη-νο-ν head,
xoavío-v skull, xóoon head, temples.
Skt. çiras (for karas), çira-m, çîrsh-a-m, Zd. çara, çár-
anh head.
Lat. cere-bru-m, cer-n-uu-s.
Goth. hvair-n-ei noavíov, O.-H--G. hirni.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, I, 141. Neither κράνος helmet (ep. No.
42b) nor xέgas horn can be connected with these words, still less
Lat. calva skull, which is apparently only the feminine of calvus bald
used as a substantive, and belongs to the Skt. khal-ati-s, khalv-áti-s
bald-headed. On the other hand the rare word nάgavos head, ruler,
(Xen. Hellen. I 4, 3) and Aeschylus's zapavów I complete (cp. xoqv-
pów), again xoqv-pý summit, Kóg-ido-s (= 'Eqúga watch-tower) be-
long here, also xo̟ń-vη the ‘caput fontis', whence Koavváv. E. Curtius,
Gr. Quellen-Inschriften p. 2, compares mod. Gk. xɛpalάqıov, Förstemann
after Schweizer Ztschr. XIII 229 O.-H.-G. houbit. With regard to
cere-bru-m Ennius's bold tmesis (Ann. 586 Vahlen) "saxo cere com-
minuit brum" is to be noticed, which would seem to point to the
consciousness of its being a compound, if Ennius had not also vent-
ured (v. 605) on "Massili - portabant juvenes ad litora tanas".
nógo-n formed, except as to gender, like the Skt. çîrsh-a-m is
a secondary derivative from karas. On this word and on xóggŋ see
Stud. I 248, on cernuu-s Bugge Stud. IV 342.
39) St. καρδ, κῆρ, κέαρ, καρδία, κραδίη heart.
Skt. hrd (for hard), hrd-aja-m (for hard-aja-m) heart.
Lat. cor (St. cord) dim. cor-culu-m, cord-atus, vé-cors.
Goth. hairt-ô (St. hairtan), O.-H.-G. hiërzâ.
Lith. szird-ì-s, Ch.-Sl. srůd-i-ce heart.
O.-Ir. cride cor (Z.² 230).
2
Bopp Gl., Accentuationssystem 232, Schleicher Kirchensl. 98.
The fundamental form is kard, which I refer to the rt. кρad swing,
start (No. 71); the initial letter is defaced in Skt. perhaps by an
intermediate form khard. Fick 35 assumes skard as the original
form, which was before conjectured by Kuhn Ztschr. IV 13. The
Epic xñe we must not with Leo Meyer Ztschr. V 369 derive from
the later xέaq, n is only a lengthening of the a after the loss of the 143
d. The tragic and lyric form xéαg for xɛαgd seems to have arisen
by special modification from xɛod: Ztschr. VI 82, Teutonic h, Lith.
sz, Slav. s point to an original initial k. Lat. Card-ea, Carn-a dea
176
BOOK II.
viscerum Preller Röm. Myth. 604. Pictet I 438 wrongly, I think,
separates the Skt. hrda-ja-m Zd. zaredha-ya from the other words
=
on account of the change of the initial letter.
40) xaox-ívo-s crab, xapuivá-s a sort of crab.
Skt. kark-a-s, kark-aṭa-s, kark-ața-ka-s crab.
Lat. canc-er (St. cancro).
Bohem. rak crab.
Pott W. II 1, 155, Bopp Gl., Benf. II 286, Förstemann Ztschr.
III 52. nāgi-s too (St. nagid) sea-crab seems related and only to
lack the second x. The relation of the St. cancro to the assumed
form zaozo, from which again zagz-ívo-s is formed by a suffix often
occurring (cp. No. 171) in the case of names of animals, remains as
yet unexplained. Düntzer Ztschr. XIII 9, Benfey Or. u. Occ. II 384
are perhaps right in supposing reduplication to have happened; the
former who gives the St. kar as the base adduces dév-doɛ-ov (No. 275),
while the latter starts from the root kart 'cut' and maintains the
loss of the t in many of these forms. Pictet I 517 is no doubt right
in supposing connection with the Skt. kar-kar-a-s hard (No. 42 b)
41) Rt. καρπ, κραπ καρπ-άλιμος swift, κραιπνός swift,
xoα-άλn intoxication, xáλл-n gallop [cp. L. and
S. s. v.].
Goth. hlaup-a άvanndæ, O.-H.-G. hloufu run.
Ch.-Sl. krěp-ŭ krep-u-ků fortis, Bohem. krěp-ký quick,
Lith. kryp-ti to turn oneself, kreip-ti turn, kraip-
ýti turn hither and thither.
Benf. II 310, where other Gk. words besides are compared. espe-
cially nαonαíα, the name of a Thessalian dance. Index lect. Kil.
1855 p. IV. Kuhn doubts the legitimacy of the comparison on ac-
count of the vowels, Ztschr. V 439. But I explain the diphthong in
κραιπνός, κραιπάλη, whence crapula is without doubt derived, like
that in aïylŋ gleam, by the side of Skt. ag-ni-s, aixµń by the side
of the rt. ảк, άnov, as the result of an which was at one time pre-
sent in the following syllable (cp. Legerlotz Ztschr. VIII 397). In
the Teutonic languages xαon become by Metathesis lup it is true
the p remains unaltered and passed moreover into the u-row,
cp. Goth. haub-ith and cap-ut (No. 54), in the Lith.-Slav. languages
into the i-row (Schleicher Lit. Gr. 45). With nαon-álıµo-s cp. ¿d-
άλιμος, πευκ-άλιμος.
42) καρπός fruit, κάρπιμο-ς fruitful, καρπό-ω bear fruit,
иo̟άл-10-ν sickle.
Lat. rt. carp, carp-o, carp-ti-m, carp-tor.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
177
A.-S. hearf-est autumn, harvest, O.-H.-G. herbist
autumn (Germ. Herbst).
Lith. kerp-ù I cut, shear, át-karp-ai chip.
Grimm Gesch. 400. Since 7 so often takes the place of r per-
haps Skt. kalp-aka-s barber, kalp-ana-m cutting (cp. Skt. kṛp-âna-s
sword) may be compared here. Ср. also άρл-η and remarks on No.
332. Pollux 10, 128 mentions xoáлιov as an old synonyme for
dęέñαvov in Pherekydes, whence no doubt the Att. demes Kownia 144
Κρωπίδαι. As regards the sound Κέκροψ may belong here (cp. κέ-κραξ),
and for the son of 'Eoizdóvios ('Good-land') 'Much-crop' (Vielschnitt)
would not be an unsuitable name. ω as in κώπη rt. καπ (No. 34).
42b) xάo-vo-v Nut, kernel, xaqúa nut-tree. Skt. kar-
aka-s cocoa-nut, kar-anka-s cocoa-nut shell, skull.
- Lat. carina nut-shell, shell, keel [cp. Eng. hull].
Benf. II 154, Pictet I 131, Schweizer Ztschr. XV 314, Hehn
p. 142.
With the latter I regard kar as the rt., which underlies
many words with the common notion of hardness, so xáo̟-xαq-oιL (Hes.)
Skt. kar-kar-a-s (cp. xάo̟-xαqo-s) hard, as a subst. bone, hammer,
pea-stone, clearly related in the last-mentioned use to ci-cer ngiò-s,
ỏgoẞiałos, chick-pea, and zέy-zoo-s. From the fundamental notion
of hardness, which may be seen also in Skt. khara-s hard, rough,
sharp, arises specially that of stone, so Skt. çarkara flint, pot-sherd,
with which also (Fick 2 36) ngón-ŋ, xqox-άîn flint, Lat. calx (St. calc),
calc-ulu-s and Goth. hallus réτoα are connected. To these Pictet
adds Ir. carraig, Erse carr rock. From rock to the stone or kernel
of fruit is no great step, while Skt. kara-ka-s used for hail corresponds
to the English hailstone. On the other hand karnaka-s used for skull
reminds us of xágα (No. 38). xoά-vos helmet too, and noαv-aó-s
rocky, rugged, steep, zoaτai-lew-s with hard stones, ngaταínɛdov ovdas
4 46 and Goth. hardu-s, O.-H.-G. harti are perhaps to be regarded
as derived from the same rt. We made the same conjecture for xaq-
x-ívo-s No. 40. The Latin callu-s hard skin (ep. Skt. çalka-m rind)
Otherwise Corssen 12 516.
may belong here.
43) náoi-s brother.
Grimm Gesch. 401.
A.-S. hise man (?).
Ztschr. I 31 ff. gives a conjectural de-
rivation. In Eurip. also ǹ náσis sister, occurs. Cp. xαciyvntos, Kao-
σάνδρα, Κασσιέπεια. That κασίγνητος like ἀδελφός denoted only
a brother born of the same mother is proved by nacíyvytov nai
ὄπατρον in 1 257.
44) Rt. кau, kaF xa-i-w, xḍ-∞ burn, xav-ua heat, nav-
otηgó-s burning, xn-cdn-s fragrant.
CURTIUS, Etymology.
12
178
BOOK II.
145
Goth. hais torch, hauri coal, O.-Norse. hyr fire,
O.-H.-G. hei hot weather.
Lith. kaist-ù am hot, kait-rà heat (?)
2
Bopp, Gl., places one or two of these words under kur, to which
also Lith. kur-iù I heat, which is perhaps related to Goth. haúri,
belongs. The Skt. rt. is however not proved. Otherwise Benf. II
334. The earlier explanations of naí-w Pott I¹ 272 (otherwise II² 343),
Benfey I 33 from Skt. çush siccescere are mistaken. The diphthong
ai must have arisen from avi (cp. No. 122) and thus hais (neut.)
answers exactly to an assumed ŋFos from which un-wdns was de-
rived. Since a t is added in Lith. to the lengthened stem (kait-inu
I heat, inflame), the Goth. heito fever, O.-H.-G. hizza seems also to be
related. I leave this question to others. Cp. Fick2 44, 512, 716.
45) St. keι xɛï-µaɩ lie, xoí-tŋ bed, xoi-µá-w put to bed,
put to sleep, x-μo-s banquet (Germ. Gelage),
κώ-μη village, Κύμη.
Skt. çi jacere cubare, çêtê nɛî-tαı, çaj-ana-m bed.
Lat. qui-es, qui-e-sc-o, ci-vi-s, Osc. ke-v-s civis.
Goth. hai-m-s noun, hei-va domus, O.-H.-G. hi-wo
conjux, hî-wâ uxor.
Lith. pa-káj-u-s, Ch.-Sl. po-koj rest, po-či-ti requi-
escere. Lith. kema-s, farm, village, kaim-ýna-s
neighbour.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 542, Grimm Gesch. 401, Schleicher Ch.-Sl.
97, Benf. II 149. All the derivatives are traceable to the radical
meaning lie and the radical form hi. Also xãαs fleece, seems to
belong here. In xá-un for nḍ-un, Aeol. Kõµn Euboic Kovun with
the old u sound still preserved at the present day (Baumeister Euboea
p. 15), Cumae, and nãμo-s (otherwise Benf. Ztschr. VIII 88) the o
sound takes the place of an @ as it does in xãαs.
On ci-vi-s cp.
Corssen 12 385.
45b) xɛi-w, nɛ-άg-∞ split, xaí-ara clefts in the ground,
xé-αo-vo-v axe. — Skt. rt. khô khja-mi cut off,
cut up.
Lat. de-sci-sc-o, sci-o.
The rt. has lost in Gk. and Skt. an initial s which the Lat. has
kept. We may assume it to be скe, скα, so that Skt. Kh-j-ami has
the same relation to xe-i-w, as da-j-â-mi has to dai-w, 'I divide'
(No. 256), and this rt. may be compared with oxed, oxid (No. 294). -
εvnéαto-ç ε 60, Theokr. 25, 248, 'easily split' belongs here in spite
of Düntzer XIII. 12. It has the same relation to xeάgo that dav-
ματὰ ἔργα has to θαυμάζω. From the Laconian word naíara La-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
179
2
cedaemon gets the epithet zaistάɛooα (♪ 1), as Zenodotus read the
line, according to Eustathius “ῥωχμοὺς ἀπὸ σεισμῶν ἔχουσα
(E. Curtius Peloponnesos II 308). Hence zaιáda-s = fága gov. Fick
(184, otherwise 206) makes it very probable that x-to-s gulf (cp.
µɛyanýtns), sea monster also belongs to these words, by bringing
forward the Lat. squa-tu-s, squa-ti-na, shark. The meaning of
de-sci-sc-o (properly "I tear myself away") has the same relation to
that of κείω that σκίδνα-μαι has to σχίζω. On scio cp. above p. 109.
xé-αq-vo-v has a double suffix like oxέñ-αq-vo-v, Lat. cav-er-na.
Also nɛ-oní-o-v tow (what is separated from flax) xo-oxi-vo-v with
an i sound like sci-o belong here. Ascoli Ztschr. XVI 207 derives
also Lat. sec-a-re, O.-H.-G. sah-s knife, and Lat. saxu-m from the rt.
ska which seems to occur in Zend as well (“vi-skâ decide” Justi),
and certainly sak: ska man: тпа τεμ: τμη. The Skt. kas,
compared with nɛíw by Delbrück Ztschr. XVII 80 means according
to the PW. clearly 'to split', in the sense of 'to open', and therefore
cannot find a place here.
46) κελ-αινό-ς, κελαινεφής black, κηλί-ς stain.
Skt. kal-anka-s stain, kala-s black, stain.
Lat. squal-or, squal-idu-s.
Ch.-Sl. kal-ŭ lutum.
Bopp Gl., Pott II 2 263 W. II 1, 195, Schleicher Ch.-Sl. 128, 146
Kuhn Ztschr. IV 13. We may assume the root to be skal, from
which perhaps also the Skt. khaluý, darkness comes, on which how-
ever see the PW. In no case can this word be compared directly
with câlîgo; câlîgo points rather to an adjective stem cálo (= Skt.
kála), to which it is related as rubîgo (for rubrigo) to rubro (ruber),
cp. κηλ-ήνη μέλαινα Hes. On κελαινεφής i. e. κελαινο-νεφής
Döderlein Gloss. 2156. The meanings 'black' and 'stain' meet
also in uέlas and its related words (No. 551). Phonetically the two
words have nothing in common.
47) xéλ-ev-do-s way, Hom. pl. néhɛvda, anóλovdo-s com-
panion. Lat. calli-s path. Lith. hélia-s
way, keliauju I travel.
Benf. II 319, whose conjecture as to the root I do not share.
Bopp Gl. s. v. Kar. The Gk. form points to a derived nɛlɛúw
whose identity with κελεύω command is not probable. ἱπποκέλευθος
II 126, an epithet of Patroklus, must come from a verb-stem Keλeuo
go with affixed 9.
48) Rt. κελ κέλης (St. κελητ) a racer, κελητίζω run
a race, ẞov-xó2-0-s cattle driver.
Skt. kal kalajami urge on.
12*
180
BOOK II.
•
Lat. cel-er, Celeres, celeritas, cel-ox yacht.
2
Pott W. II 1, 175, who supposes a different root; that here pro-
posed is established by the PW. p. 150, where kalajami is mentioned
as especially used of horses (“at full speed"). I am not quite certain
whether xlóvo-s and pro-cella are to be brought under this head
(Corssen II² 158); pro-cella may perhaps be connected with the stem
of percellere, perhaps with xέ22w, óxέllo 'run ashore', which on their
side remind us of kal 3 in the PW. 151. Otherwise Bopp Gl. s. v.
kal. Several related Gk. words resemble the Skt. Rt. Kar 'go' in
sound, especially níy-nλ-o-s a water-bird with quickly moving tail
(also niy-nalo-s) and zihh-ovgo-s wagtail resembles the Skt. kara-s
movable and (subst.) wagtail, mota-cilla. It has also been attempted
to connect col-o with these words. Cp. Benfey Ztschr. VIII 92, Pictet
II 12, Fick 2 39.
49) κενεός, κεινός, κενός empty, κενεών the fank.
Skt. çûnja-s inanis.
Bopp Gl., Pott II ¹53, Benf. II 165. Leo Meyer Ztschr. VI 164.
The Greek forms to which may be added a doubtful Aeol. névvo-s
(Ahr. d. aeol. 55), point to the St. nɛvio, Skt. çûnja-s to the rt. kvanja.
50) κέρας horn (St. κερα-τ), κεραό- horned, κριός
400.
ram (?).
Skt. karna-s ear (?) crn-ga-m horn (?).
Lat. cornu, cervu-s.
Goth. haurn horn, O.-H.-G. hrind ox, hiruz A.-S.
heorot stag. [Germ. hirsch, Eng. hart.]
Ir. corn, Cymr. corn, Corn. corn (Williams, Lex.
Cornu-Brit. p. 66); Cymr. karu Nom. Pl. keyru
cervi (Z.² 282).
Bopp Gl. s. v. çṛnga, Förstemann Ztschr. I. 501, Grimm Gesch.
The stag then and the ox get their names from their horns.
negαó-s, П 24 epithet of the stag, must be for negaFó-s, whence
(Paul. Epit. 54) cervus, which points to a shorter form than cornu,
147 which form has survived in xέgas. I do not know what to say
about the suffix of the Skt. çṛnga-m. Bopp compares also Lith.
rága-s, Ch.-Sl. rogu horn. Otherwise Pictet I 438.
If we sup-
pose relationship with No. 42b, we can perceive also the relation of
zégas to Skt. çiras head, inasmuch as both mean 'something hard'.
Along with Lat. cornut go κάρνος (Hesych.) βόσκημα πρόβατον, and
κάρτην την βοῦν Κρῆτες perhaps, inasmuch as κάρτος probably only
stood for the ram, 'horned beast'. Many proper names too point to
this stem: Καρνάσιον, Αλικαρνασσός Little sea horn, (?). On Απόλλων
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
181
Kaqvεios cp. Preller II2 198 Welcker, Gotterl. I 471, where other
forms that belong to this stem are discussed. Fick2 34, 38.
51) κέρ-ασο-ς cherry tree, κρά-νο-ς, κράνο-ν, κράνεια
cornel-tree.
Lat. cornu-s cornel-cherry tree, cornu-m cornel-
berry.
Ch.-Sl. črěšínja cherry.
Benf. II 174.
Pott and Rödiger Kurdische Studien, Ztschr.
f. Kunde des Morgenl. VII 108 give connected words from other
sources. Pictet I 244. According to Hehn p. 292 the cherry tree
gets its name from the horny hardness of its wood, accordingly from
κέρας (Νο. 50).
52) Keoά-ov Spartan hero of cooks. Skt. rt. grá
coquere, a-çir milk mixed with Soma-juice.
Pott W. I 13, Benf. II 167. It is probable that κέραμος
terra coctilis, and xég-vo-s earthenware dish are connected with this
root. Bopp Gl. s. v. grâ, Pictet II 260, Sonne Ztschr. XV 372 com-
pare other words: they are perhaps right in holding the гt. кρа
(ngatńg), kepáv-vuμi 'mix' to be related, cp. Skt. karambha-s mess,
pap, Corssen I² 443.
κρα
53) Rt. кeρ nɛίow consume, shear, xoq-µó-s log xéo̟-µa
a small slice, small coin, xovoά shearing, xovo-
εύς shearer, κεραΐζω demolish, κηραίνω damage,
am in need.
Skt. çar, çî-nâ-mi dirumpo, laedo, çir-i sword, kar-
tarî shears. Zd. çûra spit.
Lat. cur-tu-s, Sabin. curi-s lance.
Goth. hair-u-s, O.-S. hër-u, O.-N. hiör-r uázaioα,
cardo.
Ch.-Sl. kor-a cortex, Lith. korà penalty (?).
lost an initial s. Cp. No. 76, Pott
For it suggests the O.-H.-G. skir-u
2
stands by the
The root appears to have
W. II 1, 157, Corssen 12 350.
shears, O.-Ir. co-scéra destruet (Z. 452). In Skt. k
side of ç, both pointing to kar with the meaning of 'damage, kill',
kara-s murder, kir-na-s damaged, killed, which suggests xno, ungαívo
I injure, άxýgιo-s uninjured. 1 instead of e shows itself in xɛlɛï-s
ἀξίνη (Hesych.) Lith. kìrvi-s axe, and in xól-o-s, whence xolovw
(No. 114): we have an added t in Skt. kart cut, split, whence cortex
(cp. Skt. kṛ-ti-s skin, bark of a kind of birch, Lith. karnà bast) can
be derived as easily as from kar, by the side of the Lith. kert-ù
I hew, Ch.-Sl. kratu-ků short (Schleicher Ch.-Sl. 97). Under the root
í
182
BOOK II.
thus increased by t Corssen Beitr. 383 places cult-er, cp. Skt. kart-ari
148 hunting-knife, kart-ari-s shears, Benfey I 200 ά-xɛQб-ε-xóuns with
head unshorn we should be equally justified though in dividing it
-κερ-σε-κόμης, and giving κερ as the rt. (cp. περ-σέ-πολι-ς) - Leo
Meyer Ztschr. VI 15 nέgt-oµo-s, nɛqτ-óμio-s, where he aptly suggests
Skt. kṛt-ja-kâ tormentress. The Lith. korà corresponds to Gk. nάgvn
ζημία, αυτό αρνος αὐτοζήμιος (Hesych.) and is not far removed from
ungaívɛiv and the Lat. căr-inare to blame. Cp. Pictet I 202, II
190, Fick² 36, 203, Corssen I² 351, 403. κουρο-ς, κούρη Att. κόρη
and zovqíð-10-s, the latter meaning 'bridal' I have also tried to prove
related to this root and explicable by the custom of cutting the hair
at the time of puberty 'Studien? I 1, 250.
2
M
54) κεφαλή head (κέβλη, κεβάλη), Κέφαλος, κεφαλαῖος.
Skt. kapâla-s, kapála-m, shell, potsherd, skull.
Lat. cap-ut, capillus.
Goth. haub-ith head (Germ. Haupt), A.-S. heáfod.
Bopp Gl., Grimm Gesch. 400. Kuhn Ztschr. I 137 only allows
the relationship of kapála-s and caput. But as the connection of
Greek and Latin is so close and there are undeniable cases of Gk.
tenues being aspirated, nepalý cannot be separated from caput, to
which it is related as A.-S. heafola, hafela is to the synonymous
heáfod. The Ir. capat is most probably borrowed from the Lat. caput
(Pictet I 307). Otherwise Grassmann Ztschr. XII 128, 133. Capillus
seems to have been originally an adjective; it needs to be further
investigated (Corssen Beitr. 456); xéß2n in Alexandrian poets, xεẞáln
κεβάλη
in Hesych., cp. otgóßilo-s from the rt. cтpЄ. On Kέgalos cp. Max
Müller Oxford Essays 1856 p. 53. The meaning 'shell', 'potsherd'.
is doubtless the primitive one and hence connection with гt. кαл
(No. 34) is probable. Cp. No. 38. Also the Skt. kharpara-s, which
Fick¹ 183 compares with xáλлŋ, nαîñís pitcher and the Lat. calpar.
cask, means potsherd and skull, as does the vulgar-Lat. testa.:
[Cp. 'Owens College Essays' p. 314]. Hehn p. 126 is doubtless
right in placing here κάπια· σκόροδα Κερυνῆται (Hesych.) and Lat.
cepe (caepa capitata cp. Germ. Kopflauch 'head-leek'), a remark-
able testimony to the existence of π in the Gk. word.
55) 20-v missile. - Skt. çalja-m arrow.
Benf. II 175, Pott W. II 1, 202.- xlov, with the meaning of mis-
sile (the only one in Homer and Hesiod), is quite a distinct word from
καλον (καμπύλα καλα Hes. Op. 427). The missiles of Apollo and Zeus
can hardly be called "wood", still less, according to the derivation from
naío, "fire-wood"; Pindar too (Pyth. I 12) would not have called
his songs unla daιóvwv if so vulgar a meaning had made itself felt
in the word. After the fashion of the Grammarians' far-fetched ex-
A
4
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
183
planations the lexicons persist in giving the meaning "wooden shaft,
hence arrow itself". The rt. is to be found perhaps in Lat. cellere,
strike, hit, Lith. kál-ti to forge. Cp. No. 534.
56) κῆπο-ς garden. O.-H.-G. hof.
Grimm Gesch. 401, Pott I¹ 141, II2 280. According to him and
Pictet II 266 скап dig is the rt. (No. 109), and so connection with
Lat. camp-u-s (Campáni) and Osc. Kapva (Capua) is probable.
56b) xŋoó-s wax, xnoío-v honey comb. - Lat. céra.
Ir. céir cera (Stokes
Ir. Gl. 225), céirín xatánλaoµa (ibid. 836); Cymr.
kuyr. Corn., Arem. coar, coir, cera (Z.2 97, 98).
454.
Lith. kóri-s honey-comb.
Pictet I 409.
57) Rt. Kι xí-∞ I go (uεt-e-xi-a-d-o-v), xí-vv-uaι move
myself, hasten, x-vέ-w move, set going.
Skt. i acuere, excitare, çi-nu-tê — xí-vv-tai.
Lat. ci-o, ci-e-o move, excite, ci-tu-s, in motion,
swift, excito, incito.
Lith. kója foot (?).
E
Bopp Gl. under the supposititious verbal-stem kaj (ka-jâm-i eo).
Groundless conjectures given by Benf. II 164, Pott I¹ 206, cp. W. I
In Homer only -ni-o-v, ní-oi, n-óv etc., which forms are re-
lated to ní-vv-µœi as άo-é-odαi to άq-vv-µai: xíɛis only Aesch. Choeph.
666 Herm. ni-vέ-w: ni xv-vέ-w:
: xv; the present stem then be-
came the verbal stem. It is probable that also ovo-xív-d-10-5,
donkey-driver (Pollux I 185) belongs here. A reduplicated form is
perhaps to be found in the aor. ënığa (Aristoph. Ach. 869 άñékigav
depulerunt) and in x-xú-∞ τazúva with v for by dissimilation, the
reverse of which process happens in pi-tv-s from rt. qv, cp. Buttmann
on the Schol. on 2 579.
58) Rt. κλεπ, κλεπ-τ-ω steal, κλώψ, κλοπ-εύς, κλέπτης
thief, xloл- theft. — Lat. clěp-o.
Goth. hlif-a,
steal, hlif-tu-s thief.
Pott W. II 1, 197, Grimm Gesch. 401. I cannot agree with
Kuhn Ztschr. II 471 in connecting this rt. with Skt. garbh, garh,
'grasp', because of the l and p, attested by three families of lang-
uages. The Indo-Germanic root which we arrive at is klap. Pictet
II 441 gives other conjectures. Fick 353 compares Skt. kharp-ara-s
which means among other things thief, rogue.
2
59) xλn-ï-s, nλεi-s key, xhɛí-w shut, zlotó-s a dog-collar.
Lat. clâvi-s, clau-d-o. — O.-H.-G. sliuz-u I shut.
149
184
BOOK II.
150
Ch.-Sl. klju-či uncus, clavis, ključati se con-
venire. O.-Ir. clúi Nom. Pl. nails (F. A, 220,
cp. Stokes, Ir. Gl. p. 149 no. 153).
Benf. II 289, Schleicher KsI. 95, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 14, Pott W.
I 684. We may give sklu as the root. The Lat. and Teutonic
verb show us a d affixed, the Slavonic words a k. ninis for ulaƑ-i-s
Dor nλa-i-s nλág Ahr. Dor. 140.
60) Rt. kλı xhí-v-w lean, bow down, xhí-vŋ bed, xλí-µa
situation, climate, xλî-uaέ ladder, xλ-oí-α tent,
κλιτύς slope of a hill.
Lat. cli-vu-s slope, cli-tellae saddle, clinare, inclinare,
declinare.
O.-H.-G. hliné-m lean, Goth. hlains hill, hlaiv` (N.),
tomb, cairn, hli-ja, hlei-thra (F.) tent (?).
Lith. szlėj-ù bend, lean.
Pott W. I 476, Grimm Gesch. 401. The rt. κλ appears most
distinctly in the Homeric xɛ-nhi-atai; the Aeol pres. is xhívvw i. e.
κλι-ν-ω. Corssen Beitr. 371 explains clitellae and compares (Ztschr.
III 261) the proper names Cliternum, Clitumnus. Schleicher Ksl.
95 and Miklos. L. consider the Ch.-S1. klon-iti 'incline', and Lith.
klóno-ti-s 'bow down' related in spite of the difference of vowel.
Corssen's attempt (I² 463) to separate xhioin, xhíolov and even έxé-
nhito from this rt. and to refer them to a rt. kli 'cover' is a com-
plete failure. Passages like σ, 213 nagai hɛxéɛooi xhiðŋvai, K 472
ἔντεα καλὰ παρ' αὐτοίσι χθονὶ κέκλιτο, the use of κλίμα &c. prove
that xɛxlíodαι never means anything but 'lie', 'be in a certain con-
dition'. The transitive meaning of xlivɛiv can hardly be reconciled
with Fick's view (2 49) that it is connected with Skt. çri (go), (cp.
Benf. Skt. Wörterb.).
61) κλόνι-ς os sacrum, κλόνιο-ν hip, κλονιστήρ παρα-
μήριος μάχαιρα (Hesych.).
Skt. crôni-s buttocks.
Lat. clûni-s buttocks, clunaclum hip-knife.
Lith. szlauni-s upper part of the leg, hip.
Corn. clun hip (Williams Lex. Cornu-Brit. p. 61).
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 170 who also compares ylov-ró-s buttocks
and Skt. grona-s crooked. nló-vi-s for xloƑ-vi-s, base-form klauni-s
(cp. No. 122). On account of the long û and clunaclum κλονιστήρ
Paul. Epit. 50 (culter sanguinarius dictus vel quia clunes hastiarum
dividit vel quia ad clumes dependet). -- κλό-νιον Hesych. ισχίον, ὀσφύς.
Pott W. I 554 holds the Lat. crûs to be related as well.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
185
62) Rt. Khu xλú-o hear, xλv-tó-s renowned, xλé-os fame,
make famous, xhé-o-uai am famous, xλε-
xλε-í-
iv-ó-s, xλεi-tó-s renowned.
Skt. gru hear, gru-ti-s reputation, grav-as fame.
Lat. clu-o, clu-e-o hear, am called, cli-ens one who
listens, a dependent, in-clu-tu-s.
Goth. hliù-ma άxoń, O.-H.-G. hlú-t loud, hlo-s-ê-m hear.
Ch.-Sl. slu-ti nominari, clarum esse, slov-o (St. sloves)
word, slav-a fame, Lith. szlově honour, klau-s-aú
hear.
O.-Ir. clú rumor, gloria (Z.2 25), cluas ear, cloor
audio (Z.² 502, for closor), cloathar audit, for
closathar (Stokes, Goid. p. 66).
1
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 179, Grimm Gesch. 401, Schleicher Ch.-Sl.
98, Pott W. 1, 713. The shortest and oldest form appears in
κλύθι Skt. (Ved.) gru-dhi and Lat. in-clu-tu-s; xlé-os i. e. xhéƑ˜os
κλέξιος
(so C. I. No. 1) is formed by vowel-intensification and corresponds
exactly to the Skt. çrav-as, and the Ch.-Sl. slov-es; nhɛ-í-w, nhέ-o-µai
are also to be referred to this strengthened stem. Lat. cli-ens most
likely (as Corssen II² 740 holds) from clu-i-ens (cp. in-ciens No. 79).
Lat. glôria is compared by Kuhn Ztschr. III 398 ff. with the
Skt. çravas-jâ 'famous deed' (cp. Pott I¹ 214) and it is argued that 151
as from jûs came injuria so glôria for glosia could have come from glôs
klavas xléfos; g for k as in glocio nλága (Corssen Beitr. 53, otherwise
Pictet II 204). The verb in O.-H.-G., Lith. and Ir. contains a formative
affixed s which reminds us of the Indian desiderative (Pott II² 587
cp. No. 546). Does also ά-zoo-á-ouat, keeping the r, belong here?
Ir. clú is identical with Skt. gravas, Gk. xléos; cluas is a feminine
a stem and most likely stands for closta, cp. the acc. s. la cluaissn
by the hearing (T. B. Fr. 142).
is kru.
The primitive form of the rt.
63) Rt. κλυ κλύ-ζω wash, κλύ-δων wave, κλυσμός
splashing, Kivuέvn name of a Nereid (?).
Old Lat. clu-ère purgare, clo-âca.
Goth. hlu-tr-s pure, O.-H.-G. hlûtar. [Germ. lauter.]
The old Lat. cluere is vouched for by Pliny XXV 29, 36 cluere
antiqui purgare dicebant. This gives us quite enough reason for setting
down xlv as the rt. and as = y: the primitive form would therefore
have been klu-ja-mi. In Skt. klid humectari, madescere the difference
of vowel forbids us to suppose a relationship. Still Bopp Gl. and
Pott I¹ 243 compare this word and the Lith. sklys-ti flow (rt, sklyd
186
BOOK II.
152
i. e. sklîd) with xλúgw without noticing the Latin and Teutonic words.
Jurmann Ztschr. XI 398 regards klu as the primary and klud as
a secondary root and connects with the latter the Lat. lus-tru-m
(No. 547) propitiatory sacrifice. On the d in xλów cp. p. 641.
64) Rt. KoF ἔ-κο-μεν ησόμεθα (Hesych.), κο-έ-ω, κον-
νέω I observe, Κό-ων, υο-σκόο-ς looker on at
a sacrifice.
Skt. kav-i-s wise man, poet, á-ki-ti-s intention (?).
Lat. cav-e-o, cau-tu-s.
Goth. us-skav-jan be careful, O.-H.-G. scawon look
(G. schauen), Goth. us-skav-s careful, skau-n-s
beautiful (G. schön).
Schweizer Ztschr. III 373, Kuhn III 433, Ebel IV 157, Pott II ²
841 W. I 658; in Ztschr. IV 238 ff. I have discussed a number of
other less common forms. The original root is skav; Ebel rightly reco-
gnizes a trace of the σ in vo-oxóo-s, the primitive meaning is pre-
served in the Germ. schauen look; the Goth. skau-s comes near to
cau-tu-s. The numerous proper names in -xowv such as Aαo-nó-wv
(Λαοκόων Prisc. Ι 22, VI 69), Δημο-κότων, Ιππο-κόων, fem. -κόωσα,
Evqv-nóα-s suit the meaning well.
S
nov-vέ-w for xoƑ-vέ-w in Aesch.
Suppl. 158. It is probable from Hesych. xoa dxnoveι, neverαι that
άzovo likewise belongs to this root. See Introduction p. 97. Others
it is true, e. g. Delbrück Ztschr. XVI 271, connect ά-nov-ɛiv (cp. άnovo-
Tó-s) with the Goth. haus-jan to hear. Corssen, who Beitr. 444,
I2 353 denies the connection of this rt. with cavere, overlooks the
words that form the steps between the two. The Teutonic words
prove that the idea of self-protection can come from that of looking.
65) κόγχη, κόγχο-ς mussel, κογχύλη, κογχύλιον.
Skt. çankha-s concha.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 111, Förstemann Ztschr. III 53. Cp.
above p. 86. κοχλος, κοχλίον, κοχλίας snail, mussel must be de-
rived forms for nóyz-lo-s etc. It may be that nάlyŋ purple snail
and Κάλχας, καλχαίνω are related.
66) nónuvg (St. non-xvy) cuckoo, nónиv cuckoo's cry,
xoxиúa cry like a cuckoo, crow.
Skt. kokila-s cuculus niger.
Lat. cucúlu-s.
O.-H.-G. gauh.
Lith. kukuti cry like a cuckoo, Ch.-Sl. kukavica
cuckoo.
Pott W. III 141, Förstemann Ztschr, III 43 in spite of the ir-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
187
regularity in the initial in the Teutonic words. In Gk. the last x
is softened to y. I do not venture to say whether or not navnahías
ögvis noιós Hesych. is related. The rt. seems to be ku, Skt. kú
(kâu-ti) to scream, kô-ku-ja-tê intensive of the same, not far removed
from xwxó-o and Lith. kaúk-ti howl.
67) κολεκάνος, κολοκάνος lean, κολοσσό-s a great statue.
Skt. kare to become lean, krça-s lean, slim.
O.-Lat. crac-entes graciles, Lat. grac-ili-s.
Pott W. III 497. κολεκάνοι Hesych. ἐπὶ μήκους σὺν λεπτό-
τητι, κολοκύνοι εὐμήκεις καὶ λεπτοί. Strattis fr. 65 Meincke
Hehn
p. 220 compares нolox-úvτn gourd, so called, he says, "from its co-
lossal size". cracentes Ennius Annal. 497 (Vahlen): media regione
cracentes. xoloσσós for xolox-jo-s. Pps. related to No. 68.
68) κολωνός, κολώνη hill, κολ-ο-φ-ών summit.
Lat. cel-su-s, ex-cel-lo, col-u-mna, cul-men, colli-s.
O.-S. hol-m, hill, height.
Lith. kél-ti lift, kál-na-s height, pra-kil-nù-s elevated.
Pott W. II 1, 181. The change from 1 to ę suggests also
xový, Kógios and No. 38. colli-s perhaps for col-ni-s. Cp.
κορυφή, Κόρινθος
No. 29.
Glück (Beitr. V 97) connects with these words, the old
Gallic celicnon together with the Goth. kêlikn (πúgyos, άváyαιov) bor-
rowed from the Celtic, cp. Becker Beitr. IV 136; further the name
Celtae itself, whose nom. sing. *Celto-s he identifies with Lat. celsu-s
(another example of an arrogant national name is Bituriges "Kings
of the world”). O'Beirne Crowe connects Celtae with the Ir. celt
hair, suggesting Gallia Comata (Journ. 1871 Vol. I 405).
68b) Rt. коп жол-t-o hew, strike, tire, xóu-ua incision,
κοπή cutting, κοπεύς chisel, κόπανο-ν, κοπ-ί-ς
knife, sword, xón-i-s chatterer, 'bore', xóл-o-s
κόπ-ο-ς
fatigue, non-iά-w I am tired, xonά-go I tire,
xwp-ó-s blunt, dumb, deaf, xάл-шv cарon.
Goth. hamf-s mutilated, O.-H.-G. hauwan cut (G.
hauen) (?).
Ch.-Sl. skop-i-ti castrare, skop-ici eunuchus, kop-ije
1
hasta, Lith. kap-ó-ti cut, kapó-nè mattock.
Pott I¹ 140, Benf. I 193, Grimm Gesch. 401.
My former con-
jecture, based on the late word nóooo-s box on the ear, and the doubt-
ful Aeolic κόσσω xóлτw (Ahr. d. Aeol. 67), that коë stands for кoк, I have
retracted Ztschr. III 417. The
Ф in xшpó-s (cp. obtûsus) is, as the Goth.
hamf-s shows, of later formation.
—
skap seems the primitive form and 153
188
BOOK II.
M
hence σxέл-α-vo-v axe (cp. No. 109) seems to be related. The meaning
of xóлo-s suggests the German "zerschlagen, abgeschlagen sein" 'to
be knocked up'. xoл-í-s chatterer is more remarkable; its syn-
onym xwtilo-s too, which has lost the π (cp. vav-tílo-s) is doubtless
related. In xáл-ov, which is only given in Glossaries (cp. Stier
Ztschr. XI 227), the older a is preserved. For other explanations
see J. Grimm Ueber Diphthongen p. 15 f., Clemm Stud. III, 325, who
brings xíßdŋlo-s under this root.
47.
69) xóo-ağ raven, zoo-avn crow. - Skt. kârava-s crow (?).
κόρ-αξ κορ-ώνη
Lat. cor-vu-s raven, cor-n-ix crow.
hrab-an, hruoh.
=
Pol. kru-k raven.
O.-H.-G.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 213, Benf. II 132, Förstemann Ztschr. III 45,
The stem of the words is the Indo-Germanic kar (cp. ngátεiv
croak). Pott compares ju-n-ix juven-ca with cor-n-ix; the c is par-
agogic, and a stem-form cor-na, cor-ni-s may accordingly be assumed
which approaches more nearly to the Gk. xog ávŋ. A direct relation-
ship to the Skt. krug 'clamare' cannot be asserted. The derivation
of the Skt. kârava-s, which is not vouched for except in the lexicons,
from the interrogative-stem ka, and rava-s sound is manifestly false
because the v is clearly derivative. Cp. above p. 41.
70) xox-cóvy xvбó-ç Hesych. hinder part.
Skt. kaksha-s arm-pit, side, kuksha-s, kukshi-s belly.
Lat. coxa, coxendix hip-bone, cossim.
O.-H.-G. hahsa bend of the knee.
M
Benf. II 24. The original meaning of the Skt. kaksha-s, ac-
cording to the Ptsb. Wtb. is "hiding place", hence it is transferred
to the various hidden parts of the body. κορώνη must be for κοξώνη
(cp. p. 700. cossim Pomponius (Ribbeck Comici 129): hoc sciunt
omnes qui cossim cacant. Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 153 comes to the
conclusion that the rt. is kak to bend, to which the Skt. kakana-m
string, Goth. hahan (to hang) and Lat. cingere, cing-ulu-m belong.
71) Rt. кpad xo̟ád-ŋ swing, twig, tip, xoαdá-∞ swing,
κραδαίνω.
Skt. kûrd a spring (f. kard), kûrd-ana-m springing.
Lat. card-o (St. card-en) hinge, pole, revolution.
O.-H.-G. hrad agilis, celer (?), O.-N. hrata to waver.
Ind. Lect. acstiv. Kil. a. 1856 p. VIII. Pictet II 471, Fick Ztschr.
XX 164. ngadaivo was connected by Voss in the Etymol. p. 108
with cardo, "in cardinibus enim janua agitatur vertiturque”. The
original meaning is 'to swing', whence xoádŋ is explained, ас-
cording to Pollux IV 129 the suspended machine used in comedy for
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
189
making actors appear in the air, whence the saying zoάdns gayɛions
Plut. Prov. Alex. Cent. II 16 ἐπὶ τῶν προφανέντων αἰφνιδίως. κράδη
is also used for the top of a tree. In this meaning Walter Ztschr.
XII 389 sees ground for comparing cris-ta and zóęvd-o-s tufted lark,
Perhaps too xoqdúin a club, and the dance zóędaέ are related.
The verbal meaning of cardo comes out plainly in expressions
like tanto cardine rerum (Virg. Aen. I 672). The form zladάoaι oɛìóal
Hesych., perhaps only a denominative from zládos twig, is used by
Corssen Beitr. 97, to bring gladiu-s too (cp. Ch.-Sl. korůda (fem.) gla- 154
dius) under this head, with gl for cl´as in gloria (No. 82). To arrive
from this word at clâd-ê-s, which he connects with these words I2
402, is not easy. Cp. No. 39.
72) Rt. κρα, κραν, κραίν-ω I complete, κράντωρ, αὐτο-
κράτωρ, κρείων, κρέων ruler, Κρόνος.
Skt. kar do, make, karman, krijâ deed, holy action,
kar-tr (kar-tar) completer, creator.
Lat. cer-u-s, Ceres, procér-u-s, cre-o, caeri-mon-ia.
Lith. kur-iù build.
Bopp Gl. s. v. kr, where he compares more or less correctly
many other words, Pott W. II 1, 130, Benfey II 170, Walter Ztschr.
XII 387. ngαív-w i. e. xqav-jw comes from a stem with affixed v
which suggests the Vedic krnô-mi, the Homeric forms Enqαíaıvov,
nońyvov, nɛnqάavτaι on the other hand point to a stem zoajav, which
must be denominative so that xpatαíva is related to a conjectural
kraja deed (cp. krija) as κραδαίνω is to κράδη. κρείων is a present
form with ɩ. Kę-óvo-s suggests the Skt. karanas making, effecting.
G. Hermann (de theol. Graec. antiqu. p. 176) and after him Schoemann
(Opusc. II 112) interpreted the name "Perficus". Ceru-s manus
(bonus creator Paul. Epit. 122) is like Ceres (a creando dicta Serv.
ad Georg. I 7) which however Pott 11 197, Bopp Comp. Gr. I
282 explain otherwise (cp. Corssen I2 473) formed directly from
the rt. kar, but creare from the same stem krajâ (creja) which we
used to explain xqαιαíva. The inchoative to creo is cre-sc-o. The
ae in caerimonia is similar to that in saep-io (cp. oŋxós). Otherwise
Corssen 12 376. On account of the absence of the normal 'shifting of
the mutes' I do not venture to adduce the Teutonic verbs compared by
others; with regard to the Lith. kuriù cp. rt. qu (No. 417). — The words
derived from noα with a suffixed t form a group by themselves
κρατύ- strong, Κρατύλους, κρατύν-ω strengthen, κράτος, κάρτος strength,
κρατέω I have power, καρτερός powerful, κραταιός strong. A strik-
ing similarity shows itself between nάg-tα and the O.-H.-G. harto
'very' (Schweizer Ztschr. XV 315). The Vedic kratu-s corresponds
to these; it is used as an epithet of Varuna, and as my esteemed
τα
190
BOOK II.
colleague Brockhaus tells me, is to be translated Rv. I 17, 5 'the
strongest'. The same word is by some scholars taken in other pass-
ages substantively as 'strength', 'might', while it also means 'wisdom'.
Οι κρα-ταί-λεως ep. No. 42b. Stokes (Ir. Gl. 218) brings under
this head the Ir. cerd (formator, faber) an i-stem; perhaps we should
also add the Ir. cuirim pono (cuirid díib ponite de vobis Z.2 444, hi-
cuiretar in quo ponunt Z.2 439, cp. Stokes Ir. Gl. p. 151).
74) no̟έαç flesh, xo̟ɛïov meat board, dresser.
Skt. kravja-m, kravi-s raw flesh; krú-ra-s sore,
bleeding.
Lat. caro (St. caren), cru-or, cru-entu-s.
Goth. hraiv (?), O.-H.-G. hréo (St. hrêwa) cadaver.
Ch.-Sl. kruvi cruor, Lith. krauja-s blood, kruvina-s
bleeding.
O.-Ir. crúu blood (Corm. Gl. p. 11), colinn gen.
colno, dat. colin colain, St. colani corpus, caro
(Z.² 249).
155 Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 680,
Schleicher Ksl. 96, Pauli 'Körper-
theile' 25. Kuhn Ztschr. II 236 explains the in the Homeric
xqɛɩv as the remains of the i or j retained in the Skt. words, and
holds accordingly that xoɛas is for xọɛƑjas St. noɛFjar. The Lat. caro
has a different suffix (Ztschr. IV 214), the stem caron must be a short-
ened form of carvon. Thus we get to an Indo-Germanic stem krav,
karv; but krav points to the shorter kru, retained in cru-or and the
Lith. krùv-ina-s, as the root (No. 77). Blood gets the name from
its curdling, and flesh from the blood which it contains. Scherer
z. Gesch. 472 explains the Gothic diphthong here as in other cases
(ep. No. 31) by epenthesis.
75) κρέμα-μαι hang (intr.), κρεμάννυμι hang (tr.), κρημ
vó-s precipice. Goth. hram-jan to crucify,
O.-H.-G. rama sustentaculum.
Benf. II 307, Pott W. II 1, 171. Skt. kram 'go' is connected by
Benfey Ztschr. VIII 89 with this rt. by the help of the intermediate
conception of 'floating in the air'. Lith. kar-iù hang (tr. and intr.)
may be related in stem, in which case the nasal in Gk. and Goth.
would have to be regarded as a derivative suffix (Intr. p. 67).
76) Rt. кρı xọí-v-o separate, decide, noí-uvo-v coarse
ground barley, no̟i-τý-s judge, noí-oi-s decision,
noi-τýρio-v rule, test.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
191
Skt. kar kir-á-mi, pour out, scatter, apa-skara-s, ava-
skara-s excrement.
Lat. cri-bru-m sieve, cer-n-o sift, cer-tu-s, ex-cre-
mentu-m.
Goth. skeir-s pure, skeir-ein-s interpretatio, A.-S.
hri-dder, O.-H.-G. rîterâ sieve, riddle, O.-N. skil-ja
separate.
Lith. skir-iù separate, sort, choose.
O.-Ir. criathar sieve (orig. form *crétara Stokes Ir.
Gl. 700), cert, justice (Corm. Gl. p. 30), etar-
ceirt, gen. etarcerta (St. certi- = xQ16-) interpre-
tatio (Z.2 1000). eter-scértar separabuntur
(Z.² 267), ro-scail-set they separated from each
other (Cog. p. 234).
Delbrück
Pott W. II 1, 161 (who however treats Skt. kar as a separated
root 173), Bopp Gl. s. v. kỳ. Kuhn Ztschr. II 146 gives skar as the
orig. form, with which onog St. onαgt (No. 110) is connected. Benf.
II 171. Corssen Beitr. 451, I² 177, Kuhn Ztschr. II 146,
2
Ztschr. f. d. Phil. I 18. Bugge Stud. IV 333 conjectures the original
identity of this rt. with No. 53. xoi and xọi ý barley on the other
hand he refers to a rt. ghard on account of hord-eu-m and O.-H.-G.
gers-ta (cp. Pott I¹ 143, otherwise Kuhn Ztschr. XI 385). Pictet II
285 is perhaps right in connecting with the meaning 'separate' xógo-s
broom, xogέw sweep, which is by others (Corssen Beitr. 403) con-
nected with Skt. harsh draw and Lat. verr-o (for cvers-o).
We are
reminded of the metaphysical meaning of noivo by the Skt. kârajê
recognize (cp. however Ptsb. Wtb. II p. 104). The frequentative
certare corresponds to noivɛodai (e. g. "Aqnı В 385) along with άño-
nqívɛodαι, vñongívɛodai. See Berichte d. Sächs. Ges. d. W. 1866 p. 148.
77) Rt. κρυ κρύος frost, κρυμός frost, κρυό-ο-μαι am
freezing, κρυόεις making one shudder, κρυσταίνω
make to freeze, xqúotaλλo-s ice.
Skt. krú-ra-s sore, bleeding, stiff. - Zd. khrû-ra 156
frightful.
Lat. cru-s-ta, cru-du-s, crudeli-s.
O.-N. hrî-m rime, O.-H.-G. hrâo (gen. hrûwes) raw.
Ir. cruaid hard (L. U.), St. *crauidi, cródatu durities
(Z.2 23, 257).
Benf. II 178, Grimm Gesch. 401. Fick² 50. Corssen 12 359.
The fundamental notion of the rt. is 'to be hard'; probably it is
192
BOOK II.
connected with No. 42b; the connecting link between xovos and cruor
(No. 74) is 'to curdle'. ὀκρυοέσσης Ζ 344, ὀκρυόεντος Ι 64, with
the same meaning as the forms without ỏ may well have arisen in
both passages from pure mistake, if it is held that the genitives that
precede them were originally pronounced κακομηχάνου, ἐπιδημίου
(Jahn's Jahrb. Bd. 67 p. 9). On crus-ta see Corssen Beitr. 416.
77 b) Rt. κταν, κτεν κτείν-ω (κτίννυμι) kill, κτόνο-ς murder,
καίν-ω
nαív-w kill. — Skt. kshan kshan-ô-mi injure, wound
(partic ksha-ta-s laesus), ksha-ti-s damage, destruction.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 489, Benf. I 179.
only euphonic for n. The PW. has kshan.
in takshan = τεκτον (Νο. 235). καίνω
which occurs first in the tragic poets.
vú-o is weakened from α. In the language of Homer we find the
shorter stem κτα (κτά-μεναι, κτέ-ω-μεν, κατα-κτά-ς), which is related
to κτεν as γα is to γεν (No. 128), and τα to τεν (No. 230).
185.
Then in the Skt. is
Skt. ksh Gk. κr as
is a softened form of κτείνω
The in xtívvv - p
The i in κτίννυ-μι, ἀπο-κτι
78) Rt. κτι εὐκτί-μενο-ς well built, περι-κτι-ον-ες, ἀμφι-
κτί-ονες neighbours, κτίζω settle, found, κτί-
61-9 founding.
Skt. kshi, kshi-j-â-mi dwell, kshaj-a-s residence, kshi-
ti-s dwelling. - Zd. khshi dwell.
Pott W. I 482, where xτí-lo-s tame is also compared. Benf. II
The fact that иt corresponds to ksh (from ks) has been mentioned
at No. 77b. Cp. No. 45. Since kshi in Skt. and Zd. compounded
with the preposition à means to acquire, to possess, we should per-
haps be right in bringing, with Leo Meyer (Ztschr. VII 288) nτá-o-µai
I acquire, and xτñ-uα and nτñ-G-s under this head: ntá-o-ua is a de-
nominative verb which we must derive from a noun-stem correspond-
ing to the Skt. kshaja-s.
79) Rt. ku (xv-έ-w) take in, be pregnant xú-os, xv-µα
foetus, xú-αo, xú-τ-os cavity, xot-20-s hollow,
xoiλ-ía belly, nav-λó-ç stalk.
Skt. çvi (çvaj-â-mi) tumere, crescere, part. p. çûna-s
swollen, çi-çu-s the young of animals.
Lat. in-ci-ens pregnant, cu-mu-lu-s, cav-u-s, cau-li-s,
stalk, cau-lae hollows, cae-lu-m vault, cil-iu-m
eye-lid, super-ciliu-m.
Goth. us-hul-ôn hollow out, hul-undi cavity, O.-H.-G.
hol hollow.
Lith. káu-la-s bone, Lett. kaul-s bone, stalk.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
193
Bopp Comp. Gram. I 232, where the Lat. cre-sc-o which belongs 157-
to No. 72 is wrongly compared.
Pott W. I 702. Grimm Gesch.
οι.
し
​=
Lat.
399. Benf. II 166 where much is very doubtful, and II 153.
A very wide-spread root, with which among others zu-μa wave, (cp.
οἶδ-μα) κύ-αθο-ς, κύ-λη and κύλιξ goblet, Κυλλήνη (hollow hill, Lob.
Path. Elem. 354 cp. mons Caelius?), xóo (xorháμata Hesych.)
subst. cavi, Ków-s K☎-s? xôs (ɛio̟xtń Hesych.), are connected.
Hesychius's noto-pógo-s yzvos is noteworthy for the relation of v to
This suggests a form zoFo-s i. e. xoƑ-10-s, approaching the Lat.
cavu-s, a form which Pott Ztschr. V 299 supposes for the proper name
Kołos. noilo-s (Ion. xoí-lo-s) is derived from this. Holo-s is from zoƑ-
ɩlos, and then with epenthetic xoƑ-120-s (Mimn. 12, 5, zolíŋ, Alcaeus
fr. 15, 5 B nocía). Cp. Dietrich Ztschr. X 442. According to Mor.
Schmidt Rh. M. XX 305 nóïhos can be read every where in Homer.
On in-ci-ens which Paul. Epit. p. 97 explains wrongly, see Döderlein
Etym. and Synonyme V. 228. By means of the notion "hollow"
we arrive at xavlós, caulis, and Lith. káula-s. zł-xv-s strength reminds
us of the Skt. çav-as of like meaning. cae-lum and the old caelu-s
must certainly be connected, but they are genuine Lat. words, and
hence not to be written with oe; Pott Ztschr. V 299 takes Kolos the
name of Leto's father in the same way. Cp. Corssen 12 370, 463,
where super-ciliu-m (cp. ¿ñɩ-xúlco-v) is otherwise explained (Rt. sku
cover).
αι
80) κύμβη, κύμβος cask, goblet, κύμβαλον basin.
Skt. kumbha-s pot, pitcher. Zd. khumba (m.) pot.
Pott I¹84. [Fick Spracheinheit p. 284] ß = bh after µ; cp. p. 516.
81) Rt. κυρ, κυλ, κυρ-το-ς bent, κίρ-κ-o-s ring, κυλ-λός
bent, xú-xλ-o-s circle, xvλ-í-w (xvhívdw) roll.
Skt. Ka-kr-a-s (for ka-kra-s) wheel, disk, circle.
Lat. cir-cu-s, circ-u-m, circa, cur-vu-s.
O.-H.-G. hring ring.
Lith. kreiva-s crooked, wound, Ch.-Sl. krivů bent,
kolo wheel.
O.-Ir. curu, acc. pl. gyros (Z.2 1048) Lat. curvos
(Stokes Ir. Gl. p. 74 n.), cuirre, cuirrither rounder
(Corm. Gl. p. 36 s. v. prúll), cuairt circuitus
(for-cuairt Erenn in circuitu Hiberniae Z.2 264).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 1 174, Schleicher Ksl. 94, 96, Κυρήνη,
and Kέo-xvoα may be added. Lat. clingere cingere (Fest. 56) which
is clearly derived hence, comes nearest to the O.-H.-G. word.
Corssen 12 412 starts from a rt. kar, which became kvar and from this
CURTIUS, Etymology.
13
194
BOOK II.
158
kur. From kvar he gets to the Lat. vár-u-s for cvâru-s. It is true
that no rt. kar occurs as a verb in any language, but we can by
its help explain the Skt. ka-kra-s as reduplicated, and again xéo-xo-s
tail, xog-wóvŋ (εidos otepávov Hesych.), Lat. corona, xoow-ví(d)-s bent,
and zoow-vó-s with crooked horns. 2 took the place of o̟ and thus
arose the rt. καλ which is to be seen in καλ-ινδέω κυλινδέω (ep.
Ch.-Sl. kol-o). Where an i appears it is to be regarded as a weak-
ening of a.
82) xuo̟-os might, zvoó-w strengthen, xúo-co-s mighty, lord.
Skt. çûra-s hero, çûra-tâ fortitudo, Zd. çûra strong,
awful.
2
O.-Ir. caur, cur hero, gen. caurad, curad, Nom. pl.
coraid (L. U.), Cymr. caur gigas, pl. cewri, Corn.
caur gigas, caur-march camelus (Z. 129, 284,
131).
Bopp Gl.
In the face of Pott's fierce attack (II² 375) I hold
to the connection of these words, considering çu i. e. kû, kvi (No. 79)
with the meaning "grow" as the rt. Hence may have come an ad-
jective kû-ra-s strong (cp. Skt. çav-as strength), Gk. xvgo-s, related to
τὸ κῦρος as αἰσχρό-s is to αἶσχος. The Zend word sufficiently pre-
serves the palatal ç from Pott's suspicion that it arose from a dental
(according to him çûra-s su-vîra-s εvývwg), and he himself per-
ceives the fact. xvg-έ-w (also núę-w), as is probable from xvgíttelv
knock, originally denoted a physical contact and has nothing to do
with these words. I am not so clear as to the connection with
nolo-avo-s, not withstanding the near approach in meaning to núgio-s,
because of the difficulty presented by the diphthong. Still even Pott
I¹ 242 connects old-άw with the rt. ud (No. 300), and I do not see
how we are separate λοιγό-s from λυγρός and λευγαλέο-ς. As to
xovgos, xóços which I brought under this root before, I have changed
my opinion (cp. note to No. 53), on the Lat. cûria cp. Corssen 12 354.
83) xv-vé-w (Aor. -xv-6α) kiss, поoс-v-véш. — Skt. kus
or kuç amplecti (kus-jâ-mi).
1
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 152.
of the Skt. word it is doubtful.
As we have no instance of the use
The O.-H.-G. kussju, Goth. kukja
I kiss must be separated because the letter-change is not according
to rule.
83b) xúлη hole, hut.
Skt. hûpa-s pit, hollow.
Pictet II 267. The Gk. word only occurs in Hesych. with the
by-form yúлn. Since kúpa-s means also
γύπη.
an oil-flask, and since
other vessels of different kinds are called "hollows", Pott is most
likely right in comparing κύπελλο-ν, ἀμφι-κύπελλον, and the Lat.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
195
cûpa cask (cp. Ch.-Sl. kupa poculum), also recess for holding a corpse.
Corssen 12 546.
83c) xvóó-s, xúó-90-s pudenda muliebria. - Skt. çush-i-s
Lat. cun-nu-s. Lith. kuszý-s.
fissure, hole.
Aufrecht Ztschr. IX 232.
84) xú-wv (St. xvov and xvv) dog.
Skt. çvá (St. çvan
Ved. çuan and çun). Lat. can-i-s (for cvan-i-s).
Goth. hun-d-s (with added d). -Lith. szü
O.Jr. cú, Gen. con, Dat. coin
(St. szun).
(Z.2 264).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 127, Benf. II 165, according to him belonging
to No. 79 "the animal that bears often and many young".
Herod. I 110 οἱ Μῆδοι τὴν κύνα σπάκα καλέουσι, explained by the
Zend spẩ Acc. spân-em, with the addition of a paragogic k, while
the sibilant raised the v to p by assimilation (cp. p. 79). The Lydian
name Kav-davλn-s, explained (cp. Hipponax fr. 1 Bergk) by ouvllo-
пvínτns I had already brought under this head in Höfer's Ztschr. I
220. Kunik has since then in his Kritische Bemerkungen zu den
Rafn'schen Antiquités Russes (Bulletin histor. phil. de l'acad. de St. 159
Petersb. VII p. 367 Note) explained the second part of the word from
the Slav. verb daviti strangle, the present of which in Ch.-Sl. is
davlją the 7 is euphonic but perhaps the 7 in -dau-in-s belongs
to the suffix.
84b) xovo-s peg, cone, top, dim. xwvío-v, xwví-ç. — Skt.
çâna-s cos, lapis. Lat. cuinen-S. O.-N. hein (f.)
whetstone.
Bopp Gl. s. v. ço and çana, Grimm Gesch. 400, Pott W. I 492.
The more distantly related words are treated by Aufrecht Ztschr.
I 363 ff., 472 ff. Nearest come Lat. co-s (St. cot) and cau-te-s, ca-tu-s
sharp, pointed, Varro 1. 1. VII 46, whence Cato. The meaning of the
root then is "to be pointed, sharp", cf. Rt. ảк (No. 2).
The long
vowel in novos compared with cuneus presents a difficulty, but for
which the words would be related to each other as are cavus and
cunei in the Carmen Saliare are the thunderbolts of Jupiter
(Bergk ind. lect. Marb. hib. a. 1817-48 p. XIII), a fact that throws
light on the meaning. O.-N. hein points to an original form kanjâ
(Scherer 472 Delbrück Ztschr. f. d. Phil. I 16).
cavea.
85) Rt. λακ ἔ-λακ-ο-ν, λέ-λακα, λά-σκ-ω crack, resound,
λακ-ε-ρό- resounding, λακέρυζα croaking.
Skt. lap (lap-á-mi) chatter, whisper, vi-lap-â-mi
wail, lap-a-na-m mouth.
13*
196
BOOK II.
160
Lat. loqu-o-r, loqu-ax, loqu-ela, Ajus Locu-ti-us.
Ch.-Sl. reka loquor, Lith. su-rik-ti cry out, rék-iù
scream.
g
Bopp Gl., Schleicher Ksl. 131. k is the older consonant, Skt.
p is a disfigurement of it. No connection whatever with 1έy-w
(No. 538). Otherwise Fick 2 14.
ω
86) λακ λάκος, λακ-ί-ς rag, λακ-ε-ρό-ς torn, λάκκος
hole, pool.
Lat. lac-er, lacer-o, lac-in-ia, lac-u-s, lacu-na, lâ-ma.
O.-H.-G. lacha?
Lith. lank-à, lénké meadow, hollow, Ch.-Sl. laka
palus.
2
O.-Ir. loch lacus, Gen. locho (Z.² 239, cp. Ir. Gl. 781).
—
Pott W. III 257. Benf. II 16. The fundamental meaning is
'tear', and so gάxos, which according to Hesych. was lάxos with the
Cretans, would seem to be related. Since the Aeolians said poάxos, the
rt. seems to be Fρaк, Flaк, and to be related to the Skt. vraçk scin-
dere, Corssen I2 312. The local meaning in the sense of the Germ.
Bruch (marsh) may be seen also in lax-as pάqayyas (Hesych., cp.
ῥακτοί· φάραγγες), with which must be connected Λάκμων, Λακίνιον,
Aanɛdaíµwv (E. Curtius Peloponn. II 309), the latter immediately with
λακεδαμα, ὕδωρ αλμυρόν (Hesych.). Λακεδαίμων arose evidently from
Λακεδαμιών by epenthesis. The suffix -ιών forms περιεκτικά, e. g.
Κνακ-ιών. From the Latin we may perhaps also compare lacerna,
which is easily explained to be from gázos (cp. cav-er-na).
87) λεύσσω look (St. λευκ).
Skt. lók, lók-á-mi, lôk, lõk-á-mi video, lók-ana-m
oculus.
Lith. láuk-i-u wait, Lett. lúkô-t look.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 243, Benf. II 126, 372. Relationship
with lɛvnó-s Rt. Auk (No. 88) cannot be denied, still the dissimilarity
of the corresponding Skt. words shows that the connection is not a
direct one (cp. p. 112). The rt. Auk in its simple form is seen in
the proper name Λύκ-το-ς, genuine Cretan Λύττος, διὰ τὸ κεῖσθαι
αὐτὴν ἐν μετεώρῳ τόπῳ, τὸ γὰρ ἄνω καὶ ὑψηλὸν λύττον (rather λυττόν)
paol (Steph. Byz., Voretzsch de Inscript. Cret. p. 11). Luttó-s how-
ever must have meant originally 'visible' (nɛqíonentos). — Cp. No. 548.
88) Rt. λυκ ἀμφιλύκη twilight, λύχνος lamp, λευκό-
white, lováɗo-v the white pith of pine-wood.
Skt. ruk (róké) appear, shine, ruk (f.) light, gleam,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
197
ruk-ma-s gold ornament, rug-ant light-coloured.
Zd. ruc to give out light.
Lat. luc-eo, luc-s, Ti-men, lúc-idu-s, li-na, Leucesius,
đi tiệc-ut-m.
Goth. liuh-ath, O.-H.-G. lioht light, Goth. lauhmôni
lightening, A.-S. leó-ma gleam.
Ch.-Sl. luča beam, moon, luči light, lu-na moon,
Lith. laúka-s pale, laúki-s an ox with a white
brow.
O.-Ir. lóche (Gen. lóchet) fulmen, lócharnn laterna
(Z.2 256, 778).
Bopp Gl., Schleicher Ksl. 129. Corssen I 367. On the stem
λυκ (λυκό - φως, λυκά-βας, Λυκαβηττός) Welcker Griech. Götterlehre
I p. 476 f. The specific meaning seems to be that of "glimmering"
whence we easily arrive at húyn twilight which reminds us of the
Lat. lu-scu-s (for luc-scu-s) dim-sighted, one-eyed, and the Croatian
luča umbra given by Miklosich Lex. 345. Cp. No. 112. The z in
X
lúx-vo-s comes from the influence of the v. -·lúna for luc-na, lûmen
for luc-men, Leucesie in the Carmen Saliare acc. to Bergk Ind. lect.
hib. Marb. a. 1847–48 p. XII as an epithet of Jupiter. in-lus-tri-s
too doubtless belongs here, derived from a form with added s like
the O.-N. ljós light, clear, lýsa give light mentioned by Lottner
Ztschr. VII 186 (cp. also Zd. raoksh-na giving light, A.-S. liox-an
lix-an give light Fick2 394). Corssen's attempt to explain the word
from lustru-m (Beitr. 411, I² 362) involves a very far-fetched account
of its meaning The Lith. laúka-s corresponds in form completely
with the Gk. levxó-s, but is used only of cattle and horses (Nesselmann).
The same adjective is to be seen in the Ir. luach-té "whitehot"
(Stokes).
89) λύκος.
Skt. vyka-s.
Goth. vulf-s.
Lat. lupu-s, Sabine irpu-s.
Ch.-Sl. vlůk-ů, Lith. vìlka-s
wolf.
1
2
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 150, II 356, cp. W. I 1283. 1291. Benf.
II 26, Grimm Gesch. 332, Förstemann Ztschr. I 494, Schleicher Beitr.
I 6, where varka-s is rightly given as the primitive form (cp. Zend
vehrka), from which came by metathesis vraka-s, vlaka-s, vluko-s, with
loss of ν λύκο-ς for Fλυκο-ς. Spiegel Ztschr. XIII 366, Stier XI
143, where traces in Albanian of the initial v are noticed. The
similarity of sound then with No. 88 is only apparent. Schleicher
denies rightly that vulpe-s on which Spiegel ut sup. gives a con- 161
jecture - can possibly belong here, but lupu-s cannot be separated
1
198
BOOK II.
from lúxo-s. p appears also in the Sabine irpu-s (Corssen 12 116) or
hirpu-s (Paul. Epit. 106), and we have a clear instance of Lat. p for
Indogerm. k in saepio, praesaepe by the side of Gk. oŋzó-s. Cp. No.
566 and p. 457. On v as the representative of a primitive a see
p. 704.
The rt. is generally sought for in the Skt. vraçk lacerare,
which would be favoured by Hesychius's ἀπελύπησεν· ἀπέτεμεν: Pictet
I 431 goes to the rt. vark vrak draw, drag which may be assumed
for Elza (No. 22), in which case lúxo-s would mean robber.
90) Rt. μак μάx-ao beatus, µãx-o̟ó-s long, µñxo-ç length,
μακεδνός thin, Μακεδόνες.
Skt. makara-s “a sea-animal, perhaps dolphin".
Zd. mag-anh size, mag-ita large.
Lat. mac-to I make large, mac-te blessed.
Mith. makari-s large staff (?), mók-u I can.
The physical meaning of µánag is still to be seen in the word
for 'rich' derived from it 4 68 άvdgòs µánagos nať άgovgav. Hence
μάκαρες as an epithet of the gods, like ἱερός which in ἱερός ἰχθύς
II 407 still means great, mighty. Sonne Ztschr. X 130, Fick 2 144.
Cp. No. 462, 473.
91) μήκων, Dor. μάκων poppy.
1
O.-H.-G. mágo (St.
mâgan), L.-G. mân. [Germ. Mohn.]
mak papaver.
Ch.-Sl.
Pott I¹ 113, Müllenhoff Glossar zum Quickborn. Perhaps so-
called from the length of the stalk and so related to No. 90.
92) Rt. μυκ ἀπο-μύσσω blow one's nose, μυκτήρ nose,
μύξα phlegm, Μυκάλης, Μυκήνη?
Skt. muk munk-a-mi let loose, let go.
Lat. mungo mûc-u-s phlegm, mûcêre to be musty,
múcor mould, mûcêdo phlegm.
Ch.-Sl. mok-na-ti madefieri, močiti madefacere, moči
urina.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 575. Also uúgvos blenny, Lat. mugil (?)
are related. Hehn (p. 446) adds from the vegetable kingdom the
Lacon. uvxngos, μоúnngos almond, nut, as being a mucilaginous fruit.
It is noteworthy with respect to the meaning of the Skt. word
that acc. to the PW. it generally has çakṛn-mûtram, i. e. stercus et
urinam as its object, and that also the substantives môk-ana-m, môksh-
aṇa-m (from the lengthened form muksh = Gk. uvέ) are often used
of liquids. ouvooɛtαι ouvиτne in Hesych. are remarkable. Is it not
possible that the promontary Μυκάλη (cp. Μυκαλησσός) meant little
snout', like the Norse names in -naes? mungo: muk = pingo: pik
(No. 101).
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
199
103.
93) vén-v-c corpse, véxv-i-a funeral offering, ven-qó-s
dead.
Skt. rt. naç naç-á-mi and naç-jâ-mi disappear, perish,
nâça-jâ-mi destroy, lose, náça-s disappearance,
fall, násh-trá danger, destruction. - Zd. naçu
(m. f.) corpse, nag-ista very pernicious.
Lat. nex, něc-o.
Goth. nau-s, navi-s vexoós.
Ch.-Sl. navi mortuus.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 2, 540. Diefenbach Vergl. Wörterb. II
Grimm ‘üb. Diphthonge nach weggefallenen Consonanten' p. 9
explains nau-s to be from nag-u-s. That nocere, noxa are related
(Bopp Comp. Gr. I 273), is established by the now more thoroughly
proved use of the rt. in Skt. and Zend. vóco-s vovбo-s we should perhaps
refer with Schweizer to voĝo-s (Ztschr. XI 79), in which case it would
have to be directly associated with noxa and in meaning with per-
nic-ie-s (Corssen Beitr. 266). Cp. oúv for ¿úv. Still the Hom. form
in ov is a difficulty.
94) νύξ (st. νυκτ) night, νύκτωρ, νύκτερο-ς, νυκτερ
ɩvó-s, vúxɩo-s nightly, vʊnteqí-s night-bird.
Skt. nak, nak-ti-s night, nak-ta-m noctu, niç, niç-â
night. - Zd. nakhturu or nakhtru nightly.
Lat. nox (St. nocti), noctu, nocturnu-s, noctua.
Goth. naht-s O.-H.-G. naht.
Lith. nak-ti-s, Ch.-Sl. noš-ti night.
O.-Ir. in-noct, in-nocht hac nocte (Z.² 609).
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 57, Schleich. Ksl. 125. Acc. to Linker
Jahn's Jahrb. 89, 714 the full form of the nom. nocti-s is probably
preserved in Enn. Ann. v. 92 V., the stem-form which may be as-
sumed to account for vvxt, in compounds like vvxtí-nlaynto-s (Roediger
de comp. p. 53). The Skt. niç is (in spite of Pott W. I 550, who
is emphatically opposed by Ascoli Fonolog. 39) weakened from nak.
νύκτωρ is as little a compound as nocturnus and νύκτερο-s, though
Pott I¹ 123 supposes it to be so. The rt. is clearly No. 93, since
night is "no man's friend".
95) oino-s (Foïxo-s) house, oixí-a, oixé-tŋ-s house-fellow,
οἰκέω dwell.
Skt. vêça-s, vêç-man house, viç (f.) dwelling-place,
house, pl. viç-as men, subjects, viç-pati-s lord of
162
200
BOOK II.
163
the house or community
Zd. viç house, village,
clan, vic-paiti chief of the clan.
Lat. vicu-s (veicu-s), vîc-înu-s.
Goth. veihs noun, άroós, O.-H.-G. wich dwelling-
κώμη, ἀγρός,
place, borough.
Ch.-Sl. vísi praedium, O.-Pr. wais-pattin housewife,
Lith. vesz-pat-s lord.
O.-Ir. fích municipium, pagus (Z.² 21), Corn. gwic
village, Cymr. gwig (Lex. Cornu-Brit. p. 199).
Lith. vész-pat-s lord 'only
The rt. is No. 24c. Acc. to
Bopp Gl., Pott II 2, 581, Schleich. Ksl. 48, 98, Pictet II 238,
384, Corssen I2 380. F Boeotian in Foxía (Ahr. d. aeol. 170),
a trace of it may be seen in ά-oxo-s.
used of God and the king' (Schleicher).
Justi p. 281 víg in Zend means a community of 15 men and women.
oixo-s then is the house in the sense of the place and the sum of
the people who come to live there (cp. Skt. ga-ja-s house, household
fm. rt. ga, gam, go), dóuo-s (No. 265) is the building.
96) onto eight, oydoo-s the eighth.
eight, ashṭa-ma-s the eighth.
eight, astema the eighth.
Goth. ahtau.
Skt. ash'áu, ashtan
Zd. astan (N. asta)
Lat. octo, octávu-s.
Lith. asztůni, Ch.-Sl. osm.
O.-Ir. oct, ocht (Z.2 304).
Bopp Gl., Comp. Gr. II 75, Pott Zählmethode 165. The dual
form in Skt. Gk. and Lat. is striking; also the weakening of the fa-
vourite xτ in the Gk. őydoo-s (cp. p. 525), which seems to occur also
in ὀγδόδιον· θυσία παρὰ Ἀθηναίοις τελουμένη Θησεί (Hesych.). Cp.
M. Schmidt on this passage. The Skt. sh is here evidently weak-
ened from k. We may just refer here to Ascoli's investigations as
to the original final letter of this and other numerals (di un gruppo
di desinenze, Instit. Lomb. 1868), (Corssen II² 483).
97) Rt. πεκ πέκ-ω, πείκ-ω, πεκ-τέ-ω, πέκ-τω comb, shear,
πέκος, πόκος fleece, wool.
Lat. pec-t-ó,
pect-en. O.-H.-G. fahs crinis. - Lith. pèsz-ti
pluck, pull hair (?).
Grimm Gesch. I 396. Grassmann's assertion (Ztschr. XI 41)
that the belongs to the "thema", is refuted by several of the above
Pott W. III 179.
words.
98) πέλεκυς, πέλεκ-ρα (Hesych.) axe, πελεκκά-ω hew,
πελεκίζω cut off, πέλεκκο-ν, πέλεκκο-ς axe-handle,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
201
πελεκ-ᾶς wood pecker.
hatchet; battle-axe.
Skt. paragu-s, parçú-s
Bopp Gl.
Pott W. I 500. The rt. is πελ for older par (cp.
Ch.-Sl. pra-ti ferire), lengthened to Teλeк, cp. nhαz, nhay No. 367.
The double x is apparently for zf, as in yhúzza ylvnútŋs (Hes.) i. e.
yluxƑa. On the vowel that has been developed after the 2 see
p. 719.
α.
99) πεύκη pine, πευκών pine-grove, Πευκέτιοι.
O.-H.-G. fruh-ta. [Germ. Fichte.]
Lith. puszì-s pine, puszýna-s pine-wood.
Pott II¹ 246, 285, Benf. II 76. Fick Or. u. Occ. III 115 shows
that ni-tv-s pine, which I formerly with Benfey put here, is clearly
analogous to the Skt. pítu-dáru-s, the name of an Indian pine with
the various forms pûtu-dáru-s, pûta-ăâru-s (dáru tree cp. No. 275)
and conjectures that the rt. in Skt. is pinr, piv (ñí-wv No. 363) with
the meaning 'trickle down' (of the resin), properly 'overflow'. pî-nu-s
will then be only another nominal-form of the same; also nicoα to-
gether with pî-x and the Lith. pìki-s, Ch.-Sl. pik-lŭ pitch must have
come from the same root. The relation of the Skt. pikkha (for
piska?) ‘slime', 'gum' to these words has not yet been sufficiently
explained. It appears then that the that appears in pix and can
be inferred from лíoσα for π-z-a is derivative.
100) Rt. πικ πικ-ρό-ς, πευκ-εδανός, πευκ-άλιμος bitter,
sharp, έχε-πευκές (βέλος) pointed.
2
Skt. piç-una-s, Adj. slanderous, treacherous, Subst.
traitor (?).
O.-H.-G. fêh-jan hate, fêh-ida feud. [Eng. foe.]
Lith. pik-ta-s bad, pýk-ti to be angry, peík-ti despise,
scold.
Con- 164
Pott II¹ 600, W. III 182, Benf. II 79, Diefenbach I 379
nection with No. 99 is probable. On v and cp. what is said at
No. 82. If the fundamental meaning is 'prick' as Corssen also sup-
poses (I² 538), we shall hardly be inclined to connect the Lat. peccare,
which is more probably related to pêjor, and which certainly has
not the notion of malice in it. The etymology of the Skt. word
is uncertain (Schweizer Ztschr. XV 315).
101) Rt. пIк лоin-íλo-s party-coloured, noixíhλ-o make gay.
Skt. piç piç-a-mi adorn, fashion, form, piç ornament,
pêç-as form, image, pêçala-s artistically shaped,
beautiful.
202
BOOK II.
Lat. ping-o, pic-tor, pic-tura.
Goth. filu-faih-s поhν-поinhos, O.-H.-G. fêh varie-
gatus.
Ch.-Sl. pistrů variegatus, pis-ati write, Lith. pisz-
nu-s magnificent (?).
Grimm Gesch. 396, Schleicher Ksl. 120, Pott W. II 2, 563.
Acc. to the Ptsb. Wtb. the real meaning of the Skt. rt. seems to be
'work with a sharp tool', hence it is also used of the carving and
cutting up of meat. And since the Romans as well use pingere with
and without acu in the sense of embroider, connection with Nos. 100
and 99 is probable. I give then prick as the fundamental meaning,
whence all the other meanings may be easily derived. [Cp. A.-S. fâh
foe, and fâh varius, and Grimm Dict. s. v. fehde.] The Skt. pêças
is used of gay stuff, pêças-kârî of a webster or embroideress. In Zend
too there occurs piça, paeçanh in the sense of form, ornament. This
word then tells us the fact in the history of Art that scratching was
prior to colouring with the Indogermans; the application of the word
to writing in the old Persian ni-pis (Schweizer Ztschr. XV 315) and
in the Slavonic has its analogy in yoάo-o (No. 138). In Gk. too an
inscribed law tablet was acc. to Pittakos (Diog. La. I 77) пoiníkov
ξύλον (καὶ ὑπὸ Κροίσου (ἐρωτηθεις), τίς ἀρχὴ μεγίστη, ἡ τοῦ ποικ-
ίλου, ἔφη, ξύλου, σημαίνων τὸν νόμον). There is a good deal of doubt
about the unattested Skt. piñý, which along with other meanings has
also that of pingere. pingo: pic mungo (No. 92): muk. Kuhn
however (Ztschr. IV 9) is wrong in connecting the Lat. fingere, which
must be placed elsewhere on account of its f (No. 145). Lobeck
Proleg. 113 annot. 1.
102) St. πλακ, πλάξ fat surface, πλάκ-ινο-s made of
planks, îλαnoïç flat, (flat) cake.
Lat. planc-a plate, slab, planc-u-s flat-footed, plâ-
nu-s flat, level.
O.-H.-G. flah.
Lith. plasz-ta-kà flat hand, plókszcza-s (for ploksztja-s)
flat.
Schmidt Vocal. I 75.
inσow, cp. Ind. lect.
Pott W. III 186, Grimm Gesch. 397, Joh.
The rt. seems to be the same as that of
Kil. aest. a. 1857 p. VI and No. 367b. plá-nu-s for plac-nu-s.
Pott compares also lanx (St. lanc), which I with Leo Meyer, Vergl.
Gr. I 97 connect with lén-os, lɛní-s,lɛxávn (in the nowý, lanάvn) key.
103) Rt. πλεκ πλέκω plait, πλέγμα, πλοκή a plait, πλόκ-
auo-s lock (of hair).
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
203
Skt. rt. park, pr-na-k-mi mix, mingle, connect, prk-ti-s
contact, â-pṛk mixedly, praç-na-s plait, basket.
Lat. plec-t-o, am-plec-t-or, plic-o, du-plex. Umbr. tri- 165
briçu triplicity.
Goth. flah-t-ôm, dat. pl. héуuaoi, fal-th-a. лτúббш,
O.-H--G. flih-tu, flahs flax.
Ch.-Sl. ple-t-a plait.
୧
The use
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 97, Fick2 376, Pott W. III 190.
for describing exclusively plaiting and folding is confined to the Eu-
ropean languages, while the Skt. words have a more general mean-
ing. Schleicher Ksl. 120. Perhaps лógzo-s net belongs here too,
with older g for 1 with which Walter Ztschr. XII 378 connects Parca
as spinner of the thread of fate. Ebel Ztschr. VI 217 compares пóе-
xn-s a ring, with the O.-H.-G. felga. In the Ch.-Sl. pleta and the Goth.
faltha alike the guttural is forced out. I fail to see any connection
with πλίσσεσθαι stride, πλιγάς interfeminium, πλίξ βῆμα. - On tri-
briçu Aufr. and Kirchh. Umbr. Sprachdenkm. I 72, 89. Walter
Ztschr. XII 420 connects also plăg-a net, snare, carpet, Corssen I²
35 com-pe-sco for com-per-sco.
104) πόρκο-ς pig.
Ksl. 121.
§ 97 Müll.
Lat. porcu-s, Umbr. purka, porca.
O.-H.-G. farah. [A.-S. fearh, Eng. farrow.]
Lith. pàrsza-s pig, suckingpig, Ch.-Sl. prase,
O.-Ir. orc pig (O'Dav. Gl. p. 109).
Kuhn in Web. Ind. Stud. I 342, Grimm Gesch. 37, Schleicher
пóquo-s is attested to be a Gk. word by Varro 1. 1. V
Pictet II 82 compares the 0.-H..G. furh furrow with
the Lat. porca in the sense of field-bed, ridge between two furrows,
going to the notion of rooting up for the connection between the
two, a notion which however has no connection with the Skt. park
(No. 103). On the disappearence of the initial p in the Irish cp.
Ebel Beitr. I 307 ff.
105) σκαιός left, σκαιότης, σκαιοσύνη left-handedness.
Skt. savja-s left. - Lat. scaevu-s, scaevi-ta-s,
Scaevola, scaeva (Fest. p. 325). Ch.-Sl. šuj left.
Bopp Gl., Benf, I 619, Schleicher Ksl. 138, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 22.
Grimm Gesch. 993, where the low German scheef, the high German
scheib, scheb (obliquus) and the Slov. sevi po-ševi slanting are com-
pared. The original initial letter is sk, the primitive form skavja-s,
relationship to oxavgo-s (with projecting ankles) and the Lat.
scauru-s is probable. About the last-mentioned word Corssen I² 350
has a different view.
2
204
BOOK II.
166
βολ.
106) St. εκαλπ, σκάλου, σπάλαξ, ἀσπάλαξ mole.
Lat. scalp-o scratch, engrave, scalp-ru-m, talp-a mole.
O.-H.-G. sceliva scraphia, siliqua.
Lith. sklemp-iu cut into?
Pott. I¹ 140.
On the prothetic & see Lob. Elem. I 15, who
is right in comparing σκάλλω. σκαλπ: σκαλ = Γελπ (ἔλπομαι): Γελ,
talp-a must be for stalp-a. Cp. p. 689 and No. 521. Pictet
Fick 2 205 puts xolánτw (xól-
Cp. Corssen I² 547.
I 453 holds the word to be Keltic.
a❤os, with aspirated π) with scalpo.
107) σκάνδαλο-ν, σκανδάλη-προ-ν rack.
2
Skt. rt. skand skand-a-mi scando, pra-skand prosilire.
Lat. scand-o, de-scend-o.
O.-Ir. ro-sescaind prosiluit (Z.2 449).
1
Pott I¹ 249, Bopp Gl.
Since the Skt. skand also means ca-
dere, elabi, effluere and the root seems to have as its primitive mean-
ing that of swift, darting movement, the Lith. skènd-u sink down
may possibly belong here. But with oxάço (No. 573) there is no con-
nection. Ascoli Fonol. 31.
108) Rt. καπ σκήπτω support, Dor. σκᾶ-πος, σκήπτρον,
ó×ýñ-шv staff, o×ηë-τó-ç flash of lightening.
Lat. scấp-u-s shaft, scip-io staff, scop-ae twigs, scop-u-s
stalk, scop-io stalk, scam-nu-m bench.
O.-N. skap-t, O.-H.-G. scaf-t hastile.
Ch.-Sl. kop-ije hasta.
Pott I¹ 260, Benf. I 655, who compare the Skt. skabh, skambh
fulcire in infringement of the phonetic laws. I cannot agree with
Benfey and Kuhn's extensive combinations (Ztschr. I 139, IV 32), acc.
to which on stands for ot. A weaker form of the rt. is сKIπ, CкIμπ,
whence σxíµл-τ-w, oxín-wv, to which scip-io comes near. Corssen
2
I² 401, 128.
T
109) Rt. εκαπ, σκάπ-τ-ω dig, σκαπάνη spade, σκάπ-ε-το-ς,
xάлετo-s ditch.
Ch.-Sl. kop-a-ti fodere, Lith. káp-a-s grave-mound,
O.-Ir. enkop-t-s buried.
Pott I¹ 141, Schleicher Ksl. 95, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 13, Benf. I
192. On the initial letter Lob. El. I 125. The in έonapa,
ἐσκάφην, σκάφη, σκαφώρη οι καφώρη (fox) is an after-formation, the
meanings dig and hollow out are united in onάpos; which means in
Hes. "Egy. 570 'digging', but usually like oxάon a hollow. · Benf.
Ztschr. VII 52 connects with this root not only onέñ-αq-vo-v carpenter's
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
205
2
axe (No. 68b), but also the Lat. scabo (scab-er, scab-ies) with weak-
ening of p to b. Since Corssen I 128 actually mentions the form
scapres, and the meaning 'torn, rough, scratched', might well arise
from the original idea of the root, this combination may be correct.
On an other side is suggested the comparison of the Teutonic
words Schaff (0.-S. skap), Goth. skip пloìov (cp. ozάp-os) with the
common idea of something hollowed out (cp. noìhaι vñes). Cp. No.
56. They specially remind us of oxaq-ío-v, oxάo-ŋ fan. Jurmann
Ztschr. XI 389 connects with them even the Goth. ga-skap-jan (Germ.
schaffen, make), O.-H.-G. sceffan (scoop out) and M.-H.-G. schuofe,
Germ. schaufel shovel. Schaffen accordingly would mean to prepare
by hollowing out. Cp. Pictet II 85. Grassmann XII 107 explains
the Goth. p for Gk. π or y, acc. to his view mentioned at p. 84
from an original ph.
110) St. σxαoτ ondo Gen. бxαr-ós, onwp-ía dross. Skt.
çakṛt (for sakart) stercus. — Lat. sterc-us, sterqui-
liniu-m. A.-S. shearn dung. - Ch.-Sl. skvrů-na 167
inquinamentum, skar-ed-ovati se̟ ßdekúttɛodai.
Bopp Gl., Kuhn Ztschr. II 145 ff. The stem-form is ozagt,
whence came oxat like rat from nαot, in the nom. and acc. length-
ening occurred on account of its being a monosyllable. In the Skt.
ç stands for older s and a is an auxiliary vowel, “since sk is not
a favourite combination" (Kuhn). The change into sterc is after
the pattern of the Gk. otɛgy-άvo-s xoño̟áv Hesych., where is soft-
ened to y. The meaning of oxwq-ía is to be seen also in the Lat.
stercus ferri. The rt. skar depart, separate (No. 76) appears in the
Skt. ava-skara-s dung. This assumption of relationship has been
recently attacked from two quarters, by Walter Ztschr. XII 384, who
refers the Skt. çakrt to the rt. kak (No. 28) while he however entirely
overlooks the A.-S. and Ch.-Sl. which clearly point to an initial sk,
and by Corssen Beitr. 87, Ausspr. I² 178, who is for separating the
words beginning with st from the rest, regards only the Lat. mus-
cer-da, su-cer-du as connected with the rt. skar. But we shall see directly
in No. 111 an unmistakable example of an interchange of organ similar
to that which we here suppose to have taken place between the stems
skart and stark, and the comparison of sterc-us with the O.-H.-G. drec
of doubtful origin which Corssen prefers involves an infringement of
the laws of the change of sound, i. e. is equally irregular. Cp. pp
28 and 686.
2
111) Rt. CкET биέл-τ-o-μαι sру, б×ол-ń, биол-ía look-out,
σκόπ-ελο-ς rock?, σκοπ-ό-s a spy, aim, σκώψ owl.
Skt. spaç, paç-ja-mi look, spac, spaca-s spy. -- Zd.
cpaç look at, guard, çpaç spy.
206
BOOK II.
Lat. spec spec-i-o (spic-i-o), con-spic-i-o, spec-ula, spec-
ulu-m, spec-to.
O.-H.-G. spëh-ô-m, spáh-i prudens, callidus.
Bopp Gl. s. v. paç, Pott W. II 2, 543, Benf. I 236, Kuhn Ztschr.
IV 11. The metathesis of the organ is unmistakable, the funda-
mental meaning is 'spy'. On Homer's σκόπελος (προβλῆτι σκοπέλῳ)
which did not yet mean cliff, see Doederlein Gl. 2358. σκώψ so-
called from its sharp sight, oxάл-τ-o perhaps from a mocking glance
(Fick 2 202 otherwise). Athen. XIV, 629 f. is important for the con-
nection of σκώψ with the rt σκεπ σκώψ, σκώπευμα. ἦν δὲ ὁ σκώψ
τῶν ἀποσκοπούντων τὸ σχῆμα, ἄκραν τὴν χεῖρα ὑπὲρ τοῦ μετώπου
κεκυρτωκότων. Corssen 12 379 brings here the Lat. pic-us, pic-a
A. Weber (Ztschr. VI 319) sup-
along with other names of birds.
poses that specu-s cave, the relation of which to onέos is not explained
even by Göbel Ztschr. XII 239 nor by Sonne either (XIII 431) be-
longs here. See also pp. 98, 103, 106.
112) on-ά shade, oxia-pó-s shady, oxá-o overshadow,
oná-s (for omad) awning.
Skt. Khájâ for skâjâ shade, glimmering.
O.-S. ski-mo, M.-H.-G. schi-me, sche-me shade, O.-S.
scio, O.-N. ský the overshadowing clouds (cp.
O.-H.-G. scú-wo shade).
Hesych. has
Ch.-Sl. stěně shade, Lith. sze-szé-li-s shade, shadow.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 243, Benf. I 610, Miklosich L.
168 the forms σκοιά σκοτεινά, σκοιόν σύσκιον, σκοίδιον σκιάδιον whence
we may infer a lost form oxoα which came from skajâ ozola.
I once
thought the rt. to be ski, but Walter Ztschr. XII 385 points out that
we could arrive from ska as well at on-ά (cp. Rt. π by the side of
по No. 371, xqivw No. 76) and even at oxígo-v umbella, oxi-po-s
country covered with vegetation (Boeckh note to C. I. Gr. III p. 706).
Consequently I now refer with him and Leo Meyer Vergl. Gr. I 340
both these words and oxyvn tent (cp. Lith. szě-tra tent), oxó-τos
σκότος
darkness (cp. xú-tos) and with determinative d the Skt. Khad cover,
khat-tra-m umbrella, O.-Ir. scáth (Z.2 16), Goth. skad-u-s oxiά, with
formative p oxέ-n-as protection with its related words (p. 657) all
to the rt. ska. Corssen (and also Benfey Or. u. Occ. II 569) is no
doubt right in connecting the Lat. ca-sa (for scad-ta), cas-sis helmet
and cas-tru-m (Umbr. castru-o Osc. castro-us Aufr. and Kirchh. II
159) with the secondary rt. skad in the sense of 'means of defence'
(Beitr. 449). With the presumable skajâ we may perhaps connect
cae-cu-s Goth. haih-s (cp. p. 42), as it were, oxo-1-xó-s shady, dark,
while co-cle(t)-s may be regarded as derived from the diminutive
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
207
sco-cu-lu-s (cp. Redi-culu-s and Spiegel Beitr. II 264, otherwise Pott
II2 446). Cp. Corssen Nachtr. 263.
113) Rt. CкU б×ɛv-ý clothing, 6×ɛv-os furniture, oxɛvá-¿-w
prepare, equip oxv-t-0--5, xú-τ-o-ç skin, έñɩ-
бxú-vio-v the skin of the brow.
Skt. sku sku-nô-mi tego.
Lat. ob-sci-rut-s, sci-tu-m, cù-ti-s
A.-S. scû-a, scû-va umbra, caligo, O.-H.-G. skiu-ra
receptaculum, A.-S. hûd hide.
Lith. sku-rà skin, leather, Ch.-Sl. šti-tů άoñís.
Pott W. I 1354, Benf. I 611, Pictet II 224. The rt. sku is
attested by Westerg. by quotations. Cp. Roth Krit. Erläuter. VI
22.
The connection with ozû-t-o-s, zú-t-o-s (¿yuvtí), cu-ti-s is un-
mistakable (cp. No. 573); on the t see Ztschr. IV 215. xú-t-os a hollow
belongs to 79. oxvλo-v_skin presents difficulties: it is distinct from
oxúlo-v hide and can no more be separated from spoliu-m than from
ovlá-w (cp. ozvlɛów) while onvló-o cover again resembles our rt. in
sound. Cp. Kuhn IV 35, Corssen 12 525, who regards the liquids in
these words as radical, and accordingly gives skur, onvλ as the rt.
O.-Ir. sciath from *scaitâ) Z.² 18, 97 deviates in its vowel. Cp. No. 112.
114) Rt. Cкul o×úlio pull off, flay, oxúλ-µ¤ a pulling
off, xo-6×v2-µátia leather-parings.
Lat. qui-squil-iae.
Pott W. II 1, 699, Benf. I 200. Cp. No. 113 and Rt. cкαλ
(under No. 106), скoλ too appears as the rt. with related meanings:
oxóh-v-Doo-s ‘lopped', 'poor', again without o xólo-s mutilated (cp.
in-colu-mi-s), κολού-ω, and with formative π σκολύπ-τ-ω lop σκόλοψ
stake (?). Corssen Beitr. 450, I2 524, Walter Ztschr. XII 380.
κοσκυλμάτια acc. to Hesych. τὰ τῶν βυρσῶν περικομμάτια, quisquiliae
acc. to Fest. p. 257 “dici putantur quidquid ex arboribus minutis
surculorum foliorumve cadit".
115) páλx-n-s rib of a ship, u-paλnó-a bind up, clasp 169
round, poλxó-s bow-legged.
Lat. falx (st. falc), flec-t-o, falc-o (?).
Buttm. Lexil. I 245 where the traditional meaning of polzó-s
(only occ. B 217) springing from an absurd etymology is satisfactorily
refuted. φάλκης acc. to Pollux I 85 τὸ τῇ στείρᾳ προςηλούμενον
i. e. the curved timbers nailed to the keel-beams, which form the
rounded hold of the ship. éμpahnovuέvois, acc. to Suid. (ed. Bernh.
II 222) nɛqınɛnkeyμévois, bound round with twined cords, so that
polxó-s must mean bow-legged. The Lat. falcones rests on the
208
BOOK II.
same footing as it is explained by Paul. 88
"dicuntur quorum
digiti pollices in pedibus intra sunt curvati, a similitudine falcis”
also falx.
We are reminded also of the O.-H.-G. balco beam, but
the c is not according to rule. [See Grimm Dict. II 1089.] Cp.
Döderlein Gloss. 2176. Pictet I 467 connects also the O.-H.-G. falch-o
falcon, 'à cause de la forme des ailes étendues', comparing doɛnaví-s
martin, supposed to be called from doéñavov.
170
Γ
Greek y corresponds to Indogermanic g. In Sanskrit
it is represented by g and ý, in Zend by g, gh, j, z, zh, in
Latin by g, in Gothic by k, in Church-Slavonic by g, 2, 2,
in Lithuanian by g, %, in Old Irish by g (later between
vowels by gh, and incorrectly by dh as the result of false
pronunciation), seldom by b.
116) ay-os guilt, object of awe, ¿v-ay-ýs accursed, α-yio-s
μιαρός, ἁγής cursed.
Skt. âg-as vexation, offence.
Benf. I 149, Bopp Gl. At both these places the entirely dif-
ferent alas is wrongly compared (Rt. dx No. 166). The spiritus
lenis of ayos is not merely Ionic, but is now read in Thucydides and
in other authors; that άyios with the meaning μapós has the smooth
breathing is expressly stated in the E. M. s. v. In άy's in Hipponax
fr. 11 Bergk ὡς οἱ μὲν ἁγέϊ Βουπάλῳ κατηρῶντο the spir. asp. is of
doubtful authority. With the rt. áy Skt. jag (No. 118) there is
no relationship. Delbrück calls my attention to the fact that as
in Thuc. I 126 we have άyos tỷs dɛov so in Skt. we have dêvánâm
agas i. e. τῶν θεῶν ἄγος.
3
117) Rt. ἀγ ἄγω, ἀγινέ-ω, drive, lead, ἀγ-ό-ς, ἄκτωρ
leader, ay-cv contest, άy-viά street, őy-uo-s line,
swath, ay-oa the chase.
Skt. aý aģ-á-mi, go, drive, swing, aga-s driver, aý-
man train, aý-ma-s way, train, ag-i-s race.
Zd. az lead, drive, az-ra the chase.
Lat. ag-o, ag-men, ag-ili-s, ac-tor, ac-tu-s, ac-ti-o.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
209
O.-N. ak-a vehere, vehi.
O.-Ir. ato-m-aig, atto-t-áig, ato-b-aig adigit me, te, vos
(Z.² 430).
ا"
Bopp Gl., Grimm Gesch. 408, Pictet II 6, Pott W. III 364.
The Skt. rt. ag has been since supported by a large number of words
in the PW., so that all other attempts at explaining it have been re-
linquished (Benf. I 65). The agreement in the development of the
meaning is in fact surprising. Cp. especially áý-i-s and άy-wv, Skt.
âģ-i-m aý-âṁi I run a race, like the Gk. Ɛogtǹv, dvoíav äyw, Lat.
diem festum, pacem ago, and again the Lat. agon-ia beast for sacri-
fice, agon-iu-m festival, the Marsian agine Jovias festival of Jovia
acc. to Corssen Ztschr. IX 147. Again yea, with άyqɛúw, άyęśw,
ζω-γρέω Zd. azra. In meaning of the Homeric aroɛ
α
ἄγε ap-
pears the relationship to the stem-verb, while this verb itself when
used as in Soph. Ant. 344 φύλον ὀρνίθων ἀμφιβαλὼν ἄγει, and in
the phrase ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν, and in the poetical use of agere comes
very near the meaning 'hunt'. It is often but without sufficient
reason asserted that άyoέw is connected with aigśw. It is only the
somewhat general meaning in αὐτ-άγρε-το-ς, παλιν-άγρε-το-ς (ep.
ἀγρεμών θηρευτής Hes.), κρε-άγρα, πυρ-άγρα that gives contenance
to this view. Lottner Ztschr. V 240 is quite wrong in maintaining
ǹɣɛïóðaι to be of entirely different origin and to be connected with
the Lat. sâg-io. A consideration of such words as otqat-nyó-s, άex-
ηγό-s, and of the use of ἡγεῖσθαι, ἡγεμών, especially in Homer will
prevent us from separating this word from the rt. ay. On the spir.
asp. see p. 677. The post-Homeric meaning of ǹyɛïóðαι “consider,
think" is shared by the Lat. ducere and by άyw itself. It arrives at
it through the notion of 'poising', 'weighing', whence the Lat. agina
'scapus trutinae', ex-ig-ere, ex-â(g)-men, also ex-ig-uu-s, which thus
means properly 'exact', and this use is quite common: yɛ tqianocíovs
δαρεικούς and metaphorically in Soph. Εl. 119 μούνη γὰρ ἄγειν οὐκέτι
σωκῶ λύπης ἀντίρροπον ἄχθος. We may add ἄξιος, so that μνᾶς
agios properly uvav ayov having the weight of a mina. There
ἄξιος
was no need at all for the Skt. sa which Pott (II2 335) conjured up,
as he might have seen from ἀντ-άξιο-ς. The c in the Osc. inf.
ac-um which is explained to be agere by the side of ang-et, ang-it
(Mommsen Unterit. D. p. 250) is remarkable. aya-v very, literally
'drawing', with the stem-form ay-a preserved in άy-nvwę (cp. Roediger
Comp. p. 4) must certainly belong to the same root.
ε
ων
118) Rt. år ag-o-ual reverence, ay-to-s holy, ay-vó-s pure,
ayiço, ivayiço consecrate, offer up.
consecration, sacrifice.
αγ-ος
Skt. jaģ (jaģ-á-mi) reverence, consecrate, sacrifice,
CURTIUS, Etymology.
14
210
BOOK II.
171
jag-us, jág-a-s, jag-ña-m sacrifice, jag-ja-s vener-
able. Zd. yaz to worship, sacrifice, yaz-u lofty,
sublime.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 575.
βάγιος μέγας in Hesych. has
nothing to do with this rt: nor do I with Benfey I 434 ff. consider
Still less has the Lat.
I write ay-os (Hesych.
the Skt. jag and bhag to be the same rt.
sacer, sancio any thing to do with άylos.
äyviouα dvoías) as distinguished from ayos curse (No. 116) with
Hermann ad Aesch. Choeph. 149; so too Soph. Antig. 775 os ayos.
119) άygó-s field. -Skt. agra-s surface, floor.
Goth. akr-s field (acre).
ager (St. agro).
Lat.
Grimm Gesch. 408, PW., where connection with the rt. aý is
conjectured. The Skt. word stands in the Vedas generally for the
plain as opposed to the mountains. So that perhaps Kuhn Ztschr.
III 334 and Pictet II 79 are right in thinking that άygós is so named
‘a pecore agendo', like the German Trift pasturage from treiben to
drive. In any case the distinction of meaning maintained by Th.
Mommsen Hist. of Rome I2 16 between άygós and agras is unfounded
("agras with the Indian races is always floor”). The general mean-
ing of 'country', 'plain', is often to be seen in άygós too, as also
in its derivative άyquo-s with its meaning of wild, which, occurring
as early as Homer is a striking evidence of the Greek's insight into
nature.
120) ait (aly) goat, aly-í-s goatskin, aly-ov goat-stall,
aly-ayoo-s chamois.
Skt. aga-s he-goat, aga she-goat, aģakâ, aģikâ dimin.
Lith. ožý-s he-goat, ož-kà she-goat.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 136, Schleicher Ksl. 98, Kuhn Ztschr. III
433, who will not hold the above words connected "until the ai
is explained". I explain it by epenthesis, starting from a stem άyı
which we may give as a feminine by the side of the Skt. aģa i. e.
aga (cp. p. 631). So Benf. Ztschr. VIII 75, Pott IX 175. The nom.
aig may be derived straight from aly-s with loss of ; the stem alyı
is apparently preserved in alyi-footo-s (Roediger Comp. 55). It is
not so very surprising that aig should then be used as a masculine as
well, after the consciousness of its origin had disappeared. The
Ch.-Sl. koza does not belong here, but to the Skt. khagâ i. e. skaga,
still less the O.-H.-G. zigá. The old derivation from άtoow (St.
άïx) is false, the probable one is that from the rt. ay, cp. Skt. aý-
ira-s ag-ili-s (PW.). Meineke's and M. Schmidt's emendation of
Hesych. Bainav ałya (Ztschr. XII 216) has therefore no foundation.
It should be noticed with regard to the use of aiyis that the Skt.
agina-m always means skin (Fick 3).
·
3
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUnds.
211
121) Rt. άργ ἀργ-ο-ς, ἀργής (St. ἀργητ), ἀργ-εννό-ς,
άoy-ivó-εis, άoyv-go-s bright, white, aqyv-oo-s
silver, άoy-īλo-s white clay.
Skt. arg-una-s bright, rag-ata-s white, ragata-m
silver, Rt. rấý rấý-â-mi shine.
Lat. argu-o I make clear, argûtu-s clear, plain, arg-
entu-m, Osc. arag-eto-m silver, arg-illa white clay.
O.-Ir. arget argentum (Z.² 804), Gen. argit, argdide
made of silver (F. A. 225).
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 104, Pott W. III 582, where άgyv❤o-s with
άgyú❤ɛ-o-s is rightly referred to the rt. pa Skt. bha shine. The
position of the vowel in Skt. fluctuates, and it is doubled in the
Osc. arag-eto-m and in the Zend erezata of similar meaning. Nitzsch
ad β 11 recognized that κύνες πόδας ἀργοί (ἀργίποδες) or ἀργοί
simply in the sense of swift-footed is connected with the idea of
whiteness by means of that of 'gleaming' (µaquæqvyai nodãv). So
pedibus argutarier (Titin. v. 28 Ribbeck) is used of the feet of a man
walking. Sonne Ztschr. X 338. Cp. No. 154.
-
122) Rt. Taû, yaF, yau-oo-s proud, ya-í-a rejoice, yέ-yn--α, 172
γη-θέ-ω, γῆ-θ-ος, γηθοσύνη joy, γηθόσυνο-ς glad,
já-vv-µaι rejoice, yάv-os gayness, splendour.
Lat. gau (Enn. Annal. 451), gau-d-eo, gavî-su-s,
gaud-iu-m.
O.-N. kâ-t-r laetus.
The con-
Pott W. I 741, Benf. II 114, Grimm Gesch. 399.
nection of these words is denied by Dietrich Jahn's Jarb. 81, 38,
and Hugo Weber Etymol. Untersuch. 93. Both assume a rt. ya with
a secondary rt. yau like pau from pa (No. 407), and for the other
words γαν.
Since however we find in the related languages no sup-
port for these supposed roots, and are able to support by analogies
all the changes of sound, I hold to my own view. yaƑ-1-w becomes
yα-í-w as nαƑ-ı-w becomes xa-í-w (No. 44), yαF-vv-µαi yά-vv-µαi-as
nhof-vi-s nhó-vi-s (No. 61). yάvos (with yaváw shine) can have been
formed by the suffix -vos like -vos, ix-vos. It is not improbable
that ἀ-γαυ-ό-ς, ἀγαυρό - proud, ἀ-γα-ίο-μαι and ἄγαμαι with ἄγη
astonishment are related, and from these again άyálhw, άyavó-s &c.
seem not far removed, though I grant they admit of other explan-
ations (H. Weber p. 49).
123) St. yalant (nom. ɣála) milk, Homeric pháy-os,
yaha-dŋ-vó-s sucking milk, paλývŋ a calm (?).
Lat. St. lact, nom. lac, old Lat. lacte.
14*
212
BOOK II.
1
173
These words are among those which in spite of their incontestable
connection offer great obstacles to analysis. As to their origin there
are four suppositions of the most opposite character. 1) Bopp
Comp. Gram. I 254 regards ya-lant as a compound from the Skt.
stem gav (= Gk. ßoƑ No. 644), but can give no satisfactory explan-
ation of the second half of the word. This line is taken up by Max
Müller Ztschr. XII 27, Pictet II 29, who go on each in a different
way, M. M. to explain it by the Skt. ragas, which usually means
cloud and water and is by some compared with the Gk. oεßos,
εβος,
Pictet by lága a by-form of laußávo, though he does not give a y as
part of the rt. There is moreover this additional objection that the
stem gav has always in the two classical languages ab and that the
contraction of gav to ga, to g, and finally to nothing at all is an as-
sumption which is all the bolder that the two words do not mean cow's
milk exclusively. 2) Pott II¹ 204, 311, Beitr. II 54, W. I 759
(Grimm Gesch. 326) tries to arrive at the root by means of dµély-w
(No. 150); making mlag become blag (cp. Ir. blicht), and this glag
(yláy-os) arriving thus at an agreement with the Goth. miluk-s (Ch.-Sl.
mlěko borrowed thence?). But there is no complete analogy for such
transition of sound, and the primitive form yάla when there was
nothing to prevent the pronunciation paha, would remain unexplained
3) Walter Ztschr. XI 436 gives ẞdélleiv suck, milk, as the source
of the word and refers it to a rt. gal. But this rt. with such a mean-
ing is nowhere to be seen. 4) Hugo Weber in his Et. Forsch.
discusses thoroughly all the connected forms and gives as the rt. yal
meaning to be clear, to shine. (Cp. No. 133b). Since yah-ývn (mean-
ing also plumbago), γελάω, γελ-εῖν (λάμπειν ἀνθεῖν Hesych.), Lat.
gel-u, perhaps even the Skt. gala-m water, with a train of other
words, can without violence be explained from such a root, this ex-
planation is not improbable. From the rt. yaλ accordingly came the
the rare form yah-at like άl-at from the rt. άλ (No. 657), from the
lengthened stem γλακ (ep. glac-ie-s) γλακῶντες (μεστοὶ γάλακτος Hes.),
γλαυκό-ν (γαλαθηνόν ib.), with softening of the final κ to γ γλάγος.
γαλακτ- (for γλακτ˙ cp. γλακτ-ο-φάγοι) may be referred like lact (for
glact) to glac-ti (cp. Lat. re-ti nom. re-te). — yala &ŋvós is compounded
θηνός
with the rt. Oε (No. 309). Brunnhofer, in his "Tála, lac the Graeco-
Italian name for milk". Aarau 1871 plausibly refers the word to the
rt. gar swallow, drink (No. 643), to which, he says, yάgo-s pap belongs.
M
124) Hom. yaλów-s pálos yaλodóvn (Suid.) husband's
sister. Lat. glôs. O.-Bohem. zelva mariti
soror.
Pott I¹ 131, Kuhn in Weber's Ind. Studien I 328. The Gk.
Lat. and Slav. forms bespeak the primitiveness of the g, as does the
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUnds.
213
Phrygian form γέλαρος (ἀδελφοῦ γυνή Hesych.) mentioned by Nauck
(Aristoph. Byz. 136). γάλως acc. to Pollux ΙΙ 32 ἡ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς
ádɛhøǹ tỷ éxɛívov yvvainí. glos acc. to Paul. Epit. 98 and Charisius
p. 42, 10 K. only viri soror, but acc. to Nonius p. 557 M. also fratris
uxor. For the Gk. word galva-s may be given as the primitive form,
the Lat. glôs gen. gloris has a suffix in s like flôs, rôs. Max
Müller, Oxford Essays 1856 p. 21, explains the ski. gjála-s or sjála-s
uxoris frater, which has been held to be connected, quite indepen-
dently, and compares &-έλιοι (cp. εἰλίονες) - σύγγαμβροι οι ἀδελφὰς
γήμαντες with sjála-s, and accordingly treats the form with the
dental s as the primitive one. The ά is then to be regarded as co-
pulative as in a-λoxo-s, but sih-iov-es (for eλ-Lov-es) as having lost
the spir. asp and taken a new derivative suffix. Although there are
difficulties still remaining this view seems juster than that which would
compare words agreeing neither in sound nor sense with those above.
α
Ascoli Ztschr. XII 319, and Pictet II 375 are for identifying the
rt. of these words, probably yaλ (cp. No. 123) in the meaning of be
bright, serene by a comparison of other flattering appellations given
to relations by marriage (belle soeur). Cp. No. 257. Brunnhofer's
objections (1. c. 26) are of no weight.
125) γαμφ-ή, γαμφ-ηλή jaw, jaws, γόμφο-ς tooth, plug,
youp-ío-s cheek-tooth.
Skt. ģambha-s tooth, mouth, jaws, ģambhja-s incisor
(tooth), gabh gabh-ê or ģambh-ê snap at.
Ch.-Sl. zab-u tooth, Lith. gémbe hook in the wall.
Schleicher Ksl. 110. Kuhn Ztschr. I 123 ff., where a good
many other words are discussed, especially from the Teutonic lang-
uages, which may with more or less probability be brought under
this head. I will only mention the comparison of the old Saxon
camb comb and of the Gk. yέqvqa, which has clearly dam as its
first meaning. The names of the towns Tougou and the Lat. Gabii
also suggest them selves. Benf. II 116. Cp. No. 423.
126) γαστήρ (St. γαστερ) belly, γάστρα belly of a jug
or cask. Skt. gathara-s belly. Lat. venter
(for gventer)? Goth. quithu-s belly, stomach,
womb, laus-quithr-s sober.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 106, II 554, Kuhn Ztschr. III 435, where the 174
Skt. gas swallow is taken as the rt., though the Ptsb. W. knows
nothing of such a word. Corssen Beitr. 57. v through go from
g as in ven-io (No. 634), vor-o Skt. gar (No. 643). St. ya-6-tɛQ
at all events comes from a rt. in s, and agrees in this with the Teut-
onic wans-t, while venter on the other hand shows no trace of an s.
214
BOOK II.
Hesychius's gloss yέvteq ǹ noilía looks as if the Lat. venter were re-
The Skt. th seems to stand for st. Leo Meyer Vgl.
$
ferred to.
Gr. I 37.
127) yavλó-s pail, pitcher, paulo-s merchant-ship.
Skt. gola-s ball, gôlâ, góla-m water-jug in the
shape of a ball.
Benf. II 292, where all sorts of other words are given. The origin
is doubtful, perhaps it is related to yoy-yúlo-s round and the Skt.
gulâ, ball, pill. Since ô au, there is nothing in the sounds against
this connection, but the relation of the meanings is not yet quite
clear. Fick 2 65.
127 a) yéλy-s head of garlic.
of garlic.
Skt. grñg-ana-s a kind
Pictet I 299, where is given the Erse gairg-ean of the same
meaning. The identity of yɛly and grñg i. e. garng can hardly be
denied: the suffix varies; in Gk. it is sometimes (gen. yέlyɛws),
sometimes (yélyidos), sometimes id (yélyidos).
127b) Rt. reµ yέu-w am full, yeµí¿-w fill, yóuo-s freight,
γομό-ω lade.
Lat. gem-o sigh, gem-i-tu-s, in-gem-i-sc-o.
Pott W. II, 2, 167. As to the course of the meaning cp.
p. 112.
Döderlein Synonyms and Etymol. V 245. Perhaps the
meaning fulness has been preserved in gumia a glutton (Pott II¹
279), that of teeming fulness in gemma (cp. p. 112, otherwise Pott
II¹ 29), while gemursa (sub minimo digito pedis tuberculum Paul Epit.
95) seems to mean a tumour.
1
128) Rt. γεν, γα, ἐ-γενό-μην, γίγν-ο-μαι become, γείν
ο-μαι am born, γέν-ος race, γεν-ε-τήρ begetter,
fem. γεν-έ-τειρα, γέν-ε-σι-ς origin, γυνή woman.
γνή-σιο-ς genuine.
Skt. gan, gan-a-mi and ga-gan-mi beget, gá-j-ê nascor,
ģan-as being, ģan-us race, ģan-i-tâ (St. ģanitar)
genitor, ģan-i-trî genitrix, ģâ-ti-s birth, stem,
Ved. gnâ later gan-î woman. Zd. zan beget,
ghena woman.
Lat. gen gi-gn-o, gen-ui, gen-us, gen-i-tor, gen-i-tri-x,
gen(t)-s, gna-sc-o-r, gen-er — gen-iu-s, ná-túra.
Goth. kein-an (also kijan) sprout, kun-i race, quin-ô,
quên-s (St. quên) Oñu-s, O.H.-G. chind proles,
chnuat natura.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
215
O.-Prus. ganna, Ch.-Sl. žena wife, Lith. gem-ù nascor,
gim-iné origin, gam-inti beget, gim-ti-s race, gen-
tì-s relation, gente (St. genter) husband's brother's
wife.
O.-Ir. ro-gén-air natus est (Pf. Dep. Z.2 451), nad 175
genetar non nati sunt (Amra p. 34), gein child
(Ir. Gl. 104), geine genus (Ir. Gl. 812), genemain
birth (Amra p. 34 cp. Skt. ganiman); ben yvvý.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 17, Benf. II, 116 f. 201, Schleicher Ksl.
110 f., Ebel Beitr. II 161. The forms γεν and γα (γεγαώς, γεγάασι,
yí-ya(vt)-s) stand side by side like the Skt. gan and gâ. "By metathesis
there arose xací-yvyto-s, yvý-oɩo-s (cp. Skt. ģât-ja-s noble, genuine,
Fick 2 57) also the Lat. gna-sc-o-r, but yí-yvo-µaɩ and gi-gn-o, by re-
duplication and expulsion of the e, while γείν-ο-μαι stands for γεν-
jo-uaι and corresponds to the Skt. ģâ-j-é. Boeckh Monatsber. d.
Akademie Nov. 1857 notices a singular present form yívv-µaι from
the dialect of Aegosthena. γίνυ-μαι: γείν-ο-μαι = κτίννυ-μι: κτείνω.
On the forms which mean woman (i. e. bearer), see Kuhn Ztschr.
I 129. Boeot. favá, ẞavños acc. to Ahr. aeol. 172 for yƑava with
addition of the labial sound, which has also established itself in
Gothic; hence too by abbreviation yvvý. On the inflexion yvva-in-ós
γυναικός
with the accession of the suffix ki cp. Ztschr. IV 216 and below
p. 667.
Oι γάμος, γαμβρός below p. 536. On natura see
Classen zur Geschichte des Wortes Natur. Frankf. a. M. 1862.
On the Irish ben and its irregular declension (gen. mná, dat. mnai &c.)
cp. Z.² 241 ff. Ebel Beitr. I 160, Stokes Ir. Gl. 1053, Beitr. V 446.
129) yéo-avo-s crane (both the bird and the machine),
γεράνιο-ν, Γεράνεια.
—
Lat. gr-u-s, gru-e-re.
O.-H.-G. ch-ran-uh, A.-S. cr-an.
Lith. gér-ve, dim. ger-v-éle, Ch.-Sl. žer-avi crane.
Corn. garan crane (Lex. Cornu-Brit. 161), O.-Ir.
(grén?) gen. griúin (L. U. s. Journ. 1871, p. 430).
Pott I¹ 227, Grimm Gesch. 399, Schleicher Ksl. 111, Förstem.
Ztschr. III 48. It is remarkable that in all languages the word
serves to denote a machine as well. The rt. is acc. to Pictet I 492
gar, to be old, “because cranes live to be over fifty years old". The
bird is mentioned I 3 for its cry, and it seems more simple to assign
the word to the rt. gar call No. 133. Kuhn's assumption (Beitr.
I 358), that the u of the Lat. grû-s arose from the avo of yέq-avo-s
is rendered especially improbable by the fact that we find v in the
216
BOOK II.
Lithuanian word along with the suffix -ini-s. In this as in other
cases I prefer a partial agreement of which we can be sure to a com-
plete one which cannot be accurately proved. So Sonne Ztschr.
XII 294.
130) γέρων (St. γεροντ) old man, γραῦς old woman,
γῆρας old age, γεραιός, γηραλέο-ς old.
Skt. gar-an (st. garant) old man, gar-ana-s tottering,
old, gar-as, gar-â old age. Zd. zaur-va (for
zar-va) old age.
O.-H.-G. grâ, grâw-êr, M.-H.-G. gr-îs (?).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 1, 253, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 41.
The rt.
is gar, Skt. ģar-â-mi, intrans. become infirm, trans. to rub away, de-
176 stroy. To this rt. belongs also ģar-ģara-s decrepit, tattered, cracked,
with which goes yeo-yέo-t-uo-s fallen (of over-ripe fruit). yɛgáv-dqv-o-v
old tree suggests the Skt. gara-na-s (cp. garaṇa-druma-s the name
of a tree). Cp. oános yégov x 184. Here we must add yɛgývio-s the
epithet of Nestor if we are to accept Duntzer's view XII 9 that it
means nothing more or less than γέρων. For γεραι-ός we must as-
sume a primitive form nearer to the Skt. garas or jarâ. vñgas
shares with the Skt. garaju-s the peculiar application to the cast off
skin of the serpent. From its wrinkles no doubt the skim on milk
is called yoavs. yeaỡ-s (in Homer also as a dissyllable yoñ-ü-s) is
thoroughly discussed by Legerlotz Ztschr. X 375. It is for yɛq-α-F-ɩ-s,
fem. for yɛq-aƑo-s (cp. tal-aó-s, tav-aó-s) hence in Callim. yqav-l-s,
the vowel-lengthening after the e as in run-o-s by taμɛoizoos, Fi
contracted to v like F-o to v in via For-α. Also yeaĩa. In the
PW. the Skt. ģivri-s decrepit is derived by metathesis from a supposed
form gar-vi-s, which would be identical with our form yoα-Fi-s.
The Toα-noí too must belong here. We see perhaps a trace of
the physical primitive meaning (cp. above p. 113) in yeaĩa náędoños
(Hesych.), inasmuch as it is a grinding machine, a mortar: the Lat.
grá-nu-m Goth. kaúr-n, Lith. gir-na, Ch.-Sl. zru-no and the Gk.
yuqı-s fine meal (cp. Skt. ģur = gar) has been long ago placed in
this list (cp. above p. 97). Otherwise Hehn p. 403. The Teutonic
words are doubtful, as the sound-change is not according to rule. Other-
wise Fick² 70, Corssen I² 360. who suggests the Lat. ravu-s bluish-
gray. On γέρας see at No. 638.
131) St. γεν (for γευς) γεύω I give to taste, γεύ-ο-μαι
taste, yɛv-oi-s taste, yev-ua taste, food.
Skt. ģush (ģush-ê) to relish, be pleased, ģush-ti-s
favour, gratification, gosha-s contentment, satis-
faction.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
217
Lat. de-gu(s)-n-e-re (degustare Paul. Epit.), gus-tu-s,
gus-t-are.
Goth. kius-a doniµága [Eng. choose], kus-tu-s doxiµń,
kaus-jan yɛvεodai, O.-N. kost-r choice, condition,
state.
O.-Ir. to-gu eligo (Z.2 429, for *to-gusu), do-ro-i-gu
elegit (Z.² 449, fordo-ro-gegus-), tuicse electus
(Z.² 801, for *to-gus-te).
αι
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 2, 376, Grimm Gesch. 399. The some-
what surprising variety of meaning can be no obstacle to the com-
parison of the Gk. and Indian words, as we see the ideas choose,
prove, and taste exchanged in the Teutonic languages. In Homer
too the metaphorical use predominates: yɛúɛodai ά22ýj2wv. The phy-
sical meaning only occurs @ 413 (I. Bekker Monatsber. 1864 p. 12).
132) yñ, ya-i-a land earth, yú-a sown-field, yn-i-tn-s
countryman, yɛít-av neighbour, yý-vo-s earthly,
earthen.
γῆ,
Skt. gấu-s (St. gô) earth.
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 144. yú-a contracted possibly from yFα-α
like yvvý from yFava (No. 128); on aia see p. 474. γῆ from γεα.
yɛit-ov (cp. E. M. p. 229, 226) cómes very near to ynin-s, with
attenuation of nr to ει (ep. μεσόγεια, λειτουργός and λήϊτον); for the
meaning cp. vicinus from vicus, popularis in the sense of 'one's
countryman', tribulis, oinétns &c., in all of which cases the addition
of 'from the same' is naturally made (Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 91).
ov is an individualizing suffix (Ztschr. IV 215). Bopp compares 177
also the Goth. gavi (for gavja) 'land', 'country'; J. Grimm Ueb. Di-
phthonge p. 43 rejects the comparison because the sound-change is
not according to rule, while Leo Meyer again Ztschr. VII 16 tries
to establish it. The meaning 'earth' in the case of the Skt. word
is, acc. to the PW., a metaphorical one, derived from the usual
meaning of the word, which is 'cow' (St. gav foF), the earth being
regarded as "the milch-cow of the kings". The meaning 'earth' is
however well attested and of early occurrence. The rt. seems to be
either ga go (No. 634) (cр. лédov No. 291, ovdas No. 281), or No. 128,
as the Skt. bhû belongs to No. 417.
133) ŕňov-s speech, nov-o speak, sound, Tnováv.
Skt. rt. gar gr-nâ-mi call, extol, gir repute, speech,
gir-â speak. - Zd. gar sing, extol.
Lat. garrio chatter, garrulu-s talkative.
O.-H.-G. kirru creak, quiru gemo, gurrio.
218
BOOK II.
178
Lith. gàrsa-s voice, garsu-s loud, gyr-à fame.
O.-Ir. gair repute, voice (Ir. Gl. 115), forcon-gur
praecipio (Z.² 428, for -garu), fris-gair contra-
dicit, to-garthith gen. to-garthado vocativus (Z.2
235).
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 129, who hazards several bold speculations.
garrio like the Lith. gàrs-as must be from a rt. with added s,
and so for garsio. On kirru see Müllenhof Gloss. zum Quickborn
s. v. knirr.
yέgavos No. 129 must also belong here.
It is pro-
bable though that we ought also to connect some words with l, e. g.
gal-lu-s (cp. 0.-H.-G. hano and Lat. can-o), O.-N. kalla Eng. call
(Lottner Ztschr. XI 165), though we must not compare the O.-H.-G.
nahti-gal-a (cp. M.-H.-G. gëllen personare, gal-m strepitus) because the
substitution of sound is not regular; also the Ch.-Sl. glasu Lith.
garsa-s voice, gla-gol-a-ti speak (Miklosich Radices s. v.). Cp. Pott
II²
II2 598, W. II 1, 228. On Inovov 'Bellower' see Pott Ztschr.
VII 94, IX 187.
133b) plav-nó-s bright, glistening, plavи-л-ç bright-
eyed, phaug owl, plavo6-o shine, plavoó-v (Hes.
λαμπρόν). Goth. glaggvu-s, A.-S. gleáv splen-
didus, sagax.
Benf. II 124, Leo Meyer Ztschr. VII 15, Lottner XI 197, Hugo
Weber Et. Unters. 91, Pott W. I 770. With γλαυξ cp. σκώψ Νο.
111. On the meaning of the Gk. words Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I
1280 διαγλαύσσουσιν ἀντὶ τοῦ φωτίζουσι ἢ διαλάμπουσιν, ὅθεν καὶ
ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ γλαυκῶπις, καὶ γλήνη ἡ κόρη τοῦ ὀφθαλμοῦ, παρὰ τὸ γλαύσ
σειν, ὅ ἐστι λάμπειν. καὶ Εὐριπίδης ἐπὶ τῆς σελήνης ἐχρήσατο γλαυκ
ῶπίς τε στέφεται μήνη. - γλαύσσω for γλαυκ-jω, so also γλαυσό-ν
for yhavn-jo-v. - ylr-vos 'something to look at', 'trinket', and
γλήνη pupil of the eye must be from the rt. γαλ mentioned at No.
123. Cp. Bugge Stud. IV 326.
134) Rt. yλap pháp-w hollow out, yháp-v a hollow,
phap-voó-s hollow, smooth. Lat. glaber (St.
glab-ro) bald, smooth, Glabrio, glabresco, glabrare.
1
Pott I¹ 140, Benf. I 209. — ylάo-w: scalp-o
—
ylup-o: sculp-0.
Cp. No. 138.
134b) Bt. r\u ghép hollow out, engrave, phép-vo-s
1
carving-tool, yλúπ-τη-s carver.
peel, glú-ma hulm, pod.
Lat. glúb-o
Pott I¹ 140, who compares also the Lith. luba-s rind (Nesselm).
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
219
and the Lat. liber (St. libro) bark. Walter Ztschr. XII 381 com-
pares ylvo-o with the Lat. sculp-o in which case they would have
arisen from 7, so also Leo Meyer Vgl. Gr. I 41, Corssen Nachtr. 178;
Walter compares glûb-o with the Gk. xɛlúøn, xálvpos shell.
135) Rt. γνω ἔ-γνω-ν, γι-γνώ-σκ-ω perceive, γνῶ-σι-ς per-
ception, γνώ-μη opinion, γνω-σ-το-ς, γνω-τός
known, yvwo-it-o make known.
Skt. rt. ģñâ gânâ-mi know, gña-na-m information,
knowledge, ģñâ-s, ģñâ-ti-s acquaintance, relation.
Lat. gno-sc-o, nó-ti-o, nó-tu-s, gná-ru-s, i-gnôr-o, O.-Lat.
gnar-igare, narrare.
γιγνώσκω,
O.-H.-G. kná-u cognosco, Goth. kanu yiyvooxo,
kunth-s γνωστός, kunthi γνῶσις.
Ch.-Sl.
zna-ti γιγνώσκειν, zna-men-ije σημεῖον,
Lith. žina-ú know, part. žino-ma-s known.
O.-Ir. ad-gén-sa perf. cognovi, ad-géin cognovit, ad-
genemmar novimus (Z.² 448).
Bopp Gl., Comp. Gr. I 230, Pott W. I 38, Benf. II 143, Schleich.
Ksl. 110, Ebel Beitr. II 162. γνώσκω κατὰ Ἠπειρώτας (Et. Orionis
p. 42, 17) Lat. gnosco.
άyvo-έ-w and ä-yvo-ia suggest an ad-
jective stem yvoƑo, while yvwqiw points to an adj. similar to the
Lat. gnâru-s, to which perhaps vágw ovvínui, vágɛiv· Entɛiv (Hesych.
Lobeck Rhem. 132) belongs. Lat. norma, equivalent in meaning to
yváμov, is explained by Benf., rightly, I think, by gnorima, but it
has the look of a borrowed word. If we want to connect voo-s and
voέ-w with the rt. yvw it must be through the the above-mentioned
yvoƑo. This form is supported by the well attested Aeolic yvoέw
and the Attic ἀμφι-γνοέ-ω and also by the form ΠολυνόFας (gen.
fem.) on an old Corcyraean inscription mentioned by Wachsmuth
Rhein. Mus. XVIII 578. We must however by no means with
Bopp and others bring dañvaι in here (cp. Zd. då know and No. 255c),
though ovoμa (No. 446) we may. There is an unmistakable re-
lationship between this rt. and the rt. yev (No. 128). Sonne Ztschr.
X 184 considers the notion of 'sprouting' as a connecting link bet-
ween the notions of producing and perceiving. while C. Pauli “Ueber
die deutschen verba praeterito-praesentia" Stettin 1863 p. 2 (simi-
larly Classen 'Natura' p. 7) falls back on the notion of 'coming'
that is contained in the rt. ga, gam. The latter explanation seems
to me the most satisfactory. In any case though the separation of
the physical from the metaphysical meaning must be placed before
the separation of the languages, since every language keeps the two
-
220
BOOK II.
more or less consistently distinct. This separation has been most
completely insured in the Graeco-Italian languages, which make use
179 of vowel variation for the purpose, the Greeks more thoroughly than
the Romans cp. yvw-qiço and gnâ-ru-s. Corssen I2 83 doubts
whether the Lat. gnâ-vu-s belongs here on account of the meaning.
We could only trace 'active' to the rt. gna by supposing that in
Latin as in German kennen (to know) became können (to be able) just
as "knowledge is power" (Whitney Lect. 111). The assumption of
Corssen (I² 436) that gnâ-vu-s is perhaps in the sense of γενναίος?
connected with the rt. gen presents still greater difficulty to
my mind.
2
136) γογγύζω (for γογ-γυγ-λ-ω) murmur, γογγυσμός
yoy³yvó-µó-s
murmuring.
Skt. rt. guñģ, guñý-â-mi murmur, guñģita-m humming,
Ch.-Sl. gag-na-nije porrvouós, gag-nivů roprúžov.
Benf. II 62, Schleich. Ksl. 103. The Gk. form is reduplicated.
They changed before j into , hence yoy-yúg-o and. consequently
γογ-γυσμό-ς.
137) γόνυ knee, γουνό-ο-μαι, γουνάζομαι kneel, γνύ-ξ,
πρό-χνυ with the knees, ἰ-γνύ-α hollow of the
knee.
Skt. ģânu knee, abhi-gñu as far as the knee. Zd.
zhnu plur. zanva.
Lat. genu, dim. geni-culu-m, geniculatu-s knotty, con-
genu-cl-a-t Non. p. 89 Genucius.
Goth. kniu.
\
1
Kuhn Ztschr. I
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 88, II¹ 59, Benf. II 119.
129, Beitr. III 465, where the relationship of the three primitive forms
ganu, gánu, and gnu is discussed. yovv-at for yovv-at with a freshly
added suffx, cp. ὀνείρατα with ὄνερο-ς. Cp. γνύ-πετοι, γνυπετεῖν
Hes. An aspirate is here unmistakably added before the v, cp.
λύχνο-ς
λúzvo-s No. 88. - -yvó-a must be for y-yvú-a cp. Hesych. iy-xqo-s,
ἐγκέφαλο-ς. Ought not γωνία corner to be regarded as a simple
derivative from yóvv? Döderlein Hom. gloss. 1011 compares yovvó-s
hill, and Γόννοι, Γοννοῦσσα Genua.
138) Rt. Ypaq yoάp-o scratch, write, yoap-ń writing,
yo¤p-ís graver, style, yoɑu-uý line, roάu-µa
letter.
Goth. grab-a oxánτw, gróba pit. (Germ. Grube.)
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
221
Ch. Sl. po-greb-a sepelio, grobů grave, Lith. grába-s
coffin, grábe ditch.
Pott I¹ 140 Grimm Gesch. 408, Benf. I 118, Schleich. Ksl. 102.
The difference of the meanings which strikes us at first sight (cp.
note to No. 329) is analogous to that in the case of ylάow, ylú❤w
(No. 134): they are reconciled with one another by yoouças is nα-
haía Hesych., seeing the sow clearly gets the name from digging
and wallowing (cp. scrofa and scrobis). yeópw for yoάow C. I. No.
1126, 8 Keil Philol. Suppltb. II 565. On its original initial letter
and relation to scribo see p. 693.
139) St. ẻɣep yo-yoo-α am awake, ëyo-e-to he awoke,
¿-yɛio̟-w waken, ¿yɛq-tí adv. awake, alert.
Skt. rt. gar ģâ-gar-mi am awake, Ao. a-ģî-gar I woke
(trans.), gagar-ti-s wakefulness, being awake,
gagr-vi-s awake - Zd. rt. gar to be awake.
Bopp Gl., whose comparison of vigil and the O.-H.-G. wachan
seems to me as to Pott W. II 1, 240 to be doubtful, because in both 180
words the rt. that is at the bottom of vigere, vegetus may well be
present. Benf. II 128. The must be a compensation for the
reduplication syllable ga Skt. gá, so that gar is the simple rt. It is
against connection with No. 133 that the intransitive meaning is
plainly the older and prominent one in this stem. On Pott's view,
that the here arose from ex, like ά in άyɛíow from sa with, cp.
above p. 35.
140) ἐπ-είγ-ω press, drive, αἰγ-i-s storm-wind, καταιγίζω
storm down, ały-ɛs waves, alyı-aλó-ç shore, aiy-
εɩ90-s poplar (?).
Skt. ing ing-a-mi rouse myself, inga-s movable, ég-
a-mi tremble.
Bopp Gl. s. v. inga, Benf. I 343. Pott W. III 439. αίγες
xúμata Swqiɛis Hesych. (cp. Schmidt's note). On the common oc-
currence of the stem aly in names of places E. Curtius 'Ionier' p. 18,
50. έnɛíуw like the Skt. êģâmi is used of wind and waves, the latter
also of an earthquake. aiyeɩpos for alyeojo-s trembling poplar cp.
po-pul-u-s and πάλλω (?). May not the Lat. aeg-er belong here and
be connected with the Skt. êý-ûmi, êģ-a-thu-s a shaking, êýat-ka-s
trembling? Trembling is certainly one of the commonest symptoms
of illness. Cp. note to No. 409.
141) Rt. Fεργ ἔ-οργ-α, ἔρδ-ω, ῥέζω do, ἔργον, ἐργάζομαι
work, ᾿Αργαδεῖς, ὄργανον instrument, ὄργιο-ν
sacred act.
1
222
BOOK II.
Skt. vrag-a-mi go straight at a thing (?). Zd.
varez effect, do, vareza (masc.) operation, verez
(fem.) work.
Goth. vaúrk-jan toyάçɛovai, O.-H.-G. wërah, wërk.
Grimm Gesch. 296, Benf. Gött. Anz. 1852 p. 1970, where the
attempt is made to connect this rt. with No. 142, Pott W. III 1043.
On the ♬ see Hoffmann Quaestt. Hom. II 23 sq., Ahrens d. aeol.
32, 226, d. dor. 46 Fégyov, Elic Fágyov. Lacon. yaßɛgyós); it has left
traces in oργα, εἰγαζόμην, ἀεργός, δημιουργός (Tempora und Modi
141). odo arose from Fɛoy-jo, éέgw from Foɛy-jo. Both corre-
spond exactly to the Zend verez-ya-mi. Cp. No. 573.
142) Rt. Fεργ εἵργνυμι, εἴργ-ω shut in, keep of, εἱργ-μός
a shutting up, ειρκτή prison, Λυκό-οργο-ς.
Skt. varý (varý-â-mi, vṛ-n-a-ý-mi) turn away, vraýa-s
hurdle, hedge, vrý-ana-m inclosure, farm, vrg-ina-s
malicious, false.
Lat. urg-e-o, ex-urg-e-o.
Goth. vrik-a diana, O.-H.-G. reccheo a persecuted
man, Goth. vruggô snare, A.-S. vring-an stringere.
Lith. verž-iù to tie tight, press, Ch.-Sl. vruz-ą ligo,
vrag-u inimicus.
Pott W. III 652, Benf. Gött. Anz. 1852 p. 1970, Kuhn Ztschr.
II 133, Diefenbach Vgl. Wörterb. I 236 f. Fick² 183. Traces of
the ♬ in the Homeric soyo &c. The distinction made in Attic be-
tween soy-w shut in, and ɛïoy-w shut out (cp. Krüger on Thuc. I 34,
Lobeck ad Ajac. v. 753) must be set down as of late origin. From
the primitive meaning of press we arrive at the double meaning press
181 in, shut in, and press out shut out; under the head of the latter
branch comes the ethical force in Skt., Goth., and Ch.-Sl. Ludwig
Ztschr. X 450 argues that 'Exá-ɛoyo-s means keeping at a distance
and belongs here, so too Ameis on 9 323, only L. applies the word
to the special bolts of Apollo. Cp. No. 152. There is a con-
trast of long standing between this rt. and No. 153, which survives
in the English right and wrong.
143) St. épur ňovy-o-v I bellowed, ¿qúy-unλo-s bellowing,
ἐρυγ-γάν-ω, ἐρεύγω spit out, belch, ἐρυγή
vomiting.
Lat. ruc-t-a-re belch, ruc-tu-s a belching, ê-rúg-e-re
spit out, rúmin-are to chew over again.
O.-H.-G. it-ruch-an to ruminate, A.-S. roccettan eructare.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
223
Ch.-Sl. ryg-a-ti ¿ọɛúyɛ69α, Lith. riáug-mi belch.
Pott W. III 602, Benf. II 15, Schleich. Ksl. 130, Müllenhoff
Gloss. z. Quickborn s. v. edderkauen Pictet Ztschr. V 350. êrugere
Enn. Ann. 546 Vahl. "contempsit fontes quibu' sese êrûgit aquae vis“
Paul. Epit. 83; é-rûg-it with û as lengthening of the present-stem =
Gk. εv, cp. dúco, dico, Bopp Comp. Gr. I 206 The & in the Gk.
words is prothetic, cp. No. 306 and p. 713.
143) Rt. ζυγ ἐ-ζύγην ζεύγνυμι yoke, bind together,
ζεῦγμα, ζεῦγος team, ὁμό-ξυξ, σύ-ζυξ yoked to-
gether, vy-ó-s, guy-ó-v yoke.
Skt. juģ ju-na-ý-mi bind together, harness, juk
(St. juý) conjunctus, jug-a-m par, jug-ja-m ju-
mentum.
Lat. ju-n-go, jû-mentu-m, con-jux, jug-u-m, jûg-eru-m,
juxta.
Goth. juk, ga-juk-ô gɛvyos, jukuzi ¿vyós, ga-juko
σύζυγος, Ο.-Η.-G. joh, joch.
Ch.-Sl. ig-o jugum, Lith. jùnga-s yoke, jung-iù yoke
(verb).
Cymr. iou; Corn. ieu jugum (Z.² 126, 127), N.-Ir.
ughaim harness (O'R. Dict.).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1245, Grimm Gesch. 408.
lative form juxta see Corssen Ztschr. III 285, II²
95. Corssen 12 639.
On the super-
549.
—
Pictet II
145) Rt. θιγ ἔθιγο-ν, θιγγάνω touch, θίγμα touch
(subst.).
Skt. dih dêh-mi besmear, dêh-î mound, rampart.
Zd. diz throw up, heap up.
Lat. fi-n-g-o, fig-ulu-s, fig-ûra, fic-tor, opus fic-tile.
Goth. deig-a ñλάóów, dig-an-s vorqanıvós, daig-s
púqαµα (O.-H.-G. teig), ga-dig-is ñhᤵα.
Ztschr. II 398, where words which were formerly supposed,
against the laws of sound-change, to be connected, are shown to be
distinct. There too on the Lat. f dh Gk. 9. Grassmann
Ztschr. XII 124. The primitive form seems to be dhigh, the second
aspirate is represented in Gk. by the media. The primitive meaning
is touch, feel, knead, hence with the gen diyɛiv tivos, feel anything,
touch it, with the acc. fingere aliquid in feeling it to shape it, used
alike in the Skt., Lat. and Teutonic languages of soft substances.
224
BOOK II.
2
Hence fictores Varro 1. 1. VII 44 a fingendis libis (Enn. Annal. 124)
182 and again acc. to Isidore 'fictor qui capillos mulierum linit et pertrac-
tat et ungit et nitidat', most often of the potter's work. The con-
nection of diyyάvo and fingo, which Corssen formerly denied and
now 1² 150 allows, is explained by zęαívo in its relation to xęάw,
χραύω, χρώς, χρώζω. That fingere by no means to make fast, but
denotes a grazing, touching action is proved to demonstration by
Sophus Bugge Tidskr. f. -Philoľ. 1866 p. 26 on fingere manus,
fingere humum and effingere spongiis sanguinem (Cic. pro Sest. 35)
i. e. wipe off and out. It is worth remarking that dryyávo is post-
Homeric. Perhaps Grassmann is right in deriving tɛix-os rampart,
wall, and toixo-s with the aspirate in the second place instead of
the first, and also (Ztschr. XIX 309) the Osc. feihúss acc. pl. from
the rt. dhigh; both the meaning and the sounds fit in here very well.
In that case toixo-s would be completely equivalent to the Germ.
Deich (dike), which acc. to Grimm's Wtb. has preserved its Low-
German initial letter. Cp. Fick 2 104. No connection can possibly
be admitted with pingo (No. 101) and figo (No. 157).
146) Rt. May lay-agó-s slack, thin, λáy-vo-s luxurious,
λαγνεύω.
Skt. lang-a scortum (?).
Lat. langu-e-o, langu-i-du-s, langu-or, laxu-s, laxa-re,
lac-tes the small intestine, entrails.
Pott W. III 629. hay-óv-ss the loins may also be put here,
compared by Fick² 17 with the Skt. alga-s groin, loins PW. vol.
V Nachtr.), perhaps also layo-s hare, connected by Grassmann
XII 92 and others with the Skt. langh salire; we might perhaps be
right in joining λny-w which finds no equivalent in any other lang-
uage, cp. Hesych. λαγάσσαι ἀφεῖναι, λαγγεύει φεύγει. Otherwise
Bugge Stud. IV 173.
147) λαγγάζω, λογγάζω linger.
Lat. longu-s, longi-tudo, longinquu-s.
Goth. lagg-s, lagg-ei.
Hesych. explains layyάgo by onvέw and acc. to Pollux IX 136
it occurred in this meaning in Aeschylus (fr. 107 Nauck). Since acc.
to Bekk. Anecd. 106 λαγγάζει means also ἐνδίδωσι, connection with
No. 146 is probable. We find in the Gk. word, it is true, only the
notion of extention in time, which acc. to Diefenb. II 121 exclusively be-
longs to the Goth. lagg-s. Still I with Corssen Beitr. 148 prefer this word
to the oft-tried dollyós (No. 167) as a relation of longus, as the two
words seem inseparable phonetically whereas to connect dolixós
with longus we should have to do violence to Gk. laws of sound.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
225
148) Rt. λογ λυγ-ρό-ς mournful, horrible, λευγαλέο-ς,
λolyó-s ruin, loíp-to-s ruinous.
Skt. ruģ (ruģ-á-mi) vomit, cause pains, ruģ, ruģ-â
illness.
Lat. lúg-eo, lûg-u-bri-s, luc-tu-s.
Lith. lúž-ti break (intrans.).
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 16, Pott W. I 1289. The latter is most likely
right in regarding rug as a lengthening of ru, like jug from ju, and
this helps us to see the relationship of several words of kindred 183
meaning — e. g. Skt. lup, Lat. rup, Gk. lvñ (No 341). The notion
of bodily and mental suffering appears also in the Lithuanian use
of the word (Nesselmann Wörterb. p. 376 f.). It may be doubted
whether the Lat. lu-e-s with the undoubtedly connected loi-uó-s be-
longs to this rt. or to the rt. lu (No. 546); if to the former, lu-e-s
would stand for lugv-e-s, cp. fru-or for frugv-o-r.
149) St. λur λúy-o-s vimen, λvyó-w, λvyiga bend, knot,
Lat. lig-are,
avyoμó-s a turning, swinging.
lic-tor. Lith. lug-na-s flexible (Nesselm.).
Pott I¹ 232 (cp. W. III 261), who compares also among other
words luxu-s dislocation, luc-ta intertwining of the arms in wrestling,
for which the Gk. words too are used. But luxus can hardly be se-
parated from logos and the words assembled with it under No. 540.
Perhaps we ought to suppose two related roots lig and lug, to which
Pictet Ztschr. V 33 adds the Skt. rt. lag to attach oneself to. Cp.
Corssen 12 444, where especially lex (Osc. abl. lig-ud) from the rt.
lag, lig is brought here in the sense of "the binding ordinance".
On lictor see I2 493. Bugge Ztschr. XX 3 makes other combi-
nations.
150) Rt. μελη αμέλγω milk, ἄμελξι-ς milking, αμολγούς
milk-pail, άuoλyato-s to be milked.
Skt. marý (mârý-mi, mârģ-â-mi) rub away, wipe
away, strip off. - Zd. marez wipe.
Lat. mulg-e-o, mulc-tu-s, mulc-tra, mulc-tru-m.
O.-H.-G. milch-u, O.-N. mylk-ja.
Ch.-Sl. mluz-ą mulgeo, Lith. mélž-u stroke, milk.
O.-Ir. do-o-malgg mulsi (Z.² 61), melg milk, bo-mlacht
cow and milk, arindi mblegar quia mulgetur,
blicht milk (Corm. Gl. 7, 28, 17).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 563, Benf. I, 484, Schleich. Ksl. 110.
Pictet II 27 points out the remarkable fact that this rt. is found in
CURTIUS, Etymology.
15
UcrM
226
BOOK II.
the sense of milking only among the European peoples. It is ident-
ical in origin with No. 151. The softening of r into 7 is connected
with the change of meaning. The words for milk, among which only
the German words certainly belong here, are noticed under No. 123.
The hopeless vvutòs àµoly, on which cp. especially Pott II¹ 128,
Schenkel “Werth der Sprachvergleichung" p. 12 and Fick² 837, has
certainly nothing to do with auέlyo. For the latest attempt at esta-
αμέλγω.
blishing such connection see Pictet II 53.
151) Rt. μeрr άuéoy-o pluck off, άuogyó-s squeezing out,
ἀμόργη dregs, ομόργνυμι wipe away, ὄμοργ-μα
spot.
Skt. marý (No. 150).
Lat. merg-ae, merg-e(t)s.
mergae "furculae quibus acervi frugum fiunt" Paul. Epit. 124
closely connected with merge(t)-s sheaf. Cp. also aμogy-pa ovlleyμα
ἄρτυμα Hesych. and ἀμοργ-ίς fax, ἀμόργινο-s of fne linen and the
184 name of the island Apogyós distinguished for its linen. The Lat.
amurca = άuógyŋ is a borrowed word (Corssen II² 162).
Cp. No.
150. The preservation of the rt. with r by the side of the one with
7 with a different meaning is peculiar to the Graeco-Italians.
152) ỏoyń impulse, passion, ógyá-w swell, be puffed up,
ógyá-(0)-s meadow, park.
Skt. úrģ, úrģâ, úrģas fulness of power, sap, energy,
úrģa-jâ-mi nourish, strengthen, úrģ-ita-s strong,
úrgas-vat swelling.
PW. under úrģ. We must consider the root-form to be varg,
whence we can also get to virg-a and virg-o(n), grown girls being
called ogyάdes from their full shape. So Corssen II2 521. Cp. No.
The meaning anger for ỏoyń is its latest.
142.
153) ỏọέy-w, ógéy-vv-u stretch out, ooty-vá-o-ua stretch
myself, extend, reach, ooɛy-ua, ooɛğı-ç a stretch-
ing, ógyviά, ógóyvia fathom.
Skt. ar-ģ arģ-â-mi attain to, r-ñ-g-é stretch myself,
rg-u-s straight, right, righteous, râģi-s row, line,
rý-ra-s guide.
as subst. finger.
Zd. erezu straight, right, true,
Lat. reg-o, ê-rig-o, por-rig-o, rog-us, rec-tu-s, rex.
Goth. rak-ja (uf-rak-ja stretch out), raíh-t-s right,
straight, M.-H.-G. reichen (?).
Maol
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
227
O.-Ir. reraig perf. direxit (Stokes, Beitr. VII 11),
rí, acc. pl. riga, rex (Z.² 229), ríge imperium
(Goid. p. 73, 43).
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 65, PW., Pott W. III 424. The Skt. argana-m
acquiring, collecting, agrees well with the Goth. rik-a owęɛów which has
been likewise compared and which seems to go with rogu-s fagot-
heap. Walter (Quaest. etymol. Freienwalde 1864 p. 4) is for com-
pletely separating these words, with which goes the Sicilian-Greek
goyó-s corn-store (C. I. 5574, 102), together with the Skt. arý-â-mi
from ỏęέyw, giving collect as their fundamental notion. But a single
glance at the meaning given in the PW. for arý-â-mi and ṛ-ñ-ģê and
especially at their compounds, shows at once that they are not
to be separated. The first verb is related to the second exactly as
the Germ. erlangen (attain) is to langen (reach). W.'s conjecture as
to the relationship of rogare, seems to me, like Corssen's remarks
on the same point (Nachtr. 170), unsound. But I agree with the
view expressed Ztschr. XII 420 that rěg-io as “direction, tract”, be-
longs here. The primary meaning has preserved still greater vitality
in the expression e regione over against (cp. the Germ. im Bereich,
within the reach of). But ögeyua which W. connects has not this
meaning. Here we may mention Unger's suggestion (Philol. XXI 8)
that the often recurring proper name "Agyos properly means nothing
but 'tract'. We might adduce the Zd. raji (j from g) kingdom in
support of this. It is true that rex suggests the Skt. ragan, Goth.
reik-s king, but this is hardly enough to make us separate it from
reg-ere and put it down to the rt. rấģ shine (No. 121) which is given
for the Skt. word. The Skt. i-rag-ja-ti he arranges, guides, rules,
distinguished by a prothetici is completely equivalent in meaning to
regere. rak-sh too, custodire, regere, is from the same rt. Perhaps
therefore Corssen (I² 451) is right in referring the Skt. rág-an to 185
this rt. But Pnyílaos serves the less to attest a Gk. st. gny ruler,
inasmuch as this proper name (that occurs first in Suidas) admits of
other etymologies e. g. from Ῥήγιον (ep. Ασωπό-λαος). Corssen
2
(as above) gives conjectures on erga and ergo which together with
corgo he considers to be compounds with e and con.
154) Rt. per gέ¿-w dye, дay-ɛú-s, ény-ɛú-s dyer, géy-os,
ρέγμα βάμμα.
Skt. rañý (raģ-á-mi, raģ-jâ-mi) colour oneself, redden,
raga-jâ-mi dye, redden, rak-ta-s dyed, red, rága-s
colour, ruddiness, rag-aka-s washer.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 582. go is exactly equivalent to
the Skt. rag-ja-mi, i. e. rag-jâ-mi. On the Gk. words cp. E. M. p. 703,
15*
228
BOOK II.
α
28 (ed. Gaisford); there occur besides ῥαγεύς, εγεύς and ῥηγούς.
Since ényɛa oyalóɛvtα are brilliant carpets, ény-os must certainly
be put here and not with gάxos rag, as Döderlein Gloss. 1053 again
assumes, and Lobeck, Rhemat. 79, who identifies our words with
¿éçɛiv facere, mentioning inficere. But a comparison of languages
demonstrates the difference of the roots per and Fper, Fepy (No. 141),
to which view, as M. Schmidt ad Hesych. s. v. xevcogayés xevooßapés
remarks, this compound with single e adds fresh weight. Moreover
gέço never occurs in the sense of work at'. Bopp is wrong in
bringing ỏgyń to this rt.; its meaning marks it as distinct (No. 152).
No. 121 is related.
155) Rt. στεγ στέγω cover, στέγη, τέγη, στέγος, τέγος
roof, otεy-avó-s covered, oτey-vó-s thick.
Skt. sthag sthag-a-mi tego, occulo.
Lat. teg-o, tec-tu-m, teg-i-men, teg-ula, tug-uriu-m.
O.-N. thak roof [thatch, Germ. Dach], O.-H.-G. dek-ju
1 cover.
Lith. steg-iu I cover, stóga-s roof.
O.-Ir. teg, tech, gen. tige, dat. taig, tig, acc. tech
domus (Z.2 270); con-ro-taig perf. exstruxit, con-
id-ro-tig aedificavit eam (Z.² 449).
2
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 448, Benf. I 641, who compares Tayέα
as well.
Kuhn Ztschr. III 322. On the initial see Lob. Elem. I
130.
We can see with peculiar clearness in the case of this rt. the
loss of the initial s. It is still preserved in the Lat. stega covering
with the later form i-stega (Corssen I² 453). The Ir. teg tech can
not be allowed here unless ch is the representative of the modified g
(Z.2 63, Stokes Ir. Gl. 569, Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 157, Ebel Beitr. II
165). If it is not, the Irish words must be put under No. 235.
156) бpápaɣo-s noise, бpaqayέ-o make a noise, hiss.
Skt. sphurý sphurý-â-mi tono, vi-sphurý strepere.
Lith. sprag-ù crackle.
Pott W. II 1, 428, Benf. I 587. Pott's comparison of the
O.-H.-G. sprehhan is adopted and worked out by Leo Meyer Ztschr.
VI 151. The relation of the Gk. word to άopάgayos wind-pipe,
186 and pάovyέ gullet, wind-pipe (No. 408b) presents a difficulty. The
subst. opάgayos occurs as such only in the Grammarians, but it is
to be seen in another form in compounds like βαρυ-σφάραγος deep
thundering, o-opagayo-s epithet of Poseidon and Zeus. Cp. Lobeck
Proleg. 303.
157) σφίγγ ω bind, compress, σφιγκ-τός tied up, σφίγμα,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
229
σφιγμός, φι-μός fastening, φιμο-ω fasten,
strap up.
Lat. fig-o, fixu-s.
Benf. I 557, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 9 challenges the connexion on
the score of the meaning, which is however almost identical. At
Aesch. Prom. 58 opíyyɛ could almost be rendered by fige. Cp. figere
tabulas, clavum, in crucem. The meaning pierce is only a derived
one. qi-uo-s was already in the E. M. p. 795, 21 connected with
oqiy-uó-s. Perhaps also fi-lu-m string for fig-lu-m and Zpíyg St.
Zqiyy` Boeotian Dış St. Dın “binder, strangler" belongs here; though
the last could not unless the media in this stem arose from a tenuis,
for the κ in the Boeotian Φίξ is also established by Φίκ-ιον ὄρος.
φικιδίζειν παιδεραστεῖν (Suid.) by the side of σφίγκται οἱ κίναδοι καὶ
άnaloí (Hes.) speaks for the passing of x into y. The Skt. spaç am-
plecti compared by Fick2 215 would agree well with these words
but there is no authority for the verb, and the Zend words connected
with it seem to have their meanings anything but fixed.
158) St. úr vy-gó-s moist, liquid, vyoó-τn-s moistness,
υγρ-αίνω wet.
Skt. uksh-á-mi sprinkle, besprinkle, uksh-an steer,
bull.
Lat. úv-eo, úv-or, úm-or, umecto.
Goth. auhs-a, O.-H.-G. ohso ox.
Ir. oss deer (Corm. Gl. p. 41 ség), Cymr. ych pl.
ychen Corn. ohan bos (Z.2 293).
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 438, II 357.
I regard the Skt. uksh as
a secondary form for the primary ug. ûv-e-o is from ugv-e-o like
fru-o-r from frugv-o-r with added v. ûmor, úmidus, ûmecto point to
a lost adjective-stem û-mo nom. ûmu-s, whence ûmor like albor from
albus, umidu-s like vividus from vivu-s. The h is here in all cases
a late intrusion. The O.-N. vök-r moist belongs to a rt. vag of
similar meaning (Fick Ztschr. XX 167).
159) υγιής (St. ύγιες), υγιη-ρό- healthy, υγίεια health,
vyiαív-o am healthy, vyiάg-o make healthy.
Skt. ug-ra-s powerful. ôg-as strength, vitality, ôģ-as-
vant strong, ôģijas stronger. - Zd. vaz strengthen,
vaz-y-ant quick, swift, vaz-d-vare increase.
Lat. veg-e-o excite, vig-e-o, veg-e-tu-s, vig-or, vig-il,
aug-e-o, aug-men-tu-m.
Goth. auk-a increase (trans.).
1
230
BOOK II.
187
Lith. úg-i-s, úg-i-s, growth, sucker, i'g-a berry,
áug-u grow, aug-mů (st. aug-men) shoot, growth.
O.-Ir. óg integer (Z.² 33), óge, integritas, virginitas,
(Z.² 247).
Bopp Gl. s v. ôgas, one or two points discussed by Pott I 205,
Kuhn Ztschr. III 336. The above words are to be referred to three
primary forms: 1) vag, retained in the Skt. vag, apparently ire, va-
gari, whence vaģ-ra s thunderbolt, lightning (Zd. vaz-ra club), vâģ-a-s
strength, (strengthening) food, race, vấýin quick, lively, vấģ-a-jâ-mi
run a race, hurry, incite. Also the Lat. veg-eo (Enn. Ann. 477, Com. 2),
veg-e-tu-s, vig-e-o, vig-or, vig-il along with the O.-H.-G. wach-ar alacer
and from the notion of growing A.-S. vôcor proles, fenus (cp.
tóxos, fênus). 2) ug, related to vag as the Skt. sup (Gk. vл) to svap
(No. 391). This the shortest form is the base of the Gk. words,
though there is an added which I do not understand (vyɛía late,
Lob. El. I 279). From ug moreover we get the Skt. ug-ra-s, the
Irish and the three Lithuanian forms; the Lith. ug-a reminds us forc-
ibly of the Lat. û-va, which may be for ug-va, though Corssen I2
545 expresses a different view. 3) An increase of sound raises ug to
aug, i. e. Skt. ôg, ôg; this form is preserved pure in the Lat. aug-eo,
augus-tu-s (cp. Skt. ôgas-vant), in the Goth. auk-a, and the Lith.
áug-u. This stem with added s is treated separately at No. 583.
The meanings develope themselves easily in all cases from the primary
meaning "to be active".
160) φηγό-ς oak, φηγών oak-grove, φηγ-ινέο-ς, φήγινος
oaken.
Lat. fâgu-s beech, fag-ineu-s, fag-inu-s, fagûtali-s.
O.-H.-G. buohha, A.-S. bôce.
Pott W. III 504, Grimm Gesch. 398, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 84.
The Bohemian buk red-beech, and the Ch.-Sl. buk-y fagus, littera,
liber (Miklos. Lex. 48) are proved by their k to be borrowed from
the German. The tree is not the same in the three families of speech;
Kuhn conjectures the word to have been originally the name of
a tree with edible fruit, and accepts the etymology from payɛiv (No.
408). So too Pictet I 213 who reminds us of aes-culu-s, but the
connection of this word with the rt. ed eat (No. 279) cannot be
allowed to be established on account of the diphthong. But άn-vlo-s
acorn suggests the Skt. ac eat. The Skt. bhag means distribute, so
that here we get the primary meaning. (Cp. above p. 113.)
161) Rt. φλεγ φλέγω, φλεγ-έ-π-ω burn, shine, φλέγμα,
φλεγμονή conflagration, φλεγ-υρός burning,
φλόξ (St. φλογ) fame.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
231
г
Skt. bhráý bhrâģ-ê glow, gleam, bhráý (f.), bharg-as
brightness.
Lat. fulg-e-o, fulg-ur, ful-men, ful-vu-s, flag-ra-re,
flam-ma, flâ-men priest.
Goth. baírh-t-s dñλos, at-baírht-ja inipαíva, 0.-H.-G.
blichu splendeo.
Lith. blizg-ù glimmer, shine, Ch.-Sl. brězg-u dilu-
culum.
66
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 544, Benf. I 106, II 340. The ideas
shine and burn run into one another as they do in many other in-
stances. The g is in several instances driven out of the Lat. word.
fla-men is by Varro 1. 1. V 84 Müll. derived from filum
quo caput
cinctum habebant". Mommsen Hist. of Rome 12 p. 155 regards the
I2
word, as we do, as meaning "the kindler". ful-vu-s seems to me to
belong here on account of the similarity of its use with that of
aidov aldoy, both being epithets of lions and eagles, but not flâ-
vu-s which denotes a lighter colour and belongs to No. 197. It may 188
be replied to Corssen's objection I2 146, that the Gk. words aidov,
aldo prove that the colour yellow could have been denoted by a rt.
meaning burn, shine. The connection of ferv-eo with our rt. so often
maintained, and among others by Grassmann Ztschr. XI 88, seems
to be very doubtful if only on account of the meaning. In the Lith.
blizg-ù the z is acc. to Schleicher Lit. Gr. 72 added, perhaps the r
has been retained in the Lith. brěkszta it is twilight, where the k
before sz may have arisen from g. Lottner Ztschr. VII 20.
162) Rt. ❤pur pouy-o parch, povy-avo-v dry wood,
φρύγ-ε-τρο-ν grate, φρυκτός roasted, a fre
signal.
Skt. bharý, bhragg (bhṛģ-á-mi) parch, roast.
Lat. frig-o roast, bake.
―
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 543, Benf. II 13. There is probably
some connection with No. 161, but the words separated when the
Greeks and Italians were still one nation. On the î of frig-ere see
Walter Ztschr. XII 413.
163) Rt. quɣ pɛvy-w flee, puy-ý flight, púga fright,
φυγ-ά-ς runaway, φύξις fight, φύξιμο-s run-
away, ready to flee.
Skt. bhug bhug-a-mi bend, bhug-na-s bent, bhuga-s
arm, bhoga-s coil of a snake.
Lat. fug-i-o, fug-a, fug-ax, fugitivu-s, fugare.
232
BOOK II.
Goth. biug-a xάµлтш, N.-H.-G. biege, O.-H.-G. elin-
bogo, (elbow).
Ch.-Sl. beg-a-ti fugere, běg-l-i-c-i transfuga, Lith.
bég-u flee, run, búg-ti to be afraid, baug-ù-s timid,
frightful.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 530, Benf. II 20, Schleich. Ksl. 123.
The meaning of the Teutonic words and the vowel of the Slavo-
Lithuanian makes us hesitate, still the idea of flight may well have
developed itself from the notion bend out, bend round, turn oneself
(ep. τροπή, τρόπαιον). The Lith. words with u and au are remark-
able. púga is for qvd-ia from qvy-ta. The g in the Teutonic
words is explained by Grassmann XII 121 by an aspirate which he
says was once at the end of the rt., so that it was once bhugh.
164) φώγω, φώς-ω roast, bake, φώγανο-ν grate, φωκ
tó-s roasted.
O.-H.-G. bahh-u bake.
Benf. II 13, who refers these words to No. 162, Pott W. III
511. The Skt. words which used to be added here are to be kept
quite distinct. For the Skt. bhak-ta-s means acc. to the PW. not
"cooked" but only "distributed" and bhag-ana-m cask, vessel. No
rt. bhag meaning to cook, or at all events "to warm, to be hot",
such as Corssen assumes in order to find a derivation for favilla,
fovere, favere (12 142 f. cp. II2 1004) can for a moment hold its ground
in Sanskrit. And it is a long way, it seems to me, from póyo
189 bahhu to fovere and favere. On the other hand it is probable that
po§í-xeɩho-s, pogó-s pointed, properly burnt out of shape (of earthen
vessels), the latter used of the Thersites's pointed head (Hes. ỏğv-
népalos) B 219 (Buttm. Lexil. I 242), are connected with póyɛiv.
Pott, who (II² 322) says this explanation is "dictated only by de-
spair", pays no attention to the word poĝixelos which is well at-
tested from Simonides in Athen. XII 480, and proposes himself still
more desperate explanations.
X
Greek x corresponds to Indo-Germanic gh. This letter
is represented in Sanskrit by gh, or h, in Zend by g, gh,
j, z, zh, in Latin by h, in the middle of a word by g, in
Gothic by g, in Church-Slavonic by 9, z, ž, in Lithuanian
by g, ž, in Old Irish by g.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
233
165) Rt. άpx άox-o am the first, άox-ó-s leader, άox-ń
beginning, rule, άox-av (st. άoxovt) ruler, öox-
quo-s leader.
Skt. arh arh-á-mi am worth, am able, arh-a-s worthy,
arh-an (st. arhant) able, worth, argh-a-m value,
gift of honour, argh-ja-s valuable. Zd. arej
deserve, be worth, arej-anh (from argh-as) value.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 740 though doubtfully, Benf. I 112, where
many incorrect assertions are made about the use of the Gk, words.
When the agreement in sound is so complete it is impossible to
doubt the identity of the two roots. The fundamental notion common
to the two is that of worth, it may be that of splendour: άoxɛlv
lάμnɛiv (Hes.), though M. Schmidt questions the gloss. As regards
the further development we must remark that arh-a-mi is like άoz-o
used as a kind of auxiliary with the infinitive, the former in so co-
lourless a meaning as I can, I may; again that the word is constantly
used of religious services and ceremonies, as in ἀπάρχομαι, ἀπαρχή,
ἄρχματα (Hesych.) = ἄργματα ξ 446 primitiae, κατάρχομαι, προςάρχ
oμaι (L. Herbst on Cobet's emendations in Thucydides p. 9). We
are reminded in vлágzɛı “to be at hand" of the meaning "to have
the power to". The somewhat different use of άgxɛodaι for "to
begin", as distinguished from the carrying out of the affair, does not
occur frequently till the Odyssey though it certainly cannot but be
recognized in the Homeric αρχή, ἐξ ἀρχῆς. - ὄρχαμος is rightly
regarded by Benf. I 114 as a superlative form (cp. Pott II¹ 461),
o by the side of a as in "yno-s (No. 1) cp. Lobeck Proleg. 295.
Besides argh there is also adduced a Skt. rt. rágh of similar mean-
ing. Ought we not to regard this as the connecting link with the
Goth ragin δόγμα, raginon ἡγεμονεύειν, fidur-ragineis τετραρχῶν with
the words which Diefenb. II 155 adds from the other Teutonic lang-
uages? A still bolder step would it be to connect, with Jac. Grimm,
who is there quoted, the Germ. ragen (project), and even regen (stir),
however well the former would serve for the primary meaning of 190
the root. The Goth. verb finds considerable resemblance in the Lith.
rág-in-ti compel, summon. We may perhaps be said to have suc-
ceeded in this way in having rescued dox and arh from their remark-
able isolation. This rt. is thoughtfully discussed, especially with
reference to its meanings, by Autenrieth in the Münchner Gymnasial-
zeitschr. 1868 p. 256, where άoxo is set down as a duplicate of έoxoµai
(below p. 691). But the difficulty of explaining the change of meaning
seems even greater than if our account of the words is accepted.
*
166) Rt. ȧx άyx ärx-o tie tight, strangle, άyx-óvŋ hang-
234
BOOK II.
ing, άyx-1, άyx-oỡ near, άx-vv-pai, άx-o-µai, άx-
Evo am in grief, am troubled, ax-os anguish, af-
fliction, ax-d-os burden, äx-d-o-µaɩ am burdened,
troubled.
Skt. ah-u-s narrow, pressure, ah-as, ah-a-ti-s ang-
uish, agh-a-m evil, sin. Zd. agh-a-na (n.) con-
traction, cord, az-anh straits, anguish, sin.
Lat. ang-o, ang-us-tu-s, ang-or, ang-ina, quinsy,
Angitia (Ital. goddess), anxiu-s.
Goth. aggv-ja, ga-aggv-ja contract, aggv-u-s narrow,
O.-H.-G. angu-st anguish. Goth. og am fright-
ened, ag-is fright.
Ch.-Sl. az-a dɛouós, az-u-ku angustus, Lith. ànkszta-s
narrow.
2
O.-Ir. ocht angustia (Z.² 1006). águr I fear, cp.
Lat. angor (Beitr. VI 470), ag-athar timet (Z.²
438), aich-thi metuenda (Z.2 480), co-aig-thide
fearfully (F. A. 172).
The physical meaning 'squeeze' is clearest in άyxw, ango; hence
come the adjectives with the meaning narrow, near (ãσcov
α
Skt.
ahîja(n)s), from which yyús must not be separated (Kuhn Ztschr.
II 270). Pott I2 234 compares the Fr. près from presse, and is no
doubt right in tracing the s to the -✈ɩ in έyyú-dɩ (cp. dó-s — dó-dɩ).
The comp. aoбov
ἆσσον ἄγχ-ιον together with the Homeric ἀσσοτέρω
helps us to the Homeric π-αooú-rɛqoı (v Aeol. = 0). άz-qı as far
as, may also be related. The transition into the region of mind is
seen in the Lat. angor "animi vel corporis cruciatus" (Paul. Epit.
p. 8), etymologically equivalent to the angus that is at the bottom
of angus-tu-s and distinguished from axos, Goth. agis only by the
added nasal. άx--os with added, which Pott W. III 1052 con-
nects with the Skt. sah (No. 170), seems to me rather to be "that
which cramps one". If these words are related Mommsen's conject-
ure as to the connection of ang-i and ag-ere (Unterital. Dial. 250)
cannot stand. Besides these there occur the rarer words 'azýv
(Theocr.) needy, άxnv-ía (xenμátov, lack Aesch. Choeph. 298 Herm.),
ñïñvεs лτwɣοí Нesych., which seem to come near to the Lat. eg-e-o,
ind-ig-e-o, eg-ênu-s. Grimm Wörterb. s. v. Angst, Schweizer Ztschr.
I 152, Aufrecht I 355, Kuhn III 64, Schleicher Ksl. 42, Pauli Praeter-
ito-praesentia 19, Ebel Beitr. II 159.
1666) βρέχω Ι wet, βροχή, βροχετός a wetting.
α
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
235
Lat. rig-a-re, in-rig-uu-s. Goth. rign Booxń,
rignjan ẞoéxɛiv, O.-H.-G. rëgan rain, rëganôn to
rain. - Ch.-Sl. vlag-a humor, vlaž-iti humefacere.
Benf. I 329, who with others connects the word with the Skt. 191
varsh (gon No. 497). In that case varsh would stand for vark-sh
and this would have arisen from vargh-s with suffixed s.
We can
be sure of nothing beyond the rt. vragh, the v of which has turned
to ẞ in Gk. and has fallen away in Lat. and the Teutonic languages.
Corssen Beitr. 505.
167) δολιχός long, δόλιχο-ς long racecourse, ἐνδελεχής
lasting, ἐν-δελέχεια continuance, ἐν-δελεχέω con-
tinue. Δουλίχιον the Long land.
Skt. dirgha-s Comp. dragh-ijas long, dragh-man,
drágh-i-man length. Zend daregho long.
Ch.-Sl. dlug-u, Lith. ilga-s long.
――
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 859, Schleich. Ksl. 105. The rt. darh
grow which used to be assumed is not to be found in Skt. On
the other hand Leo Meyer Ztschr. VI 223 and more especially Grassmann
XII 127 suggest connection with the Goth. drag-a slow. Gr. is quite
right in giving dhragh as the it., of which we can actually discover
a trace in the Skt. (dhrágh by the side of dragh). The Lat. trah-o must
be rejected on account of its t (cp. Corssen Nachtr. 107). But the
Ch.-Sl. druž-ati tenere comes very near to the Goth. drag-an, and
can in its turn hardly be separated from the Skt. darh Zd. darez
make fast, hold fast. In another direction we are met also by
the Skt. dhrag, skim, sweep, pass (of birds), to which belongs
dhráģi-s train. Are we to think that dhar-gh is a form that has
grown out of dhar hold (No. 316), and that all the meanings are
developed from the notion of holding out, holding on? Miklosich
as well (Lex.) suggests the connection of dargh and drůžati with
dhar. The comparison of the Lat. indulg-e-o seems to me very
doubtful, as the meaning is much more general than 'to be long-
suffering, patient' and as we may divide the word ind-ulg-e-o just
as well as in-dulg-e-o. longu-s and the Goth. lagg-s belong to No.
147, though Walter Ztschr. XI 434 again puts them here.
168) ἐλαχύς small, ἐλάσσων, ἐλάχιστος.
Skt. laghu-s (also ragh-u-s) quick, small, laghîja(n)s,
laghishta-s.
Lat. lev-i-s, levi-ta-s, levare.
O.-H.-G. lih-ti.
Ch.-Sl. lig-u-ku levis, Lith. lengv-a-s facilis, lenis.
236
BOOK II.
O.-Ir. laig-iu minor (Z.² 275), lug-em minimus (Z.2
278), lag-ait parvitas (Z.2 805).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 713, Benf. II 26, Schleich. Ch.-Sl. 106.
The positive is only used in the fem. but it is preserved in the
Pindaric compound ἐλαχυ-πτέρυξ. But hάxela is now written by
I. Bekker with Zenodot. at 116, x 509; so too Baumeister hymn.
in Apoll. Pyth. 19. Otherwise Döderl. Gl. 2062. There is no ground
for the interpretation 'rough' that is given of laysia by Nitzsch
on ɩ 116, and approved of by Lobeck Path. Proleg. 177.
The re-
lationship of ἐλέγχ-ω I disgrace', ἔλεγχος probrum, ἐλεγχέες
'cowardly' to these words is very doubtful; they are compared in
the PW. I 1040 and by Fick2 16 rather with the Zend eregh-ant
'bad' and the Germ. arg 'bad'. The Lat. le(g)v-i-s has an added
192 i as the Lith. lèngv-a-s an added a, the & in Gk. is prothetic.
Schweizer Ztschr. XV 316 connects the O.-H.-G. ringi (which in
Switzerland still means 'light'), to which the Germ. gering 'small'
belongs. The rt. is doubtless to be found in the Skt. rah 'flow',
'run'. PW. Fick 2 164.
M
169) Rt. èx, Fex ox-o-s carriage, oxé-o-uaι drive, ride,
ỏɣɛú- leap, cover (of horses and other animals),
oxn-ua vehicle, ox-20-s crowd, óxλlé-co I trouble,
ox-εtó-s gutter, canal.
Skt. vah (vah-á-mi) lead, ride in a carriage, vâha-s
draught-animal, váhana-m draught-animal, carr-
iage, vahini train, army.
Lat. veh-o, vehi-culu-m, vehe-s vehicle, vectura, via,
vexo, vêlu-m.
Goth. ga-vig-an oaλeveiv, ga-vag-ja move, vég-s
movement, végôs (plur.) waves, vig-s via, O.-H.-G.
wag-an currus, wága libra.
Ch.-Sl. vez-a veho, voz-й currus, Lith. vež-ù lead,
ride in carriage, vež-ìma-s carriage, véžé cart-rut.
O.-Ir. fén plaustrum (Z.² 766)..
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 1023, II2 639, Benf. I 351, Schleich. Ksl.
109, Grimm Gesch. 104. See specially Savelsberg 'Quaestiones
lexicales de radicibus graecis' (Berol. 1841), where the whole of exw
is referred to this rt. I cannot agree with him though for two
reasons, firstly because it is not made out that the σ in -ox-o-v, oxń-ow
&c. could arise from F, secondly because the meaning 'hold to',
'hold fast', which is prominent in exo does not suit. I assume an
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
237
intermingling of the roots vagh and sagh, and only give here the
words which undoubtedly belong to vagh. The several languages
mutually explain each other by their different applications of the
fundamental notion 'move' (trans.) 1) to riding in a carriage or boat,
2) to the surging of water, 3) to metaphysical relations (oxlé-w, vexo).
Under the first head comes the Lat. via (form vea Corssen Ausspr.
12 98) (cp. Paul. Ep. 368 veia apud Oscos dicebatur plaustrum), which
occurs again in the Osc. viu (Mommsen U. Dial. p. 260) and finds
a direct analogy in the Lith. věžë (ė = ia), under the second perhaps
öxlo-s and the Skt. váhinî as a surging mass. Corssen indeed (Beitr.
60, Ausspr. I² 459, 1018) steadfastly denies that vêlu-m is connected
with our present it. But Corssen does not say how vexillu-m arose,
which is obviously a diminutive from vélum (Schwabe Demin. p. 96).
The guttural which we have here bodily before our eyes could not
help disappearing from the primary word, and seeing that hl is a con-
junction of sounds unheard of in Latin, the supposition of the rise of
vêlu-m from veh-lu-m or (cp. vec-ti-s) veg-lu-m presents no difficulty.
Goetze however 'Studien' I, 2, 170 prefers the derivation from vex-lu-m,
but he does not give any other instance of this vex as a lengthened
form of veh. The fact that in vêlâre only the derived meaning of
velu-m, that of 'curtain' is traceable, can be no reason for rejecting
the old etymology of vêlu-m a vehendo. It would on the other hand
have been strange if sailors had called their sail a 'blind' or 'curt-
ain'. As pî-lu-m is 'that which pounds' (rt. pis), so vê-lu-m is ‘that
which moves'. The fact the Romans and the Slavonians agreed in
the word for the two chief motive powers of ships is remarkable.
oxley-s lever suggests vecti-s of similar meaning and the Norwegian
vag (f.) lever (Bugge Ztschr. XX 24) and clearly shows the funda-198
21
mental meaning of the rt., which is also visible, transferred to mot-
ions of the mind, in the Homeric oxnoas 'excited', 'roused' (Buttm.
Lexil. I 123); this has nothing to do with eto (No. 166), but
suggests rather the Lat. vehe-mens, though this is explained in a com-
pletely different way by Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 268. Traces of the F
are visible in συνεοχμός ‘joint' (Iliad), ἐεχμένη συνεχομένη Hesych.
The Ir. fén stands for *fegn, and finds an analogy in the borr-
owed word Benén Benignus (Journ. 1871 pp. 374, 408), and is not
more mutilated than the English wain.
170) Rt. èx, cex ex-o have, hold, ex-o-µaι hold myself,
cling to, ἔ-σχ-ο-ν, σχή-σω, ἔ-σχη-κα, σχέ-σι-ς,
oxñ-μa form, oxo-λń stoppage (holding up),
εξείης holding on to each other, σχεδόν near,
σχω hold on, have, Ισχανά-ω hold, ἐχυρό-,
ὀχυρός firm.
238
BOOK II.
Skt. sah sah-ê sustineo, perfero, sah-as vis, robur,
sah-uri-s forcible, sah-ana-s powerful.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 751, Giese Aeol. Dial. 245, Aufrecht
Ztschr. I 355, where the A.-S. sig-or (st. sig-ora) and the Goth. sig-is
victory are also compared and explained by the similar use of the
Skt. sah with the acc. 'hostes sustinere, vincere'. Cp. No. 169.
Those words are more especially given here which particularly compel
us to keep them separate from the rt. Fex, from which e. g. oxɛ-dóv
cannot easily be derived, which is exactly the opposite of the notion
of 'away' which we hold to belong to that rt., nor oxo-lý nor its op-
posite ά-oxal-άav, ά-oxáll-ev to be impatient. -ox-o is of course
ἀ-σχαλ-άαν, ἀ-σχάλλειν
reduplicated = σι-σε-χω like μί-μν-ω μι-με-νω. loxv-s strength
seems to lie very near, but it has traces of an initial digamma. Cp.
Ahr. d. Dor. p. 47 and No. 592.
171) έx-ivo-s urchin.
Igel).
O.-H.-G. ig-il urchin (Germ.
Ch.-Sl. jez-, Lith. ež-ý-s (?).
Pott W. III 99, Schleich. Ksl. 111, Förstemann Ztschr. I 498.
The suffixes are different, but the stem is unmistakably the same.
On the suffix wo cp. Ztschr. VI 87.
No. 40.
Pictet Ztschr. VI 186 and
172) ëxı-s (m. and f.), ëxı-dva adder, eyxɛhv-g eel.
'Exícov.
Skt. ahi-s (m.).
Zd. azhi (m.) snake.
Lat. angui-s (m. and f.), anguilla.
O.-H.-G. unc adder, O.-N. ög-li-r coluber, O.-H.G.
âl eel (Germ. Aal) (?).
Lith. ang-ìs snake, ung-urý-s eel, Ch.-Sl. ag-ori-šti eel.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 99, Förstem. Ztschr. III 46, Kuhn III 64,
where some objections are succesfully disposed of. The Lithuanian
word throws the clearest light upon the Lat. form, which, like the
Gk. lyxɛlv-s, is nasalized. The latter is, like anguilla a diminutive.
Kuhn moreover compares with the Indic Ahi-s the Norse sea-god
Agi-r. Pictet Ztschr. VI 187. The rt. is ax, arx squeeze, strangle
(No. 166), the snake is accordingly called 'constrictor'. Gk. öqı-s
is quite a distinct word. (Cp. p. 457).
173) Rt. λεχ λέχος bed, λέκτρο-ν couch, ἄ-λοχο-ς (f.)
bed-fellow, 2ɛx- a woman in child-bed, 20x-ɛía
birth, lóx-o-s insidiae, λóx-un thicket.
Lat. lec-tu-s, lect-îca.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
239
ว
τίθημι,
Goth. lig-a xeîuaι, lag-ja tíðnui, ligr-s couch, 194
O.-H.-G. lága insidiae.
Ch.-Sl. lež-a-ti xɛtodaι, leg-ą decumbo, lož-e lectus.
O.-Ir. lige bed (Amra p. 30, Ir.-Gl. 812).
Pott W. III 606, Grimm Gesch. 410, Buttmann Lexil. II 90,
where hέx-to 'laid himself down', λégɛta 'will lay himself down'
are rightly regarded as unconnected with the rt. λey. Hesychius's
λαγρὸν ἢ λαγρὸς κραββάτιον is remarkable; it comes doubtless from
some dialect that abolished the aspirates (perhaps Macedonian), and
bears only a chance resemblance to the Germ Lager (0.-H.-G. legar)
couch'; again καλέχες (Meineke καλέχεο, Bergk κατέχεσο) κατέκειτο
Пlágio from the same source, certainly belongs here, and must have
arisen from κατ-λεχ . and is apparently therefore an example of
this rt. in the present-stem that has elsewhere disappeared (Bergk de
titulo Arcad. p. IX).
· >
174) Rt. λιχ λείχω, λιχ-μ-ω, λιχμά-ζ-ω lick, lick over,
λix-avó-s the forefinger, híz-vo-s greedy.
Skt. lih and rih lick, lick over.
Lat. li-n-g-o, lig-uri-o.
Goth. bi-laigô-n έñihɛíxɛiv, O.-H.-G. lëcchôn.
و
Ch.-Sl. liz-a-ti 2ɛíxɛv, Lith. lëž-iù lick, liž-u-s fore-
finger.
O.-Ir. lígim lingo (Z.² 429).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 1011, Grimm Gesch. 410. The Lat.
lingua however near it may seem at first sight to be (cp. Lith. lėž-
ùvi-s tongue), must not be compared as it had an older form dingua
Goth. tuggô, which comes from the Indo-Germ. dang-vá or dangh-vâ.
The coincidence in the meaning of lixavó-s and the Lith. liž-u-s
is striking (Benf. II 28).
175) Rt. μιχ ό-μιχέω (ὤμιξα) mingo, ὄ-μιχ-μα urina,
ὀμίχλη, ὁμίχλη mist, μοιχ-ό-s adulterer.
Skt. mih (mêh-â-mi) mingere, semen effundere,
méh-a-s urina, mih (f.) sediment, mist, mégha-s
cloudy weather, cloud, méh-ana-m membrum
virile.
Lat. mi-n-g-o, mêj-o, mic-tu-s.
A.-S. mig-e, Goth. maíhstu-s mist, O.-N. mist-r ca-
ligo aeris.
Lith. myž-ù mingo, Ch.-Sl. mig-la, Lith. mig-là cloud.
240
BOOK II.
195
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 1003, Grimm Ueber Diphthonge p. 57,
Benf. II 43. The Lat. mê-j-o is no doubt rightly explained by Joh.
Schmidt Vocal. I 135 to be from meig-jo. Lottner Ztschr. XI 164
is no doubt right in connecting the Goth. mih-ma cloud, which is
often compared with the above words (Diefenbach G. Wörterb. II 71),
with the Ch.-Sl. mrak-ŭ άxló-s. There can be no mistake about
the prothetic o.
176) лnxv-s forearm, elbow. Skt. bahu-s, baha-s, Zend
0.-N. big-r, O.-H.-G. buoc bend (in
bâzu arm.
the arm or leg).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 109, Ebel Ztschr. VII 79, VIII 241.
Grassmann
XII 121, after whose investigations we must give a stem with initial
and final aspirates, bhaghu, from which all the compared words can
easily be derived.
176b) Rt. επερχ σπέρχ-ο-μαι I hurry, σπέρχω I urge,
σπερχ-νό- hurried, hasty, σπέργ-δην ἐρρωμένως
(Hesych.), ά-бñεox-és hastily, eagerly.
Skt. sparh sprh-ajâ-mi (with dat. or gen.) appetere,
invidere, sprh-â desiderium.
Zd. cparez strive.
In spite of some difference of meaning we may connect these
words. The fundamental notion of hasty movement is preserved more
intact in the Gk., while in Skt. that of a striving after an object,
towards an object, is prominent. The transition in the former lang-
uage by which it is used to denote 'anger' is significant: Pind. Nem.
I 40 θεῶν βασιλέα σπερχθεῖσα θυμῷ, Herod. V 33 ἐσπέρχετο τῷ
Αρισταγόρῃ, σπέρξομαι ὀργισθήσομαι (Hesych.), so in the latter lang-
uage is the idea of 'desire'; and these two uses of the word are re-
lated to each other as the Skt. kup-ja-mi 'am angry' is to the Lat.
cup-io. The meaning 'invidere' as in ¿ηlovv. Cp. also the proper
names Σπέρχις, Σπέρχων, Σπερχύλος, Σπερχειος. - Perhaps spargh
is a lengthened form of spar (cp. No. 389). ἀ-σπερχές must be
for άv-oлɛexés, cp. a-tεv-ns.
ἀ-τενής.
177) Rt. ετιχ στείχω g0, στίχο-ς, στοῖχο-s row, στιχά-ο-
ua march in rank.
Skt. stigh (does not occur) ascendere.
Goth. steig-a avaßaíva, staig-a path (Germ. Steig),
O.-H.-G. stëg-a ascensus, semita, M.-H.-G: steig-el
steep (Germ. steil).
Ch.-S1. stig-ną-ti venire, stiz-a semita, Lith. staig-ù-s
hasty, staíg-ìni-s steep (Nesselm.):
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
241
O.-Ir. im-tiagam
2
ἀμφιστείχομεν, gl. ambulamus
(Z.² 432), tiasu = oτɛiğw (Z.2 466).
στείξω
Bopp Gl., Schleich. Ksl. 110, Benf. I 648 f., Pott W. III 721,
Stokes Beitr. VII 44. στοιχεῖον is to be derived from στοίχο-ς (Pott
II² 191 and Max Müller II 78) in the sense of 'member of a row',
whence κατὰ στοιχεῖον ‘in alphabetical arrangement (cp. στοιχηδόν,
GτOLXεiv, aτOLXiçe). ve-stig-iu-m could be satisfactorily explained to
be from this rt. if with Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 268 we connected the vé
with the Skt. vahi-s 'outside', 'out'; it would then mean 'that which
has gone out, stepped out', and ve-sti-bu-lu-m would likewise be 'the
place into which one steps out'. But in the PW. the Skt. adverb
is written bahis and this must be reckoned the authenticated spelling
of the word.
178) Rt. TрEX Toέx-w (fut. doέ¿w) run, toóxo-s a course,
Tooxó-s wheel, toóx-i-s a runner.
Goth. thrag-ja toέxw, A.-S. thrah decursus temporis.
O.-Ir. traig acc. pl. traigid pes (st. *traget, Z.²
255, 258).
2
Pott II¹ 123, W. III 821, Bopp Gl. s. v. tṛksh. Since this rt.
in the sense ire, se movere (with the same meaning also stṛksh) is not
supported by quotations, it has not been given here. Max Müller
Rigveda-Sanhitâ I 205 compares more aptly the Skt. dhraý (dhraýâmi)
'glide', 'move' (of the wind). Difficulties are however presented by
the relation of the consonants. Grimm Gesch. 404, Benf. I 673,
whom I do not follow in his connection of tax-v-s, though the loss
of a g is not unknown. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 104 has since reco-
gnized the identity of tax-s with the Skt. taku-s 'hurrying' (p. 498). 196
Perhaps toάy-não-s throat, neck may be referred to this rt. in con-
sideration of its moveableness, and also tergu-m which can hardly
be separated from toάznios. (Pauli 'Körpertheile' 13, Studien I,
1, 257).
179) Rt. χα, χαν χαίν-ω, χά-σκ-ω gape, yawn, χά-σμα,
xá-os cleft, abyss, xav-vo-s gaping, loose, xe-lά
χειά
cleft, hole, an-un gaping, xám-vn hiatula (name
of a fish).
Lat. hi-sc-o, hi-o, hia-tu-s.
O.-N. gén gape, O.-H.-G. gê-ê-m, gin-ê-m, gen-o-m.
Ch.-Sl. zi-ja-ti, zě-ja-ti, zi-na-ti hiare, Lith. žió-j-u
open the mouth wide, žió-ti-s cleft, hole.
O.-Ir. gin dat. giun os (Z.² 994).
CURTIUS, Etymology.
16
242
BOOK II.
197
Pott W. I 67, 74, Schleich. Ksl. 110. Other connected words,
occasionally doubtful, are given by Pott and Benf. II 188, Ztschr. VII
58, VIII 187, where the second part of the Skt. compound vi-hâjus
air is identified with zá-os. I doubt however with Pott II2 339 the
change of v to j supposed by Benfey. For while xá-os was certainly
xaƑ-os originally, it was by a lengthening of xa that xaF was arrived
at (p. 68), since zav-vo-s supposes the same secondary form of the
root. The change of a to ɛ is testified to by zɛɩά i. e. xɛ-lά, and
from this it is but a step to the Lat. hi-sc-o for he-sc-o with the i
that appears in the Teutonic and Slavonic languages. hi becomes
hia as in the German weak verbs, perhaps with the help of an inter-
mediate noun-form answering to zɛid. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 132
has a different view with regard to these sound-changes. We may
however join with him and others in regarding the Skt. rt. hâ, ģa-
hâ-mi relinquo, ģi-hâ-mi eo as related. Both meanings spring from
the primary notion of 'yawning', ‘separation'. Cp. No. 192. The
Ir. gin is connected with these words by Stokes, Corm. Gl. Transl.
p. 88, while Glück (Kelt. Nam. 106) connects it with yέvvs (No. 423).
180) Rt. χαδ χανδ-άν-ω (ἔ-χαδ-ον, κέ-χανδ-α, χείσομαι)
grasp, hold.
Lat. pre-hend-o, hed-era (?).
Goth. bi-git-an find, A.-S. gitan, Eng. get.
1
Pott I¹ 142, Benf. II 108, with whom we may safely suppose
connection with the Skt. has-ta-s hand, perhaps also with the Lat.
has-ta, but, on account of faulty sound-change, not with the Goth.
hinthan ‘take prisoner'. pre-hend-o for prae-hend-o, praeda must be
for prae-hid-a from the unnasalized root. Praedium belongs here, or
like prae(d)-s to No. 301. Kühn in his 'Metathesis' discusses thor-
oughly the notion of our get. But there is no need whatever of his
etymological assumption of metathesis from tak. The German com-
pounds of fassen 'grasp' (e. g. umfassen 'embrace, comprehend', er-
fassen 'take, seize') illustrate completely the different meanings.
Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 73 regards the Lith. pa-si-gend-ú ‘yearn for',
góda-s 'covetousness', and the Ch.-Sl. žed-a-ti 'desire' as connected.
[On hedera Loбó-s see Windisch Studien VII 184.]
181) χάλαζα (for χαλαδjα) hail, χαλαζᾶν to hail.
Skt. hrâd-uni storm, hrâd-inî lightning.
to rattle.
Zd. zrád
Lat. grand-o (st. grand-en), grandinat it hails, sug-
grund-a the eaves.
Ch.-Sl. grad-u xáλağa.
——
Schleicher Ksl. 105, cp. Pott II¹ 199. The derivation from
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
243
the Skt. rt. râd, i. e. ghrâd 'sonare' is probable. xálaga has cert-
ainly nothing to do with xalá-w 'to let loose' (Lob. Proleg. 359).
The first a in the Gk. word is an auxiliary vowel. Since the Skt.
hrád, as is shown by hrad-a-s 'sea' and hrad-inî 'stream', is used
of the noise of water, we may also compare zα-zlάg-w (rt. xlad)
'plash'. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 134 joins also the Goth. grêt-an
nlaiɛiv [Skt. greet] to this rt.
182) xoa-nó-s bronze.
Skt. hri-ku-s, lli-ku-s tin, lacker.
Ch.-Sl. žel-ě-zo, Lith. gel-e-žì-s iron.
Benf. II 198, Schleich. Ksl. 111. In spite of the difference
between the metals and between the derivative syllables the con-
nection between these words may be regarded as proved, and the
relationship to xál-v¥ (st. xal-vß) as probable: the latter word finds
a remarkable analogy in the Lith. pa-zleb-ėtyju I steel (Nesselm.,
Pott I¹ 142). Max Müller (II 231) denies the connection between
xaλ-xó-s and the Skt. words. But if we take as the rt. the Skt. ghar
'shine', the same from which the words for gold (No. 202) get their
name, the relationship appears probable. The names of the metals
and of the colours seem to have been determined by special con-
vention within the boundaries of the several languages from roots
of a most general meaning. Sonne Ztschr. X 98.
183) χαμα-ί on the ground, χαμάζε, χαμάδις to the
ground, χαμᾶ εν from the ground, χαμηλό-ς,
χαμ-αλός low, Χαμύνη epithet of Demeter.
Zd. zem (Nom. zão) earth.
Lat. humu-s, humî, humu-m, humo, hum-ili-s.
Ch.-Sl. zem-l-ja (zem-ja), Bohem. zem-ě, Lith. žém-ė
land, ground, éma-s low, Žemýna the Earth
1
Goddess.
Pott I¹ 142, Schleich. Ksl. 109, Beitr. I 397. The Skt. bhûmi
earth (rt. bhû pv) has nothing to do with these words, since the
short u of the Lat. humu-s is clearly of Italian growth. An etymo-
logical connection with the Goth. gavi is more likely (J. Grimm üb.
Diphthonge p. 43, cp. Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 173); it may be formed
from the same rt. and so be related to xá-ga. In any case we must
take ghamâ as the Indo-Germ. form, whence comes the Gk. xapa
χαμά
with its regular locative xauαi Lith. žemaí. As χθαμαλό-ς shows
clearly an accessary, we may connect xov as well, which may
then be compared directly with the Zd. st. zem and be derived from
xvoµ; on the connection of the sound-group xe with the ksh of the
Skt. ksham, kshmâ earth see Grassmann Ztschr. XII 95. The 7 in the
Ch.-Sl. word is a purely phonetic adjunct. No. 179 might be sug-
16*
244
BOOK II.
gested as the rt., since all these words represent the earth as 'that
which is deep (cp. θεοὶ χθόνιοι), cp. τότε μοι χάνοι εὐρεῖα χθών
4 182. From the noun stem are derived the names of man
the Lat. homo (old pl. hem-ôn-es), the Lith. žmů, st. žmun, with the
plur. form žm-ón-ès, the Goth. gum-a (st. guman), the O.-H.-G. gom-o
(cp. the Germ. Bräuti-gam 'bridegroom'). In the Lat. at all events
the oldest form favours the supposition of its origin from the noun
(cp. petr-ônes 'rustici a petris' Fest.). Corssen Beitr. 244. The same
198 view is evident in ἐπιχθόνιοι, ἐπὶ χθονὶ σῖτον ἔδοντες. The at-
tempt made by Hovelacque (Revue de linguist. I 4) to derive homo
from the rt. ghu (Gk. xv No. 203) is foiled by the e in hemônes and
the a in -gam.
Moreover the word is nowhere found denoting
man as opposed to woman, which, acc. to H.'s explanation of it as
'adspergens' would be its only suitable use.
184) χαμός καμπύλος (Hesych.).
1
A v
Cp. Corssen II² 4.
Lat. hâmu-s hook.
Pott I¹ 142, Benf. II 321, where a good deal of irrelevant
matter is introduced. The Gk. word cannot be relied on with
security, as záßos, and xaños are given with the same meaning. No
substantive zapós seems to have occurred.
185) Rt. xap xaío-o rejoice, xaq-á, xáo̟-µa joy, xáo-i-s
favour, χαρίζομαι Ι favour, χαρί-εις graceful.
Skt. har-já-mi amo, desidero.
Lat. grâ-tu-s, grât-ia, Osc. her-est, Umbr. heriest
volet, Osc. Herentati-s (Venus).
Goth. faíhu-gair-n-s greedy of money, O.-H.-G. gër,
giri cupidus, gërî, girî aviditas, gëron to desire
(Germ. begehren).
Lith. gor-u-ti to be desirous, gor to desire.
Ch.-Sl. žel-ě-ti, žel-a-ti cupere.
The words here placed together have found a place in etymo-
logical combinations of the most different character. Bopp's con-
nection of zaigo with the Skt. harsh horrere, gaudere (Gl.), that
reoccurs in Pott W. I 566 (cp. II 1, 215) accompanied by 'perhaps'
(cp. Benf. II 111), is met by the objection on phonetic grounds that
there is not a trace of the sibilant to be found in the Gk., while in
respect of meaning the difference between xάqı-s and 'horror' is an
irreconcilable one The attempt to obtain a support for this com-
bination from Hesychius's gloss χαρά· ὀργή, ὀργίλος is an unfortunate
one, since, as M. Schmidt holds, we have here an explanation of the
Hebrew word charan. Corssen I² 468 arranges many of these words
under the rt. har 'grasp', 'take' (No. 189), to which the Osc. her-i-iad
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
245
χαρ-οπό-ς
•
'capiat' may possibly belong, but 'to take' is by no means the same
thing as 'to desire', 'to wish', so that it seems safer to treat the
Osc. herest 'volet' as a completely distinct word. Sonne Ztschr.
X 107 (cp. Fick2 68) and Max Müller (II 371) take the Skt. ghar
'shine' to be the rt. of xaiow and zápis. This view is strongly sup-
ported by zao-ozó-s sparkling', 'twinkling', - used by poets from
Homer (2 611) downward as an epithet of the lion (cp. aidov), of
the sea (Soph. fr.), of the moon, by prose-writers as the name of
a darkish colour, especially in the eye, and also by the poetic
word xάowv of essentially the same meaning. Cp. also Fulda 'Unter-
suchungen' p. 194. Accordingly it seems best to assume that the rt.
ghar resolved itself early into two main directions: 1) 'to shine',
‘to be merry'. Here belong χαίρω, χαρά, χάρμα, χάρι-ς and its deri-
vatives, grâ-tu-s, grâ-te-s, grâ-tia, which I cannot think, are to be
separated, as is laid down in the PW., from yάqı-s and to be placed
along with the Skt. gûr-ta-s 'welcome' (rt. gur). From ghar comes
ghra by metathesis; and since hr is a combination of sounds which
is prohibited in Latin, ghr could not do otherwise than become gr.
2) 'to glow', 'to desire enthusiastically' (cp. ardere), and under
this head will come xάoun which properly was 'glow', then 'strife'
(cp. dat No. 258), and certainly the Skt. har-ja-mi along with the 199
Oscan, Umbrian, Teutonic, Lithuanian and Slavonic words.
186) Rt. χεδ χέζω κέ-χοδα, χε-σου-μαι ease oneself,
χεσείω, χόδ-ανo-s buttocks. Skt. had had-é,
Zd. zad caco. A.-S. s-cît-e, O.-H.G. scîz-u.
Pott I¹ 249, Benf. II 193.
Skt. words to have lost an initial s.
We must suppose the Gk. and
Cp. ozάğw let loose. Fick 2 67.
187) χελιδών (st. χελιδον) swallow.
1
(st. hirundon).
Lat. hirund-o
Pott I¹ 143, Benf. II 135, Ahrens Ztschr. III 108 on the suffix,
which sometimes drops its v. In spite of the different vowels in
the middle of the words the identity of the two words can hardly
be doubted. We must start from a Graeco-Italic xɛgɛvdov.
ɩ
from
ε after the suppression of a consonant, as in xílio by the side of
the Aeol. xέllio, Lat. u for e before n as in the gerund. If we
started with yɛqıvdov we should find it hard to explain the u of the
Lat. form. I do not see how to connect the Lith. kregždě swallow
For attempts see Grimm Gesch. 204. The combinations of Förstemann
Ztschr. III 48 and the doubts of Hugo Weber X 247 (cp. above p. 81)
cannot be allowed. Doubtful conjectures as to the rt. are to be
found in Corssen Beitr. 129, Fick2 69.
188) χέλυς, χελών, χελώνη (Aeol. χελύνη) tortoise,
246
BOOK II.
Xéλv-o-v tortoise-shell.
Skt. har-mu-ta-s
testudo. želůví, želví testudo, limax.
Pott W. I 85, Benf. II 280, Schleich. Ksl. 111. The suffix
varies; we may perhaps with Hugo Weber Ztschr. X 256 regard the
Skt. ghar as the rt.; it appears in ghar-ghar-a-s 'a cracking', 'ratt-
ling', also ‘owl', and in ghar-gharâ 'lute', 'bell', in which case
the animal would have got its name from the squeaking noise which
it utters. Since there is no objection on phonetic grounds to the
connection of the above words, and since they denote the same ob-
ject, there is no reason for separating them as H. W. proposes.
189) Rt. xep xɛío hand, ev-xeo-ns easy to handle (dus-
xεons), xéo-ns subject (adj.), in hand (cp. xeo-
είων, χείρων).
Skt. rt. har har-a-mi rapio, adipiscor, har-ana-m
hand. Zd. zar to seize.
O.-Lat. hir manus. Lat. heru-s, hera, hêr-ê(d)-s, hêr-
êd-i-ta(t)-s, hir-údo.
A
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 1, 205, Benf. II, 108, Corssen I2 468.
The meaning 'take', 'grasp' appears clearly in the Skt. zɛío has pre-
served its old form zɛqı- xɛigi- in compounds (Roediger Comp. 58).
On the obsolete Lat hir (or ir), that appears to have been a neuter
noun with the meaning of the Gk. dέvag, cp. Corssen 12 472. xέens
(ἀνδρὶ χέρη 4 80, ep. χείριος = ὑποχείριος ‘subject' and the Lat.
man-cipiu-m) is the passive counterpart of the Lat. heru-s, if we re-
gard this with Lange as 'the taker' (Jahn's Jahrb. 1853 p. 40). hêr-
ê(d)-s cp. merc-ê-d-s No. 467, Corssen Beitr. 111, Paul. Epit. 99,
200 heres apud antiquos pro domino ponebatur comes from a verbal
stem hêrê. The rt. har appears in precisely the same application in
the Skt. aça-hara-s 'receiving an inheritance' (Goth. arbinumja). To
this may be added herc-tu-m, herc-isco (Corss. Beitr. 40) from a stem
with added c. It is possible that xogó-s again as 'an enclosed
dancing-place', xóo-to-s in the sense of 'courtyard' which it shares
with hor-tu-s, the Lat. har-a and co-hor(t)-s, the Gk. zgóvo-s in the
sense of 'the enclosing barriers of time' (Zd. zr-van, zrvâna time),
and even zoά-w, xoά-o-µaι (Pott W. I 91), are of the same origin.
Then from the rt. with added dh we get the Goth, gard-s oinos, aviń,
bi-gaird-an ñɛqı¿wvvúvαι, Lith. gàrda-s 'hurdle', žàrdi-s ‘horse-garden',
Ch.-Sl. grad-i-ti aedificare, grad-u murus, hortus, civitas. To zóotos
and hortus belongs the O.-Ir. gort seges (Z.² 68), lub-gort ‘garden'
(Goid. p. 98, 6, lub gen. lube frutex Z.² 242).
190) xv goose.
Skt. hąsa-s fem. has-î.
Lat. ans-er.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
247
O.-H.-G. gans.
Ch.-Sl. gąsi, Lith. žąsì-s.
O.-Ir. goss goose (Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 37),
[geiss] gen. gessa swan (T. B. F. p. 140), géd
goose (Corm. Gl. p. 23).
Bopp Gl., Schleich. Ksl. 105, Kuhn Ztschr. II 261, who is doubt-
less right in referring the st. xv.to a form xɛvs, as µýv is from a form
unus, we may perhaps be right in regarding the fem. stem xɛvo-i
Skt. has-î for ghan-sî as the primary form from which zŋv arose
(Ztschr. VI 85). The Lat. form has lost the h and taken a new suffix,
still Keller (Jahn's Jahrb. 1863, p. 766) thinks we may see the h
still remaining in herbilis hanser [Lucil. ap. Serv. Verg. G. I, 119]
where he thinks there is alliteration. The oft-repeated etymology
from xaivo does very well so far as the meaning goes, but the s,
which is found in the word in all languages, is against it. It seems
to be an addition to the rt. Schweizer (Ztschr. VIII 451) disagrees.
The Ir. nom. geiss which may be deduced from the gen. gessa
points to the primary stem *ghansi.
191) xno (Hesych.) hedgehog.
ac-eu-s or ér-in-ac-eu-s.
Lat. her or ér, hér-in-
Pott W. II 2, 395, Benf. II 111, Pictet Ztschr. VI 186, but the
connexion of the Skt. words which he adduces with the meaning 'snake'
(cp. No. 171, 172) does not appear to be proved. The relation of
χής το σχῦρο ἐχίνος (Hesych.) is not clear; M. Schmidt reads σχήρ,
but this reading is opposed by the alphabetical arrangement. Pictet
I 454 considers the word as quite distinct and connects it with the
Skt. Khur, 'scratch', 'burrow'.
192) xn-go-s bereft, empty, xnoa widow, xnoɛú-w am
bereft, empty, xnoó-o make empty, xoois separ-
ate from, vooito separate.
Skt. hâ ģa-hâ-mi relinquo, dimitto, há-ni-s relictio.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 68, who compares also the Lat. hêrê-s (st.
hêrêd) cp. znowoτńs 'substitute', 'heir', E. 158 which, as it
seems to me, the meaning forbids (No. 189). Benf. II 190. The
same rt. occurs also in the words xñ-t-os, xα-ti-s ‘lack', xαtiğw, xαtéw
'want', xalά-w 'let go', xalagó-s 'slack' the two last from a noun-
stem xala, which bears the same relation to xa that oxo-la does to
σχε and to which the χαλι in χαλί-φρων is closely allied lastly in
xάçoµαι 'give way'. The corresponding Skt. ha has also the mean- 201
ing 'ire', 'cedere' and with prepositions 'concedere', 'discedere'.
Cp. note to No. 179. Corssen Beitr. 216 aptly compares with yα-ti-s
the Lat. fa-ti-sc-ere 'gape' and 'dissolvi' in the metaphysical sense,
ad-fa-tim, fatigo, fessu-s and on the other hand derives fa-me-s from
the rt. gha. f = x as in No. 203. Cp. Pott W. I ss.
248
BOOK II.
193) χθές, ἐχθές yesterday, χθιζό-ς, χθεσινός of
yesterday.
Skt. hjas yesterday, hjas-tana-s of yesterday.
Lat. her-i, hes-ternu-s.
Goth. gistra-dagis to-morrow, O.-H.-G. gesteron
yesterday (Germ. gestern).
Bopp Gl., Comp. Gr. II 208, Benf. II 208.
is ghjas. The initial letter will be treated later.
σɛg-ós i. e. (x)deo-ós with e for σ and initial o for
εσ
The primary form
The Elic form
(Ahr. d. aeol.
p. 228) is worthy of notice. The suffix is a genitive suffix as the i
in her-i i. e. hes-i is a locative one. Lob. El. I 47 adnot. is wrong.
As regards the meaning it is important to notice that as in Goth.
so in the Vedas, at least acc. to the explanation of the Scholiasts to
the latter (Benf. Lex. z. Sâmavêda 209), the word is applied to the
following day.
194) Rt. xi xi-áv (st. xiov) snow), dús-xɩ-µo-s horrible,
χεί-μα storm rainfall, χειμάζω, χειμαίν-ω raise
a storm, raise a storm against, xíuɛ20-v chil-
blain, χειμών winter, χειμερινό-ς wintry.
Skt. hi-ma-s nix, as adj. frigidus, him cold, frost,
himânî nix, hêman-ta-s hiems. - Zd. zydo winter's
frost, zim, zima (m.) winter.
Lat. hiem-s, hibernu-s.
Ch.-Sl. zima hiems, tempestas, frigus, Lith. žëmà
(f.) winter, žëmini-s wintry.
O.-Ir. gaim winter (Amra 44), gáith ventus (Z.²
241).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 96, Benf. Gött. Anz. 1852 p. 553 ff.
Though the words adduced are undoubtedly connected, they present
many difficulties individually, especially the Lat. hiem-s and the b in
hibernus. On these points see Corss. Beitr. 250. Since an i appears
in all the languages the favourite view of a connection with xέ-o rt.
χυ must decidedly be rejected. χειμών is a collective of χείμα, to
χειμερινό-s and χειμέριος δυςχεί-μερο-ς is a preparatory step. - 1t
is not lawful to derive, as Ebel Ztschr. IV 334 proposes, the numerous
shorter forms all from χειμαντ. Aufrecht IV 415 sees the shorter
form hima (Zd. zima also year) in the Lat. bî-mu-s, trî-mu-s, quadrî-
mu-s for bi-himu-s &c., and in support of this Miklosich Beiträge I
p. 287 adduces some remarkable analogies from Slavonic and Lithu-
anian. Cp. Pictet II 588. From the Teutonic languages Fick 2 71
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
249
connects the O.-N. ge 'bad weather', N.-Norweg. gjö ‘nix autumni
recens' specially as parallels to the Zd. word zyao; in these words
the nasal has been lost. It is perhaps preserved in the O..N. geimi
'sea', as my learned friend Zarncke thinks. Whether the Skt. rt.
hi, which among other meanings has that of 'jacere', 'projicere' (Zd.
zi 'shoot', 'grow', 'cast'), and which would but ill suit 'snow', is
the primary root, I leave an open question (Pictet I 90).
195) χίμαρος fem. χίμαιρα (= χιμαρ-ια) goat.
gymbr one-year-old lamb.
Grimm Gesch. 402.
The relation to the O.-H.-G. geiz
O.-N. 202
Lat.
haedu-s is more remote. Benf. II 193 assumes that xí-pago-s has lost
a d, and would thus bring us to a stem zid preserved in these words
intact. Cp. Stier Ztschr. XI 212.
186) Rs. xλad x-xlad-a am swollen, xa-pó-s gay.
χλαδ κέ-χλάδα «
Skt. hlád hlád-é gaudeo, laetor.
Bopp Gl., whom I cannot follow in the comparison of the A.-S.
gläd 'laetus' because the dental has not its proper substitute.
Benf. II 135. Nor can a connection with laetu-s be held, on which
Corssen Beitr. 150, 12 114, 376 by way of addition to Leo Meyer Vgl.
Gr. I 2 makes quite a distinct conjecture.
197) χλό-η verdure, grass, χλο-ερός, χλω-ρός greenish,
yellowish, x2ó-o-s green colour.
Skt. hari-s green, yellow, hari-na-s light yellow.
Zd. zairi yellow, gold-coloured, zairina yellowish.
Lat. hel-us (holus, olus), hel-vu-s, honey-yellow, hel-
vo-la vegetables.
O.-H.-G. groj-u gruo-j-u vireo, O.-S. grô-ni viridis.
O.-H.-G. gëlo yellow.
Ch.-Sl. zel-ije olera, zel-cnů viridis, Lith. žel-iù vir-
esco, žol-ě herba, žál-ie-s viridis. - Ch.-Sl. žlu-tu,
Lith. gèl-ta-s yellow.
O.-Ir. gel white, comparative gili-ther (Ir. Gl. 168).
Bopp Gl., s. v. harit, where viridi-s (for gviridi-s) is also com-
pared. Pott W. II 1, 207. Schleich. Ksl 109, where more extensive
conjectures are made on this rt. Cp. No. 200, 202. flâ-vu-s too
would be more rightly put with these words than with No. 161,
since flâva is an epithet of Ceres, as xlón of Demeter; folus (Paul.
Epit. 84) helps to explain the change to f. With Kuhn's connection
of xlóos with the Lat. gilvu-s Skt. gaura-s 'yellow' (Ztschr. I 516)
I cannot agree on account of the initial. But lû-tu-m 'yellow colour',
250
BOOK II.
203
whence lû-t-eu-s, may well have lost an initial h and may so corre-
spond in its first syllable to the xlw in xlw-gó-s. χλόη is clearly
for xlo-Fŋ, for which compare the Lat. words, which Corssen II ²
160 explains in several other ways.
198) χορο-ς a young pig.
Skt. ghṛsh-vi-s, ghṛsh-ti-s
boar. O.-N. grís-s porcellus.
Pott W. II 2, 387, Grimm Gesch. 37, Förstemann Ztschr. III
60, Pictet I 373. We are brought to the rt. ghars, which in Skt.
(gharsh) means 'rub', Gk. xogo, whence xogσ-10-s, Xogg-10-s, xoïqo-s.
Hugo Weber Ztschr. X 256 considers ghar as the rt., whence the Skt.
ghar-ghar-i-ta-m grunting noise, and derives yoìgo-s (for xog-10-5) im-
mediately from it. But the s appears to be essential in two lang-
uages.
199) χολάδες guts, χόλιξ (st. χολικ) gut, χορδή gut.
Skt. (Ved.) hirâ gut.
Lat. haru-spex. har-iolu-s, hira dim. hilla guts.
O.-N. garn-ir pl. entrails.
Lith. žarnà gut.
Pott I¹ 143, Aufrecht Ztschr. III 194 ff., Corssen Beitr. 213,
Ausspr. 12 509. The 8 in zoodń will have to be discussed below.
hariolu-s (another form is fariolu-s) may be derived immediately from
haru a form which we may suppose to have existed, like famulu-s
from fama (No. 309). On the i in hira see Walther Ztschr. XII 412.
200) χόλος, χολή gall, anger, χολ-ικός bilious, χολάω
am bilious, xoló-o make bilious, enrage.
Lat. fel, fellitu-s.
žlu-čí, žlu-ti bilis.
O.-H.-G. gallâ. Ch.-Sl.
Pott W. II 1, 210, Schleich. Ksl. 111. Both are clearly right
in bringing the words into connection with No. 197, so that the gall
got its name in that case from its green colour. The suffix is dif-
ferent in the different languages, fell is perhaps for fel-ti (cp. mel
No. 465), though otherwise Leo Meyer Ztschr. V 379, Corssen Beitr. 318;
in Ch.-Sl. čě or ti is suffix and only the stem žlu is to be compared
with xol. Cp. however Kuhn Ztschr. I 516. How the Lat. bîli-s
is to be referred to the same stem, I do not see, since there is no
bridge to help us over from gh to initial b. Hence Corssen connects
this word with gil-vu-s and the Skt. gáura-s 'yellow' with b for g
(cp. below p. 465). On the distinction between χολή and χόλος
see Lobeck Proleg. 11. Schweizer's conjecture Ztschr. I 566 (cp.
Fulda 'Untersuchungen' 208) does not seem to me a happy one.
200b) Rt. χρεμ χρεμ-ίζω, χρεμετίζω neigh, χρεμ-ετάω
resound, xoóu-n, xoóuo-s noise, neighing, xoóu-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
251
ado-s creaking.
Zd. gran-tô (rt. gram) in-
censed. — 0.-H.-G. ga-grim creaking, A.-S. grim-
etan, O.-H.-G. gram-izzón murmur, hum. — Ch.-Sl.
grum-e-ti thunder, grom-u thunder, grim-a-ti
sonare.
Fick 2 72, who also rightly connects Xoέu-n-s, Xoɛu-vlo-s the
favourite name of the cross-grained old man in comedy, perhaps too
the Teutonic words O.-H.-G. gram 'resentful', grim 'rage', O.-H.-G.
grimmida ‘ill humour' &c. frend-ĕre is formed by the addition of
a d, which must originally have been dh. Cp. Pott W. II 2, 167.
201) Rt. xpi xoí-w graze, besmear, xoi-61-5 anointing,
χρῖ-μα, χρῖ-σ-μα ointment.
Skt. rt. ghar ghar-á-mi, ģi-ghar-mi besprinkle, gharsh
(ghars) gharsh-á-mi rub, ghṛ-ta-m melted butter,
grease, ghrsh-ti-s frictio.
Lat. fri-are grind to powder, fri-c-are, fric-iu-m
tooth-powder, fric-tio.
For the primary meaning
Benf. II 198, 375, Corssen 12 517.
of zoiɛiv 'zoísi pe ołoτgos' Aesch. Prom. 566 is important. Fricare
has an added c, and we may suppose in this case that it is a deri-
vative from a noun-stem frica (friçae a kind of stone) or frico (Corss.
Beitr. 207). The Skt. gharsh shows an added s. But there is no ne-
cessity to suppose with Benfey that zoí-o arose from zoo-W. One 204
feels a strong temptation to compare also χροιά, χρο-ά, χρῶμα “co-
lour', as being that which is rubbed on. But we are met by the fact
that you-s in Homer means only 'skin', and 'skin-colour', and since
the same meaning of 'skin' is to be found in xooiά xooά, we must
suppose colour to have been regarded as a skin drawn over the sub-
stance (cp. p. 113); just as col-or belongs to the rt. cel ‘occulere'
'celare'. Or is it that the surface in general is regarded as some-
thing 'rubbed on', or 'anointing? χρίμπ-τ-ω ‘touch', χραίνω
'touch', 'colour', zoaú-w 'scrape', may be regarded as formations
from the same rt., even the Skt. ghra, which though usually mean-
ing 'to smell' (intrans.) means also 'to smell at', 'to kiss', may per-
haps be related. Cp. Pott W. I 98. Ascoli's views (XVII 345, cp.
Corss. I² 802) are different, but they do not convince me.
ω
202) xovбó-s, xovбío-v gold. - Skt. hir-ana-m, hir-anja-m,
χρυσός,
Zd. zar-anu, zaranya (n.) gold. Goth. gul-th.
Ch.-Sl. zla-to.
Grimm Gesch. p. 13, Schleich. Ksl. 109. Miklosich Lex. s. v.
zla-to. In the Slav. zr-ě-ti, Lith. žer-e-ti shine the rt., which is the
252
BOOK II.
Skt. ghar, is preserved. From this rt., the same already spoken of
at No.'s 182, 185, 197, and 200, the oriental languages have formed
the word for gold by suffixing -ana, the European by suffixing -ta.
For the latter languages Schleicher in Hildebrand's Jahrb. f. Natio-
nalökon. I p. 410 rightly gives ghar-ta as the primary form. From
this come the Teutonic and Slavonic forms directly. xovoó-s however
seems to point to a secondary derivative ghart-ja, whence xovtjo;
and ghart-ja bears to gharta precisely the same relation that hiranja
does to hiraṇa. On the v cp. Delbrück Stud. I 2, 136. A trace of
the formation with the suffix -na is to be seen in Hesych.'s xlov-vó-s
xovoós. The Lat. representative of this stem is lû-tu-m, which we
have already mentioned at No. 197, whence comes lût-eu-s golden-
yellow. We may add the Phryg. γλου-ρ- χρυσός, γλούρεα χρύσεα
(Hesych.), with the Eranic g for gh.
203) Rt. χυ χέ(F)-ω (fut. χεύ-σω) pour, χύμα, χεῦμα,
xú-ai-s, xo-n a pouring, stream, xó-o-s a heap
of earth, xv-uó-s, xv-λó-s juice.
Lat. fo-n(t)-s, fu-ti-s (vas aquarium), cc-fû-ti-o, re-
fû-to, con-fú-to, fu-n-d-o (st. fùd), fû-ti-li-s.
Goth. giu-t-a pour (st. gut). [Germ. giesse.]
Pott W. I 777, Aufrecht Ztschr. I 120, Benf. II 194 with an un-
successful comparison of Skt. words. Acc. to Ebel Ztschr. II 80
(cp. Döderlein Gl. 2065) io-xέF-αiga 'sagittas fundens' (ẞélɛa otovó-
evta xέovto O 590) belongs to this rt., xɛF-αiga for xɛF-α-iα sup-
poses a masc. χεF-apo-s, to which it is related as πίειρα is to παρό-ς.
See moreover even so far back as the E. M. s. v. χώ-ε-σθαι is re-
lated to xέ(F)-w as no-w is to лlέ(F)-∞. Even Aristarchus explained
χωόμενος angry' in this way by means of συγχεόμενος (ep. confusus
animo) Lehrs Arist. 2 145. We might be tempted to separate the
Lat. fundo and the Goth. giuta entirely from the Gk. words, and to
connect the former along with funda with the Gk. opɛvd-óvn (No.
296), if it were not for the Latin words, which point to a shorter
stem fu. To these belong specially re-fú-to, con-fu-to. As to fû-ti-
li-s Fleckeisen in the epistula critica prefixed to his edition of Plautus
p. X follows Ritschl in recommending the spelling fut-tili-s, so that
we should have to hold the first t to be the representative of d, and
other testimonies to this way of writing the word are collected by
205 Klotz on Terence Andria p. 125. Paul. Epit. p. 89 has preserved
the peculiar meaning of fu-tili-s, vasa futilia a fundendo, so that
a man is futilis who is 'not able to hold fast', not able to keep
silence. Not a trace of the d is to be seen in effutire 'chatter'. Cp.
Corssen Beitr. 214, where fon(t)-s is doubtless rightly referred to
a stem fov-ont identical with xɛF-ovτ, cp. note to No. 192. (Other-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
253
•
wise Kuhn Ztschr. III 999, Ascoli XVII 346, Bugge Stud. IV 343.)
These words have as little to do with gutta and guttur as with hû-
mor, more properly úmor (No. 158). Aufrecht XIV 268 and Pictet
II 702 following Kuhn (Ztschr. II 470, cp. Grassmann XI 40) have
made it very probable that the Skt. hu 'sacrifice' belongs not, as
I formerly held, to dú-w (No. 320), but to our present root, and ac-
cordingly had originally the meaning of 'drink-offering'; this view is
especially supported by â-hâv-a-s 'bucket', 'horse-trough', and by the
Zd. zao-thra (f), cp. xv-roα 'holy water'.
T
Greek t corresponds to Indo-Germanic t. It is repre-
sented in Sanskrit by t, or th, in Zend by the same letters,
in Latin by t, in Gothic by th, in the middle of a word
sometimes, as in O.-H.-G. throughout, by d, in Ecclesiastical
Slavonic and Lithuanian by t, in Old Irish by t, and between
Vowels by th and d.
204) avt-í over against, instead of, ävt-a, även-v, åvti-
xou-s against, over against, άvtío-s, ¿v-avtío-s
contrary to, ἄντ-ο-μαι, ἀντά-ω, ἀντι-ω meet.
Skt. anti over against, before, considering, anti-ka-s
near, anti-ka-m going on before one, anti-dêva-s
opponent.
Lat. ante (for anted), ant-erior, ant-îquo-s.
Goth. and along, against, anda-vaúr-d answer (Germ.
Antwort), anda-nahti the night before, the eve.
Lith. ànt (with gen.) to, at.
O.-Gall. ande-, O.-Ir. ind-, inn-, ind-rid incursus (Z.2
867, 877).
Bopp Comp. Gr. III 488, PW., Pott I2 259, where however there
is a very capricious conjecture as to the origin. Inscr. Delph.
No. 8 1. 3 in Wescher and Foucart is important for avtí: 'άvti tov
χειροτεχνίου προσκάνιον ἱστάτω, where the old physical primary
meaning which is in general only preserved in compounds can be
254
BOOK II.
On
clearly seen (cp. Hesiod. "Egy. 727, Xenoph. Anab. IV 7, 6).
the meaning of the Lith. ànt see Schleicher Lit. Gramm. p. 285 f.
The Lat. ante-d is preserved in antid-eâ and is to be regarded as an
ablative, while άvtí and anti are locative in form, ävta instrumental.
Cp. No. 330. It is hard to trace the connection between this stem´
and the Skt. anta-s 'end' (but also 'neighbourhood' the Goth.
206 andei-s), which in Sanskrit is closely connected with it. The Lat.
antes 'rows' must also be considered here. Weber Ind. Stud. II
406 takes as the rt. the Skt. at 'to move continuously' (sam at
visit) along with the unauthenticated ant 'bind', while Benf. Or. u.
Occ. II 560 maintains all these words to be of pronominal origin.
205) ἀστήρ (st. ἀστερ) star, ἀστερ-ό-εις starry, ἄστρ-ο-ν
constellation.
Skt. (Ved.) pl. star-as stars, târâ (for stârá) star.
Zd. gtare star.
Lat. stel-la (for ster-ula), astru-m (perhaps borr-
owed).
Goth. stair-nô (f.), O.-H.-G. stërro (m.) star.
Cymr. stirenn, Arem. ster stella, Corn. steyr stellae
(Z.² 120, 122).
Bopp Gl., s. v. târâ, Pott II¹ 167. Perhaps we ought to put
with these τέρας and the ἅπαξ ειρημένον τείρεα (Σ 485 ἐν δὲ τὰ
τείρεα πάντα τά τ' οὐρανὸς ἐστεφάνωται) while ἀστράπτω, στέρ-οψ
'shining', otaq-ол-n may be reckoned derivative forms. Benf. I 662 f.
The oft-quoted Zd. açtar is not to be found in Justi, and seems
accordingly to have no authority, so that an initial a is only to be
found in Gk. As to the rt. varying opinions have been held. Acc.
to one view it is preserved in the Skt. as throw, in which case άorńe
would answer to the Skt. astar shooter (Kuhn Ztschr. I 540), in sup-
port of which Benf. mentions the Germ. Strahl (both ‘arrow' and
‘flash of lightning'), acc. to the other (Kuhn Ztschr. IV 4) the words
come from a rt. star (No. 227), in which case the stars would have
been so-called from being strewn over the vault of heaven'. The
fact that in the Vedas star-as only occurs as a plural speaks for the
second view. Max Müller II 365 also derives star-as from the rt.
star, but in the active sense as 'the strewers of light'. This seems
to me bold, since we do not find the rt. star used specially of light.
Pictet II 209 connects άo-τng only with the rt. as, and the words
beginning with a consonant with the rt. star. As prothetic vowels
are so common in Gk. this seems to me unsafe, and I regard Kuhn's
second view to be the most probable one.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
255
206) άorv (for Fάotv) city, dotɛto-ç urbane, άotó-g towns-
man, citizen.
Skt. vástu place, house, vâstavja-s olxɛłos, rt. vas.
Zd. vanh stay, dwell.
O.-H.-G. wis-t mansio, Goth. vis-an manere.
O.-Ir. foss rest (Corm. Gl. p. 1 amfhos), i-fhus,
i-fhos at home (Corm. Gl. p. 34 ore tréith);
ar-a-ossa (for ar-a-fossa) quae manet (Z.² 434,
Goid. p. 26, 48).
Kuhn Ztschr. II 132, while Benf. I 297 compares the Skt. vastu
'locus', Bopp Gl. s. v. vas, Pott W. II, 2, 475. On the O.-H.-G.
The F of άotv is discussed by Ahr.
wist cp. Grimm D. Gr. II 923.
ἄστυ
d. aeol. 170, and by Hoffmann Quaest. Hom. § 112. a is here, as
often elsewhere, the representative of long a. - Pott has ingeniously
associated with this same rt. vas 'to dwell' the words oiŋ záµŋ
(Hesych.) i. e. vas-jâ, and olά-τn-s zwμn'τns (Hesych.)
cp. also
Oiα, Oin, "On and inɛq-άo-v 'upper-story'. But doubts still re-
main, especially on account of the Lacon. cßá 'tribus'. The same 207
scholar explains the Lat. ver-na which like oixétηs had originally
the meaning 'house-companion' (Preller Röm. Myth. 248), to be for
vesi-gena 'born in the house', in which case we might assume a Lat.
subs. Skt. vasa-s.
But perhaps it is better to derive the word
=
—
straight from the rt. vas. Roth Ztschr. IX 220 puts Eo-tía, as
I did formerly, not under the rt. vas shine (No. 610), but under our
present rt, so too εv-vý for *vas-nâ. But the existence of an Indo-
Germ. rt. vas, us, can hardly be denied.
207) άtta father! - Skt. atta mother, older sister. —
Lat. atta father! Goth. atta (st. attan) father.
Ch.-Sl. oti-ci father.
Grimm Gesch. 271, Kuhn Web. Ind. Stud. I 325. A very old
epithet of endearment used to one's elders, of which the Skt. has
only the fem. Paul. Epit. 12, 'attam pro reverentia seni cuilibet
dicimus, quasi cum avi nomine appellemus', and therefore certainly
not a borrowed word. The Goth. aithei 'mother' with the regular
change of letters must also be of the same origin, at the same time
Pictet II 347 compares the O.-Ir. aite 'foster-father'. Cp. No. 243.
Skt. sat-ja-s verus,
208)
-εó-s true, tά--o examine.
sat-ja-m veritas.-O.-S. A.-S. sôth (= san-th-s)
sooth, O.-N. sann-r true.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 2, 243, Benf. I 25.
The rt. is ec 'to be'
(No. 564). The meaning 'true', 'real' appears already in the Skt.
256
BOOK II.
"
participle sat, the shorter form for sant (a)sant (Lat. prae-sent),
and Clemm Stud. III 328 refers the Lat. son-s (st. sont) 'that has
been it' to the same origin, also the derivative sont-icu-s, a view
which receives striking confirmation from Bugge's account of the use
of the Old Norse sann-r (Stud. IV 205). sat-ja-s is derived from the
same sat; the Gk. έt-ɛó-s has lost the spir. asp. Cp. below p. 681.
The synonymous words tv-uo-s, έt-ýtv-µos are referred by Benf. to
the Skt. form sat-va-m, which as a subst. has the meaning 'being',
'creature', 'animal'. Kern's assertion (Ztschr. VIII 400) that tɛós
shows traces of the F has no foundation whatever The argument
that εl stɛóv yɛ at the end of a line proves the existence of the di-
gamma would equally well prove its existence in dro, for we find
άлoléodαι at the end of a line as well. Pott II2 820 holds there-
fore rightly to the old explanation, as does Sonne Ztschr. X 345. On
the ɛ = j cp. p. 594.
11
209) ti moreover, further, still, nooбéti over and above.
Skt. ati, Zd. aiti excessively, ultra. - Lat.
et, et-iam, at in at-avu-s. O.-Ir. aith-, ath- (for
*ati) re-, iterum in aith-scribend re-scriptum, ad-
ro-gegon-sa repupugi (Z.² 869).
ετι
Pott 12 251, Bopp Gl. ati is used in compounds in exactly
the same way as in at-avu-s e. g. atj-ahna-s 'lasting over a day'
('longer than a day'). The Lat. et might then also correspond to
the related Skt. atha 'further', but the former supposition is rendered
preferable by the Gk. ti. Pott calls special attention to the almost
identical use of ati, ti, and et-iam with comparatives: eti µãλlov,
etiam melius. Kissling's assertion (Ztschr. XVII, 214) that an original
ati must have become in Gk. so and then even sl, is completely
unfounded, as we can see from προ-τί (πο-τί), φά-τι-ς, μῆ-τι-ς, δῶ-τι-ς,
dw-ti-vn. The rt. acc. to Weber Ind. Stud. II 406 is to be found in
208 the Skt. at 'ire' (?). Even the latest edition of Passow's Diction-
ary repeats the singularly ingenious remark "the word seems to be
the primary form of the 3. sing. of ɛiuí, and so properly esť“.
210) ἔτος (έτος) year, ἐτήσιο-s yearly, ἐτησίαι yearly
winds, τῆτες (σῆτες) this year, εἰς νέωτα a year
hence, dvo-ɛtηoía a bad year.
Skt. vatsa-s, vatsara-s year.
Lat- vetus, vetus-tu-s, vetulu-s.
Ch.-Sl. vetuch-ŭ old.
Bopp Gl. s. v. vatsara, Pott I¹ 108, Benf. I 311, Kuhn Ztschr.
II 133, Miklosich Radd. p. 8 (Ch.-Sl. ch regularly from s). The F
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
257
is established by Fέτια, δικατιέτιες on Boeotian inscriptions (C. I.
1569, 1575) (Ahr. d. aeol. 170), and its effects may be recognized in
the Lacedemonian dɩaßétns, yέtoę (Ahr. d. dor. 46, 54), and in άɛtéα,
τὰ τῷ αὐτῷ ἔτει γεννώμενα, αὐετῆ τὸν αὐτοετῆ, ὑετῆς ὁ αὐτοετής
(Hesych. ed. Schmidt p. 57), and in the Homeric oletéas 'of the same
age', and even in tqlaxovtoútys. All of the latter words are com-
pounded with the copulative prefix ά, ỏ (Lob. Elem. I 362). Ebel
Ztschr. IV 329 ingeniously suggests an old subst. vetus 'year' as the
origin of vetus-tu-s (cp. robustus, venustus) and agrees in so doing
with Corssen Ztschr. II 10, who refers Veturius as well to the same
source. The stem then is vatas, whence came the Skt. vatsa-s (for
vatas-a-s) with added a, a shorter form is found in sam-vat ‘year'.
From this shorter form came vέwta which must be for vɛo-F(ê)t-α.
Сp. пέqváι No. 360. The explanations that have been ventured for
πέρυσι
¿viavtós including the latest made by Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 408, seem
to me as yet unsuccessful.
་
211) it-aló-s (Fitalós).
Skt. vatsa-s calf, child.
vitulu-s, vitula, Osc. Viteliu (Italia).
tel-e, Bohem. tel-e, Lith. telyczà heel.
Lat.
Ch.-Sl.
Ιταλός in Hesych. with the meaning ταῦρος, which is assumed
also by Varro R. R. II 5 who follows Timaeus in deriving thence
the name Italia (cp. Gell. XI 1, 1). This etymology is splendidly
confirmed by Viteliu in the inscription on Oscan coins (Mommsen
Unterital. Dialekte 260). Bopp Gl., Kuhn Ztschr. II 133. Ebel
IV 329 compares the Skt. vatsa-s 'year' in which case the word would
mean 'that which is of this year'. So Bopp üb. das Albanesische
p. 3. In this language the calf is called βίτσι, the year βίττι or βλετ.
Stier Ztschr. XI 207. Grimm Gesch. 33, who however, regardless
of the Skt. word, makes vitulus arise from cvitulus, comparing the
O.-N. quîg-r vitulus, conjectures that aphaeresis has happened in the
Slav.-Lith. words (tela-s for ve-tela-s) as in the Neapolitan Talia
Italia (Wentrup Beiträge zur Kenntniss der neapolitan. Mundart
In the case of a word whose origin was obliterated so early this
seems credible. Otherwise Miklos. Radd. p. 93, Lex. 987.
p. 9).
212) μɛtά with, among, after, uέtage afterwards, µétao-
σαι lambs of middling age, μεταξύ between.
Skt. (Ved.) mithas alternately, mithu together,
mithu-na-s connected, Zend maṭ with.
Goth. mith ἀνὰ μέσον, μετά, σύν, misso one another, 209
O.-H.-G. miti (Germ. mit) with.
Bopp Comp. Gr. III 510, Benf. Lex. z. Sâmavêda s. v. sma, Kuhn
Ztschr. I 515, Ebel IV 142, where mati is assumed to be the primary
CURTIUS, Etymology.
17
258
BOOK II.
Pott 12 755, more clearly Ztschr.
a, so that the Skt. amâ 'together'
Benfey's conjecture
Benfey's conjecture is more plaus-
form for the Teutonic languages.
VI 101, assumes aphaeresis of an
would then be the primary form.
ible; it is that the Zd. mat arose from the similarly used Skt. smat
(with the instrumental 'with' Delbrück Abl. Loc. Instr. 68) and that
μɛtά too is to be referred to the stem sama (No. 449) not unlike the
O.-H.-G. samant, samat, and the Germ. sammt (together with) (Leo
Meyer Ztschr. VIII, 139). μέtαooαι (cp. êñл166α) must be for ustα-
xı-αi, and μɛtagú must be a compound with guv. The Skt. i is
weakened from a. uetá in form is instrumental, mithas genitival and
ablatival. We can perceive no direct relationship to uέooos, at
most it might be considered whether both words are derived from
the rt. ma (No. 461).
κι αι
213) ὀστέον bone, ὀστέϊνο-ς, ὄστινο-s of bone, bony.
Skt. asthi, asthan, Zd. açti, açta bone. Lat.
os (0.-Lat. ossu, ossu-m), oss-eu-s.
α
The Lat. os
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 329, Kuhn Ztschr. III 325.
stands for osse st. ossi, from osti like messi-s from mes-ti-s, met-ti-s.
On the other forms see Priscian VI p. 254 H. The Ch.-Sl. kostř
which must be related to the Lat. costa 'rib' must be put aside be-
cause the k cannot be explained in the face of three Indo Germ. fa-
milies. On the other hand parallels suggest themselves readily in
Gk. in ő6-taxo-s and άo-tano-s 'sea-crab', in őo-tqɛo-v, őotq-εlo-v
'oyster', in oo-rqα-no-v 'potsherd', 'shell' (of crabs, muscles, and
eggs), in άo-tqά-yalo-s ‘ankle', 'vertebra', 'die', with the by-form
ἄστρις (whence ἀστρίζειν = ἀστραγαλίζειν ‘to play with dice'), and
in άoroi-yo-s. All these are names of hard substances, and that this
is the special meaning of oorέov is shown by the fact that the same
word has in the three languages the two meanings 'bone' and 'kernel'
or 'stone of fruit'. This gives ground for Pictet's conjecture (I 515),
that the rt. as throw contains the etymon, so that bones and fruit-
stones were so called from being 'what is thrown away', 'rubbish'.
If this view is adopted we must assume a form as-ta-m that is pre-
served in the Lat. ossu-m as the primary one, and a by-form as-ti
whence came ỏo-tέo-v (as it were osseum), probably for ỏa-te-jo-v,
and by another suffix a dimin. oota go-v (Schwabe de deminut. p. 32,
69), whence oorάgio-v 'little knucklebone' on the one side, and on
the other octoεov, ooτqazov, the latter with a fresh diminutival suffix.
o Tou-s with the a preserved would stand for άo-tag-i-s. In άo-toά-
ἀστρά
ya-ho-s (cp. the Germ. Knöchel) the y seems to have been weakened
from x, so that we should here have a diminutive form of the cha-
racter of the Lat. corni-cu-lu-m, such as we see, though Schwabe
(p. 58) sought one in vain, in oẞoí-na-20-voßolov Aesch. Ag. 135.
ὄβριον
"
·
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
259
1
Cp. Stud. I 259. The words for dice suggest a direct derivation from
the rt. as throw, which Pott I¹ 519 conjectures for the Lat. â le-a
(for as-le-a; cp. the Skt. prâsaka-s i. e. pra-as-a-ka-s 'die'), but the
other meanings make it safer to connect them with the words for
'bone'. Otherwise Pauli 'Körpertheile' 24.
214) Rt. πετ πέτ-ο-μαι fy (ἐ-πτ-ό-μην, ἐ-πτά-μην, ἔπτη-ν), 210
ὠκυ-πέτ-η-ς swift, ποτά-ο-μαι futter, πτε-ρό-ν
wing, πτéquέ wing, fin, flap, лτ-íλo-v feather.
πί-πτω (Dor. aor. ἔ-πετ-ο-ν), πιτ-νέ-ω fall, πτώμα,
πτώ-σι-ς a fall,
fall, лóτ-μo-s lot.
πότ-μο-ς
Skt. pat, pat-â-mi fly, settle down, fall, light upon,
fall in with, pat-a-tra-m, pattra-m, pattr-in bird,
pat-man flight, pât-a-s flight, fall, wing, leaf.
Lat. peto, im-pet-u-s, pen-na (Old Lat. pes-na), prae-
pe(t)-s, acci-pit-er.
O.-H.-G. fëdara, fëdah (fëtah) wing, flap. Goth.
finth-a yiyvóóx∞, O.-H.-G. find-u.
Ch.-Sl. put-a bird, put-ica passer, pe-ro feather.
O.-Ir. én avis (for *petna, cp. O.-Cymr. etn, Z.2 776),
ete wing (Amra 44, for pet-tia?), etechail volucer
(Ir. Gl. 1066).
both denoting a move-
compounds like utpat ‘fly
Bopp. Gl., Pott I 240, I² 47, Benf. II 93, Schleich. Ksl. 119,
Fick 2 114, Ebel Beitr. III 35. The rt. pat, pet is clear. The pri-
mary meaning (cp. Introduction p. 105) we may assume to have been
that of 'quick movement' which has been maintained in the widest
sense in the Lat. petere, while in the Skt. and Gk. it has branched
off into the two meanings 'fly' and 'fall'
ment through the air. For all that Skt.
up', 'spring up', prapat 'hurry along', 'dash', and also the Сk. ло-
πετής, εὐπετής have meanings more like petere, while on the other
hand the Lat. penna (for pet-na), praepetes (aves Fest. p. 205, 244)
and accipiter (cp. No. 2), which Pott II¹ 54 well compares to the Gk.
άnvñétηs, with its by-form acceptor (Charis p. 98 K) are akin in their
meanings to the words for 'flying'. The poetic adj. duneτýs (side by
side with du-nέt-ns) is also important for the special development of
the meaning of this rt.; Homer uses it as an epithet of rivers, but
it afterwards acquired a much more general use. µлɛoεiv in passages
like 624 corresponds quite to the Lat. impetum facere. The Germ.
finden (find) finds in its special meaning of 'lighting upon' something,
a clear analogy in the uses of the Skt. pat that are given in the PW.
1
17*
260
BOOK II.
under head 7. The Lat. invenire has almost the same primary mean-
ing, so too ɛisninτav applied as it is e. g. by Xen. Cyneg. 3, 5: vlan-
τοῦσι περὶ τὰ ἴχνη, ὅτι εἰςπίπτουσιν εἰς αὐτά. Cp. No. 349.
215) St. πετα πετάννυμι, πίτ-νη-μι spread out, πέτα-
6-μa curtain, covering, ñéτα-60-s broad-brimmed
hat, лέτα-20-v leaf, plate (of metal), лéτα-20-s
spread out, лat-ávŋ dish.
Lat. pat-e-o, pat-ulu-s, Patulciu-s, patina.
O.-H.-G. fad-am filum, O.-S. fath-m the outstretched
arm, embrace, (fathom).
1
=
Pott [¹ 244, Benf. I 544, where much foreign matter is intro-
duced, II 98, where ɛtávvvu is classed with latú- Skt. pṛthu-s
and rt. parth, prath 'extendi' (No. 367 b). Leo Meyer Bemerk. 21
211 agrees with him in comparing the latter, and suggests notí by the
side of πqoτí as an analogy. But the of the Skt. words appears in
πlatús as 1, and the words here compared are found in three fami-
lies of speech with no liquid after the labial, and therefore we prefer
to treat them as separate. patina is perhaps borrowed. That
Téτalov belongs here and not as Bopp holds to the Skt. pattram
('wing', 'leaf' No. 214) is proved by the meaning and the adj. nétα-
20-s which is identical with patulu-s (cp. dévdoea vчinéτηia). — Per-
haps we might also place here лτɛ-λέα ‘elm' which Fick compares
with the Lat. tilia (Or. u. Occ. III 118). May we not suppose that
2
the Zd. pathana, 'wide', 'broad' belongs here? (Fick ² 115).
216) Rt. τα ἔ-στη-ν Ι placed myself, ἵστημι place,
otá-61-s position, standing, sedition, átα-µív an
upright, side-beam (of a ship), otά-uvo-s jar,
i-otó-s weaver's beam, oτý-uwv the warp, ota-
τήρ a weight.
Skt. sthâ ti-shtha-mi (Zend hi-çta-mi) sto, consisto,
sthi-ti-s status, stha-la-m locus, stha-vi-s weaver.
Lat. sta st-o, si-st-o, stă-ti-m, stă-ti-o, Stâ-tor, stă-tu-s,
stă-tu-o, stă-tu-a. stâ-men warp, sta-bu-lu-m, stă-
bi-li-s.
O.-H.-G. stâ-m, Goth. stan-da stand, stath-s place,
O.-H.-G. stat (Germ. Stätte), Goth. stôl-s (Germ.
Stuhl) chair, throne.
Ch.-Sl. sta-ti stand, Lith. stó-ti (in compounds) stand,
sta-tù-s standing, steep, statý-ti to place, stó-na-s
!
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
261
standing, stá-kle-s loom, Ch.-Sl. sta-menů orάuvos,
sto-lu thronus, sella.
">
O.-Ir. in-a-sessam "in their standing who stand
(Corm. Gl. p. 7 bóge), sessed standing (Goid.
p. 27, 47, from a primary form *si-sta-tu-).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 312-372, Benf. I 628, Schleich. Ksl. 115,
Corssen 12 414. The rt. sta, of which the t is aspirated only in
the Skt. form, is the basis of a large number of secondary forms,
especially of the stems σταθ (στα-θ-μός, στα-θ-μή, στα-θ-ερό-ς, στη
θ-ος, ασταθής), σταλ, στελ, σταF, and στερ, and, with a change of
vowel, of στυ, στυπ, and στυφ. It is specially noticeable that the
rt. is applied to weaving similarly in the Gk. îotó-s, otńμov, the Lat.
stamen and the Skt. stha-vi-s (Pictet II 173); with otάuvo-s on the
other hand may be compared the M.-H.-G. stande of like meaning.
otáln・ tapɛiov xτηvæv (Hesych.) answers to the Skt. sthala-m and
the O.-H.-G. stal (statio). The same meaning is found in the Ch.-Sl.
sta-ja. Corssen Beitr. 463, 12 810 gives valid reasons for not connect-
ing stlocu-s, the older form of locus with this rt. Pott analyses
δύστηνος ως δυσ-στηνο-s and sees in στηνο a noun meaning standing
'condition'. By the help of the suffix -vara the Skt. sthá-vara-s
'firm' =
Zd. çtawra 'strong' is formed from the rt. sta; it may how-
ever also be compared to the Gk. orav-gó-s 'stake' and to a Lat.
stauru-s which we may deduce from in-staur-are, re-staurare. The
Goth. stiur-jan 'make firm' comes from the same source, perhaps too
the Lith. sta-vari-s (?) 'knot' (in wood, reeds &c.), while the Lat.
sti-va 'plough-tail' shows the suffix va only. That also orέ-αg (st.
oteaqt for otɛ-F-αq-t) 'standing fat', 'tallow', and otais 'dough' came-
from the rt. σta seems very probable (cp. Benf. I 638, Leo Meyer
Ztschr. V 369).
217) Rt. στα, στες.
This rt. is now discussed under Nos. 228 and 216.
218) Rt. σταλ, στελ στέλλω (ἐστάλην) set, appoint, de-
spatch, otóλo-s expedition, otáλ-ig prop, rack,
στελ-εό-ν, στελεά (cp. στειλειή) handle of an axe
&c.), στέλεχος the stock of a tree, στήλη
column.
Lat. prae-stôl-o-r, stul-tu-s, stol-i-du-s (?).
O.-H.-G. stil handle, shaft (Germ. Stiel), stellan place
(Germ. stellen), stilli still, soft.
O.-Ir. stalle he stands, Lith. steluti arrange, order.
212
262
BOOK II.
213
Cp. No. 216.
We find in Skt. the rt. sthal 'firmiter stare',
but it is not supported by instances (Westergaard). Pott W. I 362,
Kuhn Ztschr. III 322. Ahr. d. aeol. 41 mentions orɛl as the Aeol.
rt. for σπόλα στολή, κασπολέω (= καταστελῶ), and hence he sepa-
rates orɛl with the meaning 'clothe' from this rt. We are met here
by many unsolved difficulties, we cannot even be certain with regard
to some of the words given above whether the 7 belongs to the stem
or to the formative suffix. The Aeol. otáhla (Conze 'Reise auf
Lesbos' Hannov. 1865 p. 35, A 24, B 17, XIX 2 otýlλn) proves that
στήλη belongs here, and not directly to the rt. στα. Perhaps στάλλα
stands for oral-va, and is to be compared with the Skt. sthû-nâ (Zd.
çtûna) "pillar', the n of which seems to point to a lost and so to
a form star-ná. Cp. No. 228. σταλίδας· κάμακας χάρακας (Hesych.)
suggests the M.-H.-G. stelze (Germ. Stelze) ‘stilt', 'prop'.
στέλεχος
is formed like τέμαχος, αἶσ-χος (st. αίδ). On stolidu-s and stultu-s
cp. Corssen II² 156.
219) Rt. στεμφ, στεμβ στέμφυλο-ν pressed olives or
grapes, ά-otεµô-ýs immovable, unpressed, otέuß-o
shake, misuse, oτεuß-άg-∞ (Hesych.), oτoß-έ-w,
otoß-ág-w scold, revile.
Skt. stambh stabh-no-mi, stabh-na-mi fulcio, innitor,
offendo, stambh-a-s postis.
O.-H.-G. stamph pilum, stamphon to stamp, pound.
Lith. steba-s pillar (?).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 362 f.
❤ and ẞ interchange of old in
συνεχῶς and occurs in this sense
this rt., στέμβειν denoted τὸ κινεῖν
in Aeschylus (Aesch. fr. 433 Herm.). Lobeck Rhemat. 33 f. discusses
these words and others of a similar sound. The notions of 'propp-
ing' and 'stamping' are united in this rt. as they are in oɛídw.
The ά in άotεuons accordingly is no doubt not negative but pro-
thetic as in ασταφίς, ἄσταχυς. I do not see how to connect with
this root σταφυλή bunch of grapes (σταφύλη plummet, peg), σταφίς,
άotaqís ‘raisin', at all events it is not likely that orαquin, as Kuhn
Ztschr. I 140 conjectures, originally meant 'vine-stock'. Joh. Schmidt
Voc. I 128 brings forward the Skt. stibhi-s 'twig', 'bunch of grapes'.
220) Rt. τεν στένω, στενάχ-ω groan, sigh, στόνο-ς sigh,
στένομαι, στείνομαι, am straitened, στενός,
otɛivó-s narrow, otɛivos a confined space, strait,
distress.
Skt. stan stan-á-mi sono, gemo, stanaj-a-mi 1 thunder,
stanajitnu-s thundering.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
263
O.-N. stynja, styn ingemisco, O.-H.-G. stunôd suspi-
rium.
Lith. sten-e-ti, Ch.-Sl. sten-a-ti groan.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 147, above p. 112, according to which
the meaning 'groan' is connected with that of 'confinement', 'press-
ure' just as it is in the case of yέu-w (No. 127 b). Kuhn Ztschr. II
237, IV 7. Cp. No. 230.
221) Rt. στερ στέρ-ο-μαι am deprived of, στερ-έ-ω, στερ-
í-ox-o deprive.
Goth. stil-a steal.
Pott W. II, 1, 710.
The Skt. stêna-s 'fur', stéja-m 'furtum'
are formed from the shorter rt. sti, which Pictet II 439 regards as
a weaker by-form of star. trtά-o-µαɩ 'want', 'lack' (Pott II¹ 558,
Benf. I 660) can hardly be compared, as the meaning does not come
near enough. For combinations regarding it see Fick 2 210. otέllw
itself has in certain connections the notion of 'secretness' and 'stealth'
which occurs in the Teutonic words of our present root. Cp. accord-
ingly No. 218. Diefenbach vgl. Wörterb. II 331 has collected the
rest of the Teutonic words. The O.-H.-G. stôrjan Germ. stören 'dis-
turb', which Corssen (Beitr. 461) compares is foreign both in sense
and sound.
222) στερεό-ς, στερρός, στέρ-ι-φο-ς firm, hard, σερίφη,
στερα barren, στήριγξ prop, στηρίζω I prop.
Skt. sthir-a-s firm, star-i vacca sterilis, strength.
Lat. ster-ili-s.
M.-H.-G. star rigidus, Goth. staírò otɛïọa.
Lith. styr-u am stiff, numb, stér-va carrion.
Pott W. I 356. στερεό-s and στεῤῥός point to στερο-ς (ep.
Βορέας, Βοῤῥας), so too στείρα points to στερ-jα. The acc. στείραν cor-
responds completely to starjam the Vedic acc. to starî (Kuhn zur ältest.
Gesch. p. 8). We might also connect orugas (cp. otóędy, otóędvy§)
στύραξ στόρη, στόρθυγξ)
'shaft', comparing also otɛipa 'keel-beam' with the M.-H.-G. stiure, the
Lith. stýra-s rudder (Germ. Steuer), though stiure 'prop' suggests oτño-
ys. We can hardly separate oτonvns 'hard', 'rough', 'sharp', and
the Lat. strênuu-s. The b of the O.-H.-G. stir-b-u 'die' (Germ.
sterben) might be compared to the y of orέq-1-po-s; at all events
'to die' is properly 'to become stiff and chill'. Walter Ztschr. XII
411 is of the same opinion, only he connects the Teutonic word im-
mediately with torp-co.
here in many instances.
W
The notions 'stiff', 'firm', 'strong' meet
Since Corssen 12 518 establishes for the
264
BOOK II.
214
1
Lat. stiria as for stilla the meaning 'drop' we must hesitate to con-
nect them with the words we are now discussing.
223) σtéo-vo-v breast, flat surface. O.-G. stirna brow
(Germ. Stirn).
Kuhn Ztschr. IV 4. The primary meaning 'flat surface' is
clearly to be seen in the rt. cтоp No. 227, the form corresponds
exactly to the Skt. perf. pass. part. (n.) stîrņa-m, 'that which is
spread out'.
224) Rt. στεφ (for στεπ) στέφ-ω I crown, στέμμα, στέφος,
oτép-avo-s garland, 678-άvŋ circlet, border.
στεφάνη
Skt. sthâ-p-aja-mi colloco, fundo.
Lat. stip-a-re, stipatores, stipulari, stap-ia stirrup.
O.-H.-G. stif-t, M.-H.-G. stafe, stapfe staff, O.-H.-G.
τε
stifulên fulcire, M.-H.-G. under-stivel fulcrum.
τε
Kuhn Ztschr. I 140, Pott W. I 369. The primary meaning
of orέq-w is nvnάłw, ‘make thick', 'firm', 'full', hence the Homeric
ἐπεστέψαντο ποτοίο (4 470), ἐπιστεφής (Archil. fr. 9 Bergk ὕλης
άygíns έnioteœńs), both with gen. of material [cp. otepάvois пvnao-
ɛis Eur. Alc. 746, and Theocr. II, 153]. Allied to the above is the
Lat. stipare, while the stipatores qui circumdant corpora regum'
(Fest. p. 314) approach more nearly to the usual meaning 'crown',
'encircle'. oziq-os 'heap', 'troop', σtıq-qó-s 'thick', 'close', which
are commonly connected with otɛißw, start from the notion 'closely-
packed', 'pressed together'. On the 2 of several forms see Walter
Ztschr. XII 413. The several uses of otɛp-ávn 'battlement', 'rail-
ing', 'border', point to a protecting, strengthening 'encircling and
surrounding'. stipulari presupposes an adj. stipulus 'firmus' (cp.
Gessn. Thesaur.), whence it arrived at the meaning 'to fix firmly to
each other'. The Skt. stháp-ajá-mi is a regular causative from sthâ
'stand'. From this point of view it becomes easy to understand the
connection with stip-ula stalk, stîp-e-s stem &c. Pictet II 425 follows
the old theory in connecting stipulari directly with stipula, remind-
ing us of the German custom of the 'Halmwurf' and of the use of
the festuca in the ceremony of manumission. On y for p cp. No.
251 and p. 499. Cp. Joh. Schmidt Voc. I 154, Corssen I² 505.
225) ori-a stone, pebble, dim. otïo-v, ótiάg-o pelt with
stones, orions stony.
Goth. stai-n-s stone,
stain-ja-n to stone.
Pott W. I 329, Benf. I 661, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 34, where he com-
pares yiά as well.
Pott II2 424 brings otóvvg 'point' under this
head. Perhaps our word contains the primary notion of this word
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
265
of mysterious origin. Miklosich Lex. 900 compares the Ch.-Sl.
sto-na τείχος, κρημνός.
226) Rt. στιγ στί-ζω prick, στίγμα, στιγμή prick, point,
mark, spot, otix-τó-s spotted.
Skt. tig têg-a-mi to be sharp, to sharpen, tig-ma-s
sharp, violent, tik-ta-s bitter, tega-s keenness,
strength. Zd. tigh-ra pointed, tigh-ri arrow.
Lat. di-sting-u-o (diaorigo), in-stinc-tu-s, in-stîg-a-re,
sti-mulu-s, sti-lu-s.
Goth. (us-) stigg-an prick out, put out, O.-H.-G.
sting-u, stihh-u prick, stick (Germ. stechen), Goth.
stik-s oτiyun, stak-s oríyua, O.-H.-G. stacchilla
sting, point, stihhil graving tool, stilus.
Skt. tig for stig (cp.
The development of
in the case of the rt.
âcer, têýas by ảnµý.
Pott W. III 465 cp. 342, Benf. I 647.
Nos. 222 and 205). Kuhn Ztschr. IV 6.
the meaning in Sanskrit resembles closely that
ak (No. 2). So tig-ma-s can be translated by
In its meaning tikta-s corresponds to πx-ó-s (No. 100). The name
of the river Tigri-s also belongs to the Persian words (Pott Ztschr.
VI 257).
Aufrecht Ztschr. I 513 discusses sti(g)mu-lu-s. stì-lu-s
(for stig-lu-s) is certainly not a borrowed word, it is identical with
the O.-H.-G. stihhil. Some of the Teutonic forms come from a rt. 215
with a of similar meaning, stag. Cp. Grimm D. Gr. II 37 No. 418.
The rt. Ory Diyɣávw (No. 145) which has been more then once
compared with this rt. has nothing whatever to do with it. Benfey,
Ebel Ztschr. IV 441, Grassmann XII 138 connect sig-nu-m, but this,
in consideration of Pott's remarks V 27 (cp. Introd. p. 105) I cannot
agree with (cp. Corssen Beitr. 82, Nachtr. 122). stinguo 'extinguish'
finds an analogy in the Germ. ersticken 'stifle', 'smother', which I can-
not see how to connect with our present root.
226 b) oτó-μa mouth, jaws, otó-ua-xo-s stomach, oτoμ-
úλo-s talkative. - Zd. çtaman (m.) mouth.
Fick 2 211, Pott W. I 371. The Aeol. otú-µa is of as little im-
portance for the discovery of the etymon as övvμα, or лúταuos for
that of ὄνομα and πόταμος. The Skt. stu 'laudare', 'celebrare' is
certainly not the rt. A relationship with the Goth. stib-na povń and
some of the words treated of by Diefenb. II 312 is more likely
than this.
227) Rt. το στόρνυμι, στορ-έ-ννυμι, στρώνουμ
spread out, στρώμα carpet, στρωμνή couch,
бτoα-τó-s an encamped army.
266
BOOK II.
216
Skt. star str-no-mi, str-na-mi sterno, upa-star pa-
rare, star-i-man, star-a-s couch. -
Zd. çtar strew,
gtair-is couch.
Lat. ster-n-o, strâ-tu-s, strâ-men, strâ-mentu-m, toru-s.
Goth. strau-ja óтqávvvµi, O.-H.-G. strâo, M.-H.-G.
strô gen. strôw-es straw, betti-streuui lectisternium.
Ch.-Sl. strě-ti extendere, po-stl-a-ti sternere, po-stel-ja
бτowμvý, Lith. stra-jè straw, horse-stall.
Cymr. strat, y-strat planities, e-starn, y-starn ephip-
pium, Corn. stret radius, flumen sanguinis (Z.²
121, 122).
2
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 1, 701, Schleich. Ksl. 115, Kuhn Ztschr.
II 436 ff., IV 4, where toru-s is discussed in its relation to stara-s
the connecting link is stor-ea 'coverlet', 'mat' ; the oldest tori
were like those prepared by Philemon and Baucis for the gods 'de
mollibus ulvis' (Ov. Met. VIII 655). The Gk. orgató-s belongs in
spite of its a to this rt., and the more certainly that the Aeol. form
otqóto-s occurs in inscriptions (Ahr. d. aeol. 75). From the Lat. we
get also the related words strá-g-e-s and stru-o (struxi) along with
strues and struices. In stru-o the u is best regarded as the correla-
tive of the ∞ in orgóvvvμ. Corssen's view (Beitr. 71), that the gut-
tural comes from a nominal suffix, I disagree with here as in other
cases, where verbs that are evidently primitive are declared to be
denominative. stru-e-re suggests the Ch.-Sl. stro-i-ti nataOKEVάČEIV,
idúvɛw. Akin to this in meaning is téo-a-uvo-v (for otɛq-α-µvo-v),
only used in the plur. for 'house', 'hall', 'room' i. e. 'structura',
'exstructio' from the rt. with e which appears here as in ster-no.
Since 7 and occur manifestly side by side in the Slavonic lang-
uages, it is probable, that the Lat. lâ-tu-s too, old Lat. stlâ-tu-s (Fest.
p. 313) is to be referred to the same rt. with 7 for 1. This is also
Corssen's view Beitr. 462, where the derived stlâtârius is discussed
as well. At all events this latu-s is as certainly distinct from the
partic. látu-s τλητό-s as from πλατύς with which it has been often
compared. Cp. άorne (No. 205) and oτéovo-v (No. 223).
στύω
228) Rt. CTU, orú-o set up, oru-20-s column, oto-ά
στυλο-ς στο
portico.
Skt. sthú-la-s, sthúla-ka-s big, stupid, clumsy, sthú-ná,
Zd. çtûna pillar. Zd. çtûi big.
Lith. stuly-s stump of a tree (Ness.), stu-mi length
of body.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
267
―
The
Cp. rt. cтα (No. 216), cтαλ (No. 218) Pott W. 1, 360.
metaphysical meaning of sthúla-s reminds ns of the words stultu-s
and stolidu-s given under No. 218. GTO-ά stands for an original
oto-iá (Lob. El. I 443) with -tá collective, and points to a primary
oto-o-s for otoƑ-o-s or oto-α for otoF-α with the same meaning as
στυλο-ς from which στο-ιά was formed in the same way as σποδιά,
νεοττ-ιd and ἀνθρακιά. By vowel intensification orv becomes otɛv
which is preserved in the Homeric στεύεται i. e. κατὰ διάνοιαν ἵστα-
tai, ogisɛtαi, 'he stands or is fixed in a certain direction' (cp. Lehrs
Arist. 2 98), 'makes provision or arrangement (Germ. 'Anstalt') for
something'. The attempt made by Düntzer Ztschr. XIII 22 and
Leo Meyer XIV 85, to connect this otεv-To closely with the Skt. stu
(Zd. çtu) is a mistaken one, since stu always means 'praise', and not
'promise' or simply 'speak'. I should be inclined to conjecture rather,
that stu (cp. sthûla-s) arose from the physical meaning 'set up',
'raise'. No doubt the Goth. stiv-iti vñoµový, Lith. stóv-iu ‘stand’
with v before the vowel instead of u, belong to stau the correlative
of this στευ.
229) στύπος stem, stump, στύ-πη tow.
Skt. stúpa-s cumulus, stúpa-ja-mi heap up.
Lat. stúpa, stipa tow, stup-e-o, stup-idu-s, stipe(t)-s.
The general notion is that of 'firm', 'hard'. The change of
the vowel and the similar origin of stipes is rendered probable by
the form stipa stupa quoted by Fest. p. 351 'qua amphorae firmari
solent cum exstruuntur'. Cp. rt. стeq No. 224. Perhaps too oτúq-w
make frm, thick together with στύψις, στέμμα, στυφλός, στυφελός
belong here. Lobeck Rhem. 297 compares also oroißn 'stuffing', while
orεißw (esp. 92) comes near to the rt. otɛμg No. 219. All these
stems touch each other at many points (Joh. Schmidt Voc. I 129).
230) Rt. τα, ταν, τεν τῆ tene, τά-νυ-μαι stretch myself,
tɛív-w (¿-tá-dn-v), ti-taív-o stretch, extend, tá-
o-ç a stretching, tó-vo-s strain, tension, tone,
tavv-, tavaó-s extended, long, a-tev-rs tenax,
stiff, té-tav-o-s stretching, convulsive tension,
Tév-ov (st. Tεvovt) sinew, taiv-ía strip, band,
fillet.
α
Skt. tan tan-ô-mi stretch oneself, stretch, strain,
carry out (Partic. ta-ta-s), tan-ti-s cord, rope,
chord, tâna-s thread, tone, tanu-s thin, tender,
tanava-m thinness, tan-tu-s, tan-tri wire, string,
268
BOOK II.
217
tan-ju-s roaring, whistling (of the wind), tan-
ja-tu-s noise, thunder. Zd. tan stretch out,
lead, tan-ya spread out.
Lat. ten-d-o, ten-e-o, ten-tu-s, tenti-o, ten-or, ten-u-i-s,
ten-ax, ten-er, ten-us cord, snare, tendo, tendicula,
adv. tenus, ton-a-re, toni-tru. Umbr. an-ten-tu
άvatεivéto, us-ten-tu ostendito.
να
Goth. than-ja extendo, O.-H.-G. dunni thin (Germ
dünn), dona tendicula, O.-H.-G. donar tonitru
A.-S. thunjan tonare.
Lith. temp-j-ù stretch out, tìmpa sinew, temptyva
bowstring. Ch.-Sl. tin-i-ků tenuis, ten-eto. ton-oto
laqueus, tetiva chorda.
Cymr. tant, O.-Ir. tét fides (Z.² 68), acc. pl. téta ties
(T. B. Fr. p. 140).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 60 and 89, Grimm Gesch. 403, Schleich.
Ksl. 113, Kuhn Ztschr. II 238 whose conjectures about the initial
letter however I cannot share (cp. Ztschr. IV 7). The rt. has
started from the primary meaning stretch and developed in the main
three special ideas which meet us in all languages, namely 1) 'thin'
further developed to "tender', 2) 'that which is stretched out',
hence 'string', 'sinew' &c. (cp. O.-H.-G. fadam No. 215), 3) 'tension',
'tone', 'noise'. The third meaning approaches the rt. stan (No. 220)
in many of its applications, but it seems to me very hazardous to
try and identify the two roots under this meaning, as has been at-
tempted by Pott¹ 255, Benf. I 675 and lately by Corssen Beitr. 436,
Walter Ztschr. XII 375. The Skt. tâna-s the Gk. Tóvo-s 'tension'
and ‘tone', tɛiveiv ßońv, náτayov (Soph. Ant. 124) 'raise a cry,
a noise' originally 'make a cry &c. stretch itself, continue'. Since
the Gk. usage proves that the linguistic instinct perceived some con-
nexion between the ideas 'stretch' and 'resound', we may believe
the like of the other peoples too (cp. Ptsb. Wtb. s. v. tâna). It
would be astounding indeed if the s of the rt. stan had been lost in
four languages, while at the same time the rt. was preserved intact
in three. We must add too the meaning 'hold' which is arrived
at through the notion 'stretch', and which meets us in tenere and in
the Gk. tn, which I have compared with the Lith. permissive tè
(Ztschr. VI 91). The Lith. p reminds us of the p in the Lat. tem-
p-to, the connection of which with our rt. Ebel doubts (Ztschr. IV
442). But temptare clearly means properly 'to stretch something re-
peatedly' until it fits. Corssen Ausspr. I2 123 however considers
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
269
tentare the etymologically correct spelling. On derived forms with
s see Pott II2 603. Perhaps besides tendo, the Osc. tad-ait, which
Corssen Ztschr. V 94 translates by 'tendat', belongs to a rt. with
added d. May not also ἐπίτηδες intente', with ἐπιτήδειος and ἐπι-
indɛvo belong to the same rt.? Cp. p. 65.
230 b) Rt. Tay tε-tay-av grasping.
tag-ax, tac-tu-s, tac-tio.
Lat. tag-o, tan-g-o,
Goth. têk-an touch.
Lottner Ztschr. XI 185. The identity of the Gk. and Lat.
roots, ignored by Pott III 443 ff. no one will doubt. In Gothic the
initial has not its regular substitute, but the meaning is so completely
identical with that of the Graeco-Italian words that we must agree
here to admit an exception and Lottner has collected several.
To ték-an is allied the A.-S. tac-an, Eng. take, which we must not
with Grassmann separate from the Goth. word and connect with dέx-
oµαı (rt. dek). Might not the rt. be stag, and so the persistence of
the tenuis be explained as elsewhere by the dropped s?. We became
acquainted under No. 226 with one or two forms which presupposed
such a rt., whose meaning could without any difficulty be reconciled
with that of our present rt. Fick 209 compares the Skt. tấģ-at
'sudden' and the rt. tuý (tuñģâ-mi) ‘knock', 'thrust', 'knock against',
but prefers to connect it with the Goth. stiggran 'knock' rather than 218
with têkan.
231) Rt. τακ τήκω melt (ἐ-τάκ-ην), τακ-ερό-ς melting,
liquid, τηκεδών (st. τηκεδον) a melting away,
Thy-avo-v saucepan, crucible.
Lat. tâ-be-s moisture, corruption, tâ-b-e-o, tâb-e-sc-o,
tâb-u-m matter, emaciation.
A.-S. thâ-v-an to thaw, O.-H.-G. dewan to melt
away, thaw, O.-N. tha terra egelida, they-r
a thawing wind.
Ch.-Sl. ta-j-a liquefio.
The identity of meaning proves the common origin of these
words. The k is probably accessory, cp. above p. 63, although the
supposition of the suppression of the k (Teutonic g) in the other
languages is not altogether inconceivable. The suffix in tấ-be-s is the
same as that occurring in ple-be-s, pu-be-s, that in ta-bu-m as that
in ver-bu-m. Schweizer Ztschr. VIII 451 connects the Goth. thahô
clay, the O.-H.-G. dâhâ. Cp. Pott W. I 102. Otherwise Fick 2 76.
232) ταῦρο-ς steer.
draught-ox.
Ved. sthura-s taurus, Zend gtaora
Lat. tauru-s, Umbr. turu. Goth.
270
BOOK II.
219
stiur, O.-N. thór-r bos castratus.
steer, Lith. taura-s wild ox.
Ch.-Sl. turu
Kuhn Web. Ind. Studien I 339, Schleich. Ksl. 113, Beitr. I 238.
The etymology is to be found in the adjectival use of the Skt.
sthúûra-s, sthûla-s, stavira-s 'firm', 'strong' (No. 217, 228). Pott
W. I 361.
233) Rt. Taq &-tap-o-v I was astonished, táp-os aston-
ishment.
Skt. stambh stabh-nô-mi immobilem reddo, stupefacio,
stambh-as stupefactio.
Lith. steb-i-s I am astonished.
Benf. I 651, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 16. Owing to the influence of the
s stabh became cap and then this lost the σ and became ap. The
objection the Greeks had to two simple aspirates at the beginning of
neighbouring syllables changed sometimes the first aspirate into the
tenuis (rap), and sometimes the second (αл). The latter form (té-
↑ŋ-α) suffered nasalization and softening in dάuß-os and dαµß-έ-w,
and simple weakening of the final consonant in dñß-os Davuα (Hesych.).
stup-eo comes in the same way from the rt. stap (No. 224).
Cp. Nos. 219, 216. For av-µa see No. 308.
233 b) The pronominal stem tɛ (for tƑɛ), Dor. tú, Boeot.
τού-ν, τού
Tov-v, Toú thou, tɛó-s thy. Skt. st. tva, tva-m,
Zd. tú-m thou, Skt. tava-s Zd. thwa thy. Lat.
st. te tú, tuu-s. Goth. thu thou, thein-s thy.
Lith. tù thou, tavàs-is thine, Ch.-Sl. ty thou,
tvo-j thy. O.-Ir. tú thou, -t- thee, no-t-ail alit
te, do thy, inserted -t-, du-t-menmain menti tuae
(Z.² 325. 329. 339).
Bopp Comp. Gr. I 122, Schleicher Compend. 491 ff. Ahrens
d. aeol. 207, dor. 248. The softening in ordinary Gk. to oɛ, oú &c.
need not be dwelt on.
234) tέyy-w moisten, soften, tέyğı-s a moistening.
τέγγω
Lat. ting-o, tinc-tu-s, tinc-tura, tinc-tio, tinct-ili-s.
O.-H.-G. thunc-on, dunc-on tingere.
Joh. Schmidt Voc. I, 168. Pott W. III 461. It was formerly
held, from a consideration of the Goth. thvah-a 'wash', that the media
was softened from the tenuis, but the O.-H.-G. verb coincides both
in sound and sense with the Graeco-Italic ones. τέναγος ‘vadum,
which it is sought to identify with stagnu-m, can hardly be connected
with this rt.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
271
235) Rt. τεκ ἔ-τεκ-ο-ν, τίκ-τ-ω generate, τέκος, τέκ-νο-ν
child, Tox-sú-s begetter, tóxo-s birth, interest.
τέκμαρ aim goal, τεκμήριο-ν token, Τέκμησσα,
rógo-v bow, róóбαıç (Pind.) hitting, happening.
τέχνη art, τέκτων (st. τεκτον) carpenter.
Rt. τυκ τυχ τυγχάν-ω (ἔ-τυχ-ο-ν) hit, τύχη suc-
cess, τεύχω, τετύκοντο they prepared, τύκ-ο-ς
chisel, Τεύκρος.
Skt. tak-man child, tak-sh-á (st. tak-sh-an) wood-
cutter, carpenter, taksh-ana-m a hewing, an axe,
tak-sh to hew, prepare, make (O.-Pers. takhsh build),
tôka-s proles. Zd. tash cut, do carpenter's
work, tasha (m.) axe, tas-ta dish, cup, tuc beget.
Lat. tig-nu-m, tê-lu-m, tê-mo, tex-o, tex-tor, textura,
tê-la.
Goth. theih-a flourish? O.-S. thigg-ju, O.-H.-G. dig-ju
obtineo, impetro, O.-H.-G. dëh-s-a hoe, trowel,
M.-H.-G. dëhsen to dress flax, dîh-sel shaft, pole
(Germ. Deichsel).
Lith. tek-ý-s ram, tenk-ù fall to the lot of, tink-ù
fit, suit, tìnk-a-s it happens, tik-ra-s right, proper,
O.-Pr. tik-in-t facere, teikusna creatio, Lith. tiký-ti
to aim, taszý-ti make (of a carpenter), hew at,
taisý-ti prepare; Ch.-Sl. tuk-na-ti figere, tuk-a-ti
texere, is-tuk-na-ti effodere, tes-a-ti caedere (Bohem.
tesař faber), tes-la axe.
2
Bopp Gl. s. v. taksh, Pott II² 614, W. II, 2, 401, 404, III 799,
804, Benf. II 247 ff., J. Grimm Ueb. Diphth. p. 8, Pictet II 127, Fick ²
74, 75, Joh. Schmidt Voc. I, 52. On the change of vowel and the
three main meanings 'generate', 'hit', 'prepare' cp. above p. 60: on
the various forms of the present see Ztschr. I 262. The rt, is one of
the oldest applied to any kind of occupation without any clearly de-
fined distinction, so that we must not be astonished if we meet the
weaver in the company of the carpenter and the marksman. In the
Zd. tas-ta 'dish' which we cannot separate from the Lat. testa, we
find traces of the potter as well. The Germ. treffen 'hit', 'hit upon',
'happen', illustrates the change from these active meanings to the
intransitive one of tvxsiv. The x is only an affected x.
For τυχεῖν,
the intransitive of teval, tetvné-odαι, we get analogies in the O.-H.-G.
272
BOOK II.
digju, and the Lith. tink-ù, and the Lith. tìnk-a-s is specially instruct-
ive. I now connect reixos with No. 145. Some of the Slav. words,
especially the rt. tuk are regarded differently by Miklosich (Lex.
220 p. 1017). The rt. taksh is formed by the addition of an s to which
in this case the Gk. z (by assimilation) corresponds. Side by side
with taksh we find the rare tvaksh with the same meanings. Acc. to
some scholars this contains the primary rt. tvak, from which we
might arrive at tuk, τvx, and (though not so well) at tak. In any
case the roots tak and tuk have been in use side by side from the
earliest times.
236) Rt. τελ, ταλ, τλῆναι endure, τάλας (st. ταλαν), που
λύ-λα-ς, ταλα-ό-ς, τλήμων (st. τλημον) wretched,
Tάλ-avto-v balance, weight, &-táλavto-s of equal
weight, equal to, ráλ-ago-ç basket, rɛla-µœóv strap,
supporter (in architecture), tól-ua strength to
bear and to dare, tohuά-a bear, dare, Táv-taλo-s.
Skt. tul tôla-jâ-mi, tula-j-â-mi lift up, weigh, esteem
equal, tul-â scales, tul-ja-s equal, tôlana-m a lift-
ing up, weighing.
O.-Lat. tul-o, te-tul-i, Lat. tu-li, (t)lâ-tu-s, toll-o, subst.
toll-o, tolleno, tolerare, tol-ú-tim.
Goth. thul-a άvéxouai, us-thul-ain-s patience, O.-H.-G.
dolêm, dultu I suffer (Germ. dulde).
Ch.-Sl. tul-ŭ pharetra.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 1, 394, Ztschr. VII 337, Benf. II 258, who
follows Pott, and justly so, in referring ov-thέ w 'draw' (water) to
ává and tha. The instrument for drawing water was called in Lat.
tollo, tolleno ‘genus machinae, quo trahitur aqua, alteram partem prae-
gravante pondere, dictus a tollendo' (Fest. p. 356). válago-s the wool-
spinner's basket for carrying and hanging up, belongs clearly to this
stem. Special notice should be paid to the agreement between tάl-
avtov and the Skt. tulâ (cp. pondus 'pound'), which also denotes
a special weight, and to that between άrálavtos and tuljas (cp. ¿oó-
égoлos). With the latter Schleicher Ksl. 114 connects also the Ch.-Sl.
pri-tul-i-ti 'accommodare'; he doubts the connection of the Ch.-Sl.
tul-ŭ, but the origin of paq-έ-toα of the same meaning makes it very
probable (cp. above p. 114). tal is no doubt to be regarded as the
Indo-Germ. rt.; the a has degenerated in Skt. Teut. and Ch.-Sl. to u.
All the three a-sounds appear in Gk. To teλ belongs also tέ2-os in
the sense of 'tax' (cp. pópos) 'office', 'task', which is a completely di-
stinct word from tέ2-os 'end' (No. 238). Sonne's attempt (Ztschr. X
404) to identify this whole rt. with No. 238 finds an insuperable ob-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
273
stacle in the physical meaning of tal 'lift', 'bear', which is quite for-
eign to that of tar. In Lat. tol is the primary form; the o is pre-
served in the Old Lat. tolerint, toli (Corssen II² 73), in tollo (perhaps
as Corssen holds Beitr. 209 from tol-jo), tol-û-tim 'trotting' (which
may well be from tolô-tim from a secondary verb tolo-o
ταλά-ω, ep.
'üb. d. Spuren einer lat. O-Conj.' Symbola philolog. Bonn. I p. 271 ff.)
and in other forms, while elsewhere it has been weakened to u. So
in Tullu-s, Tulliu-s which acc. to Theod. Mommsen Rh. Mus. XV 197
is 'from tollere', and acc. to Rob. Mowat Revue Archéolog. 1868
p. 359 is the counterpart of 'projectus'. Perhaps we should be right
in adding volúл-η 'clew' 'pensum', with added л, whence comes to-
lʊñɛúɛɩ ‘unwind', 'accomplish' (work), which has already in Homer
its metaphorical meaning (Döderlein Gloss. 2390).
237) Rt. τεμ, ταμ τέμ-ν-ω (ἔ-ταμ-ο-ν), τμή-γ-ω cut, τομ-ή
a cutting, τuñμ-a, tέu-a-x-og slice, segment, toµ- 221
εú-s knife, tau-ía-s dispenser, steward, tauín
housekeeper.
Ch.-Sl. tin-ą inf. te-ti scindere.
Benf, II 245, where there is very much that is doubtful. The
Skt. tam-ála-s that used to be compared appears in the Ptsb. Wtb.
with the meaning among many others of 'sword', but this meaning
has no authority, and the others start from the primary notion
'dark' (cp. tam-as 'darkness'). The rt. tam too has accordingly the
meaning 'to be stifled', 'to stand still', 'to pinch'. All these words
must therefore be put aside altogether. On the other hand there is
great probability of a relationship between tέu-evos 'district', a piece
of land marked off' and tem-p-lu-m (téµevos aidéços Aesch. Pers. 365
ε
'caeli templa' Enn.). Cp. Corssen Beitr. 440. But ton-d-ê-re which
is put with these words by Walter Ztschr. XII 414 is still more clo-
sely allied: its n arose from m through the influence of the determi-
native d (= dh) as in fren-d-e-re 'gnash the teeth' compared with
xgóμ-ado-s (No. 200 b). tév-eɩ ‘gnaw' too, tévʊ-n-s 'a sweet-tooth'
seem to have spring from a similar secondary root. Then again we
find the stem of tuay and tεu-a-x formed by the addition of a gut-
tural. Walter Ztschr. XII 376 compares uíazos μíaqua (Hes.) with
Téμaxos. The Slav. n by the side of m is as in the rt. gam, gan
No. 128 (Ebel Beitr. I 271).
238) τέρμα goal, extreme point, τέρμων (st. τερμον)
boundary, téo-doo-v end, point, téqu-10-s tequi-
óɛ-s reaching to the boundary.
Skt. tar tar-á-mi take across, go through, overcome,
CURTIUS, Etymology.
18
274
BOOK II.
tar-a-na-s, tar-i-s boat, tar-anta-s sea, tar-man ca-
cumen pali sacrificalis, tiras (Ved.), Zd. tarô
trans, Skt. tîra-m bank, border.
Lat. ter-mo, ter-men, ter-minu-s, Osc. teremenniú,
Umbr. termnu, in-tra-re, ex-tra-re, trans, Umb.
traf trans.
O.-N. thrö-m-r margo, O.-H.-G. dru-m meta, finis,
Goth. thair-h, O.-H.-G. durh through (Germ.
durch).
O.-Ir. tair imperat. come (Goid. p. 99, 11), do-r-im-
thirid ministravit (Beitr. VII 24), tri tre, tar
per, tairm trans (Z.2 651 ff.), tairsech threshold
(Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 161).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 1, 261. The primary meaning of the
words here collected is overstep. tέq-uwv and ter-minu-s might be
translated ‘that which is stepped over'. Probably Taga-s (st. Taqavı)
belongs here as well, cp. Iεigαιɛv-s (No. 357), perhaps even Too-íα,
Too-inv, on the in which see p. 614. The same rt. appears
with 2 instead of ę in tέl-os which corresponds in sound to the Skt.
tar-as 'a pressing forwards', 'strength' (that makes its way through),
and clearly accordingly denotes the attained goal; with it come tɛléw,
τέλειος, τελευτή &c. ex-tra-bunt Afranius Ribbeck Com. p. 141,
ter-mo Enn. Ann. 470 sq. Vahlen, ter-men Varro 1. 1. V § 21 Müll.,
Osc. teremenniú (Corssen I2 573), Umbr. termnu, traf Aufr. u. Kirchh.
I 157. where too a conjecture is hazarded on trâme(t)s which is cer-
tainly related. Corssen Ztschr. III 276 ingeniously explains Tras-
im-enu-s as 'that on the yonder side'. The h in the Teutonic thair-h
222 must be the representative of a derivative k. The meaning through
is related to that of trans as τιτράω is to τείρω (No. 239).
With
the Ir. imthirid compare as to meaning the Сk. άµçí-лolos.
239) Rt. τερ τείρω, τρύ-ω, τρί-β-ω, τρύ-χ-ω rub, τέρ-ην
(st. τερεν) tender, τι-τρά-ω, τετραίνω rub away,
pierce, tɛo-é-o bore, turn on à lathe, tέo-e-too-v
a gimlet, τόρος chisel, τορό- (ep. τρανής)
piercing, too-vo-s a pair of compasses, a turner's
chisel, too-úvŋ ladle, top-ɛú-∞ grave, sculpture,
τοῦ-μα hole.
Skt. tar-una-s, tal-una-s tender, youthful.
Lat. tér-o, tĕr-e(t)-s, tér-e-bra, tri-bula tribulare, trî-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
275
ti-cu-m, Sabine ter-entu-m molle, Ter-entiu-s, tur-
unda a roll, cake, tru-a ladle, tar-me(t)-s wood-
worm.
A.-S. thrâ-v-an torquere, O.-H.-G. drâ-j-an tornare,
Goth. thair-kô hole, eye of a needle (rovμahiά).
Ch.-S1. trẻ-ti. try-ti terere. Lith. trìn-ti rub, file.
O.-Ir. tarathar terebra (Z.2 782).
Bopp Gl. s. v. tệ, Pott W. II, 1, 285, Benf. II 260, Schleich.
Ksl. 112, Legerlotz Ztschr. VII 136, Leo Meyer VIII 259. The
words here collected fall, as regards sound, under one or other of the
primary forms tar (tɛq, tog), tra, tri, tru, which supplement and ap-
proach each other in endless ways. The meanings we may divide
into two main classes, rub and bore. The second is Graeco-Italian,
the first European in general. The Skt. knows even this meaning
only in the metaphorical tar-un-as 'tender' (p. 113). For in spite of
Corssen I² 511 it can scarcely be doubted that this really sprung
from the notion 'wear away', 'that can be worn away', if we com-
pare τερύνης τετριμμένος ὄνος καὶ γέρων (ep. No. 130), τερύ· ἀσθενές
lentóv, teqúoneto stɛíqɛto (Hes.). Cp. also the Skt. tanu-s, the Lat.
tenui-s, ten-er (No. 230) and lɛπ-tó-s; in all these adjectives the
meaning has shifted considerably from what it was at first. Is it
possible that in taluni the by-form of tarunî 'girl', 'young woman
we have an analogy to the rare word tãli-s 'bride'? The word trî-
ti-cu-m comes from the meaning 'rub' like grâ-nu-m from the rt. gar
(No: 130, cp. Hehn 400), from that of 'boring' we get tur-unda ‘ma-
caroni' in which the hollowness is the essential thing, not (Corss.
Beitr. 126) the roundness. It is certain at all events that from the
meaning 'rub' springs that of a 'twisting movement', most clearly
to be seen in the Teutonic words, to which Regel Ztschr. XI 114 ff.
adds many provincialisms. To this class belong tɛq-έ-w and also
the Lat. teres (Corssen Nachtr. 257). Since now tar-ala-s in Skt.
means 'moving hither and thither', 'starting', 'trembling', this was
perhaps the primary meaning from which the derived rts. tram (No.
245), and tras (No. 244) started. Under No. 238 are several words
similar in sound, but it is better to consider the two groups as distinct.
-Ti-Toά-w is to be regarded as intensive, Tou-x-∞, instead of Hesychius's
τερύ-σκ-ω, τούσκω, as causative (cp. p. 700). θραύω break up
comes near to tqav-µa 'wound', this latter to ti-too-on-w, and this
to the Homeric ë-top-ɛ (4 236). ✈ may have arisen through the in-
fluence of the p. On the other hand it is true pav-w suggests the 223
Lat. frau-(d)-s, frus-tu-m, frus-tra (Ztschr. II 399) and the Skt, dhru-ti
disappointment, dhûr-v 'bend', 'injure'. In case it belongs to the
latter we must assume a rt. dhru. Cp. Pott W. I 1092. Among
18*
276
BOOK II.
the lengthened stems τovπ (τоvлa 'hole', tоú-n-avo-v gimlet, tov-π-α-∞)
is most distinct, suggesting in sound the Lith. trup-ù 'crumble'
and trup-ù-s 'loose', and remaining as true to the meaning 'bore'
as τоν--ń, оúл--∞ to that of 'rubbing away', which is afterwards
applied like tέq-ŋv and ręúz-w to softness of character. toí-ẞ-w is
hardest to explain. Whether 2ά-w 'crush' belongs to the simple rt.
and liß-w 'crush', 'rub' to Toí-ẞ-w I cannot say.
-w
ω
240) Rt. τερπ τέρπ-ω (τραπ-εί-ομεν) delight, τέρψις, τερπ-
wiń joy, teqñ-vó-s delightful.
Skt. tarp, tṛmp-â-mi, tṛp-nô-mi, tṛp-a-mi am filled,
enjoy, tarpa-ja-mi satiate, content, tarp-ana-m,
trp-ti-s satiation, gratification.
Goth. thraf-st-ja console.
Lith. tarp-a increase, prosperity, growth, tàrp-ti
flourish.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 257, who considers toέow as well to be the
same word; this is rendered probable by the fact that in Zend too
the rt. tarep Skt. tarp becomes thraf, whence thrãfanh τρέφ-ος.
There are however uses of the rt. τρεφ such as γάλα τρέφειν ‘to
make milk curdle', and ñɛqıtgépɛtai E 903 (I. Becker after Apollon.
Soph. and Herodian), to̟ó❤ɩ xõµa, taq❤éɛs 'thick', táppos 'thicket',
and roαqɛon 'mainland', which can only be deduced fromм теρя bу
circuitous routes. Nevertheless I consider the identity of тερπ and
Tρε more probable than Sonne's combination in Ztschr. XIII 410.
The aspirate is a late growth as in άhɛí❤w rt. λin (No. 340). The
union of the notions 'fill', 'delight', and 'comfort' is genuinely vul-
gar: as genuinely Greek is the separation of the two former notions
by means of different orders of sound.
241) Rt. τερα τέρσ-ο-μαι become dry, τερσ-αίνω make
dry, τρασιά, ταρσια drying-kiln, ταρο-ό-ς wicker-
work.
Skt. tarsh tṛsh-ja-mi I thirst, pant, tṛsh, tarsha-s
thirst. Zd. tarsh-na (m.) thirst.
Lat. torr-eo, tos-tu-s, tostare, torr-i-s torch, torr-en-s
torrent.
Goth. ga-thairs-an-s dry, thaúrs-ja I thirst, thaúrstei
thirst, O.-H.-G. derr-u torreo.
Lith. tróksz-t-u pant, thirst.
O.-Ir. hó tirmai (nom. tirme) ab ariditate (Z.² 1047),
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
277
tírim aridus (Z.² 771), tír terra, ager (neut. and
i-stem Z.2 233), tart thirst (Goid. p. 31).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 406, Benf. II 265, Grimm Gesch. 403,
Stokes Ir. Gl. 703. The Teutonic words are a connecting link
between dry' and 'thirst'. Cp. πολυδίψιον Ἄργος, διψία κόνις.
τρασιά ‘τὸ ἐκ καλάμου πλέγμα, ἐφ᾽ οὗ ψύχεται τὰ σῦκα Pollux VII
144 cp. E. M. p. 764, 25, through this word we get to the meaning
of tagoó-s which has however other and secondary meanings. No 224
connection whatever can be allowed with έg-w in spite of Hesych.
θαρρία· ταρσία (Lob. El. I 494). torr-eo is naturally for tors-eo,
and tos-tu-s for tors-tu-s, the Umbr. turs-i-tu. Pott compares terra
as well (cp. O.-Ir. tír), which in that case was originally the oppo-
site to mare, tes-ta (cp. lateres coctiles, but also the Zd. tasta under
No. 235) and tesqu-a 'wilderness', 'desert'. Cp. Corssen I2 243.
242) τέτριξ, τέτραξ, τετράων a kind of fowl, τετράζω
cackle. Skt. tittiri-s, tittira-s partridge.
O.-N. thidhur-r grouse, heath-cock. - Lith. tetèrva
black grouse (Nesselm.), Ch.-Sl. tetrěvě pheasant.
Pott I¹ LXXX, Förstemann Ztschr. III 52. The onomatopoeia
is unmistakeable.
243) τέττα papa. - Skt. tâta-s (especially in the voc.)
form of address used by parents to son or vice
versa.
Lat. tăta papa.
O.-H.-G. toto godfather.
Lith. těta, téti-s papa, tetà,
Low Germ. teite,
Bohem. táta father,
Ch.-Sl. teta aunt.
Kuhn Ind. Studien I 325, Benf. II 238. A title of endearment
whose childish sound has preserved its letters from 'shifting'.
Fröhner Heidelb. Jahrb. 1862 p. 768 reminds us of the gens Tettia.
Buschmann über den Naturlaut' Berl. 1853 p. 18 f.
No. 207.
Cp.
244) Rt. TρEC Toέ-w (Homeric aor. Toέooα) flee, tremble,
τρη-ρός, τή-ο-ων fugitive, timorous.
Skt. tras tras-â-mi, tras-já-mi shudder, apa-tras flee,
tras-a-s unstable, tras-u-ra-s timorous, trâs-a-s
fright. Zd. tareç tremble, tars-ti fright.
Lat. terr-e-o, terr-or.
Ch.-Sl. tres-q quatio, tres-a se tremo.
Ir. tarrach (st. tarsaco) timorous (Corm. Gl. Transl.
p. 162).
278
BOOK II.
225
ἐφοβήθη.
ἔτερσεν
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 411, II2 425, Benf. II 253, Schleich.
Ksl. 113. The present form toɛíw which occurs first in Oppian,
is simply a lengthened form of tęέw and is not with Grassmann
Ztschr. XI 33 to be explained from tras-jâ-mi. tego-ev is explained
in the manuscript of Hesych. by έpóßnoɛv which M. Schmidt has
too hastily altered to ¿poßýýn. Who is to say that the stem which
resembles terr-eo (for ters-eo) in sound had not like it a transitive
meaning? The shorter rt. tra, tar, of which tras and tram may be
secondary forms, has been discussed at No. 239, and to it no doubt
belong the adjectives oτongó-s, oτpaléo s 'hasty' which have so often
been connected with our present rt. (Lob. El. 81). On the meaning
of τρέξω see Lehrs Arist. 2 77. τρηρός Hesych. ἐλαφρός, δειλός. The
Ch.-Sl. s-trach-u góßos is perhaps also related, since ch s, but has
nothing to do with ταράσσω tris-ti-s which Bopp compares has
a meaning which will not suit this rt. (cp. Corssen Nachtr. 248).
245) Rt. τρεμ τρέμω tremble, τρόμος trembling, τρομ
ερό-ς quaking, τε-τρεμ-αίνω, τρομέω tremble,
-τρέμας quiet.
Lat. trěm-o, trěm-or, trěm-ulu-s.
Lith. trim-u I tremble.
Cp. Nos. 239, 244. Fick Ztschr. XIX 262, Pott W. II, 2, 180.
246) St. τρι τρεῖς, τρί-α three, τρί-το-ς, τρί-ς, τρισσός
threefold.
Skt. st. tri trajas tres, tr-tija-s tertius, tri-s ter.
Zd. thri tres, thri-tja, thris.
Lat. st. tri trê-s, tri-a, ter-tiu-s, ter.
Goth. st. thri threis, n. thrija tres, tria, thri-dja
tertius, Germ. drei.
Ch.-S1. st. tri trije tres, tria, tre-tii tertius, Lith.
trýs tres, tré-cza-s tertius.
O.-Ir. trí tres, dat. pl. trib, tris tertius (Z.2 302.
309).
Bopp Comp. Gr. II 66, Schleich. Ksl. 190. The Lat. ter-ti-us
has an analogy in the Skt. tṛ-tîja-s and in the Aeol. tέg-to-s.
247) Rt. Tu tú-λo-s, tú-λŋ hard swelling, knot (in wood),
hump, τυλό-ω make swellings, ταΰ-ς μέγας,
πολύς, ταΰνας μεγαλύνας (Hesych.) Τι-τυ-ό-ς (?).
Skt. tu tâu-mi and tav-i-mi valeo, tuv-i in comp.
powerful, very much, tu-m-ra-s swelling, plump,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
279
tú-tu-ma-s plentiful.
power, tavan rich.
Zend tu to have the
Lat. tû-b-er, tu-m-or, tu-m-e-o, tum-idu-s, tum-ulu-s (?)
Umb. and Osc. tau-ta, tota, touta town, tut-icu-s
belonging to the town.
A.-S. thû-ma, O.-H.-G. dû-mo thumb (Germ. Daumen),
Goth. thiu-da populus.
Ch.-Sl. ty-ti pinguescere, tu-ků adeps, Lith. tau-ka-í
fat (subst.), tunk-ù get fat, O.-Pr. tau-ta country.
O.-Ir. tuath populus, Cymr. tut, Corn. tus (Z.² 241,
97. 154).
Bopp Comp. Gr. II 372, 382, Schleich. Ksl. 113. Ztschr. f. d.
Alterthsw. 1847 p. 463 f., Pott W. I 793. The meanings 'swell',
'grow', 'be large' are unmistakeably clear, whence come the notions
of 'people', 'community' transferred to the place 'country', 'town'
- just as is po-pu-lus, ple-b-s (No. 366), ñóli-s by the side of ple-o
and Tolú-s. Сp. Mommsen Unterital. D. 304, where however not
everything is trustworthy - especially not the contrast he finds
between tutu and tribus (cp. No. 250). That the Lat. tôtu-s is also
of the same origin seems to me rendered improbable at once by its
pronominal declension. tu-m-eo has like the Skt. tum-ra-s an m
added to the rt. These words however diverge widely in meaning
from the Skt. tumala-s, tumula-s 'noisy', tumula-m 'noise', which
must be compared with tumul-tu-s. In tû-ber (n.) I am inclined in
spite of Corssen's objection (Beitr. 247, 157) to maintain b has come
from v, a change which may be explained by the objection to the
sound-group vu, uv, and to regard the v as the result of the preced-
ing u (cp. plu-v-ia). Perhaps the O.-Ir. tuus, tús for torus 'in-
itium', toisech princeps, belong here, cp. the Cymr. touyssogion prin-
cipes (Z.256). [Perhaps also Deut-sch: cp. Corssen I2 371, Fick 281, 365.]
Rt. Tud Tud-εú-s, Túd-a-s, Tvvd-άon-s, Tvvd-άoεo-s, Tvvd-
άρεως, Τυνδάρ-ιχο-ς.
Skt. tud tud-â-mi knock, pierce, tôt-tra-m point, 226
prickle, tôd-a-s pricker, horse-driver, prick. Tuda-s
a man's name.
Lat. tu-n-d-o, tŭd-e(t)-s hammer, tud-i-tare, dea Per-
tunda.
Goth. staut-a túnτw, O.-H.-G. stôz-u (Germ. stossen)
knock.
280
BOOK II.
1
Bopp Gl. s. v. tud, Pott I¹ 244, Ztschr. IX 172, Benf. I 658,
Kuhn Ztschr. IV 6. Especially Düntzer Höfer's Ztschr. IV 268.
The primary s has been retained in the Teutonic languages only.
Tüd-εú-s &c. mean therefore 'Striker' 'Beater', or, if we go to the
Lat. tudes the Hammer (cp. Karl Martell). Tvvd-άon-s with nasali-
zation (cp. the Skt. tund-a-te) comes from an adj. tvvd-ago-s (cp. lɩñ-
agó-s, otiß-agó-s), and from this the longer forms are derived (cp.
Βριάρεως). The gloss Τυδῶν· κολωνᾶν, Τυυδαριδᾶν· κολωνᾶν (Hes.)
gives us no help unfortunately. Paul. Epit. 73 "detudes detunsos,
deminutos", which may be compared with ob-tûsu-s.
249) Rt. τυπ τύπτω strike, τύπος, υπή, τύμμα stroke,
blow, τvл-ά(d)-s hammer, túμл-avo-v drum.
Skt. tup, tump, tup-â-mi, tôp-â-mi injure (also tuph).
O.-H.-G. stumpf mancus, stumb-alô-n obtundere,
stumph O.-N. stúf-r stump, trunk.
Ch.-Sl. tap-ů obtusus, te-ti (1 s. pr. tep-a) túñtεLV,
tup-uti ψόφος.
2
The
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 657, Schleich. Ksl. 113, Fick ² 213.
Skt. rt. is unfortunately not supported by instances. The word pra-
stump-a-ti given by the PW. is remarkable. The s has been pre-
served here as in oτvnάgel, which acc. to Hesych. means œdɛc as well
as βροντᾷ, ψοφεί. In the development of the meanings it is very
similar to No. 248. The vowels in the Slavonic words vary.
250) τύρβη noise, τύρβα noisily, τυρβάζω make a noise,
τυρβασία
Tvoẞaoía bustle, confusion, Tvo-u-ída Att.
Τυρ-μ-ίδαι
deme?
Skt. tvar tvar-ê, tur, tur-a-mi hurry, tur-a-s quick,
tvar-â (subst.) hurry.
Lat. turb-a, turba-re, turb-o, tur-ma.
Benf. II 252, Corssen Beitr. 438, Pott W. II 1, 315. The in-
itial also appears as o: oveßn, cúęßa (cp. under No. 577), with which
comes the solitary orvoßάgo (Bekk. Anecd. 303). We may thereforc
regard strar, stur as the oldest rt. Whether, as Corssen supposes,
the Teutonic Stur-m 'storm' and stürz-en 'dash' (Diefenb. Vgl. Wtb.
II 315), belong to the same rt. I cannot say. The rt. tvę may also
be seen in τυρεύεται· ταράττει Hesych., which can hardly come from
túgos 'cheese'. The ẞ in túo-ẞn is still unexplained. There are but
uncertain traces to be seen of a suffix -ba. A Gk. tvg-un seems also
to have been formed from the same rt., and Tvquídaι may be a deri-
vative from it. However, as Müllenhoff points out to me, with the
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
281
Lat. tur-ma may be compared the A.-S. thrym 'throng', 'mass',
'troop', and from this comes the probability that the Goth. thaúrp
the O.-H.-G. dorf Eng. thorp which properly signifies 'a coming' to--
gether hence the still-used Swiss expression 'einen Dorf halten'
'to hold an assembly' together with the O-N. thyrpaz ‘congre-
gari' also belong to the same root. The p is the regular represent-
ative of the Graeco-Italic b. The Umbr. form trefu (Corssen Ztschr.
XIII 179) is opposed to the supposition of a relationship with tribu-s
which Zeuss Gramm. Celt. I 44 compares with the Brit. treb 'vicus' 227
as the f of the Umbrian word cannot be reconciled with that b which
the Goth. p. Other words are compared by Diefenb. Vgl. Wtb.
II 699, and Corssen I² 163.
251) Rt. Tuq túp-w burn, tõp-o-g smoke, darkness, stupe-
faction, τυφών, τυφώς whirlwind, τυφ-εδών
smoky vapour, Τυμφρηστός (?).
Skt. dhup dhûp-a-jâ-mi fumigate, burn incense,
dhúpa-s, dhup-a-na-m frank-incense.
M.-H.-G. dimpfen (Germ. dampfen) to smoke, eva-
porate.
Lith. dump-îù to blow up a fire, dùmp-les (plur.)
bellows.
Pott I¹ 257. Tup arose out of eup, which in dopo has pre-
served the first aspirate, the p from π as in No. 224; the Skt. dhûp
is lengthened from the rt. dhu (No. 320). The root is nevertheless
given in this place because it does not come in well anywhere else.
Pictet V 333 connects tõ❤o-s with the meaning self-conceit (Germ.
Dünkel) with the Skt. stubh, stumbh but there is no authority for this
in the sense stupere. But in Aristoph. Vesp. 1364 a foolish man is
called τυφεδανός and this cannot be separated from τυφεδών. The
meaning of tũpo-s too suits this root better. Probably tvp-2ó-s ‘blind'
is also related, which would then mean 'cloudy', 'misty', 'dim', as
tupov means the wind 'that brings darkness'. The Goth. daub-s ‘deaf'
and dumb-s 'dumb' we may also compare with Grassmann Ztschr.
XII 127, perhaps also with Hehu 245 the Goth. dubo 'dove' on the
ground of its dark colour, which is also expressed in ñéhɛia.
251b) ὕστερο-ς later, superl. ὕστατο-ς.
Skt. ut-tara-s
the upper, the later, ut-tama-s the uppermost,
the outermost, farthest.
Bopp Vgl. Gr. III 498, Pott 12 637, Ebel Beitr. V 75. The
positive is given in the Skt. preposition ud 'upon', 'out', which seems
to have been retained in o-nλng 'barrier', 'bridge-tree', 'prop',
282
BOOK II.
properly that which 'strikes up'. The same preposition has in Goth.
the form ut, in O.-H.-G. az 'out' (Germ. aus) so that voregos corre-
sponds to the Germ. äusserer (outer) and votatos to uttermost’.
There is no connection with ultimu-s, ulterior (Corssen Beitr. 301).
Pott is probably right in comparing votέoa 'womb' and uteru-s, which
must have stood for ut-teru-s, and also the Skt. ud-ara-m 'belly' which
is no doubt, as we see from the Homeric νείατον ἐς κενεῶνα, that
which lies lower down' (cp. Evtɛqa), but the Skt. word is not ident-
ical in sound, inasmuch as it has only -ara, not -tara for suffix.
Probably too we may compare the O.-Ir. uad, usually ó, ua ‘ab',
'ex' (uaim 'a me', but uad-ib ex iis Z.2 334, 630).
A Greek d corresponds to an Indogermanic d, which
has remained unchanged in Sanskrit, Zend (with the excep-
tion of an occasional change to dh), Latin, Church-Slavonic,
Lithuanian, and Old Irish, while it has become in Gothic
t, in High German z (sz in the middle of a word).
228
252) Rt. ád (6Fad) åvd-áv-w (ë-ad-o-v, ë-ãd-a) please,
ἥδο-μαι I am glad, ήδ-ος, ἡδονή pleasure,
ἡδύ-ς, ἥδυ-μο-ς sweet, pleasant, ἄσμενο-ς glad,
Ed-avó-s sweet.
Skt. svad, svád svad-á-mi gusto, delibo, placeo,
svad-ê (mid.) please myself with, please, svâd-u-s
dulcis, svád-ana-m gustatio.
Lat. suâ-vi-s (for suâd-vi-s), suâd-e-o, suâd-u-s, Suâd-a,
suád-éla.
Goth. sût-s sweet, A.-S. svête, O.-H.-G. suozi (Germ.
süss) sweet.
Lith. sald-ù-s sweet, Ch.-Sl. slad-i-ti ýðúvεiv, slad-
ů-ků dulcis.
Bopp Gl. On the derivation of svad from su a ad 'eat well
at' cp. above p. 35, Benf. I 367 f., Kuhn Ztschr. II 134.
of the F are preserved especially in the Homeric svadɛ i. e.
Traces
-oFad-ε,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
283
ἑ-ήνδανε, ἕάδα, in the Lesbian Fάδεα (Ahr. aeol. 31), in γαδεῖν· χαρ-
íoαodai, yádɛodai ndεodai (Hesych., Ahr. dor. 45, 53), in the proper
name Facías in an inscription from Lebadea (Keil 'Zur Sylloge Inscr.
Boeot.' p. 554), Fácavdgos (Keil Sylloge II, 38 p. 6), in the Locrian
FεFadnoóra (Allen Stud. III 247). Ed-av- (Apoll. Lex. nder) 172,
E
an epithet of oil, clearly belongs here in spite of Buttmann Lexil.
II 14, probably too -ed-vo-v for oƑed-vo-v on which cp. Lob. El.
I 59, who holds o-μio-v vóóτiμov (Hesych.) to be related as well.
ἦδος with the spir. lenis like ήμαρ by the side of ἡμέρα, ἶδος by the
side of ideas, and ovdas (No. 281) by the side of ôdós. In the Slavo-
Lithuanian family sv has become sl.
253) Rt. άρδ ἄρδω, ἀρδεύω wet, άρδ-μός watering-
place, ἄρδα dirt, ἐ-ῥάδα-ται, φαίν-ω sprinkle,
gaví-s drop (?).
Skt. ârd-ra-s moist, fresh, juicy, ârdrajâ-mi I wet.
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 115.
νεο-αρδέ᾽ ἀλωήν (Φ 346) in spite of
the initial vowel, with the var. lect. vɛo-aldέ' is remarkable. It in-
duces Legerlotz (Ztschr. X 367) to reject the above comparison and
to assume a rt. Fagd which is supposed to have come in its turn
from Fagd and to have preserved this its oldest shape in að-aivo,
Eað-άoow, gαð-ά-μıy§. But nothing to support such a root is
found in any other language. Other traces of a F are extremely
doubtful, as is the quotation of a supposed Aeolic ßoãvaι ῥᾶναι
in the dust-heap of notes in the excerpta cod. Vatic. p. 689 (Gregor.
Corinth. p. 689), which Ahrens wisely hesitated to follow (Aeol. 34
note), and the very ambiguous glosses of Hesych. which L. quotes.
It is no unheard of thing in post-homeric Greek for words beginning
with a vowel to be treated in a precisely similar way to those which
had in an older stage of the language a consonantal initial: e. g.
ἄ-οσμος, νεο-αύχητος, ίσο-ευρής. If it is thought that this could not
have happened in so early a time, the readiest conjecture is that the
true reading is νειαρδέ᾽ (cp. νείαιρα), seeing that the word occurs
but once. If ῥαδ arose by metathesis from άρδ (cp. rap and ἁρπ
No. 331, the rt. кa No. 84 by the side of aк No. 2, the rt. Fa by the
side of ȧF No. 587), we shall refer gaív-w to gad-vj-w, in which case
thev would have to be considered formative, as in the ramifications
of the rt. pa, pav. Legerlotz assumes here as in the case of naív-
υμαι (ἐκέκαστο) a change from δ to .
254) βδέλλα leech. Lith. délé leech, tape-worm, snail.
Pott W. I, 182, II, 1, 459. Although ẞdélla, with which 229
Benf. II 71 compares a Semitic word, connects itself with pdailo
284
BOOK II.
'suck', while the Lith. word seems to stand by itself, I venture to
put the two words together. Otherwise Pictet I 531, Walter Ztschr.
XI 437.
255) βδέω visio, βδέσ-μα, βδόλο-ς, βδύλλ-ω, βδελυρός,
βδελύσσω.
Lat. vis-io, visiu-m ßdéoµa.
Lith. béz-d-a-s ẞdéoμa, bez-d-ù ẞdéo, Bohem. bzd-í-ti
βδεῖν.
Pott W. II, 1, 459.
The Gk. stem is ẞdes, to which corre-
sponds the Lith. bez, where the d following it must be derivative.
The Lat. v = ß is explained by Walter Ztschr. XI 438 as arising
from an older g (cp. p. 465).
255 b) βραδύς slow (βάρδιστος), βραδύτη(τ)-s slowness.
Skt. mṛd-u-s (mardu-s) soft, tender, mṛdu-tâ softness,
weakness.
Ch.-Sl. mlad-ů tener.
Benf. I 509, Bopp Gl. ẞ before e and takes the place of u
cp. βροτός rt. μορ (Νο. 468). On the difference of meaning cp.
p. 112 f. and the note on No. 239. Bęádov άdúvatos, which we
placed under that head is certainly not in its right place in Hesych.
M. Schmidt compares well βλαδόν ἀδύνατον. The rt. mard has in
Skt. the meaning 'bruise', 'gall'. The same rt. occurs with a pro-
thetic ά and the softer liquid in ά-µald-úvo 'weaken' (Ebel Ztschr.
VII 227).
255 c). Rt. δα δέ-δα-ε-ν he taught, δε-δε-ώς taught, ac-
quainted with, dɛ-dά-αodaι to search out, da-ñ-
ναι learn, δαήμων acquainted with, ἀ-δά-ης un-
acquainted with. - Zd. rt. dâ know, dão (f.)
wisdom, adj. wise, dâ-nu wise, dâ-mi (f.) wisdom,
đi-đánh-ê I am taught, danh-ista the wisest.
Fick 2 91, Pott W. I 130. It is highly probable that d-o find,
δῆ-νο-s cunning, μετα-δήα· μεταμελέτη (Hesych.) also belong here.
The rt. da is expanded in various ways: by s in the Zd. dash, for h
in the regular representative of s, which is preserved in Skt, inas-
much as the Skt. das-ra-s ‘of miraculous power' properly belongs
here and corresponds to the Zd. dañgra 'wise'. Possibly a portion
of the Gk. words should be referred not to da but to the expanded
form dus. By means of the determinative k is formed the rt. dak,
which is plainly to be seen in doc-tu-s, doc-eo and with fresh expan-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
285
sion in the Zd. daksh 'teach'. di-dάox-w and disc-o (i for e from a)
show the k added to the s, while didάśw, didaz-ý, di-dic-i have parted
with the s.
256) Rt. da da-í-w (Hom. fut. dᤤoµɑı) divide, dai(t)-s,
. δαι-τύς, δαί-τη portion, meal, δαι-τρό-ς carver,
δαί-νυ-μι entertain, δαίνυ-μαι feast, δαι-τυ-μών
(st. dairvμov) guest, daigo tear in pieces, da-
té-o-μaι distribute, da-6-uó-s tribute.
Skt. rt. daj, dajê divide, assign, take part in, dája-s
portion, inheritance; rt. dâ, dá-mi, djâ-mi cut, in 230
comp. divide. dá-ti-s division, dâ-tra-m share.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 127, II2 940, Benf. II 204. Connection
with the rt. do No. 270 is not impossible. From the idea of dis-
tributing is developed that of a meal, cp. tauín rt. Teμ (No. 237),
and the rt. dая (No. 261). Pott II2 950 puts daí-uov with these
words, according to which it would mean 'distributer', and compares
Ἰσοδαίτης ὑπ᾽ ἐνίων ὁ Πλούτων Hesych., while Bopp Cp. Gr. III 167,
Legerlotz Ztschr. VII 307 refer it to the rt. dıF (No. 269). There
is a remarkable parallel to the figurative use ἀμφ' Ὀδυσῆι δαίεται
ỷtog a 48, dɛdaïyµévov štoę v 320 in the Skt. daj-a-tê 'he pities',
a fact noticed in the PW. With all the greater certainty may we
with Döderlein Gl. 2468 put daísta with this rt. and not under
No. 258.
257) dano (st. dãɛo for dãFɛo).
-
Skt. dêvá (st. dêvar)
and dêvara-s
Lat. lêvir
(st. leviro).
tácor, O.-H.-G. zeihhur.
dëveri-s brother-in-law.
A.-S.
Ch.-Sl. deveri, Lith.
The
Bopp Gl., Kuhn Ind. Studien I 328, Schleicher Ksl. 116.
guttural in the Teutonic words is to be explained by a pre-Teutonic
gv that arose from the v. The primary form is daivar. On the pro-
sody of the Gk. word see Rhein. Mus. 1845 p. 253. The meaning
frater mariti is clearly the exclusive one in Skt. Gk. Lat. and Lith.
In Skt. the word is derived from the rt. div 'play', like na-nand-ar
or na-nând-ar 'husband's sister' from the rt. nand 'to enjoy oneself'
(cp. note to Nos. 20 and 124). It agrees with this that acc. to the
PW. “especially the younger brother of one's husband" is so called.
From the same rt. comes juvân juven-i-s. Delbrück in Ztschr. f.
d. Philol. I 152 calls this "an Indogermanic idyll".
259) Rt. daF da-í-w kindle (dé-dn-a, de-dav-µévo-s), da-t-s
firebrand, torch, dã-2ó-s firebrand.
286
BOOK II.
Skt. du du-nô-mi burn, consume, torment, dava-s,
dâva-s, dava-thu-s burning, heat.
O.-Ir. dóthim uro, dóthide part. perf. pass. (F. A. 182).
Benf. I 35, whose views as to the relation of other words be-
sides are as unsound as Pott's (I 282) and Bopp's (Gloss.) comparison
of the Skt. rt. dah i. e. dagh. Cp. Aufrecht Ztschr. VII 311, and now
Pott W. I 904. µngíwv dedavµέvov E. M. p. 250, 18, Simon. Cei
fr. CXXXV. Schneidew., Hesych. dɛdavuέvov neqineqleyµévov, da-
βεῖ καυθῇ, δαβελός δαλός. When we consider that δάξιος acc. to
Priscian's express testimony I p. 17 H. had in Alcman a ♬ (xxì xɛïµa
πῦρ τε δάξιον), we are inclined to connect this word with δαίω.
The frequent coupling of dïov with nôę in Homer agrees with this,
and the dat. Saï (ev dať hvyon) may well be connected too, seeing
that we fnd such expressions as μάχη πόλεμός τε δεδήει (Υ 18) (cp.
bellum conflare, proelium exardescit, O.-N. brand-r 'clang of swords').
But it is not so easy to reconcile with this the prominent meaning
of δήϊος 'hostile' and of δηϊότη(τ)-ς 'strife' and of δηϊόω
'lay waste' (Döderl. Gloss. 2468), for which Max Müller Ztschr.
V 151 tries to find an etymology in the Ved. dása-s, dasju-s, a de-
231 signation of hostile peoples and spirits. We may however find a point
of connection in the meaning 'consuming', 'tormenting'. This is
specially suggested by the tragic use of dáïos 'miser' e. g. Soph. Aj.
771 å dala Tέxuŋooα. Here the word means 'tormented'. The
same transition of meaning takes place in Skt. in the case of the rt.
du, and this shows that dú-ŋ woe, need, dv-sgó-s unfortunate, dvά-w
torment also belong to this rt., though in the 1st edition I put them
separate under No. 276 and compared them, perhaps rightly, with the
Lith. dovýti torment, but probably wrongly with the Ch.-Sl. dav-i-ti
strangle'. Stokes derives the Ir. dóthim from dód (L. U. 33b along
with léod 'cut' and loscud 'burn') which must be identical with
"duad" "toil, labour" in O.'R. Cp. Pott II2 942.
259) Rt. δαλ δαί-δαλ-ο-ς, δαι-δάλ-εο-ς cunningly wrought,
δαιδάλλω work cunningly, embellish, δαίδαλ-μα
a work of art.
Goth. ga-til-s seemly (?).
Lith. dailù-s delicate, daílin-ti mould delicately.
Benf. I 99, II 339, Pott Ztschr. VI 32 f., Diefenbach Vgl. Wtb.
II 667. The O.-H.-G. zila ‘studium’, zil-ên, zil-ôn ‘tendere’make
the connection of the Goth. ga-til-s A.-S. til doubtful. For the
diphthongal reduplication compare παι-πάλλω, μαι-μά-ω - It seems
probable that the Lat. dol-á-re ‘carve', dola-bra and perhaps dôl-
iu-m cask are also related. Pictet II 126 takes the Skt. dar split
(No. 267) as the rt.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
287
260) Rt. δαμ δάμ-νη-μι, δαμ-ά-ω, δαμάζω tame, over-
power, dau-ao (st. daµaor) wife, dau-áλn-s steer,
-daµo-s in comp. taming, α-dun(t)-s untamed,
ducó-s slave.
Skt. rt. dam dâm-ja-mi (also dama-ja-mi, daman-
já-mi) am tame, tame, part. dam-i-ta-s domitus,
-dama-s in comp. taming, dam-ana-s domitor,
dam-ja-s young steer.
Lat. dom-a-re, dom-i-tu-s, dom-i-tor, dom-inu-s.
Goth. ga-tam-jan dauẵn, O.-H.-G. zam-ôn I tame,
zam tame.
O.-Ir. dam steer, dat. daum (Z.2 224, cp. Stokes Ir.
Gl. 858).
Instead
We must
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 180, Grimm Gesch. I 402.
of δάμαρ Hesych. has δόμορτι-ς (doubtless Aeolic) γυνή.
recognize in dάuae and daµáln-s the idea of overpowering which is
prominent also in παρθένος ἀδμής. The Homeric δμώ-s is to the
Lat. dominu-s as xέon-s is to heru-s (No. 189). For this reason and
on account of the Skt. dam-ana-s I prefer the above account of do-
minu-s to that given by Lange (Jahn's Jahrb. Bd. 68 p. 41) who
takes dominu-s to be the 'giver' (Rt. da, do), though I adopt his
conjecture about the form dubenus (Paul. Epit. p. 67 M.) that it is
a mistake for dumenus. Otherwise Corssen Beitr. 249, whose explan-
ation of the word from an unauthenticated Skt. rt. has no support.
Hugo Weber (Et. Unters. I 8) and Pictet II 390 both hit on the idea
that dñuo-s comes from this rt., like the A.-S. team family and the
O.-H.-G. zunf-t 'conventus'. But while even the idea of a 'bond of
fellowship', a "community with distinct boundaries" does not come
very near to that of the rt. dau the Homeric use of the word for 'country'
does most certainly not agree with this derivation. [Cp. Studien VII]
Ebel (Beitr. II 160) and Stokes (Beitr. VII 14) connect the Ir.
rt. dam 'suffer': damair perf. depon. “he suffered, allowed".
261) Rt. δαπ, δεπ, δάπτω disserer, rend, δαπάνη ex-232
pense, dáл-avo-s extravagant, dayians liberal.
δείπ-νο-ν meal.
Skt. dá-p-ajá-mi causative from dû divide, No. 256.
Lat. dap-s meal, sacrificial feast, dap-inare serve up
on table.
A.-S. tiber, tifer, O.-H.-G. zëbar, O.-N. tafn victima,
288
BOOK II.
M.-H.-G. un-ge-zib-ele vermin, properly 'not fit to
be offered'.
Benf. II 204, Fick 2 92. The shorter rt. is No. 256; it has an
added л, cр. dqan-έrn-s (No. 272) and doτqάлτш (No. 205). We are
reminded of the rt. da give, which has in Skt. the causative form
dá-p-ajâ-mi. But the nouns given under No. 256 almost compel us
to start from the idea of 'dividing', which again gives an easier ex-
planation of the physical meaning of δάπτω, καταδάπτω tear, rend
καταδάπτεται ἦτορ π 92, like δαίεται ἦτορ. On the formation of
δαψιλής Lobeck proleg. 114 ep. δεισικός δειλός Hesych. and λιπαρής
by the side of λιπαρός. δεῖπνον (Benf. II 271) from δεπινο-ν,
which would correspond to the form dapinu-m which we may assume
to account for dap-inare (Plaut.); clearly its proper meaning is dis-
tributio (cp. Eotíαois). Cp. Legerlotz Ztschr. VIII 397. δέπας too
along with dέлαστqоv from denάgεiv 'to be in one's cups' is doubt-
less related. The Homeric phrase dέnas oivov seems properly to
mean a 'measure' of wine, and the transition of the word from this
meaning to that of vessel is an easy one. Accordingly we may as-
sume déñas to have had the same meaning with reference to drink
as daís and the Lat. dap-s with reference to food: i. e. a portion.
262) Rt. δαρθ ἔ-δραθ-ο-ν, δαρθ-άν-ω sleep.
dra-mi, drájá-mi sleep, ni-drá go to sleep.
dor-m-i-o. Ch.-Sl. dre-m-a-ti dormire.
Skt. drâ,
Lat.
On the
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 135, Schleicher Ch.-Sl. 116.
secondary and m see pp. 65 and 68. It is to be remarked that
Homer knows only the aorist -δρα-ο-ν, κατέδραθον, παρέδραθον,
and only in this form, and that the present (xatadagđávw) does not
appear to occur till Plato.
263) da¤ú-s thick, dάoos thicket, dacúva make thick,
rough, davló-s thickly over-grown, Aavλí-s.
Lat. densu-s, densere, densare.
1
Pott I¹ 139, Ztschr. VI 406, where davló-s is rightly held to
be. from daov-ló-s and explained by ǹ-du-lo-s from ǹdú-s, so пαxv-
ló-s from лαɣú-s. Pott conjectures that, with a different suffix, ’Ení-
dav-go-s stands for 'Enı-daov-po-s, and accordingly denotes a place
overgrown with a thicket, and compares the proper name qάüllos
for Θράσυλλος. Benf. II 200. Cp. δασκόν δασύ, δασ-πέταλον πολύ-
pullov (Hesych.). But the Lat. dus-mu-s without doubt belongs
here, Paul. Ep. 67 "dus-mo in loco apud Livium significat dumosum
vel squalidum". dus-mu-s must be for dens-imu-s (cp. ävd-ɩµo-s),
dû-mu-s, dû-metu-m always keep the more general meaning bushes.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
289
So Döderlein Syn. u. Et. VI 108. Should we be right in adding the
Messapian names Dasumu-s áğıµo-s, Dasiu-s (Mommsen Unterit. D. 72),
which might have the same meaning as Aaoúllíos which Benseler
translates by 'Ruge'?
263 b) -de towards, oixóv-de homewards. Zd. da, vaêç- 233
men-da homewards. Lat. -do in en-do, in-du.
Goth. du, A.-S. tố, O.-H.-G. 200, 20, xe, vi to
(Germ. zu). Ch.-Sl. do up to, Lith. prefix da.
O.-Ir. do (du) ad (Z.² 638)?
Pott 12 287, Miklosich Lex., Ebel Beitr. I 312, Fick 2 85, Scherer
304, where the Lat. de (the Osc. dat) is also referred to this stem.
In the Arcadian dúę-da ¿§w (Hesych.) i. e. Dúqaçɛ the old a is re-
tained in the place of the ɛ, in the Aeol. -dis (so too in the Homeric
ällv-dis) it is weakened to and a s is added (cp. ¿§, άµœís). The
し
​Ir. do seems to me doubtful on account of duun ad nos, dó dau ei
and of the Arem. daved dave ad (Z.² 333. 690).
129.
264) Rt. δε δέ-ω, δί-δη-μι bind, δέ-σι-ς a binding, δε-τή
bundle, de-o-uó-s band, fetter, xoý-de-µvo-v, diá-
dn-ua fillet.
Skt. dâ djâ-mi bind, dá-man band, cord, dâ-má.
-
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 200, Schweizer Ztschr. III 342, Pott W. 1
The comparison of doulo-s slave, which is often connected
with the Skt. dâsa-s of like meaning and explained to be from doov-
20-s (cp. No. 263) seems to me especially questionable on account of
the o which is foreign to this rt. Οι δεσπότης Νο. 377. It
has long ago been recognized that dɛiv to be obliged is connected
with dɛiv to bind. Hence the construction with the acc. But denoɛ
points to the loss of a consonant and the related δεύω (δευήσω) want
makes it likely that this consonant was F. Sonne Ztschr. XIII 409
conjectures a rt. du which, he says, related to dá, means also bind
and is preserved in the Skt. du-v-as reverence; reverence, of the Gods
that is, being here regarded as a binding duty, want as a binding
necessity. This is at any rate an acute conjecture and we must look
for confirmation of it.
-
265) Rt. deµ dέu-w build, dέu-as build, shape, dóuo-s
building, room, dã, dua house.
Skt. dam-a-s, dam (Ved.) house, dam-pati housewife.
Zend. dem-a dwelling.
Lat. domu-s, domes-ticu-s, domi-ciliu-m, Domi-tiu-s (?).
CURTIUS, Etymology.
19
290
BOOK II.
A.-S. timber, O.-H.-G. zimbar lignum, aedificium,
Goth. timrjan olxodoµeïv.
Ch.-Sl. domů house, Lith. náma-s house (?).
O.-Ir. aur-dam, er-dam prodomus (Z.2 7, F. A. 39).
Pott II, 2, 185. On the Vedic form dam which may be com-
pared with da (for dou) Kuhn Ztschr. IV 314. Grimm Gesch. 402,
On
who is certainly wrong in comparing dévdeo-v (cp. No. 275).
the Lith. náma-s Schleicher Ksl. 117. dom-es-ticu-s seems to pro-
cede from a neuter stem domes standing on the same line as dέuas
(cp. genes nom. genus), and it would be developed from it like aqua-
ticu-s, silva-ticu-s from their primitives. But we must remember sil-
ves-tri-s, campes-tri-s, modes-tu-s. domi-cil-iu-m is said to be connected
with the rt. cel (celare) mentioned under No. 30 (Vossius Et. 'domi-
colium').
Pictet I 209 with Diefenbach separates the Teutonic
words (Vgl. Wtb. II 670), comparing them with the Ch.-Sl. dąb-u
234 oak, tree. But the rt. dabh burn which he assumes for them does
not seem to have this meaning. Domitius, according to Gaston Paris
Mémoires de la soc. linguist. I 91, comes from domitu-s like Quinctius
from quinctu-s. Cp. No. 260, 264.
266) δεξιό-ς, δεξι-τερό-s on the right, περι-δέξιος, ἀμφι-
déco-s ambidexter.
Skt. dakshina-s on the right, to the south. [Hence
Deccan.] Zd. dashina on the right.
Lat. dexter (st. dextero), superl. dex-timu-s.
Goth. tahs-va, taihs-vô dexter, O.-H.-G. zësau để cá,
O.-H.-G. adj. zëso gen. zëswes on the right.
Ch.-Sl. desinu dexter, Lith. deszině dextera.
O.-Ir. dess on the right, to the south (Z.2 49).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 414, Schleicher Ksl. 116 &c. The
root I hold to be the deк that is discussed at No. 11, which has here
an added s (cp. p. 67). The lengthened rt. daksh means in Skt. to
satisfy, suit, daksh-a-s suitable, capable.
267) Rt. δερ δέρω δείρω, δαίρω aor. ἐδάρην) fay,
δέρ-ος, δορ-ά, δέρμα skin, δέρ-τρο-ν skin of the
intestines, dégou-s leathern covering.
Skt. dar dr-na-mi burst, burst open, tear asunder,
dr-ti-s leather bottle, bladder. Zd. dar cut.
Goth.ga-taír-a xataλów, O.-H.-G.ziru, far-ziru destruo.
Ch.-Sl. der-ą (inf. dra-ti), Lith. dir-iù flay.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
291
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 1, 317, Grimm Gesch. 402, Schleicher
Ksl. 116, Benf. II 228. From the physical meaning split, which is
most prominent in the Skt. â-dar (á-drt-já open-handed) comes, as
Fick 2 89 conjectures, the Arcad. dág-i-s (oridaµń span Hesych.), to
which, in that case would belong also dão-v лalaiotń, óędódwgov
(Hültsch Metrologie 31). Bopp Vgl. Gr. III2 380 connects dñe-u-s
strife, struggle (dngioavro, dngiάaodai) as well, Corssen I 506 the
Lat. diru-s of which I am not convinced.
267 b) δειρή, δέρη neck, mountain ridge, δειρός λόφος
(Hesych.), deioά(d)-s mountain ridge, precipice.
Lat. dorsu-s, dorsu-m. - O.-Ir. druim back (Ir.
Gl. 745).
Pauli Körpertheile p. 12, Fick 2 90.
I have shown (Studien
I, 1, 256) how the Gk. word by its n which is so remarkable in
Attic, and by the Aeol. δέρρα, Dor. δηράς points to δερσα. Ir. druim
(gen. drommo) comes from *drosomi like tírim aridus (No. 241) from
*tarsimi.
268) Rt. di di-codα hasten, to be scared, dí-ov (Hom.)
ran, was scared (δεί-δι-α, δεί-δοι-κα, δεί-δ-ω,
-¿-ddεi-σα), déos fear, detλó-s frightened, cowardly,
de-vó-s frightful, dei-uo-s fright. Si-vo-s eddy,
δίν-ω, δινέ-ω, δινεύω swing.
Skt. dî, dî, dî-ja-mi hurry, fly, pari-di fly round,
stream round.
Lat. dî-ru-S.
O.-Ir. dían celer, déne celeritas (Z.² 18).
It is often asserted, and among others by Leo Meyer Ztschr. 235
VII 195 ff., that the rt. di is related to the Skt. dvish to hate, to be
angry, but the unquestionable connection of the above mentioned Gk.
words will not allow of this. The primitive meaning of the rt. di
is that of scared restlessness, as is proved specially by the Homeric
usage (Buttm. Ausf. Gr. II 146). On the irregularities of prosody
found at the beginning of déos, on éddelcev &c. cp. p. 607, where
also the view taken by Grassmann Ztschr. XI 11 is discussed. We
get a more physical meaning in divo-s, perhaps too in dragó-s, which,
especially in the phrase diɛgã πodí ɩ 43 can hardly mean anything
but fleeting. On the Skt. di and pari-dî Benfey Wörterb. zum
Sâmavêda p. 90. Whether dîna-s which acc. to the Ptsb. Wtb. means
frightened, poor, mean, belongs here I cannot decide.
dî-ru-s fright-
ful may be compared for its meaning with dei-vó-s and has a com-
19*
292
BOOK II.
—
plete analogy in mî-ru-s (No. 463). I am not shaken in this view
of the connection of the words by Pott's sharp opposition (W. I
571 ff.). The Zd. thwi frighten, which Spiegel Beitr. II 219 compares
with d without giving an example of th for d is evidently to be
coupled with the Skt. tvish to be excited, startled, and has nothing
to do with this rt.
269) Rt. di, dif, dé-a-to, do-ά-66α-τo seemed, día-lo-s,
δέελο-ς, δῆλο-s clear, st. Διf nom. Ζεύς, δι-ο-ς
heavenly, ev-di-o-ç at midday, ɛv-dí-a clear sky,
Διώνη.
Skt. dî (dî-di, pres. dî-djá-mi) appear, shine, di-na-s
day, a-dja to-day, div (dju) dîv-jâ-mi shine, play,
div brightness, clearness, sky, djô nom. djâu-s
sky, Sky-god, day, div-ja-s heavenly. div-am, div-
asa-s day, dêva-s God. Zd. div shine, daêva
demon.
Lat. Diov-i-s, deu-s, dîvu-s, sub dio, Diana, die-s, bi-
du-u-m, nu-diu-s, inter-diú, nun-dinae.
O.-N. tívar Gods, heroes, A.-S. Tives-däg Tuesday,
O.-H.-G. Zio.
Lith. deva-s God, dënà day.
day, di-ni-si to-day.
Ch.-Sl. di-ni (m.)
Cymr. dyw (Z.² 129), O.-Ir. día (gen. dé acc. pl. déo,
déu, st. daiva) deus (Z.² 222 ff.); Cymr. dyw
(Z.2 129); O.-Ir. dia (and din Corm. Gl. Transl.
p. 140) dies, in-diu hodie (Z.2 271, 609, st. diva
or divas?).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 913 ff., Benf. II 207, Grimm Gesch. 402,
Grassmann Ztschr. XI 2, Fick 2 93. Owing to the instability of the
v in Gk. and Lat. it is hard to decide which forms come from the
shorter rt. di, and which from the longer div. On déato (Ś 242) and
doάocato cp. below p. 558, on Zɛú-s p. 605. διά-λας δήλας, δίαλον
φανερόν, δέελον δῆλον, δάελον διάδηλον (Hesych.) are to be referred
partly to diF partly to an strengthened daiv (Skt. dêv shine) and
leave no doubt as to the origin of d20-s, which even in Doric was
Silos and not dãlos (Ahrens dor. 151), as may be here remarked
236 against Düntzer Ztschr. XVI 282. So too ɛvdɛíɛlos, in spite of Buttm.
Lexil. II 191 and Düntzer's 'beautiful in the evening' ('abendschön')
Ztschr. XII 10, must be only another form for cudnos. M. Müller
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
293
II 453 gives some instances of the use of dêva-s as an adjective
'shining'. The transition of meaning may be seen again in the case
of the rt. svar shine, whence sura-s God (Grassmann Ztschr. IX, 3).
2
2
Greek is not entirely without any of the words for day springing
from this rt. Macrob. Saturn. I 15 "Cretenses día tnv ňµέgav vo-
δια τὴν ἡμέραν
cant”, ὀγδό-διο-ν· Θυσία τελουμένη Θησεί (Hesych.). Cp. Mor. Schmidt
on this passage, Pott II2 805, W. I 1064. In the Lat. die-s (cp.
Corssen II² 458, I² 380 f.) the v has dropped out, but it is clearly
to be seen in nu-dius and bi-duu-m (for bi-div-u-m). On nu-dius
Fleckeisen Jahrb. 1867, p. 627. On sɩóvŋ Diâna Benf. Or. u. Occ.
I 280. From the shorter rt. dî we get again the Skt. dip shine,
and from dju djut with like meaning.
270) Rt. δο δίδωμι give, δοτήρ, δωτήρ giver, δώ-ς,
dã-tɩ-s, dó-áɩ-s gift, dã-po-v present.
Skt. dâ, da-dâ-mi give, dâ-tâ (st. dâ-tar) giver, dâ-
na-m a giving, dâ-man gift. - Zd. da give, dâ-
tar, dâ-ta giver, dâ-na (n.) a giving, dâ-thra (n.)
a present.
Lat. dă-re. dător, dô-s (st. doti), dô-nu-m.
Ch.-Sl. da-mi, Lith. dú-mi, du-du give, du-ti-s, dú-
ni-s gift, Ch.-Sl. da-rů present, da-ni yield, tax.
O.-Ir. dán donum, ars (masc. u-stem, Z.2 238), Cymr.
ro-do det (Z.² 513), s. praeter. ro-deis, 2 s. ro-
deist, 3 s. ro-des, pl. ro-dessam (Z.2 522).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 105, Schleicher Ksl. 115. The a-sound
has survived in δάν-ος loan (δάνειον, δανείζω) under the protection
of the v, cp. old Lat. dăn-unt by the side of dant. da-mnu-m too is
regarded as tò dɩ-dó-µɛvo-v by Mommsen Unterit. D. p. 248, Fleckeisen
Jahn's Jahrb. vol. 60 p. 254, Ritschl Rhein. Mus. XVI 304, Pott W.
I 121, while in the PW. the rt. dabh (dabh-nô-mi) injure is given as
the origin of this word, though it is improbable, as this rt. is nowhere
else represented in Gk. or Lat. On the other hand the o-sound
appears in the Lat. sacer-dô(t)-s, dô-(ti)s, dô-nu-m. As regards the u
in the old Lat. forms du-int, du-am, ad-du-é-s (Paul. Epit. 27), du-i-
to-r (Plin. H. N. XXI, 3 in an old law), either, as I assumed (Temp-
ora u. Modi p. 261) it arose from o, so that du-int δο-ίεν, du-a-m
So Fick 2 95,
dó-w, or these forms come from a by-root du.
Corssen Ausspr. I2 364, Nachtr. 239. Cp. Schoell XII tabb. 82. In
any case the Umbr. pur-tuv-itu, pur-dov-itu (Aufr. u. Kirchh. II 171)
point to a stem dov which takes its place with the Lith. dů but per-
haps too with the Ch.-Sl. da-va-ti give.
294
BOOK II.
271) dóλo-s cunning, déλeap bait.
Skt. dal-bha-s deceit (?).
Lat. dolu-s Osc. abl. dolu-d (tab. Bant.).
O.-N. tál dolus, fraus, O.-H.-G. zâla ambush, wiles.
Grimm Gesch. 402, Benf. II 226, Pott W. II, 1, 326.
dal-bha-s
237 is rendered doubtful by the by-form dambha-s. The relationship
of δόλος and δέλεαρ is proved by μ 252 ίχθύσι τοῖς ὀλίγοισι δόλον
κατὰ εἴδατα βάλλων. The Teutonic words show dolu-s to be a word
of great antiquity, by no means borrowed from the Gk.
Cp. No. 259.
272) Rt. δρα ἀπο-δρᾶναι run away, δι-δρά-σκ-ω run,
dọα-6-µó-s flight, a-doa-6-to-s not to be escaped.
Skt. drá, drá-mi fugio.
Bopp Gl., Kuhn Ztschr. VII 320, Pott W. I 133, Fick 2 97.
dgăл-éτη-s and doά-л-шv (Lentz Herodian I 34, 14) come from the
rt. with an added p (cp. the Skt. causal drâ-pa-jâ-mi and above
p. 62).
The Goth. tru-d-a O.-H.-G. tri-t-u tread, O.-N. trá-dha ves-
tigium agree in sound with this rt. but not in meaning; we may how-
ever regard as related the M.-H.-G. trinnen run, O.-H.-G. ant-trunneo
run-away, whence through a misapprehension came the German ent-
rinnen which should have been ent-trinnen.
273) Rt. dpa doά-w do, doã-ua act, Hom. don-6-tńg work-
man, servant, don-6-to-óúvŋ skill in serving,
doa-v-os deed, work.
Lith. dar-aú make, do.
Pott W. I 136, Ztschr. VI 33, where other possibly related words
are discussed. The Lith. dár-b-a-s work along with dìr-b-u I work
could at most be regarded as a further expansion of this root. Is
it possible that this rt. and the preceeding one are onе? ęάców too
(No. 358) is originally a verb of motion; the Skt. kar run and kar
do (No. 72), tar pass over and tél-os telɛiv (No. 238) spring from
the same source. In Homer the word has only the meaning of busy
performance. The Homeric ὀλιγο-δραν-έων (cp. ὀλιγηπελέων) power-
less is remarkable it may mean really "hardly moving oneself”.
274) Rt. δραμ ἔδραμ-ο-ν I ran (pf. δέ-δρομα), δρόμος
a running, dooµ-ɛú-ç a runner.
Skt. dram dram-a-mi run hither and thither, wander.
Benf. II 229. Bopp Vergl. Gr. I 233 connects the Gk. Spau with
the Skt. dru, drav-á-mi curro, regarding the m as a hardening of
the v.
Why take the more difficult hypothesis, when we have here a
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
295
simpler one? We can hardly help regarding the shorter rt. dea
(No. 272) as the source of this one (Introd. p. 68). Cp. Sonne
Ztschr. XII 295, Pott W. II, 2, 189.
275) δρυς tree, oak, δρυμά (pl.), δρυμός wood, δρυ-
τόμος wood-cutter, δέν-δρε-ο-ν (δένδρον) tree,
δρία (pl.) thicket, δόρυ (pl. δοῦρα, δούρατα) wood,
beam, shaft, spear, dovo-eco-s, dovoάt-co-s wooden.
Skt. dru-s wood, tree, dru-ma-s tree, dâru wood,
a kind of pine, dâru-na-s hard. - Zd. dru (n.)
dâuru (n.) wood, spear.
Goth. triu tree, triv-ein-s §úlivos, O.-S. trio trabs,
lignum, arbor, Engl. tree.
Ch.-Sl. drěvo tree, drěva (pl,) sticks. Lith. dervà 238
pitch-wood.
O.-Ir. daur gen. daro quercus (for *daru later dair
I-stem), derucc glans (Z.2 7. 260).
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 96 ff., Schleicher Ksl. 116, Stokes Ir. Gl. 554,
Ebel Beitr. II 160, especially Kuhn Ztschr. IV 84 ff. The derivatives
of dov-s here placed with it leave no doubt that with the Greeks as
well as with the other nations the original meaning was not oak but
tree (Schol. 4 86). We may compare besides dágv2-20-s (ʼn de̟õs vñò
Μακεδόνων Hesych.) and the proper names Δρυς, Δρύας, Δρύοψ,
Agiov. Perhaps 4ogi-s too really meant wood-land, forest-land, so
that the Awqıɛis would correspond to the German Holsaten. The o
as in yovía by the side of yóvv. It is on account of this meaning,
preserved in so many languages, that I cannot accept the derivation
suggested by Kuhn and others from the rt. dep (No. 267), acc. to
which the tree was named from the wood considered as that
which is peeled or split. δέν-δρε-ον (Hom.) reduplicated like τεν-
θρη-δών, πεμ-φρη-δών (Hainebach de graecae linguae reduplicatione
Gissae 1847 p. 11 sq.), is brought under this head by Döderlein also
(Glossar 226), who compares dɛv-dev-άjɛiv (Hesych. Eustath.) i. e. to
hide oneself behind a tree, lie in wait, and also vño-dev-dov-ágεiv
§ άpavovs лipaivɛodai (Hes.). Ahrens "dovs und seine Sippe"
Hannover 1866.
276) See No. 258.
277) δύο, δύω, δοιοί two, δίς for SF-is twice, δεύτερος
the second, doin doubt, di-ά between, apart (in
compounds), di-xa, di-xvá two ways, dɩ-ooo-s
double, δυώδεκα, δώδεκα.
T
296
BOOK II.
239
Skt. dva, dvâu two, dvis twice, dvi-tija-s the second,
dva-ja-s twofold, vi- (in compounds) apart.
Zd. dva two, bi- two in compounds, bi-tya the
second.
Lat. duo, bis for dvis, dis- bi-ni, du-plex, du-b-iu-s.
Umbr. dur duo.
Goth. tvai, f. tvôs, n. tva, O.-H.-G. zer- zar- apart
(Germ. zer-), Goth. vi-thra contra, tvis-stass dix-
οστασία.
Ch.-S1. doa, diva, Lith. dù, fem. đôi two, doej two,
by twos.
O.-Ir. dá, f. dí, n. dá(-n), dat. dib(-n) (Z.² 301).
Bopp Vergl. Gr. II 63, 94, Pott I¹ 128 &c.
1
δεύτερο-s arose by
metathesis from dva-tara-s, diooó-s from dFi-tjo-s, which corresponds
to the Skt. dvi-tîja-s for dvi-tja-s. Cp. however Joh. Schmidt Ztschr.
XVI 437. Both the prefixal and the prepositional use of diá 1. e.
dvija are to be explained by the idea 'between' (Curtius Gk. Gram-
mar § 458). Cp. p. 39, with which however again p. 195 must be
compared on account of về. On do-toi below p. 559, on the Lat. du-
b-ius see Corssen II² 1027.
278) dús- mis-, dvo-µevýs ill-disposed.
Skt. dus- dur- mis-, dur-manás dvs-uεvýs.
dush, dus-mananh.
Zd.
Goth. tus-, tuz (tuz-vérjan to doubt), O.-N. tor-,
O.-H.-G. zur-, N.-H.-G. zer- amiss.
O.-Ir. du-, do- mis-, do-chruth inhonestus (so-chruth
honestus, from cruth forma, modus Z.² 863).
We must
Bopp Gl., Grimm Gesch. 403, Pott W. II, 2, 417.
allow connection with the Skt. dush destroy, dvish hate (No. 290),
Zd. dush-i-ti miserable. The s must have fallen out very early in
the Ir. do, for after do the following consonant is aspirated. Stokes
(Ir. Gl. p. 46 note) doubts the connection on that account.
279) Rt. ἐδ ἔδ-ω, ἔσ-θ-ω, ἐσ-θί-ω eat, ἐδ-ωδή, ἐδ-η-τύς,
ἔδ-ε-σ-μα, εἶδ-αρ food.
Skt. ad-mi eat, ad-ana-m food, ad-a-ka-s eating, âd-
ja-s eatable.
Lat. ed-o (3. sing. es-t), ed-â-x, êsu-s, êsú-ri-o, es-ca.
Goth. it-a, O.-H.-G. iz-u eat.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
297
Ch.-Sl. ja-mi, also ě-mi (inf. jas-ti, ès-ti) eat, jad-i
cibus, Lith. ëd-mi, éd-u devour, éd-i-s food, meal,
ed-ika-s glutton.
O.-Ir. ithim mando (Z.2 429), cini estar etsi non
edit (Z.² 468 s. conjunctive)?
2
Bopp Gl., Pott I² 242, Benf. I 246 &c. Cp. ỏdov-s (No. 289),
on lodw, ¿odío p. 69, es-ca for ed-ca. In the suffix too we find a re-
markable resemblance between the Skt. ad-aka-s, the Lat. ed-âx, and
tho Lith. ėd-ika-s. Otherwise Corssen II2 257. I see no reason for
separating ɛid-αg from this rt. as is proposed by Sonne Ztschr. XII
341. In ovɛ-ı-αg too there appears anɩ before the suffix -αọt, and
this seems to have been forced into the preceding syllable in ɛidag.
Perhaps the Lat. ad-or spelt belongs here, in which case it would
be a connection of the A.-S. at-a, Eng. oat, the vowel of which points
to an older ei, and of the Goth. at-isk-s seed; so Pictet I 259, who
adduces the Skt. an-na-m for ad-na-m food, corn as an example of
this change of meaning. Cp. note to No. 304 and with respect to
ὀδύνη Νο. 284. The Ir. ithim is not quite certain on account of
its th, but Ebel (Beitr. II 162) and Stokes (Ir. Gl. 40) place it here.
280) Rt. έd sit. εἶσα I seated, ἕζομαι, ἵζομαι seat
myself, w I seat, ed-os, ed-pa a seat, idqú-w
1 seat, settle.
Skt. sad sîd-â-mi sido, sedeo, sád-a-jámi colloco,
sad-as a sitting.
Zd. had sit, hadh-is a seat,
dwelling-place.
Lat. séd-e-o, sid-o, sel-la (for sed-la), sêd-e-s, séd-are,
sol-iu-m.
Goth. sit-a, O.-H.-G. sizzu, Goth. sit-l-s, O.-H.-G.
sëzal (sedile), O.-H.-G. satul (sella), Goth. sat-jan,
O.-H.-G. sezzan seat, place (Germ. setzen).
Ch.-Sl. sěs--ti (for sěd-ti) 1. pres. s. sed-a consido,
sad-i-ti plantare, sed-lo saddle, Lith. sëd-mi, sëd-žu
sit, sod-in-ù seat, place, plant.
O.-Ir. sedait sedent (T. B. Fr. 140), suide seat (Ir.
Gl. 366, primary form sadja-), rig-suide throne
(F. A. 58), suidigim I seat, place (ro-suidigestar
aor. dep. posuit Z.² 465).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 248, Schleicher Ksl. 117, Grimm Gesch. 422,
Ebel Beitr. II 165. The 6 is preserved in the form σέδας (καθέδρας
298
BOOK II.
240 Hesych.). Remarkable too is the conformity of the Lat. sella, i. e.
ει
sed-la and Hesychius's ἑλλά καθέδρα, which also means τὸ ἐν Δω-
δώνη ἱερόν (ep. Hesych. s. v. ελά), no doubt in the sense of ἕδος,
abode of the gods. Cp. Giese üb. den aeol. D. 249. On the in
ið-qú-w which is compared by Benfey and Fick 2 194 to the Skt. sad-
ru-s resting, and ïço, Kuhn Ztschr. V 209 and below p. 701. Another
present-form from the rt. 8 occurs in iv-vv-e-v έnađέjeto (Hesych.),
as it is rightly written by Lobeck Rhemat. 207 and M. Schmidt in-
stead of ἵννοιεν, and accordingly it answers to ἑδ-νυ-μι, The Skt.
sadman means domus, as Schweizer Ztschr. XV 317 shows, properly
sedes. Eschmann Ztschr. XIII 106 is for putting under this head
not only con-sul, prae-sul, which, on account of the proved transition
of d to 7 in Lat., might belong here as far as the sound goes, but
also the Gk. oέl-uata. To this there are three objections. In the
first place σέλματα is not seat, but timber-work, hence σέλματα πύγ
μων, secondly ἐύ-σσελμος points to the loss of a consonant after
the σ, thirdly the change of d to λ is unknown in Greek. On
soliu-m Corssen I² 487 expresses a different view.
281) Rt. Éd go.
óð-ó-s way. ôd-í-tn-s traveller, ôd-ɛú-w
travel, ỏð-ó-s (ovdó-s) threshold, ovd-as, éd-a-pos
ground.
Skt. sad a-sad adire, accedere.
Lat. sõl-u-m, sõl-ea.
Ch.-Sl. chod-i-ti ire, šid-u profectus.
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 442 f., Schleich. Ksl. 117, Pott I¹ 248, who
sought formerly in the meaning 'sink' and now I2 48 in that of 'sup-
port' the primary notion connecting this rt. with No. 280. óðó-s is
properly tread, that on which one treads, ovdas: rt. éd πέδον (Νο.
291): πεδ. Cp p. 113. On the suffx of ἔδ-α-φος (cp. ἐφ-εδές. ἐπίπεδον,
tanɛivóv, xaµaí Hesych.) Jahn's Jahrb. vol. 69 p. 95. solu-m shows
such close agreement with this root that we cannot separate it, the
7 as in soliu-m (No. 280), whether by assimilation from dl or directly
from d. sòl-ea sole must also be put here since sŏlu-m itself means sole
as well. Cp. No. 560. Otherwise Corssen I² 486, where the above ir-
refragable analogies for the transition to the ideas of that which is
trodden on and ground or site (cp. too fá-oi-s, fá-doo-v) are ignored.
At all events we have in the Latin sêd-ulu-s a representative of this rt.
with the d preserved cp. bib-ulu-s, trem-ulu-s, though here the ê is
strange it does not mean as Corssen 12 458 says, 'sitting away for
ever', assiduus, but agilis, active, properly always going, running
hither and thither. In No. 273 we saw a similar instance of the idea
of busy service developed from a verbum movendi. The same origin is
conjectured by Bernhardt Gr. Etymologien (Wiesbaden 1862) p. 20 and
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
299
1
Pott II2 788 for the Gk. άogo-s, vængéτns, άnólovos, in which case
the word would stand for ά-od-jo-s fellow-traveller (cp. άxólovdos,
ỏnadós, gasinth-ja). Roth Ztschr. XIX, 214 comes to a totally
different conclusion about the words here adduced. He takes ovdas,
ódós and dapos to No. 280 and conjectures for ôdó-s a rt. sadh,
which occurs most clearly in sadh-u-s direct, so that idó-s would
properly mean 'straight line', 'direction'. But I know of no example
of the appearance of d for on account of an initial aspirate, and
R. must assume this if he is to connect ódó-s with sadh.
282) Rt. id, Fid eid-o-v I saw, εid-o-ua appear, old-a 241
know, ɛid-os 'species', sid-who-v image, 'A-íðn-s,
ïó-two (st. iotoo) knowing, a witness, fotoo-έ-w
inquire, id-o-s knowing, ivd-álhoμaι appear.
ὕδνης· εἰδώς, ἔμπειρος (Hesych.).
Skt. vid vêd-mi, pf. vêda know, vind-â-mi find, vêda-s
the scriptures.
Lat. vid-eo, visu-s, vis-o, Umbr. virs-e-to visus
(part.), Lat. vi-tru-m.
Goth. vait oida, un-vit-i ignorance (unwittingness),
vit-an τnoɛïv. far-veit-l déaτoov, O.-H.-G. wizan,
(Germ. wissen) know, gi-wizo witness.
Ch.Sl. vid-ě-ti see, věd-ě-ti know, Lith. véid-a-s facies,
výzd-i-s eye-ball, véizd-mi see, O.-Pr. waidimai
scimus.
O.-Ir. ad-fiadat narrant (Z.² 433), ro-fessur for ro-
féd-s-ur sciam (Fut. Dep. Z.² 468), no-findad he
used to know (Corm. Gl. 31 Manannan), finnta
dúnn "let us find out" (Corm. Gl. 34 orc tréith).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 246 ff., Benf. I 369 f., Diefenbach I 216 ff.
Schleich. Ksl. 117. The idea of physical perception is clearly seen
in the different families of speech; the metaphysical idea of 'knowing'
attaches itself generally to the form vaid strengthened by the addition
of a vowel, but passes also to the shorter form. For a conjecture
as to the primary meaning see above p. 99. Sonne Ztschr. XII 339 ff.
discusses it more at length: from the meaning find, get a thing found,
and the Ved. vi-vid di-gnoscere he gets as far as di-vid-ere and makes
some very good comparisons. For the F the name of the Spartan
magistrates βίδεοι οι βίδυοι is important: βίδυοι Att. ιδύοι (Ahrens
d. dor. 47), cp. fotwo and the Ch.-Sl. (Russ.) vid-oků testis. On the
traces of the F in Homer, who has 103 cases of a hiatus before idov
300
BOOK II.
242
and the like, see Hoffmann Quaest. hom. II p. 26 sqq., on vitru-m
Corssen Beitr. 368. The Lat. viso has the look of a desiderative and
was perhaps originally reduplicated like the Skt. vi-vit-sa-ti, and ac-
cordingly arose from vivid-so (Aufrecht Ztschr. I 190, Pott II² 574).
In Z.2 458 may be found numerous other Irish forms of this root.
283) Rt. id cfid id-i-a sweat, id-os, id-pó-s, id-qa(t)-s
sweat.
Skt. svid-ja-mi sudo, svéd-a-s sudor.
Lat. sûd-á-re, súd-or, súd-ariu-m.
O.-N. sveit-i, O.-H.-G. sweiz sweat.
Cymr. chwys sudor (Z.2 124).
id-i-w is complet-
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 249, Grimm Gesch. 303.
ely identical with svid-j-á-mi (Tempora u. Modi 89). It can be no
objection to this that the ɩ reaches beyond the present stem in Attic
Greek; it is the same with the e in δοκέω δοκήσω for the older δόξω,
and with poí-vv-ð-o-v, ju-n-xi, though the syllable vv and the rare
n served originally to denote the present-stem. Cp. No. 293.
284) Rt. κad xýd-w hurt, vex, nɛ-nad-άóv (Hom.) vexing,
robbing (fut. xenadńów), xýd-o-uaι am troubled
(fut. κεκαδήσομαι), κήδος care, anxiety.
Skt. khâd (khad) chew, bite to pieces, eat (?).
EL
Lobeck on Buttm. II 322 already saw the mistake of connecting
nɛnadeйv with yάgw, a mistake common with modern grammarians.
nɛnadñoαi Blápaι (Hesych.) which he adduces, likewise belongs here.
On the other hand éxɛnŋdει vñɛɣáqɛι (Hesуch.) will hardly fit in with
our present rt., though it will with the Lat. cedere; the connection would
have to be sought in the idea of separation, tearing asunder.
Lobeck's conjecture (ut sup.) on the relation of the initial letter to that
of oxάw, oxάçw agrees with the comparisons of Kuhn Ztschr. III 426.
In this comparison I have followed Aufrecht Ztschr. I 480, relying
especially on the meaning contristare given for the Skt. khad in Wester-
gaard's Radices and supported by a quotation from the Vedas. But
the PW. knows nothing of this meaning, but only the physical one
of eating, on which Corssen fastens (Beitr. 455) in order to explain
ces-na, cêna, Umbr. cers-na by means of the assumed primary form
skad (cp. No. 294). Seeing however that of the same suitors who
ἀλλότριον βίοτον (οἶκον π 431) νήποινον ἔδουσι (α 160) it is said οἶκον
иýdɛonov (49), since curae are called edaces, and even od-úvŋ is re-
ferred perhaps rightly to the rt. èd (No. 279), we may allow this
comparison to stand. Cp. Fulda 153.
285) xoví-s pl. xovid-es nits, eggs of lice &c. - Lat.
1
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
301
1
lend-es. A.-S. hnit (Eng. nit), O.-H.-G. hniz
(Germ. Nisse). Bohem. hnida, Lith. glinda-s.
Pott I¹ 107, Grimm Gesch. 411, Benf. I 190, Walther Ztschr.
XII 382. The primary form is knid, whence by the introduction
of an o xovid (cp. μólißos No. 552), in the Lat. and Lith. forms the
n is replaced by 7 and the word is nasalized. It should here be re-
marked that Lat. does not know an initial cn. (Ср. гt. πvυ No. 370.)
Corssen Beitr. 295 seems to doubt.
286) Rt. μεδ μέδω, μέδ-ο-μαι, μήδο-μαι measure, con-
sider, µéd-ovt-es counsellers, lords, uno-two coun-
seller, und-os counsel, plan, uéd-i-uvo-s measure,
bushel.
Lat. mod-u-s, mod-iu-s, modes-tu-s, moder-ari.
Goth. mit-a I mete, measure, mit-ôn consider, O.-H.-G.
mëzan measure (Germ. messen), mëz, mâza mea-
sure (Germ. Maass).
O.-Ir. ir-mad-adar pres. dep. intellegit (Z.2 438),
conam-madar-sa ut judicem (Z.2 442), mess judi-
cium (primary form med-tu Z2 787), coimdiu
gen. coimded dominus (Z.2 255, for co-midiu,
a t-stem).
μεδ
Pott W. I 274, Grimm Gesch. 411, Ebel Beitr. II 158.
is apparently an offspring of the shorter rt. µɛ (Skt. mâ No. 461)
(p. 65), but has no intimate connection with me-ti-or which finds its
counterpart in the Lith. ma-tó-ju I measure. Perhaps uεo-tó-s full
also means really measured. We may add μέoμa μέorwuα Hesych.
The Lat. med-êri, med-itari, med-icu-s, med-êla, re-med-iu-m which
I formerly placed here belong clearly to the Zd. madh mad mederi,
madh-a-s the science of healing, wisdom, as was recognized by Pictet
Ztschr. V 46. The more general meaning however proves the agree- 243
ment with the Gk. uae which is treated at No. 429. That the Osc.
meddix belongs here is rendered very doubtful by its appearance as
metdiss and the discussion of Corssen Ztschr. XI 332 based on this.
In meaning it seemed to compare well with the Homeric μέd-o-vtes.
The gloss of Hesych. too, formerly placed here, which I then with
Döderlein Gloss. 2411 wrote µέonɛl άoxɛl, seeing the MS. has µéozei
άoxɛtaι has perhaps nothing to do with this rcot.
ετα
In Irish we
"
ought perhaps to give a by-form of the rt. mid: for míastar fut. dep.
judicabit, messamar judicabimus can hardly be regarded as different
to ni-fiastar nesciet, ro-festar sciet from the rt. vid (Z.² 468); r-a-mídar
302
BOOK II.
perf. dep. eum judicavi (Z.2 450) seems to speak by its í rather for
the a-row.
287) Rt. μελδ μέλδω, μέλδ-ο-μαι melt.
O.-N. smelt-i, O.-H.-G. smile-u (Germ. schmelzen)
melt, smelt.
Bopp Gl. s. v. mard, which rt. with the meaning conterere he
compares with this one. In that case mard must have lost an in-
itial s; the meaning too seems to me to be hard to reconcile, since
the Skt. mard Zd. mared bite, gnaw has apparently its counterpart
in the Lat. mord-eo. Grimm Gesch. 412, Pott W. II, 1, 542.
287b) Rt. ved Néd-n, Néd-wov, Néo-to-s.
Skt. nad nad-
â-mi sound, bellow, nada-s bellower (ox), river,
nad-î river, flood.
2
Sonne Ztschr. X 123, Preller Gr. Mythologie II² 246, so too
Pott Jahn's Jahrb. Suppltb. III 313. These different river names
are evidently allied. The etymon of bellowing is especially suitable
for the Nέda in the Peloponnese, since it is called by Strabo láßoov
έn tov Avnaíov xatıóv, and described as a roaring stream (E. Curtius
Peloponnesos I 343). The Thracian Néotos too is added to the list:
it was also called Nέooos, and there is no doubt that the name of
the centaur Nέooos is of the same origin. Sonne associates Néotwę
also with these words as "the roarer". inasmuch as he is a Побεidãov
ἵππιος. This is a mystery for Mythology to solve. Cp. note to
No. 432.
288) Rt. ỏd ög-w (pf. őd-wd-α) smell (intrans.) ỏd-ur
(ỏ6-un) odour, dus-od-ns of an evil smell.
Lat. od-or, od-orari, ol-eo, ol-facio.
Lith. ů'd-ž-u inf. us-ti smell, trace out, 'd-ima-s
a smelling.
Pott I¹ 196, where more extensive but doubtful combinations
are made Benf. I 249. On the present form ogo óð-j-w, a form-
ation completely parallel to the Lith. úd-ž-u úd-j-u Schleich. Lit.
Gr. p. 66) cp. Tempora u. Modi p. 109. Benf. Or. u. Occ. I 626
holds od smell and d eat to be identical roots, noticing the use of
the word taste, but èd does not mean to taste.
289) οδούς (st. όδοντ) tooth (Aeol. pl. ἔδοντες).
Skt.
dant-a-s, Zd. dant-an tooth. Lat. den-s (st.
dent). -Goth. tunth-u-s, O.-H.-G. zand tooth.
Lith. dant-i-s tooth. Cymr. dant tooth (Z.2
291), O.-Ir. dét (Z.² 18).
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
303
1
3
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 242. On the Aeol. form Ahrens d. aeol. 244
p. 80.
It was long regarded among Comparative Philologists as
proved that the rt was d (No. 279), as held by Pollux VI 38 άлò
ἐδεσμάτων . . ἀπὸ τούτου γὰρ πεποίηνται οἷον ἔδοντές τινες οἱ ὀδ
óvtɛs (Lobeck ad Aj. v. 360); now Schleicher Comp. 76, Max Müller
II 262, Hugo Weber Ztschr. X 244 prefer to derive the word from
the rt. da divide (No. 256), principally because it is only in Gk. that
a vowel appears before the d. There would be no very wide differ-
ence between the two views, inasmuch as, as Schl. admits, the
roots da and ad seem to have been closely associated from the be-
ginning. Still I do not regard this as altogether proved, for it
happens that the Greeks held with great tenacity in other cases as
well the initial vowels, e. g. in coues by the side of the Skt. s-mas,
Zd. h-mahi, Lat. s-umus, and although in this case it is true that the
Lithuanian és-me holds with the Gk. as well as the Slavonic and Keltic
forms, it is not so e. g. with ¿ʊ i. e. es-u — Skt. su, Zd. hu, O.-Pr.
u, Ir. hu. Again the vowel o in the second syllable which answers
to the Lat. e will not agree with the rt. da. How easy on the other
hand in a word of such frequent use for an initial vowel to fall away
when the sense of the etymon was obliterated. As dovt is related
to the rt. ẻd (No. 279), so is the Skt. khâd-ana-s tooth to the rt.
khád (No. 284), and pay-óv-es to the rt. qay (No. 408).
290) St. όδυς δώδυσ-ται, ὠδυσ-ά-μην, ὀδυσσάμενος be
angry, hate, ώδυσ-ίη (Hesych. ὀργή), Οδυσεύς.
Skt. dvish dvêsh-mi hate, am disinclined, dvish (Nom.
dvit) hate, enemy, dvêsh-as hate.
Pott I¹ 270, Ztschr. IX 212, Benf. II 223. The o is prothetic,
vi contracted to v as in yoñ-v-s for yon-Fi-s (above p. 176) and 8-
vn-s (p. 241). In Skt. too we have in dush (mentioned at No. 278)
an undoubted connection of dvish.
291) Rt. πεδ πέδ-ο-ν, πεδ-ίο-ν ground, country, πέδ-η
fetter, лέd-īλo-v sole, nɛgó-s pedestris, néha foot,
border, ñoú-ç (st. rod) foot.
Skt. pad pad-ja-mi fall, go towards, pad-a-m tread,
step, place, spot, foot-print, track, pád-a-s pad
foot, pad-á-ti-s pat-ti-s pedestrian, pád-uka-s shoe.
Zd. pad go, padh-a (m.) foot.
Lat. Ped-u-m, op-pid-u-m, ped-ica, com-pe(d)-s, ped-ûle
(sole), pe(d)-s, ped-e(t)-s, ped-es-ter, tri-pod-are. tri-
pud-iu-m; Umbr. du-purs-us biped-ibus.
304
BOOK II.
O.-N. fjö-tur-r, O.-H.-G. fëzzar, Goth. fôt-u-s, O.-H.-G.
fuoz foot (Germ. Fuss).
Lith. pád-a-s sole, pèd-à footprint.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 244 f., Benf. II 92. From the primary mean-
ing tread was developed that of the ground trodden on, of the shoe
or the fetter into which one steps, and that of the foot that treads
(cp. No. 281 and p. 113). As from pe-s we easily get im-ped-ire,
245 com-pes and ped-ica foot-fetter, then fetter, snare generally, so from rédη
we havе лɛdάш, while the Lat. pedare means stride. The Lat. corre-
lative of nέdŋ is peda vestigium humanum (Paul. Ep. 211), which has
its counterpart in the Lith. pèdà. On op-pedu-m, later op-pidu-m,
tò ểnì tộ nɛdio, the town regarded as the defence of the country,
hence also oppidum locus in circo unde quadrigae emittuntur (Fest.
p. 184), see above p. 82. Döderlein Gloss. 2341 compares the adv.
oppido with unɛdov; we may grant this without identifying op with
¿v. In another way illico may be compared. Perhaps also ped-u-m
ม
shepherd's crook belongs here. It is true that the meaning of and-ãv
leap is somewhat foreign to that of the other offshoots from our rt.,
but πηδάν can hardly be separated from πηδόν, πηδάλιον rudder.
So there seems in all probability to have been preserved a more
energetic force in the stronger form. The Skt. rt. means also fall
and in this meaning corresponds to the Ch.-Sl. pad-a cado, but the
compounds show the more general meaning go, tread. Similar trans-
itions of meaning under Rt. рat Gk. пет (No. 214).
292) Rt. περδ πέρδ-ω, πέρδ-ο-μαι (ἔ-παρδ-ο-ν, πέ-πορδ-α)
pedo, лood-ý peditum, лéd-ig (st. ñɛo̟dıx) part-
ridge.
Skt. pard pard-ê pedo, pard-a-s, pard-ana-m поdý.
Lat. pêd-o, pôd-ex.
O.-H.-G. firz-u (Germ. furzen).
Bohem. přd-ím, Lith. pérd-ž-u inf. pérs-ti, pìrd-i-s
πορδή.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 245, Schleicher Ksl. 121. On pêd-or, the
form paedor and pêdic-are along with the other allied words cp.
Bücheler Rh. Mus. XIII 153, XVIII 386, Fleckeisen Jahrb. 1861, 574
and Corssen's objections 12 648. The ✈ is suppressed in Lat. and the
vowel lengthened in compensation (cp. φρέατος for φρεαρτος). περδ-ίξ,
“nagà tò ñéqdɛɩv, eum enim sonum edit" Jos. Scaliger ad Varronem
p. 187 (ed. 1573). So the other name of the bird xaxxaßí-s reminds
us of No. 28. These etyma cannot have been present to the minds
of the ancients, or Alkman (fr. 60 B.) would not have considered the
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
305
α
nannaßides to be his teachers of song. Gerland too "über die Perdix-
sage” Halle 1871 denies the connection with the rt. πepd.
293) oid-ngo-s iron. - Skt. svid-i-ta-s smelted, svéd-anî
O.-H.-G. sweiz-jan frigĕre.
iron plate, pan.
Benf. I 466, Kuhn Ztschr. II 132. More doubtful is the con-
nection with the O.-H.-G. smid-ôn forge (Germ. schmieden), smeidar
smith, especially on account of the irregularity in the sound-change.
Cp. too Grimm Gesch. II 745 on the name Swedes. The rt. svid
has been already seen in the form id No. 283. It is not surprising
that in the name of the metal, the sense of the origin of which must
have been early lost, the sibilant survived. Cp. moreover the double
form opέ and from sva, ov-s and v-s and under No. 280 oέdas.
Pictet I 168 disputes this derivation with the words: ‘il me semble
difficile à croire, que le plus réfractaire des metaux usuels ait tiré
son nom de la notion de fusibilité'. There is no need though for
the meaning of oid-ngo-s to be "fusible", it may be "prepared by
melting", and that suits iron exactly, because it must first (cp. Max 246
Müller II 226) be separated from other minerals by melting.
It is by
no means however to be assumed from this comparison that the Indo-
Germans were acquainted with iron before their division. M. Müller
aptly recalls Hesiod Ἔργα 153 μέλας δ᾽ οὐκ ἔσκε σίδηρος, as evidence
that the Greeks themselves had an idea of a time when the яoló-
xuntos oídneos had not yet been discovered. It is only the root that
is common to the languages, and applied in a similar way. Other-
wise Pott I¹ 127, who compares the Lith. svid-à-s bright, and the
Lat. sîd-us.
294) Rt. κεδ (σχεδ, κεδ), σκεδάννυ-μι, κεδάννυ-μι burst
asunder (trans.) scatter, oxid-va-oda to scatter
oneself, spread oneself abroad, oxéd-α-61-ç a burst-
ing asunder, oxéd-n (dim. oxed-άqıov) tablet, leaf,
σχεδία raft.
Skt. skhad skhad-ê fugo, dispello, scindo, kshad fran-
gere, dissecare, edere.
Lat. scand-ula (scindula) a shingle (used for roofing).
Cp. No. 284 and 295, Benf. I 169. σχεδία is a collective to
oxέd-n in the assumable meaning of billet or plank. Müllenhoff com-
pares with ozέdn the Goth. skatts coin, O.-H.-G. scaz. It would in
this case have arrived at its special meaning in the same way as xέqua.
The a seems to be retained in the rt. cxad oxάg-w split, tear, to
which yάg-w I separate myself, yield, seems to be the intransitive
(Lob. Rhemat. 84, Pott W. I 311). In oxidvnui on the other hand
CURTIUS, Etymology.
20
306
BOOK II.
the & is weakened to as in пítvηut (Grassmann Ztschr. XII 97 cp.
Ascoli Fonol. 214, 220, 222). I cannot with Kuhn (Ztschr. III 427)
compare the Goth. skath-jan nocere because of the phonetic relations
and the undeniable difference of the meanings. The unexpanded rt.
cxa (cp. No. 45b) occurs in oxá-w, a well established Attic by-form
of oxago (Phrynichus ed. Lobeck 219).
ω
295) Rt. ckid cxid, oxíg-w split, oxíg-a log, oxíð-n,
α
σχίδ-αξ, σχινδ-αλμός splinter, shingle.
Skt. Khid Khinad-mi, khind-a-mi cut off, tear in
pieces, divide, destroy, partic. Khinna-s enfeebled.
Zd. çcid shatter.
Lat. scind-o (sci-cid-î, scid-i), caed-o, cae-lu-m (chisel).
Goth. skaid-a xwqiłw, O.-H.-G. sceit discissio, O.-N.
skidh lignum fissum.
Lith. skëd-žu divide, skëd-rà chip, splint.
1
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 244, who also adds the Maced. oxoidos or
noïdos olnovóµos (Sturz dial. Maced. 26, Pollux X 16), Benf. I 168.
Here belongs also σκιδ-αρό-ν· ἀραιόν Hes. On the change of the
initial letter Lob. El. I 125, on the relation of the meanings Kuhn
Ztschr. III 427. I now put caedo here with Leo Meyer and Schweizer
Ztschr. XII 228, cp. Corssen Beitr. 453, Pott W. I 537. The d has
remained unshifted in the Teutonic languages. In this case the com-
plete similarity of meaning compels us to admit this irregularity.
Cp. No. 294 and Delbrück Ztschr. f. deutsche Philol. I 155. Grassmann
247 (Ztschr. XII 130) conjectures that the rt. was originally skidh: if so
the irregularity must be laid at the door of the Greek and Sanskrit.
296) Rt. εφαδ σφαδάζω start, am restless, σφαδασμός
spasm, desire, impatience, opɛd-avó-ç eager, vio-
lent, opod-gó-s vehement. σφενδόνη sling,
σφενδονᾶν to sling.
Skt. spand spand-é prurio, pari-spand-ê tremo, vi-
spand-é renitor.
Lat. fund-a fûsu-s spindle (?).
Benf. II 361, Corssen Beitr. 460, who however now 12 161 se-
parates the Latin words on account of the manifold meanings of
fund-a. The 6 produces aspiration as in oxid by the side of oxid &c.
The physical meaning 'spasmodic motion' is best preserved in
operdóvn and funda, also no doubt in opóvd-v20-s twirling-wheel of
a spindle, then any round body generally, a word which resembles
fûsu-s in sound. From this however it is not so very far to oñévdeiv,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
307
เ
the hurling away of a liquid. Perhaps Grassmann Ztschr. XII 102
is right in conjecturing that pend-ê-re "to move oneself like a pend-
ulum" belongs here.
297) σφίδες (χορδαὶ μαγειρικαί Hesych.), σφίδη (χορδή id.).
Lat. fide-s (fidi-um), fidi-cen, fidi-cina.
Vossius Etymol. p. 214, Benf. I 565, Kuhn Ztschr. IV, 9, 30,
where too the O.-H.-G. seito, seita (Germ. Saite) is compared and the
loss of a labial in the word conjectured.
298) ïð-w, úð-é-a sing, praise, d-n-s singer, ά-(F)ɛíð-w
sing, ἀοιδό-ς singer, ἀοιδή song, ἀηδών (st.
andov) nightingale.
Skt. vad vad-á-mi dico, loquor, vand-ê celebro, vâd-
ajâ-mi make to sound, vád-a-s sermo, controversia.
O.-H.-G. far-wâz-u curse, confute.
Lith. vad-i-n-ù call, entice, Ch.-Sl. vad-iti accusare,
us-ta (Neut. pl.) mouth (rt. ud).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 245, Benf. I 364. The meanings of these
words admit easily of unity of origin, but the phonetic relations have
not been made quite clear. The forms with v which are first used
by the Alexandrines, though doubtless not without precedent in older
usage, are related to the Skt. vad as the vл in vл-vo-s is to the Skt.
svap (No. 391), in the rest the ά is prothetic, the digamma is pre-
served only in the Boeot. aFvdó-s (Ahr. d. aeol. p. 171) and in άßηdáv
(Hesych.). The explanation which now seems to me most probable
is that there sprung up by the side of vad a rt. vid, like skid by
the side of skad (No. 295). I am not shaken in this by the argu-
ments of Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 125 for another view. άƑndav would
have to be derived from afɛd vad. From Fid on the other hand
we get quite regularly άFɛído, άƑordó-s with prothetic a.
vd is
a still further weakening from vad, passing perhaps by way of the
above vid. Cp. odvs dvish (No. 290). If aud-ý belongs here it is
related to the Skt. vad as av-pa is to the Skt. vâ to blow (No. 587).
αυ
Hugo Weber Ztschr. X 241, without considering the Indian and Letto- 248
slavonian words or even do develops άFɛíd-w from άFn-u; but this
기
​account of the word is unsatisfactory, as he has to suppose a ♪ used
to expand a stem that has already passed through many changes of
form. It is strikingly conjectured by Clemm Comp. 28, that the se-
cond part of Hoí-odo-s comes from this rt., so that the name would
mean ἱεὶς ὀδήν (i. e. ᾠδήν). On the Slavonic words see Miklosich
Die Wurzeln des Altslowenischen (Wien 1857) p. 10 and 14.
299) üdoα, doo-s water-snake, 220-s ichneumon (?).
20*
308
BOOK II.
of
Skt. udra-s a water animal, otter, Zd. udra (m.)
a water animal.
A.-S. oter, O.-H.-G. otter otter.
Ch.-Sl. vydra, Lith. údra otter.
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 452.
The word is clearly derived from
a noun-stem (ud or udar water). The Gk. v-vdoi-s otter, water-
snake is like the adj. vvdgo-s of a much later stamp. Η άλλους
is related it must be regarded as a diminutive.
300) vd-wo (st. vdaor) Boeot. oudog water, do-ía
water-jug, ¿do̟-ɛú-∞ draw water, idoαív-∞ I water,
ἄν-υδρο-ς without water, ἱδαρής, υδαρός watery,
ὕδερ-ο-ς, δρ-ωψ dropsy.
Skt. rt. ud u-na-d-mi, und-a-mi gush forth, moisten,
ud-a-m, uda-ka-m water, ud-an wave, water, an-
udra-s without water.
Lat. und-a, pal-ú(d)-s (?) (No. 361).
Goth. vat-ô (st. vatam), 0.-H.-G. waz-ar water,
O.-H.-G. und-a, und-ea unda, fluctus.
Ch.-Sl. vod-a, Lith. vand-u (st. vanden).
O.-Ir. us-ce, ui-sce aqua (Z.² 230).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 242, Grimm Gesch. 411, Benf. I 448, Stokes
Ir. Gl. 69. We must start from a double form, vad the stronger
and d the weaker, of which only the latter occurs in Greek. Cp.
however Pott Ztschr. VI 264 on the supposed Phrygio-Macedonian
form ẞέdv water, air; he associates it with the dat. &de in Hesiod
"Eoya 61, for which later writers furnished the nom. dos. For
the form dwg I start from the stem idagt which I hold to be de-
rived by addition of from idag (cp. Ztschr. IV 214). The Lat.
udor, adduced by Kuhn Ztschr. I 379 rests on a false reading of
Varro 1. 1. V § 24 Müll. úv-eo to which belongs û-du-s, is discussed
at No. 158. The Gk. dv-n-s in the sense of watery, dvɛiv to
water have no authority, Hesych. knows only idvεiv toέqɛ which
has nothing to do with this root. Lottner Ztschr. XI 200 gives in-
stances of irregularities in sound-change which warrant our putting
O.-H.-G. unda, undea here. Kuhn seems to me to have no ground
whatever for regarding the suffixes in n and r as identical (see above
249 p. 75). In the Ir. us-ce change of d to s before c has taken place
as in the Ir. mes-ce drunkenness for med-ce (No. 322), Lat. esca for
ed-ca (No. 279).
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
309
Greek corresponds to Indo-Germanic and Sanskrit
dh, which is represented in Latin at the beginning of
a word sometimes by f, in the middle usually by d, in
Zend (with the occasional substitution of dh), Gothic, Sla-
vonic, Lithuanian, Old Irish universally by d, in High
German by t.
301) -ε-20-v, ά-éd-210-v the prize of a contest, a-εd-20-s
contest, ά-εεú-o engage in a contest, 'adin-tno
competitor.
Lat. vă(d)-s, vadi-moni-u-m, vad-ari, prae(d)-s.
Goth. vad-i pledge, ga-vad-j-on promise, O.-H.-G.
wetti pignus, vadimonium, M.-H.-G. wette pledge,
prize, prize-fighting, O.-Fris. wit-ma, O.-H.-G.
widamo price of a wife, O.-Fris. wed bargain,
bail, O.-N. vedhja pignore certare. [Scotch wad-
set, O.-Eng. wadd pledge (whence wedlock).]
Lith. vad-óju to redeem a pledge.
ช
That the Gk.
Döderlein "Reden und Aufsätze " II, 109 (otherwise Gloss. 973),
Diefenbach Vgl. Wörterb. I 140 ff., where however the Greek words
are not given. Whoever compares the three primary meanings of
the European words here collected wager, pledge, bail, will not
fail to recognize the connection between them; a connection of great
antiquity and of great importance to the historian of law. The
uncontracted forms occur almost exclusively in Homer. The a is pre-
fxed as in ἄερσαν (δρόσον Κρῆτες Hesych.) No. 497.
words are used originally of sham and not real fighting is specially
proved by Π 590 ἢ ἐν ἀέλθῳ ἠὲ καὶ ἐν πολέμῳ, hence too ἵπποι
άε lopógo. Hence in the metaphorical use of the word the idea of
striving is prominent, not that of danger. This is a sufficient refut-
ation of the conjecture of Benfey I 256. The Lat. prae-s has in
the Lex Thoria (C. I. Lat. 200, 46) the plural prae-vid-es which leaves.
no doubt as to the connection with va(d)-s. Cp. note to No. 180.
Bergk's 'thesis' that άelov belongs to άsięw (Rh. Mus. XIX 604)
is as far from convincing me as Leo Meyer's assertion (Ztschr. XIV
94) that "it seems much more probable that the belongs to the
suffix". Moreover the derivation from av (avêre) desire hardly suits
the masc. άɛ20-§.
380
310 -
BOOK II.
250
21.
302) St. ald aid-∞ burn, aid-os a burning, alð-ó-s burnt,
aid-ov burning, shining, ald-ne (st. aldɛo) upper
air, al-qa clear sky.
Skt. indh indh-ê kindle, iddha-s (part.
idh-ta-s)
kindled, pure, idh-ma-s, indh-ana-m, êdha-s fire-
wood, êdh-a-s setting on fire.
Lat. aes-tu-s, aes-tâ(t)-s, aed-ê-s, aidî-li-s.
A.-S. âd (for aid) rogus, O.-H.-G. eit rogus, ignis,
M.-H.-G. eit-en to heat, glow, O.-S. idal, O.-H.-G.
ital pure, clear.
O.-Ir. aed fire (Corm. Gl. p. 2).
Pott I¹ 249, Bopp Gl., Benf. I 259 f., Grimm Gesch. 260, Fick 2
The rt. 10 may be assumed for ið-n (Hesych. ɛvpqooúvn), ið
agó-s clear (of springs cp. Lob. Path. Prol. 256), id-aivɛsdaι (Hesych.
θερμαίνεσθαι). aede-s meant no doubt originally 'fire-place', hearth.
Pictet II 264 adduces the Ir. aidhe house (O'R.) along with aedh heat.
The corresponding Macedonian word since in Macedonian the
media takes the place of the aspirate (Sturz de dial. Macedon. p. 28)
seems to have been preserved in Hesych.'s gloss adi-s dozágα
(cp. Hesych. ed. Maur. Schmidt No. 1149) and in άdías soɣága, ßo-
uós (1123) so that in this as in other instances North-Grecian and
Italian forms resemble each other in sound. ἀδῆ οὐρανὸς Μακεδόνες
cp. άdgarà aldgía Manɛdóves) must be of the same stem; M. Schmidt
aptly suggests alone in connection with it: whether however it
should be written' adne is very doubtful. It is possible that the
form άdñ is related to along as the Skt. nom. mâtâ is to the Dor.
µáznę. The meaning burn and shine cross each other here as often.
If Alt-vn is related it must have originated in a dialect which is
neither Greek nor Latin. All the more certain is it that Ald-
i-op and aîð-op sparkling belong to these words.
303) Rt. ἀλθ ἄλθ-ο-μαι grow strong, ἀλθ-αίνω, ἀλ-ή-
ox-∞ heal, άλð-ń-ɛ-s healthy.
Skt. ardh succeed, flourish, further, satisfy, ardh-
uka-s prosperous, rddhi-s prosperity, a healing
plant. Zd. ared grow, further.
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 70. Cp. p. 518 and No. 523 b.
304) av-os germ, blossom, flower, ave-ε-uo-v flower,
ávvé-w bloom, äve-n blossom, åveŋo̟ó-ç blooming,
ἀνθ-ερ-εών chin, ἀν-έριξ the beard of an ear
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
311
of corn, stalk, ¿ð-ýo (st. άđɛo) beard of an ear
of corn, ad-άon groats.
Skt. andh-as herb, greens, juice, food.
Lat. ad-or spelt, ador-eu-s (?).
PW., cp. Benf. I 77, Fick 2 9. The rt. is ae, whence perhaps
comes also Æð-ývŋ 'the blooming one' with the words connected with
it Ztschr. III 153, to which no doubt ά-άg-101 maidenly (aî µnj
SiαnɛnαQDEVεvuέvaι Hesych.) belongs. Lobeck even Rhem. 300 trans-
lates Ava by Florentia. It is certain that 'Ave-nvn, Avoýly, Avð-
ndov are related. The Homeric forms too άv-ývod-e, ¿v-ývod-e, éñ-
ɛv-ývod-ɛ (Buttm. Lexil. I 266) are of the same family, with an o
inserted: άvod for åvð. The syllables άv, v must however be re-
garded as prepositions so that άv-ývod-e, év-ývod-ɛ are as it were 251
strong perfects to ἀν-ανθέω, ἐν-ανθέω to which they are related as
yέ-ynd-a is to ynέw. Cp. E. M. p. 107, Döderlein Gl. 715. The
ideas sprout (shoot up) and spout (shoot out) encounter each other
also in the rt. φλα, φλε, φλυ (Νο. 412). The Romans themselves
regarded ador as a primitive name of corn, cp. Paul. Epit. 3, Hor.
Sat. II, 6, 89, hence adorea and perhaps even adoriosus gloriosus, old-
Lat. adosiosus (Bergk de carminum Saliarium reliquiis prooem. Mar-
burg. hib. 1847-1848 p. IV sq.). Still perhaps Lottner is right
(Ztschr. VII 163) in connecting ador with the Goth. at-isk-s seed
(Diefenbach Vergl. Wb. I 78 f.). In that case ad-or belongs to the
rt. ed (No. 279). So Pott W. I 170.
α
―
305) St. ẻẹ (cFe☺), ¿d-os, nd-os manner, custom, ỷɛä-≤
trusty, el-oo-a am wont, -it-o accustom.
Skt. svadha will, strength, auu svadha-m according
to custom.
Goth. sid-u-s, O.-H.-G. sit-u ñvos, Goth. sidôn to
practice.
Benf. I 573. Kuhn Ztschr. II 134 f. breaks up sva-dhâ into
the pronominal stem sva = Gk. έ, Lat. se (No. 601) and the rt. dha
Gk. ✈ɛ and translates it accordingly ‘a placing of oneself'. This
etymology which is startling at first sight, and seems too theoretical
a one for so old a word, is established by the Lat. sue-sc-o, suê-tu-s,
consuê-tû-do, words which are derived from suu-s without the help
of a second stem. I agree therefore with Kuhn entirely in the matter,
though I believe that the rt. dha in sva-dhâ does not so much mean
to set as to do, and that hence sva-dha is to be taken as "one's own
action". On this meaning of the rt. dha cp. note to No. 309 and
Windisch Stud. II 342. How could custom be more aptly described
than as the own peculiar doings, ways of a people? But for the
4.
312
BOOK II.
252
Sanskrit we should see neither this nor the fact that vos and the
German Sitte were related. Cp. Max Müller Asiatic Society March
1868 p. 24 ff. Hesychius's evέð-w-nα ɛiwd-a is testimony to the
♬ in the st. ¿ð. Cp. Tempora und Modi p. 141 f. Hoffmann Quaest.
hom. II 38 deals with the traces of the ♬ in os. The old and with
Homer exclusive meaning of dwelling (of man and beast) for dos
is striking; it reminds us of the Skt. dha-man house, and accordingly
on the above showing it must have meant "one's own house".
Cp. Sonne Ztschr. X 115, XII 373, Froehde XII 160. I venture now
with both these scholars to put sădâ-li-s also here, a derivative from
a lost stem so-dâ (for sva-dhâ) habit. On the other hand Sonne is
right in leaving out sôdes, which is moreover of the wrong quantity.
I agree still less with Froehde when he refers t-ago-s to a stem
identical with ofɛd. Here, as in the case of 2-tn-s the most we can
do is to see in both a common stem ofɛ (No. 601). Pictet's hesit-
ation as to this view of the Teutonic words is ungrounded (II 432); in
the pronoun sich we have another instance of the loss of a v.
306) Rt. ¿pue έo̟ɛúð-∞ make red, ¿qvd-pó-s red, ¿pɛvý-os
redness, ¿ovvo̟-iά-w blush, ¿ováíßŋ mildew.
Skt. rudh-i-ra-s red, bloody, rôh-i-ta-s (for rôdh-i-
ta-s) red.
Lat. ruber (st. rubro), rufu-s, rob-igo. Umbr. rufru.
O. N. rjódh-r rubicundus, rjódha cruentare, Goth.
raud-s red, ga-riud-jo shamefacedness, O.-H.-G.
rôt, rost red, rust.
Ch.-Sl. rúd-ě-ti se blush, rud-rů rutilus, růžd-a rob-
igo; Lith. raud-à red colour, rùd-a-s reddish
brown, rudi-s rust.
O.-Ir. ruad red (Amra p. 44).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III, 1017, Schleicher Ksl. 118, Miklosich Alt-
slowen. Wurzeln p. 18. The is prothetic, as in No. 143.
On
the change of the final consonant in the Italian languages Ztschr. II
334 f. The t of ru-tilu-s has just as little to do with the final
consonant of the rt. as the t of fû-tili-s has with that of the stem
fud (No. 203). Corssen Beitr. 81. Bugge Ztschr. XX 5 ff. differs
on many points.
307) Rt. 0a, en, dñ-odα (Hom.) to milk,
-oaτo he
sucked, on-λń teat, dnia wet-nurse, nλa-uáv
suckling, nourishing, tý-&n, tɩ-dý-vn, tit-on nurse,
tí-τdo-s teat, dñ-av-s female, on-vio-v milk (Hes.),
yaha-dn-vó-s sucking milk.
7
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
313
Skt. dhâ dhaj-â-mi drink, suck, dhâ-trî nurse, mother,
da-dhi sour milk, dhe-nu-s milch-cow. - Zd. daênu
female.
Lat. fê-la-re suck, fé-mina, Umbr. fe-l-iu, Lat. fi-l-
iu-s, fi-l-ia.
Goth. dadd-ja, O.-H.-G. tá-u lacto, O.-H.-G. ti-la
mamma.
Ch.-Sl. doją lacto, doi-l-ica nutrix, dě-te̱ infans, de-va
virgo.
O.-Ir. di-th suxit (t-pret. Z.² 456), explained by dine-
s-tar (aor. dep.) Goid. p. 90, dínu lamb, dat. dínit
(Z.2 257), del = onλý, delech milch-cow (Stokes,
Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 54).
Bopp Gl. Cp. Gr. I 299, Pott W. I 176, Benf. II 270, Grimm
Gesch. 404, Schleich. Ksl. 117. The double d in the Goth. daddja
O.-H.-G. tâju is discussed by Müllenhoff in Haupt's Ztschr. XII
387. Of the Latin words fê-lâ-re undoubtedly belongs here; the
form with one 7 is, acc. to Bücheler, Jahn's Jahrb. 1863 p. 780, the
more approved one. The verb proves the existence of a subst. fela,
corresponding exactly to the Gk. On-in and the O.-H.-G. ti-la. The
connection of fê-mina and fî-l-iu-s with this rt. on the other hand
was denied by Dietrich (Jahn's Jahrb. 81, 39) and is now again by
Corssen (Beitr. 188, Ausspr. I2 144). In deference to Corssen's exhaust-
ive discussion I concede that both words can be derived phonetic-
ally from the rt: fu (No. 417), since fle(v)-o for instance (No. 412)
shows, that fe(v)-o could come from the rt. fu, and since fê-nus (cp.
Tóxos, interst), fê-cundu-s, fê-tu-s can hardly be explained except by
this root. But my etymology is, as C. admits, just as admissible
phonetically, and I hold it to be the more probable one for the reason
that the rt. fu is in no case applied specially to the action of the
woman in propagation as is the case with the rt. gen (No. 128) and
is consequently less adapted to designate the female man and beast
as distinguished from the male. On the other hand the rt. dha suckle 253
is precisely the one most adapted for this. The Skt. dha-ru-s sucking
is the intransitive to dñ-lv-s suckling. If we consider again that in
Greek, in Zend, and in the Slavonic languages the idea woman actu-
ally was designated by a word from this root, it can hardly be
doubted that this happened before the separation of the languages,
and that though the Romans used a different suffix they brought
their femina 'the suckler' with them from the East. Perhaps there
is a trace of its participial force still visible in Plac. Gl. femina
alumna, acc. to which the word would have had the active meaning
Dor M
314
BOOK II.
nutrix and the passive one quae nutritur. Since then the Gk. Dŋla-
μών (cp. θηλαμινοῦ· νεογνοῦ Hes.) and the Slav. words for child come
from the very same source, I think the Umbr. feliuf (sif feliuf · sues
filios) comes in better here than under the rt. fu. The Messap. bilia-s,
Alban. bilj son compared by Stier Ztschr. VI 147 with filiu-s are no
obstacle to the above views. The stem fil-io would accordingly be
derived from fêla teat, in the sense of vпoμαorídios. It can be no
objection that this original meaning is to be seen nowhere but in tho
Umbr. we can hardly talk of the sons of a pig. In the Slavonic
it is still more obliterated. Among proper names Tn-du-s, trans-
lated by G. Hermann by Alumnia, and έ-ti-s seem related (Welcker
Götterl. I 618). I. Bekker Hom. Bl. 222 is no doubt right in ex-
plaining Tη-dú-s to be for On-tv-s by a transposition of the aspir-
ation. Whether ti-da-có-s tame, as has been conjectured, and tvT-
dó-s little (cp. títoŋ) are related, I will not decide.
α
Lobeck Rhemat.
5 (cp. Pott W. I 180) conjecture safter the Greek etymologists that
dñ-óðaɩ is connected with tɩðévai (No. 309) “quia lactantes uberibus
adhibentur". Cp. No. 310.
102.
308) Rt 0aF Hom. n-oαiaro mirarentur, Dor. dã-uai,
θα-έ-ομαι (Ion. η-έ-ομαι, Att. θε-ά-ομαι) stare,
look, dav-6-inqio-v (Hesych.) platform for sight-
seers, θαῦμα a wonder, θα-τύς θεωρία (Hes.),
θά-α (Dor.), θέ-α view, θέατρο-ν a place for
seeing, theatre.
.
Ch.-Sl. div-i-ti se davµágɛiv, div-es-a davµáoia, Bo-
hem. div-a-dlo vέatqov, Lith. dýv-i-tis to wonder,
dýv-a-s a wonder, dýv-na-s wonderful.
Benf. II 364, Dietrich Ztschr: X 431. Cp. Pott W. I 573, Fick 2
For noαiato (o 191) I. Bekker (Hom. Bl. 166, 6) reads per-
haps rightly Θεσσαίατο. On the Doric forms (also the Lac. -oa-μev
i. e. έ-dα-µɛv, ¿dεœgovµεv) cp. Ahrens dor. p. 342 f. For the Gk.
words the rt. eaF, eau is clear (cp. Lobeck Elem. I 355); hence per-
haps without composition daƑ-ço-s (Deÿçoí —´ Dewgoi C. I. 2161, 1. 2),
vão-go-s and with interchange of quantity the Ion. Dawgó-s spectator.
Lobeck had already (ad. Aj. p. 404) suggested that the word was no
compound. For davoíngiov (MS. davoпngi) M. Schmidt proposes
a groundless conjecture, which has not even the alphabetical arrange-
ment to recommend it. Perhaps we have here a foundation for the
reading wü-tà oya Hesiod. Scut. 165, which Sonne Ztschr. XII 277
rightly refers to dwF-ɛ-tá. w takes, as it does in the Ion. dovµα
the place of the á of the root. Hesych. has ßos davμa with ß
θαῦμα β
for F. Hence Bopp's comparison of the Skt. dhjải (Gloss.) seems
MoU
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
315
objectionable.
In the Lith. words the vowel y i. e. i is remarkable 254
Miklosich Lex. 160 puts them along with the Slavonic words under
Benfey's older combination, which
the rt. div shine (No. 269).
Kuhn Ztschr. IV 16 accepts, is untenable.
309) Rt. 0e tí-on-ui place, do, έ-ua propositum, dέ-61-s
a placing, θε-σ-μό-s rule, θέ-μι-ς law, θεμέλιο-ν,
dé-με-do-v foundation, n-xn a chest.
Skt. dhâ da-dhâ-mi place, lay, do, dhâ-ma(n) dwell-
ing-place, law, way, condition, dhâ-tṛ creator,
dhâ-tu-s radix verbi (thema), stuff. Zd. dá
place, make, produce, dá-ta-m rule, law, dá-man
creature.
Osc. faa-ma house (?), fam-el, Lat. făm-ulu-s oixétns,
făm-il-ia.
Goth, ga-dêd-s dέois, O.-S. dô-m, O.-H.-G. tô-m do,
O.-H.-G. tâ-t deed; Goth. dóm-s [Eng. doom],
O.-H.-G. tuom judicium.
Ch.-Sl. dě-j-ą, de-žd-ą (= de-dj-ą) facio, dě-lo opus,
Lith. dé-mi, de-dù lay, place, put away.
O.-Ir. dénim facio (Z.² 435).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 138, Benf. II 266, Miklos. Radd., Grimm
Gesch. 405, Ebel Beitr. II 166. On dhâman and the form faama
which we may conjecture from the Osc. faamat, a form like véµa in
the meaning suggested by deµéliov, see Ztschr. f. Alterthsw. 1849
No. 43 A. u. K. Umbr. p. 91. In Skt. dhâman has the exact mean-
ing of house-fellowship, family. Corssen Beitr. 184 (cp. I² 143, 800)
admits that famulu-s belongs to faama, but wants to derive this word
from the rt. bhag (Skt. bhag) obtinere, colere, to which he assigns
with no ground the meaning to warm. (PW. under bhag, bhấģa-na-m).
The primary meaning of that rt. is clearly "obtinere", and we no-
ticed it therefore under No. 160. I do not see how to get from this
the "warming" family hearth. From fâma fămulu-s as from humus
humili-s, and from nube-s nûbilu-s, though it is true the quantity is
changed. But the Lat. fămulus is the only testimony to the short
vowel, and this need not surprise us if we consider that the same
rt. appears short in the Gk. đέ-µa, dé-oɩ-s, and probably also in
fă-c-i o by the side of fî-o fa-i-o,on the origin of which see p. 64.
A strong argument for the latter derivation lies in the fact that in
no other way can fa-c-io be brought together with its passive fi-o,
which two are related to each other as are ja-c-io and ev (Rt. i, já),
and further in the fact that fac-io and fio are both confined to the
-
316
BOOK II.
Italian group, the only one which changes dh into f. Corssen, who
Beitr. 25, 45, I2 143 with others derives fîo from the rt. fu can give
nothing but a very artificial explanation of fa-c-io from the rt. bha
shine (No. 407).
Acc. to Bopp several Latin compound verbs in -do
come, not from the rt. da (No. 270), but from dha, specially crê-d-o,
which like the O.-Ir. cretim (cp. crette-s, creite-s qui credit Z.2 437,
Ebel Beitr. II 157), coincides remarkably with grad-da-dhâ-mi fidem
pono, credo, a compound of grat fides and da-dhâ-mi pono. It can
hardly be doubted though that the Romans felt all compounds in -do
to be of one origin; it is also worth noticing that the u which we
found at p. 236 in du-int, du-am appears also in cre-du-as. (Cp. Zd.
255 du make.) We therefore are more inclined to assume that the two rts.
da and dha grew into one in compounds in the Italian group. This
helped to isolate the forms in f. No great weight is, in my opinion,
to be attached to the fact that we have no exact analogy for the
splitting up of a root in this way, since the phonetic relations of the
Italian languages would favour such a result. We have at all events
a remote analogy in the split between f and b (fui by the side of
-b-am, ruf-u-s and ruber). Cp. Kuhn Ztschr. XIV 230, where the Lat.
fa-ber too is brought under this head. The latter is treated by Fick
Ztschr. XIX 261. The Goth. dôm-s corresponds to the metaphysical
use of dɛ-o-µó-s or tɛ-d-µó-s. θής (st. θητ, fem. θῆσσα) workman
wants explanation, though its origin is clear. In connection with
εv-dŋv-έ-w flourish, bloom the Skt. dha-na-m riches, dhan-in rich
should be noticed. To these forms the Ir. dénim probably belongs.
310) ɛto-s uncle, t-ŋ grandmother, τn-di-s aunt.
-
Ch.-Sl. dě-dů avus, Lith. de-da-s uncle, old man,
dé-de m. patruus, f. grandmother, de-de-na-s
cousin.
Pott II 258. On tη-on and τn-dí-s (‘quasi parva avia') Lob.
ad Phryn. p. 134 sqq. A comic derivative from the assumable di-
min. tηdalla is tηalladovs grandmother's pet. - Connection with
τηθαλλα τηθαλλαδους
No. 307 is all the more probable because toŋ means also nurse
(Suidas, Stephanus Thes. s. v.). The rt. extends itself in these words
to the meaning of caressing treatment. Cp. the Engl. to nurse.
311) Rt. Oev dɛív-w strike.
fend-o, in-fen-su-s (?).
Pott W. II, 2, 57, Benf. II 377.
Lat. (fen-d-o) offend-o, de-
Both compare the Skt. han
i. e. ghan strike, kill, and Benf. even derives from it ni-dhan-a-s
mors, pra-dhan-a-s. On another side dav-ɛïv, dvý-on-ɛɩ and again
the rt. qev póvo-s (No. 410) have been compared (the former dif-
ferently treated by Grimm Gesch. 404). It is very strange that ɛivo
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
317
should stand so isolated in Gk., and hence these comparisons must
not be decidedly rejected. Divo: fendo - Tɛívw: tendo. Corssen
Beitr. 183 is right in placing also mani-fes-tu-s, in-fes-tu-s 'storming
against' under this head, Nachtr. 247 fus-ti-s. The meaning of fes-
tinare is irreconcilable.
312) év-ao palm of the hand, sole.
arch, level land, dha-nus arch.
Skt. dhan-van
O.-H.-G. ten-ar
the flat hand, tenni threshing-floor, A.-S. denu
valley (?).
Kuhn Ztschr. II 238, whose derivation from the rt. tan (No. 230)
I cannot adopt. Grimm Gesch. 405. Pott W. II, 1, 339. Origin
in the rt. eev (No. 311) is very improbable. For dévag does not in
the least mean the flat hand with which one strikes, but acc. to
Pollux II 143 τὸ ἔνδοθεν τῆς χειρὸς σαρκώδες ἀπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου δακ-
τύλου μέχρι τοῦ λιχανοῦ, the back of the hand was called in part ὀπισ-
θέναρ, in part ὑποθένας. Since accordingly it is feshy parts of the band
that are called έvag, it is possibly connected with dív, đí-s heap, sand-
heap, sea-shore, bottom of the sea, in which case the primary idea
would be that of a gentle rising. The PW. however compares with
↑í-s the Skt. dhanu-s sand-bank, projecting mainland, island. Acc. 256
to Delbrück (Ztschr. f. d. Philol. 1. 8) dhanvan too seems in the Rv.,
in connection with samudrasja i. e. Oceani, to have the same mean-
ing as dís álós. As far as meaning goes all this exactly suits the
O.-H.-G. dûn promontorium, N.-H.-G. düne down, which in Grimm's
Dict. is put under donen, dunen swell up. The meaning arch in
dhanu-s also agrees with it. The absence of the second stage of
sound-change which has however taken place in tën-ar is accounted
for Delbrück says (vide supra) by the Low German origin of the
words.
313) Rt. θε θέω (θεύ-σομαι) run, θο-ό-ς swift, θοάζω
move quickly, ẞon-dó-o-s (cp.ßon-doóμ-o-s) helping.
Skt. dhâv-a-mi leak, race, run, dhanv-a-mi race, run.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1079, Benf. II 274. Cp. rt eu No. 320.
do-ó-w I point, sharpen has nothing to do with it (cp. nyw).
no-ío-v animal, ↑ŋoά-w
Lat. fer-u-s, fer-a, ferox.
On pe
314) dno (Aeol. ❤no) game,
dńo
hunt, noa the chase.
Miklos. Lex. 223.
θηρά-ω
All other combinations are
Pott I¹ 270, II 278, Benf. II 328,
Ahr. aeol. p. 219 and below p. 442.
doubtful (Schleich. Ksl. 110). For the Goth. dius (O.-H.-G. tior) &ng-
íov can be compared only on the assumption that an has been lost
before the s and the Ch.-Sl. zvěrĭ Lith. žvėrì-s fera only by starting from
318
BOOK II.
a primary form dhvar (Grimm Gesch. 28, Miklos. Lex.). Can it be
that the unauthenticated Skt. dhûr injure and even fer-i-o are related?
So Corssen Beitr. 177, cp. Fick 2 105. There exists in Zend a rt.
dvar run, dash down (used of things of an evil nature), which would
fit in here well. With this would agree ovgo-s, doúgio-s raging,
hurrying, which, along with dog-εìv (Dógvvµaι, dewonw) spring, rage,
hurry, I have (Ztschr. II 399) connected with the Lat. fur-e-re. Still
the meaning prevents me from thinking this comparison certain as
yet, though fur-ia in the meaning sexual desire reminds us of several
uses of the rt. Oop and on another side the Lith. pa-dur-mù impetu-
ously favours the view that the Lat. f in furo is of dental origin.
Otherwise Corssen Nachtr. 224, I² 145.
2
315) pao-v-s bold, oάo-os, áo6-os boldness, courage,
θαρσέω (θαῤῥ-ε-ω) am courageous; θαρσύνω
encourage, Θερσίτης.
Skt. dharsh dhṛsh-no-mi dare, dhṛsh-ta-s bold, impu-
dent, rash, dhar-sha-s impudence, dur-dharsh-a-s
difficilis vietu. - Zd. daresh dare, dharshi vehe-
ment, strong.
Goth. ga-daúrs-an daggɛïv, O.-H.-G. gi-tar (pret. gi-
tors-ta).
Ch.-Sl. druz-ŭ &ça¤ús, drŭz-a-ti, druz-na-ti dαó̟ôɛïv,
Lith. dras-ù-s courageous, dras-à courage.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 419, Benf. II 327, Schleich. Ksl. 117,
who however has doubts on account of the , Miklos. Lex. s. v.
Benf. brings in the paq-v-µó-s adduced by Ahrens d. aeol. 42 (tolµ-
ngós, deacús) with 9 for and ę for ge, es. The Macedon. Aαg-
ῥων· δαίμων ᾧ ὑπὲρ τῶν νοσούντων εὔχονται (Hesych.) with δ for 9
acc. to rule, is related (cp. note to No. 302), accordingly a god of
courage. Bréal conjectures (Ztschr. XX 79), I think rightly, that
257 the Lat. fas-tu-s (for fars-tu-s) and fas-tîd-iu-m (for fasti-tî-diu-m) be-
long to this root. I prefer to omit the O.-Ir. trén compar. tressa
fortis, which is put here Z.2 37, because of the variation in the initial
letter. Cp. Stokes Ir. Gl. 1117.
316) Rt. Opā do̟ń-óα-odαɩ to seat oneself, doã-v-os seat,
bench, on-vu-s trestle, pó-vo-s seat, chair.
Skt. dhar dhar-á-mi hold, carry, support, -dhara-s
carrying, maintaining, dhar-tar bearer, preserver,
dhur part of the yoke, dhur-ja-s beast of draught.
Zd. dar hold.
Lat. frê-tu-s, frê-nu-m.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
319
Benf. II 327, Fick 2 99.
necting link between the meanings, on which light is thrown also
by the Skt. dhira-s, dhru-va-s firm. den-qaodai Philetas in Athen.
V. p. 192. As we have μεν and μνη, τελ, τλᾶ and τλη, θαν and θνη
so here we have to do with a double root-form, Indo-Germ. dhar
and dhra. dhar is more prevalent in Skt. and Zd., dhra (↑goã, đọn
frê) in Greek and Latin. But there are clear traces of the other form
in the Gk. έl-v-uvo-v foundation (noo-dél-v-uvo-s from the found-
ations, Homer) with 2 for e (cp. p. 705) equivalent in meaning to the
Skt. dhar-u-na-m and in ά-ɛg-és (ávóntov, ávóciov Hesych.), whence
the Hom. ά--is to despise. Theognis 733 has deigns (cp.
Bergk 3) for this, perhaps too we should add the Elic έg-ua a reli-
gious peace (cp. Skt. dhar-ma-s law, order), which is commonly identi-
fied with souó-s (rt. Oe), the Lat. fer-me fir-mu-s to which Corssen
Beitr. 169, I² 143 f. adds other words besides, some of which I think
doubtful. Leo Meyer had already (Gött. G. A. 1850 p. 469) put for-ma
under this root and compared it with the Skt. dhar-i-man, for which
grammarians give the meaning form. Corssen Beitr. 171 has added
for-ti-s old Lat. forc-ti-s ("frugi et bonus"), cp. forctu-m, horc-tu-m
("pro bono dicebant") (Paul. Epit. 102). It comes probably from
the expanded rt. dhar-gh, which occurs in the Skt. dar-h to make
firm (mid. be firm), in the Zend dare-z of like meaning, and in derez-ra
firm, and the Ch.-Sl. druž-a-ti hold, rule (cp. note to No. 167).
The metaphysical meaning 'to fasten on something, consider' which
is to be recognized in these words, but also in the use of the Skt.
dhar is moreover associated with some more obscure words from the
rt. dhura: ἐνθρεῖν φυλάσσειν (Hesych.), θρήσκω νοῶ, θρά-σκειν ἀνα-
µiμvýonɛiv (to cling to it): it is also impossible to separate the New
Testament on-oxo-s (or Don-ozó-s) pious, from these words, or the
derivatives used as early as Herodotns's time donox-εú-εiv, denoz-
nín, especially as Hesych. explains the by-form doe-ozń, by άyvý,
návta evlaßovµέvn (cp. religio, religiosus No. 538), and &ọɛ-oxó-s by
περιττός, δεισιδαίμων, and θρέξατο by ἐφυλάξατο, ἐσεβάσθη. θρη
oxo-s is therefore the converse of ά-dɛg-ns, in Theognis, where the
conjunction of εãv undèv óñigóuevos is noticeable. Cp. Lobeck Rhe-
mat. 66.
The idea hold, support is the con-
317) Rt. Ope oέ-o-uaι cry aloud, pó-o-s noise, doñ-vo-s
dirge, dov-20-s (gúllo-s) murmuring, tumult,
Dóov-ẞo-s noise, tov-dou-s murmuring, tov-doo-
ίζω murmur.
Skt. dhran-â-mi make a sound (intens. dan-dhran-mi)? 258
Goth. drun-ju-s prórros, N.-H.-G. droenen drone.
Pictet Ztschr. V 323, Benf. II 265, Ztschr. II 228, Schweizer
320
BOOK II.
Ztschr. f. Alterthsw. 1857 p. 343. Otherwise Pott W. I 1028. It is
true that the Skt. dhran is unauthenticated. θρώναξ κηφήν Λάκω-
vεs (Hesych.) forcibly suggests the O.-H.-G. treno drone (Fick 2 105).
318) θυγάτηρ (st. θυγατερ), Skt. duh-i-tâ (st. duh-i-
tar), Zd. dugh-dhar. Goth. daúh-tar, O.-H.-G.
toh-tar. Ch.-Sl. duš-ti (st. duš-ter for dŭg-ter),
Lith. duk-të (st. dukter) daughter.
Bopp Vgl. Gr. I 299, Pott W. III 868, Schleich. Ksl. 115.
I agree with Grassmann Ztschr. XII 126 in regarding dhugh-atar as
the primitive form. Of the two aspirates the first is preserved in
Gk. the second in Skt. and Zd., and the Gothic form points to a dh
in an earlier language. Lassen's etymology then from the Skt. duh
(for dhugh) milk'the milker' is not impossible; Bopp prefers
to give the meaning "suckling", as we did above to filius (No. 307).
Cp. Pictet II 353, with whom I agree in preferring Lassen's inter-
pretation. Quite otherwise Schweizer Ztschr. XII 306, otherwise
again Benfey preface to Fick¹ VII.
319) đúpa, dúo̟-ε-too-v door, gate, dúoacı foris, dvo̟í-s
door or window aperture, vo-só-s door-stone,
Dagó-s hinge, axle-tree.
Skt. dvára-m, dvár f. door, gate; Ved. dur (f.) door,
dur-ja-s belonging to the door, to the house,
durja-s (nom. pl.) dwelling.
palace.
Lat. for-ê-s, foris, foras.
Zd. dvare-m gate,
Umbr. vero gate.
Goth. daúr dúoa, O.-H.-G. tor.
Ch.-Sl. dvír-í dúọa, dvor-ŭ aula, Lith. dùr-ys (pl.)
fores.
O.-Ir. dorus porta, limen (Z.2 238), a u-stem, dat.
pl. doirsib (Z.2 787).
Bopp Gl., Pott II, 1, 15, Benf. II 276, Schleich. Ksl. 115, Stokes
Ir. Gl. 124. The shortest Gk. form is contained in the Arcad.
vg-da discussed under No. 263 b. Greek, Latin, and Teutonic
point to an initial dh, Slavo-Lithuanian does not oppose it. I con-
clude therefore the primary form to have been dhur, dhvar, and the
Skt. to have lost the aspirate (cp. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 95).
Daιgó-s comes from dag-ios for Fag-ios, and corresponds therefore
to the Skt. plur. dur-jâs for dvar-jâs, for which the PW. conjectures
the primary meaning door-post; the Umbr. and Osc. vero has lost its in-
itial consonant (Corssen Beitr. 177). Otherwise Pott W. I 1010. The rt.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
321
is obscure, for the only certain meaning for the Skt. dhvar is bend,
cause to fall. The meaning curve, turn oneself, which I and others
formerly assigned to it would have to be got from hvar curvum esse,
curvare, in which the h may have arisen from dh. Pictet II 249
starts from dvar, which is unauthenticated, and which, besides the
meaning stop, which suits our word, has three others which it is dif-
ficult to reconcile with it, and is hence on our etymological principles
of no use to us. Bugge Stud. IV 328 tries another course.
320) Rt. Ou dú-o rush, rage, sacrifice, dú-v-o (dvά-w, 259
ová-w) rage, rave, storm, v-vo-s press, crowd,
dú-εlla stormwind, dvá-(d)s, Ovi-á-s a Bacchante,
dv-µó-s courage, passion, feeling. θύμα θυσία
sacrifice, dú-os incense, dvý-a-s fragrant, dú-µo-v
(v-uo-s) thyme.
Skt. dhû dhû-nô-mi shake, move swiftly hither and
thither, fan into a flame, dhu-ma-s smoke, dhú-
li-s dust, st. du-dh (= du-dhu) to be vehement,
wild. Zd. dun-man mist, vapour.
Lat. fû-mu-s, sub-fî-o fumigate, sub-fî-men.
O.-H.-G. tun-s-t storm, press, crowd, Goth. daun-s,
odor, O.-H.-G. toum vapor, fumus, A.-S. du-s-t dust.
Ch.-Sl. du-na-ti spirare, dy-mů fumus, du-chů spiri-
tus, du-ša anima, Lith. dú-mai (pl.) smoke, du-
mà-s, du-mà thought, mind, feeling.
Bopp Gl., Pott II 2 462, W. I 1067, Benf. II 271 ff., Grimm Gesch.
404, Joh. Schmidt Voc. I 157. Cp. above p. 62, 114. The primary
meaning was that of a violent movement, and from this spring three
modifications: 1) rush excite, 2) smoke fumigate, 3) sacrifice;
the metaphysical meaning comes from 1. (Cp. No. 36,) With respect
to the third meaning Aristarchus's doctrine that voαι in Homer does
not mean opάğαı but dvµiãoαi (Lehrs Aristarchus p. 92) is important,
as it helps us to see clearly the transition from 2 to 3. Cp. Theophrastus
περὶ εὐσεβείας ed. by Bernays p. 40: ἐκ τῆς θυμιασέως θυσίας ἐκ-
άλουν. The intimate interconnexion of these different uses is shown
by the differing meaning of the Indo-Germ. dhû-ma-s whose correla-
tive comes under the head of the 2nd modification in 4 families of
speech, under the 1st only in Gk. and Lith. and there alongside of
the 2nd Plato Crat. p. 419 already guessed the physical meaning of
θυμός θυμὸς ἀπὸ τῆς θύσεως καὶ ζέσεως τῆς ψυχῆς. I cannot
accept the wider combinations of Kuhn Ztschr. III 434. On the other
hand there is to be seen in Gk. an expansion of the rt. by a in dv6-
CURTIUS, Etymology.
21
322
BOOK II.
260
tn-s, dvo-tá-s (= dviás), dúo-d-la (pl.) (cp. the Ch.-Sl. dych-a-ti
flare with ch s), perhaps too in dvc-avo-s tassel [cp. Eng. bob],
dέ-ɛɩo-v sulphur, sulphur fumes (contr. eco-v) comes without doubt
from the second meaning and is to be derived from a lost εF-os.
The Skt. dhup expanded from dhû and Gk. Túp-o is discussed
under No. 251. Pott compares moreover the Lat. făv-u-s honey-
comb (?), favilla, fû-nu-s, fi-mu-s and foe-t-eo. On the latter words
cp. Corssen Beitr. 179. The Lat. tûs is clearly borrowed from the
Greek and proves nothing at all as to the Latin substitute for the
aspirate. The Skt. hu sacrifice belongs to No. 203.
321) Rt. ku☺ xɛúd-w (xúð-ov, xé-xvd-ov) hide, conceal,
xɛõd-os, xɛvd-uaóv hidden depth.
Skt. rt. gudh gudh-ja-mi veil, clothe (unauthentic-
ated) guh guh-â-mi veil, conceal, guh-â ambush,
hollow, guh-â secretly, guh-ja-s celandus, goh-a-s
ambush. Zd. guz conceal.
Lat. custô(d)-s.
A.-S. hyd-an hide.
Corn. eudhe cuthe celare (Lex. Cornu-Brit. p. 76,
Z.2 142), Cymr. cuddio (Spurr. Dict.).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 782, Ebel Beitr. II 160.
The initial g
is softened in Skt. and Zd. from k, while, acc. to Albr. Weber (Omina
u. Portenta p. 343) the Skt. forms kûh-a-s deceiver, hypocrite, kuh-û
new-moon, kûh-â mist have preserved the original sound; the h at
the end of the rt. is weakened in Skt. as in other cases from dh.
The derivation of the Goth. guth God again advanced by Ebel Ztschr.
V 236 can hardly be reconciled with the above. Cp. too Leo Meyer
Ztschr. VII 15. On custo(d)-s cp. my essay on the traces of a Lat.
o-conjugation Symbola Philol. Bonn I p. 280, Corssen Nachtr. 133,
somewhat otherwise I2 355.
322) µέo-v wine, uɛú-o am drunk, μɛðú-бx-∞ make
drunk, uέo-n drunkenness, uév-60-ç drunk.
Skt. madh-u something sweet, sweet drink, honey,
madhu-s sweet, Zd. madhu honey.
O.-S. med-o, O.-H.-G. met-u mead.
Ch.-Sl. med-u (m.) honey, wine, Lith. mid-ù-s honey.
O.-Ir. med gen. meda (u-stem, Z.² 239), mescc ebrius
(Z.² 67), mesce drunkenness; Cymr. medw ebrius
(Z.² 130).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 245, Stokes Corm. Gl. Transl. 116. The
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
323
change in the meaning is noticeable: it was originally as in Skt. the
more general one of a pleasant drink. Cp. Pictet I 408, Ztschr. V
323, Hehn 89. Ir. mesce stands for medce like usce for udce (No. 300).
Zd. mizhda pay. Goth. mizd-ô
A.-S. meord [Eng. meed]. Ch.-Sl.
323) μισθό-ς pay.
μισθός.
mizda (f.) μισθός.
Pott W. I 148, Grimm Gesch. 413, Schleich. Ksl. 126, Diefenb.
II 67, Benf. II 33. Pott Ztschr. XIII 349 justly calls these words
of unknown origin. Justi Handb. des Zd. p. 233 regards the word
as a compound of the rt. dhâ. Then we might state the following
proportion; μισθός: μεδ (Νο. 286) ¿odw: èd, μed of course in the
sense of measure. Another combination worth notice is given by
Delbrück Ztschr. f. d. Philol. I 10, who goes to the Zd. myazda flesh
used in sacrifice. The Lat. metelli (Fest. p. 147) also deserves to
be considered, 'in re militari quasi mercenarii', Gloss. Lab. metellus
μíodios, cp. met-i-ri No. 461.
324) Rt. όθ ὠθ-έ-ω (ἔ-ω-σα) thrust, ἐν-οσίχθων. ἐνν-οσί-
yalo-s Earth-shaker, eiv-o6i-qviλo-s shaking its
leaves.
Skt. rt. vadh (perf. va-vâdh-a) strike, apa-vadh, prati-
vadh strike back. Zd. vad strike, vâdhay strike
back.
=
Bopp Gl., Pott 1¹ 251. apa-vadh is just like ἀπ-ώσει 4 97
(Arist.). The rt. vádh, as it is now written in the PW. (no longer
bádh), has such similar meanings, that it cannot be a separate rt.
from vadh. - Delbrück Ztschr. XVI 266 connects with the Skt. vadh-as
storm, Zd. vad-are instrument for striking, the A.-S. veder, Germ.
Wetter storm, weather, which accordingly has arrived gradually at
its neutral meaning of weather from its original one of thunderstorm
or rain-storm. ôd-i (ŏd-iu-m) may be considered to be
repuli; for
ôdi (e. g. profanum volgus) and arceo are synonymous; o va as in 261
ornare by the side of Skt. varņas colour (also gold). Pott it is true
objects (Ztschr. IX 211) to such à comparison, noticing the absence
of the re- in ôdi. But that a root is sometimes used in fuller mean-
ing which is elsewhere to be seen only when definitive prepositions
help to give the expression, is shown by xέxŋyɛ (No. 36) and dav-
εiv, which will be discussed at p. 501. Pott holds fast by the com-
parison of ôdi with the Gothic hat-an hate. But the loss of an in-
itial c before vowels is as Corssen Beitr. 1 shows, of rare occurrence,
and besides the Gothic word is associated with other words which,
like hvassaba vehement and those which Diefenbach adds Wtb. II 601,
take us far from the Latin form. On the initial in Gk. see Ebel
21*
324
BOOK II.
Ztschr. IV 166. I do not venture to place -o-ua under this
head on account of the same difficulties which prevented Buttmann
Lexil. I 270 from doing so, especially on account of on (Hesych.
φροντίς ὤρα), ὀθέων (ib. φροντίζων), ὄθμα (Nicand. ὄμμα). Cp.
Fick 2 179.
325) οὖθ-αρ (st. ούθα(ρ)τ).
Lat. úb-er.
(Germ. Euter).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 106.
Skt. údh-ar, údh-as, ûdh-an.
A.-S. úder, O.-H.-G. útar udder
Lith. udr-oju suckle.
The Lithuanian form controverts
Kuhn's assertion (Ztschr. I 369) that the is secondary, for the Sla-
vonic languages show no instance of instead of s. With Benfey
I 261 I take ûdhar to be the primary form and consider the τ in
οὐθαρτ as accessory. What is the case with the Lat. ûber abun-
dance and the adj. ûber abundant? Have we here a metaphor as in
ovdαę άovens (I 141), or are both meanings developed from one
root which we do not know? This question is thoroughly answered
by Walter Ztschr. X 77. He separates, no doubt rightly, the adj.
ûber with its subst. ûber ubertas from ûber udder, deriving the
former from oib-er and the rt. aidh (Skt. êdh flourish, be happy), the
latter from the rt. udh. Otherwise Corssen Beitr. 190, I2 151, Roth
Ztschr. XIX 221, who again connects the two words uber and tries
to establish vadh, vanāh to stuff full as their root. Perhaps the
Ir. uth mammula (Stokes Ir. Gl. 102), and the Welsh uwd ‘pap' (Spurrell
Dict.) belong here.
326) Rt. πEVO лεv-ερó-s father-in-law, brother-in-law,
son-in-law, лεv-ɛoά mother-in-law, лɛữб-µα string,
rope.
Skt. bandh badh-na-mi bind, fetter, unite, bandha-s,
bandh-a-na-m band, union, bandh-u-s union, con-
nexion, relation, bandhu-rá relationship.
band bind, bañda (m.) band.
Goth. binda bind, band-i dɛouós.
Zd.
O.-Ir. co-beden f. (gen. coí-bedna) conjugatio, con-bod-
las conjunctio (Z.2 990), coibde-lach necessarius,
amicus (Ir. Gl. p. 166).
With Grassmann Ztschr.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 251, Benf. II 94.
XII 120 (cp. above p. 52) we must consider bhandh to be the Indo-
Germ. root, which by the regular loss of the aspirates in Zend and
the Teutonic languages became band. In Gk. it was hardened into
262 qeve and then, owing to the dislike felt to the conjunction of two
aspirates at the beginning of two consecutive syllables, became îενð.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
325
The Latin of-fend-ix strap, knot, of-fend-i-men-tu-m (Fest. p. 205),
clearly belong here, as is pointed out by Joh. Schmidt Voc. I 127.
The comparison of fû-ni-s, for fud-ni-s (cp. fus-ti-s) and fî-lu-m (cp.
No. 157) is open to many doubts.
327) Rt. πιθ πείθ-ω persuade, πείθ-ο-μαι obey, πέ-ποιθ-α
trust, nío-ti-s faith, лð-ά persuasion, лε-oα
obedience.
Lat. fîd-o, fid-ê-s. fîd-u-s, Dius Fidius, foed-us.
The aspirates have be-
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 251, Benf. II 95.
haved as in the case of No. 326: the rt. is bhidh. So Corssen Beitr.
227, Grassmann Ztschr. XII 120. Both conjecture justly that the
Graeco-Italic rt. bhidh is weakened from bha(n)dh, and that its pri-
mary notion is 'unite'. The use of the Skt. compounds ni-bandh and
nir-bandh and bandh-aka-s a pledging, promise is analogous. Fulda
Unters. 158 points out that rɛider in Homer constantly requires the
addition of vuóv, pęέvas, which however is entirely dispensed with
in the case of the middle obey', and the intransitive perf. лέлоdα
confido. Here we must supply the connecting links let oneself
be bound, join oneself, feel onself fast bound, as also in the Lat.
fidere nɛideodai. Pott's objections (W. I 1088) to this view are
of no great weight. Th. Mommsen Röm. Forsch. I 336 connects
foedus with spondeo and oñovdý. But on this hypothesis the oe can-
not be explained. The expression fundum fieri give security, which
is compared by Mommsen, admits of being derived from the rt. bhandh
in the sense of make oneself bound. foedus: bind páx: rt. pak
(No. 343). Quite otherwise Fick 2 380, Bugge Stud. IV 338.
328) Rt. πυθ πυνθάν-ο-μαι, πεύθ-ο-μαι search, ask, πύσ
τι-ς, πεῦ-σι-ς, πύσμα question, πευθήν en-
quirer, spy.
Skt. rt. budh (bôdh-â-mi, budh-j-e) to awake, remark,
become aware of, bôdh-ajâ-mi awaken, give to
know, inform, bud-dhi-s (for budh-ti-s) insight,
perception, view. Zd. bud remark, awaken.
O.-S. an-biod-an bid, let know, Goth. ana-biud-an
ἐπιτάσσειν, παραγγέλλειν, fαur-biud-an forbid,
and bid, O.-H.-G. piot-an offer, present [Eng. bid].
Ch.-Sl. bud-e-ti vigilare, bud-i-ti expergefacere; Lith.
bund-ù inf. buďéti (intr.), bùd-in-u (trans.) wake,
bud-rù-s wakeful.
I
326
BOOK II.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 251 f., who rightly gives the idea wake,
awake, as the primary one, whence in Greek the notion of wakeful
perception (лvð-έ-óðαɩ become awake, clear), in Skt. and Zd. rather
the continuous one of being awake, and therewith of knowledge.
With Homer the derived meaning enquire (e. g. 88) was only com-
ing into use, and hence Aristarchus explained пvdéodαɩ by άnovoαι
(Lehrs Arist. 2 148). It is strange that bud in Zend means also smell,
in compounds of the causative actually fumigate. Like the two
previous roots this one had an aspirate at both ends originally: bhudh
(Grassmann Ztschr. XII 120). Hence the Delphic name of a month
263 Búolos is remarkable; it is explained by Plutarch quaest. Graec. c. 9
as Πύσιος “εν ᾧ πυστιῶναι καὶ πυνθάνονται τοῦ θεοῦ", and is found
in another passage in this dialect with ẞ for π (Mattaire dialecti
p. 140a). On the meanings of the Teutonic words which may be
referred to the rt. bhudh see Delbrück Ztschr. f. d. Ph. I 9. Benary's
comparison of the Lat. putare (Lautl. 193) is mistaken; as am-putare,
putator, putamen, lanam putare (cp. also Paul. Epit. 216) show, putare
is a derivative of putus clean (No. 373), and accordingly means pri-
marily to clear up'.
329) πvð-µýv (st. лvðµεv) bottom, stock of a tree,
πύνδαξ bottom. Skt. budh-na-s, Zd. bu-na
bottom. Lat. fundu-s. O.-H.-G. bodam
O.-N. bot-n [Germ. Boden]. Ir. bond, bonn
solea, n. pl. buind (Ir. Gl. 96, p. 141).
On πύνδαξ, a kind
which in its turn ac-
—
can
Pott 12 252, Benf. II 67, Kuhn Ztschr. II 320, Grassmann XII,
114, with whom I regard bhudh as the stein.
of diminutive with an added strengthening
counts for the 8 cp. Lobeck Proleg. 447 and below p. 516. With
Corssen Beitr. 226 I agree in so far as he rejects the derivation pro-
posed by others from budh-na for bradh-na (rt. bradh more correctly
vardh grow), but when he goes himself to the unauthenticated rt.
bhund with a lingual d, which is made to mean sustentare
follow him just as little as I can Pott and others, who want to con-
nect these words with No. 328. Our stem bhu-dh seems to me to be
a formation from the shorter rt. bhu grow, and that accordingly ground
and root get their name from their being the 'place of growth' and
'a growth' respectively; cp. O.-Ir. bunad gen. bunid origo, st bunata
(Z.² 223, 801). So the Skt. bhû earth comes from the rt. blu. Cp.
Corssen 12 145. βυθ-ό-ς, βυσσός, βόθρο-s are discussed under
No. 635.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
327
II
A Greek corresponds to an Indogermanic p, Sanskrit
p or ph, Zend p or f, Latin and Slavo-Lithuanian p, German
for (in the middle of a word) b. In Old Irish p either
disappears (as is always the case when it is initial) or is
replaced by c, ch.
330) άлó from, av forth, back. Skt. apa away, forth,
back, as a prep. with abl. away from. Zd. apa
with abl. from, apa-na distant. — Lat. ab (â, af-
au-) abs. Goth. af άñó, ¿§, O.-H.-G. aba, fo-na
far, from.
Bopp Vgl. Gr. III 492, Pott I2 435. The connection of ἀπό
witht he locative form Skt. api Gk. έní cannot be mistaken (cp. ävta
and ἀντί Νο. 204). - ήπερο in υπερ-οπ-εύω deceive (subst. ήπερ-
ол-εÚ-с, ηлεQ-олev-t-s) corresponds to the Skt. and Zend apara (de-
rived from apa) Goth. afar later, otherwise, different (Benf. I 129)
The second element in the word is rt. Fɛл, whence oy
vox; there
is the Ionic lengthening of & into η, as in ήνεμόεις, δουρηνεκές &c. 261
The verb therefore means properly 'to speak otherwise' in a bad
sense, that is otherwise than one believes it to be, and the ỷлεçоë-
ευτής is ὄς χ᾽ ἕτερον μὲν κεύθῃ ἐνὶ φρεσίν, ἄλλο δὲ εἴπῃ I 313.
Weber (Ind. Studien II 406) has a conjecture on the origin of the
particle. Cp. supra p. 80.
331) St. ἁρπ "Αρπυιαι, ἅρπη a kind of bird of prey,
ἅρπαξ(γ), αρπαλέο-ς grasping, greedy, ἁρπάζω
rob, άonάy-n hook, rake, άoлay-ý robbery.
Lat. rắp-io, rip-ac, rap-idu-s, rap-tor, rap-ing.
For Gr. y Lat. c cp. p. 522. The rough breathing seems
to be unorganic or a reminiscence of pап. Otherwise explained by
Pott Ztschr. VI 334, I² 216.
2
Pott I1258 and Corssen Beitr. 154 con-
nect rap-io with the Skt. lup lump-ami rumpo, irrumpo, perdo. This
root underlies the Gr. Aur and Lat. rumpo (No. 341) but it shows so
many meanings analogous to these of our root, that we must certainly
assume an early duplicate form rap rup (cp. supra p. 58 f.). The rt.
rup in Zend means to rob, and may unquestionably be compared with
the Goth. bi-raub-ôn. More from the Teutonic languages in Diefenb.
Wtb. II 164.
328
BOOK II.
332) ἅρπη sickle. Lat. sarp-o prune, 'sar-men, sar-
mentu-m twigs, O.-H.-G. sarf, scarf sharp.
Ch.-Sl. srůp-u sickle.
Grimm Gesch. 302, Schleich. Ksl. 121, Kuhn Ztschr. II 129, IV
22 f. Corssen Beitr. 32, Nachtr. 70. For sarpo cp. Fest. p. 322, 348.
The Germ. scarf by the side of sarf makes it probable that we
must assume with Kuhn a rt. skarp, which in the Graeco-Italic period
became sarp, and in the Greek άρπ, and not improbable that also
nαo̟n-ó-s, carp-o (No. 42) grew out of this by the loss of s. Grimm
compares also the Macedon. month Γορπιαῖος ὁ Σεπτέμβριος Suid.)
and identifies it with the Ch.-Sl. srůpěně July (Miklos. Lex. 877). But
I do not find any evidence for the postulated yoлý ἅρπη, and
September would have been too late a harvest-month even for Ma-
cedonia. With the assumed skarpa Kuhu further connects Skt.
çalp-a-s and O.-H.-G. happá, N.-H.-G. hippe: çalp-a-s is the name of
the weapon with which Rudras was wounded, as Uranus with the
άo̟лŋ (Нes. Theog. 175). Otherwise Pictet II 104.
333) Rt. Fελπ ἔλπ-ω cause to hope, ἔλπ-ο-μαι I hope
(Pf. ἔ-ολπ-α), ἐλπ-ί-ς, ἐλπ-ωρή hope, ἐλπ-ί-ζω
I hope.
Lat. volop, volup, volup-i-s, volup-tâ(t)-s.
The F of Fελπ is established by ἔολπα, ἐέλπετο
cp. also
Hesych. μolnís élnis with ỏlnís. Hoffmann Quaest. Hom. II § 148.
We have also the form Velparun = 'Elлýv∞g on an Etruscan mirror
Ελπήνωρ
(Denkmäler, Forsch. u. Ber. 1864 p. 153). volup Ennius Annal. 247
(Vahlen) 'multa volup'. The word is probably shortened from volup-i-s
which with its inserted subsidiary vowel quite corresponds to the Gr.
Anís. Schweizer Ztschr. III 209. The same stem occurs in the
superl. άhñ-v-16to-s (Pind.) the most lovely and in eπ-αλπ-vo-s de-
sired (cр. τεол-vó-s), which in their meaning approach still more
265 nearly the Latin words. There is also άhлalačov (Hesych. άyanntóv),
ἀλπαλαίον
for which we should perhaps write ἀλπαλέον (cp. ἁρπαλέος, ταρβα-
léos) a Doric for & Ahrens Diał. Dor. 113. For the shorter rt. of
this stem see above p. 77.
#
334) ἐμπί-ς gnat.
Lat. api-s.
O.-H.-G. imbi bee.
Pott II¹ 74, Benf. II 75, Förstemann Ztschr. III 55, 59, Lottner
XI 166. The O.-H.-G. bîa- N.-H.-G. biene and Lith. bi-té, bi-t-is bee
are also referred to this form, by assuming a loss of the initial vowel.
The neglect of the correspondence of mutes is explained by the na-
sal. A connection with nívo is more casily asserted than proved.
335) ἐπί on, to. Skt. api (pi) as adv. further, also,
as prefix to, after. Zd. aipi as adv. also, even,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
329
as prefix, to, as prep. with acc. after, on, with
instrum. to, with loc. at the side of.
Lat. ob.
Lith. apë about, over (with acc.), pi (after gen.)
with, api-, ap- in the meaning of the Germ. be-.
2
=
Bopp Vergl. Gr. III 490, Pott I² 506. It is worth noticing
that api as a preposition with a case following it, does not occur in
Skt., while in its not very common use as a prefix, e. g. in api-dhá-
na-m cover (cp. έñí-de-µa), api-ja-s ἐπί-γονο-ς it closely corre-
sponds to лí. The adverbial use of api reappears in Gr. ¿π-ɛí, where
ní is the anticipated particle of the apodosis, in the sense of 'then'
(Elucidations of the Greek Grammar [E. T.] p. 215). In the case of
Lat. ob the meaning ad (cp. obviam, obire, obdere ἐπιθεῖναι, οὐ-
oedio, cp. έnanovo, opportunus) came out more clearly in the earlier
language (Fest. p. 178). Cp. Corssen II2 1026. Lith. ap- in com-
pounds: cp. rízovoos gilded over, obaurare (Appul.), Lith. ap-áuksinu
I gild. With regard to form ap-i is related to ap-a as a locative
to an instrumental (cp. άñó No. 330) but both have crystallized into
adverbs, just as the Lat. abl. apud (old by-form apor) which is hence
in meaning connected with έní. Corssen I² 197 now agrees with
Pott in regarding apud as a compound of api and ad, but without
convincing me. As to the origin of the word we may note the
Skt. api-tva-m distribution, share.
336) ïñ-ov (st. έл-oл) hooроe.
Lat⋅ up-up-a.
Kuhn Ztschr. III 69. The form is reduplicated, in Greek by
means of the usual in the perfect, in Latin as in to-tondi by the
sanie vowel, up-up-a for an older op-op a.
337) ἑπτά, ἕβδομος. Skt. saptan, Zd. haptan seven,
sap-ta-mas the seventh. - Lat. septem, septumu-s.
-Goth. sibun. Ch.-Sl. sedmi, Lith. septyn-ì
seven, Ch.-Sl. sedmyj, Lith. septinta-s, sék-ma-s
the seventh. O.-Ir. secht septem, sechtmad
septimus (Z.² 303. 310).
Bopp Gl., Schleich. Ksl. 187 &c. For the weakening in the
ordinal cp. oydoos and p. 525. The change of the labial into a k in
the Lith. sékma-s is highly irregular. Ought we to consider sak, sap
follow as the root (p. 453) Kölle in the Gött. Nachr. 1866 p. 318
notices that the Turkish word for seven means follower.
338) Rt. Éρë ëол-∞ (Impf. εïọл-o-v) I go, creep, ¿o̟л-ú-¿w 266
I creep, crawl, έoл-ετó-v creeping thing, on-n(t)-s
tetter (on the skin), Zαoлndav (?), őол-ng shoot (?).
330
BOOK II.
Skt. rt. sarp, sarp-á-mi serpo, eo, sarp-a-s serpens.
Lat. serp-o, serp-en(t)-s, serp-ula.
Pro-serp-ina (?).
is far from mean-
•
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 259, Benf. I 62. one
ing only creep. But the proper meaning appears in all three lang-
uages to be that of an even motion along the ground.
Lat. répo
however probably arose by metathesis from srêp-o, for sr is not an
allowable combination of sounds. So the Zd. rap go, which Justi
identifies with Skt. sarp. Lottner (Ztschr. VII 188) quotes Lett. rahpt
creep. The question whether Proserpina is a genuine Lat. form, or
borrowed from the Gr. Пegoɛgóvŋ has been discussed with reference
to the old form of the gen. Prosepnais (Ritschl Suppl. prisc. latin. I
p. XIV) by Usener Rh. Mus. XXII 436, Grassmann Ztschr. XVI 106,
Zeyss XVII 436; but I fail to find anywhere a decisive argument.
339) Rt. λаμm háuл-w I shine, gleam, lauл-τno lamp,
λαμπ-ά(δ)-s torch, λαμπρός gleaming, λάμπη
scum, láл-η scum, slime. — Ὄ-λυμπ-ο-ς (?).
Lat. limp-idu-s. Lith. lép-s-nà flame.
"
The com-
Bopp on the language of the Old Prussians p 40.
parison of Skt. dip gleam, is quite baseless. The v in Ὄλυμπο-ς
is Aeolic. Lat. limp-idu-s is for lemp-idu-s: As the root appears
without the nasal in lάn-n, perhaps also lěp-or, lěp-idu-s (cp. lucu-
lentus) which cannot be connected with Gr. lɛn-tó-s
and even
lep-us as the light, gray animal (a Sicil. léлogis quoted by Varro
L. L. V § 101, might belong here). Lanter-na, only in late times
literna (Bücheler Rhein. Mus. XVIII 393, Schmitz XIX 301) is evi-
dently derived from laµnτng. The s in the Lith. word is inserted
(Schleicher Lith. Sprache I 120).
و
340) Rt. λin λín-α, hin-os fat, hin-agó-s fatty, shining,
λιπαρής persevering, eager, λιπαρ-έ-ω I hold
fast, entreat, a-hɛíp-o I anoint, ähɛip-αg, ähɛıça
salve.
Skt. lip (limp-a-mi), Ved. rip besmear, anu-lip
anoint, lêp-a-s, lép-a-na-m ointment.
Ch.-Sl. lěp-i-ti conglutinare, lěp-ŭ viscum, lěp-ŭ de-
corus, Lith. limp-ù inf. lip-ti stick, lip-ù-s sticky.
1
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 258, W. I 608, Schleich. Ksl. 121. λίπα
ἀλείφεσθαι
άhɛíqɛodαι in Thuc. I 6 and elsewhere removes all doubt as to the
vowel elided in the Hom. hin', though Kissling goes wrong Ztschr.
XVII 201. In άd-lɛíp-w we may easily recognize prothetic & and aspi-
ration. The latter perhaps also occurs in λιμφό-ς συκοφάντης, φειδ
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
331
wolós (dirty fellow), upevεiv άлatav trick (cp. Germ. anschmieren)
Hesych. Lat. lippus Pauli Ztschr. XVIII 10 maintains to be a ge-
nuine Latin form for lipu-s. But adeps is borrowed from άlɛıqα
(Benf. II 122) with d for l as in Capitodium (Corssen Nachtr. 276).
Cp. ἀλέφεσσι· στέατι, ἀλεφάτισον· ἄλειψον Hesych. Müllenhoff re-
gards also O.-H.-G. lëbara jecur and libir-meri, ge-liber-ût coagulatum,
concretum as related, while Pauli (Körpertheile 18) connects lëbara 267
with the Hom. lanάon, flank. The meaning passes from that of
fat into that of brightness on the one hand, and to that of sticking
on the other. Plato Crat. 427 b: tò linagòv xai tò nollŵdes. Fick 2
169 connects the Goth. bi-leib-an to cleave, to remain, with this root,
not with Gr. 2ɛinw (No. 625). The great difference in meaning will
not allow me to retognize any connection with Lat. liqu-eo: this is
related rather to the Zend ric pour out.
341) Rt. λuπ λvn-gó-ç troublesome, λúñ-ŋ trouble, pain,
λυπ-έ-ω trouble, λυπηρό- grieving.
Skt. lup (lump-â-mi) break to pieces, beat, damage,
lup-ta-s destroyed, lup decay.
Lat. ru-m-p-o (?).
O.-N. rýf rumpo.
Lit. rup-e-ti trouble, rúp mán it troubles me, rup-ù-s
anxious.
Pott I¹ 258, Benf. II 4. Many difficulties still present them-
selves in this grouping, on individual points. Still we may perhaps
derive the notion of troubling and of troublesome from the more
physical idea of breaking as above under No. 148 and No. 284. With
regard to this, it is worth noticing that in Homer we find only λvñ-
çó-s as an epithet of poor soil, while un-n with its derivatives does
not occur till later. For the interchange of and I see p. 537 ff.
Cp. on No. 331.
S
342) Rt. VET ά-vey-to-s sister's son or brother's son
(fem. -ă), véñ-od-εs offspring, descendants.
Skt. nap-tar, napát scion, grand-child, fem. napti
daughter, grand-daughter, Zd. naptar, napat de-
scendant, napt-i (f.) kinship, naptya (n.) family.
Lat. nepô(t)-s, fem. nept-i-s.
Goth.
O.-N. nefi brother, O.-H.-G. nefo nepos, cognatus,
O.-N. nift sister, O.-H.-G. niftila neptis.
nith-ji-s m. nith-jô f. ovyyevýs.
332
BOOK II.
1
Ch.-Sl. netij filius fratris vel sororis, Bohem. neti
(st. neter) niece.
O.-Ir. necht neptis (Z.268), Corn. noit neptis (Z.2 158):
Ir. niae, gen. niath filius sororis (Z.² 255, 256),
Cymr. ney, nei, plur. neyeynt, nyeint fratris vel
sororis filius (Z.2 293).
S
Bopp Gl., Pott II2 821, Ebel Ztschr. I 293, Beitr. II 168, Kuhn
Ind. Studien I 326, Miklos. Lex. 444, Benf. II 56, Sâmavêda Wörterb.
106, where proofs are given of the more general meaning of the Skt.
word, offspring, child, e. g. napât apám child of the waters. Preci-
sely the same connection occurs in Zend. Schleich. Ksl. 125 and
Miklos. Lex. explain the Goth. and Slav. forms by the loss of the
labial. a-vεy-to-s is for ά-vent-to-s and is rightly explained by
Ebel Ztschr. I 293 and Max Müller Oxford Essays (1856) p. 21 as
'fellow-nephew' (Mitenkel), con-nepot-iu s. As to the much-discussed
νέποδες (δ 404 φῶκαι νέποδες καλῆς ῾Αλοσύδνης) I start from the fact
that Alexandrine poets used the word in the sense of άлóɣovoɩ: Theocr.
268 XVII 25 άðávatoi dè nalevvtai koì véñлodes, Cleon Sic. Bergk Poet.
Lyr. 3 p. 666 Bolαgoi Togyogóvov vέnodes, Callim. ap. Schol. Pind.
Isthm. II 9 8 Keios Talíxov vέnovç. They certainly would not have
Ὑλλίχου νέπους.
ventured to do this, had there not been an old tradition in favour
of this meaning. κατά τινα γλῶσσαν οἱ ἀπόγονοι says Eustath. on
Od. p. 1502, 52. Hence we must not be misled by the opposite views
of other grammarians in the Scholia to the Od. in Apollon. Lex. &c.,
but we must assume an ancient vέnodes nepôtes, the ♪ being ex-
plained perhaps by the resemblance in sound to módɛs. Is the gloss
of Hesych. νεόπτραι υἱῶν θυγατέρες possibly a corruption of νέπτριαι?
The difference in quantity between vέnodes and nepôtes is the less
surprising, inasmuch as we find side by side in the Eastern languages
the three stems napât, napat and napt (napt-i). As to the root
very various conjectures have been made, among others by Spiegel
Ztschr. XIII 370 ff., Pictet II 357. Corn. noit and Ir. necht corre-
spond just as Corn. seyth and Ir. secht seven. Ir. niae, a stem in t
and Cymr. nei, a stem in nt remind us of the Gothic and Slavonic
words. According to O'Davoren's Gloss. p. 108 the Ir. necht has also
the meaning 'daughter': Ir. niae means also sister (Z.² 256 im orba
mic niath circa hereditatem filii sororis).
343) Rt. παγ πήγνυμι (ἐ-πάγ-ην) fix, πῆγμα joined
work, stand, лny-ó-s firm, strong, лάу-o-s, лάx-vn
rime, frost, лáу-η trap, snare, лάбб-αλо-ç рeg, nail.
Skt. pag-a-s snare, noose, pâça-ja-mi bind, pag-ra-s
fat, stout. Zd. pag bind.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
333
Lat. pac-i-sc-or, pâx, pac-i-o(n), pac-tio(n), pang-o
(pŭg-o), pig-nus, pâ-lu-s (con, dis) -pe-sc-o?
Goth. fah-an catch, fulla-fah-jan ixavòv лoiεiv, fagr-s
evdεtos, O.-H.-G. fuog-a, ga-fuogi aptus, ga-fag-
jan satisfacere, fah (Germ. fach) department.
2
Pott II, 2, 551, Benf. II 90. Ind. lect. Kil. aest. 1857 p. IX where
I believe I have proved that pak was the root form, and pag weak-
ened from it. From the former is derived πάσσαλο-ς (for πακ-γαλο-ς).
In Latin both occur side by side (Corssen I² 393), the Gothic forms
presuppose k. As even in Skt. pag-ra-s the soft sound appears, the
weakening of the form is apparently very old. Following Kuhn
Ztschr. I 461 I once connected with this group Skt. págas, with which
Iyaoos is compared; but according to the Pet. Dict. the word means
brightness, glitter, and hence is far removed. We must assume the
fundamental meaning to be that of binding fast, from which the ideas
of catching (cp. ñáɣŋ), making firm (freezing) and joining are easily
derived. Some also derive from this root Skt. pag-u-s =
Lat. pec-u,
Goth. faíh-u (possessions), O.-H.-G. fih-u, O.-Pr. pek-u and connect them
with. Gr. лöö flock (Pott W. I 205, Kuhn Ztschr. II 272): but the
last word, whose meaning differs, and which the Greek laws of sound
do not allow us to connect with them, cannot be separated from the
гоot по ло-µÝv (No. 372), and has therefore absolutely nothing to
do with the present root. Cр. α-лαέ under No. 599.
344) лaí-o strike.
Benf. II 77.
Lat. pav-io, pavi-mentu-m, de-pur-ĕre. 269
The u of depuvere (Paul. Ep. p. 70, 3 from Lu-
cilius Pf. depûvit) is weakened from a as in con-tubern-iu-m. Is πταí-∞
related to παί-ω just as πτόλις to πόλις? Whether Skt. pav-i-s tire
of a wheel, ferrel of a spear and pav-îra-m a weapon, pav-îru-s
thunderbolt are related, the isolation of these words makes it hard
to determine. Further combinations with regard to the Latin words
in Pott W. I 1113, Corssen 12 358.
345) лalάμŋ flat hand.
1
Lat. palma, palmu-s.
folma, O.-H.-G. volma flat hand.
manus (st. lâmâ Z.² 241).
A.-S.
O.-Ir. lám f.
Pott I¹ 109, Grimm Gesch. 396. With the meaning 'span'
which palmus also has, is connected παλαιστή, Att. παλαστή (τεττάρων
dantúlov μétqov Hesych.). Pauli Körpertheile p. 21 (cp. Delbrück
Ztschr. f. d. Phil. I 145) assumes that the word is connected with
Skt. pâņi-s (m.) hand, where the n points to the loss of r, and derives
it from rt. par, пlα (No. 366); Kühn 'Metathesis' p. 50 from rt. pal
to be flat (No. 353). From the meaning grasp come παλαμά-ο-μαι,
334
BOOK II.
Παλαμάων, Παλαμήδης (Pott Ztschr. V 277).
compares Ir. lám with λαμβάνω.
Stokes Ir. Gl. 34
346) παρά, παραί, πάρ, πά by the side of, to the side of.
Skt. parâ away, from, forth, towards, para-m
beyond, parĉ thereupon, further, parêna further,
gone by, para-tas further, away, Zd. para before,
besides. Lat. per, Osc. perum without. Goth.
fra-, fair, O.-H.-G. far- fer-, N.-H.-G. ver-. — Lith.
par- back, pèr through, throughout.
Bopp Vergl. Gramm III 501, where also an explanation is given
of the incontestably related forms лɛqi Skt. pari &c., Grimm Gr. II
724, Pott 12 457. Skt. parâ like parêna bears the plainest marks
of being an instrumental, which we must also assume to be the case
with nagά: by the side of this we have the Epic лαραí, which, as
being evidently a locative, corresponds to the Skt. and Zd. parê.
Another case again, the accusative, occurs in Skt. param, Osc. perum,
where the meaning 'exceeding', 'without' in perum dolum mallom is
established by Kirchhoff (das Stadtrecht von Bantia p. 23) and Lange
(die Osc. Inschrift der tab. Bantina p. 16). The shortest form of лɑo̟á
is ná in inscriptions from Knidos (Wachsmuth Rh. Mus. XVIII 570).
From the fundamental meaning by the side of, which, if viewed in re-
lation to motion gives the other meanings towards, beyond, past, the
various significations of the particles here brought together, may be
derived. The Gг. παρά in its temporal use with the accusative, e. g.
пagá návτα tòv píov corresponds completely with the Lat. per `(cp. also
parum-per, paulis-per): in the same way nagà tovtov yívɛtai ǹ ow-
τηρία per hunc servamur, cp. per me licet; perhibere answers to
παρέχειν just as παραλαμβάνειν to percipere, perire and the old Lat.
perbitere to παρήκειν, pervertere to παραιρεῖν, perjurium to παράνομος.
The use in malam partem may however be recognized also in the
Skt. parâ, e. g. in pará-i to go away, separate, pará-dâ prodere, per-
dere. There is a striking agreement between the Lit. pèr and the
Latin, for which cp. Schleicher Lit. Gr. p. 282 ff., 'pèr through, of
270 spaces traversed', 'to denote the means, only with persons': and yet
the same Lith. pèr in uses such as pèr mër beyond measure may be
compared again with the Gr. nαqά (nαçà µέtoov). The grouping
above rests on these evident analogies. Fritsch too (Vergleichende
Bearbeitung der griech. u. lat. Partikeln 2. Theil. Giessen 1858 p. 24)
compares Lat. per with лaqά. Cp. No. 347, 356, 357, 359.
'de praер. лαоá usu' Stud. III.
347) πάρος before, προ-πάροιθεν before.
Rau
Skt. puras
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
335
ante, Zd. para before. - Goth. faúra, O.-H.-G.
vora before: Goth. faúr,
O.-H.-G. furi for.
πágos looks like a genitive-
Cp. No. 346. Kuhn Ztschr. III 240.
form from a stem nα, and corresponds so far to the Skt. paras.
But this is connected by its meaning with parâ, while pur-as (gen)
pur-â (instrum.) mean in front, before. In Zend para with acc. instr.
and abl. means before, with dat. without, parô sooner, parè before
Hence puras is probably weakenend from paras and radically ident-
ical with No. 346.
348) πατήρ (st. πατερ).
pita (st. patar).
fa-dar, O.-H.-G. fatar.
athar (Z.² 262).
Skt. pi-tâ (st. pitar). Zd.
Lat. Umbr. pa-ter. Goth.
O.-Ir. athir pater, gen.
Bopp Gl. &c. The rt. is preserved in the Skt. på nourish,
protect; the specifically Eastern i in pi-tar, recurring in the Lat.
compound Juppiter is a weakening from a. On the doubled p cp.
Corssen Ausspr. I2 211, Pauli Ztschr. XVIII 8. We may notice
the correspondence of pity-vja-s, náτow-s and patruus father's brother
to which O.-H.-G fataro uncle, A.-S. fadhu aunt on the father's side
(Pictet II 367) also belong; and of Skt. pitr-ja-s paternal лáτQ-10-5,
πάτριος,
patr-iu-s.
349) лάτo-s path, step, ñaτέ-w step.
Skt. patha-s way,
path, st. path, panth, pathi, panthan way, Zd.
Lat. pon(t)-s, ponti-fex. Ch.-Sl.
pathan way.
pa-ti way.
Bopp Gl., Pott II¹ 241. Benf. II 93. I stated in Ztschr. I 34
my conjecture, that nóvτo-s also meant properly path (like vyga
κέλευθα) and was related to πάτος as πένθος to πάθος. Cp. Kuhn
Ztschr. IV 75, Pictet I 115. In the Pet. Dict. the meaning water is
also given for páthas and pâtha-m.
On the older meaning of pon-s
way cp. Cic. ad Att. I 14. 5, Lange Röm. Alterth. II² 457. It is
hard to determine the relation of the A.-S. päd path, to these words.
According to Grassmann Ztschr. XII 134 (cp. Tobler IX 245) the p
remained unchanged here, while in O.-N. fatt ibam and O.-H.-G. fendo
pedes it experienced the regular modification. Stokes Ir. Gl. 13
identifies Ir. ath ford with nάτos,
350) πατ-έομαι (ε-πάσ-σα-το) eat, ἄ-πασ-το-s without food.
Goth. fôd-jan toέpεiv, fôd-ein-s roopń. — Ch.-Sl.
pit-a-ti τoéqɛɩv, pit-omů fattened.
Bopp Gl. s. v. pâ, which rt. with the meaning support probably
336
BOOK II.
271 underlies these words which are extended by t, and certainly the Lat.
pa-sc-o-r (cp. Skt. gô-pa-s cowherd), pa-bu-lu-m, pas-tor, Pales (cp.
Preller Röm. Mythol. 365) perhaps also Gr. Пáv, Lat. pâ-ni-s (Mess-
apian лαvós), Lith. pé-na-s fodder, pe-nù nourish, pë-tu-s (plur.)
noon: while Gr. ná-o-µαι acquire, nέ-ñã-µα belongs to No. 377.
The Lith. words remind us also of the Lat. pe-n-us (omne quo vescimur
Cic.), penâtes, penes, pene-tro; the idea stores, store room, furnishes
the intermediate step to the latter. Pott W. I 198 ff., Benf. II 72,
Schleich. Ksl. 119. The Ch.-Sl. verb shows that Grassmann Ztschr.
XI 33 is wrong in doubting the expanded verbal stem pat.
We may
notice for the formation of the present πάσσεται· ἐσθίει (Hesych.).
Stokes Beitr. VII 33 compares O.-Ir. caithim esse. c occurs also else-
where in Irish for p.
-
351) St. που παύ-ω make to cease, παύ-ο-μαι cease,
πα-λα, παυσωλή rest, παϋ-ρο-s small.
Lat. pau-lu-s, pau-cu-s, pau-per.
Goth. fav-ai (plur.) few, O.-H.-G. fôhê, A.-S. fcáva,
Eng. few.
1
Grimm Gesch. 396, Kuhn Ztschr. I 515. The second element
in pauper must be undoubtedly compared, as Pott II¹ 481 saw, with
opi-paru-s, parère, parare. Kuhn Ztschr. X 320. But parvus presents
a difficulty, for it lies very near to Gr. navços (cp. nervus and veõ-
qov), but on the other hand it can hardly be separated from paru-m,
par-cu-s, par-c-o (Corssen Beitr. 457). For paulu-s Corssen II² 531.
352) πελ-ό-ς, πελ-ιός, πελ-λός, πελιδνό-ς swarthy, pale,
2
πολιός gray. Skt. pal-i-ta-s gray. Lat.
pall-e-o, pall-idu-s, pullu-s. - O.-H.-G. falo (fal-
aw-êr).— Ch.-Sl. pla-vu albus, Lith. pal-va-s fallow,
yellowish, pìl-ka-s ash-gray.
The
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 120, Benf. II 81, Schleich. Ksl. 120.
meaning of the Lat. pullu-s has the clearest analogy in the Macedon.
πέλλη-s, fem. πέλλη, which is explained by τεφρώδης (Sturz de dial.
Maced. p. 45) and from which the name ПTélλn is derived, though
others, it is true, prefer to connect it with of nέl-α líðor (= fel-s).
Corssen Nachtr. 232 assumes for lî-ve-o, lîv-or, liv-idu-s an adjective
stem pli-vo, identical with the Ch.-Sl. pla-vů. The common funda-
mental meaning is 'pale'; the loss of the p is as in la-tus (No. 367b).
To these he adds (12 533) also ob-liv-i-sci, which according to this
view means properly 'to darken oneself'. Otherwise Leo Meyer Ztschr.
XIV 81. Hehn 241, 245 connects mélɛiα, nɛhɛiás dove and palumba
with these words.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
337
354) πέλλα fell, hide, leather, πέλας hide, ἐρυσίπελας
inflammation of the skin, лí-nhoo-ç caul, έñl-
Toλ-ń surface.
Lat. pelli-s, pulv-înu-s, pulv-înar.
Goth. -fill, thruts-fill leprosy, O. H.-G. fël, Goth.
fillein-s δερματινός.
Lit. plevé skin, caul.
1
Pott I¹ 264, Benf. II 83. The fundamental meaning of this
stem, confined as it seems to the European languages, must have been
that of surface. Now as this conception is very near that of plain,
we might compare the Lat. pala-m on the open field (cp. Germ. auf
der Hand) and so far the opposite to arcânum and secretum, Ch.-Sl. 272
polje field (Mikl. Lex.) and also the C.-H.-G. feld, though here the
suffix is different. In pala-m then would be the same petrified case-
form, as occurs in cla-m, perpera-m, oli-m, in a locative sense.
Nos.
102, 367b, 368 are related. Corssen II 2 161 now separates pulvinar
from these words.
354) Rt. пeν пév-o-μaι work, am in need, лév-n(t)-s,
πεν-ι-χρό- poor, πεν-ία poverty, πενέσται serfs,
πόνο-ς work, πονέ-ω work, suffer, πονηρός
troublesome, bad.
need (?).
Lat. pênûria?
πεῖνα hunger, ή-πανία
O.-H.-G. spannan, Goth. O.-H.-G. spinnan, O.-H.-G.
spanna.
Ch.-Sl. pin-ą (inf. pę-ti) crucify, Bohem. pn-ou-ti,
Ch.-Sl. su-pe-ti compedibus adstringere, pa-to
compes, Lit. pin-ti twist, pân-ti-s cord to tie the
feet of cattle.
Schleicher Ksl. 120, Benf. 360. According to him we must
assume a root span, preserved in its purest form in onάv-i-s want,
as in O.-H.-G. spanan to entice, urge on, spannan strain, be strained,
with a loss of the v in oлá-o draw (onά-6-ua, onα-o-uó-s) spa-tiu-m,
but with a loss of the initial consonant in the form лεv, acquiring here-
with a less physical signification. From the fuller root-form cпα the
Dor. σπά-διο-ν Att. orádiov (Ahrens Dor. 109), race-course is derived.
In pênûria the ê seems to be diphthongal, and the word is most
closely connected with nɛiva (Pott W. I 247). Thus Rt. Tev (f. cπev):
σπα = τεν : τα, γεν : γα. Add πέ-πον-θ-α, ἔ-πα--ο-ν p. 84. For the
loss of an initial s see p. 683. Cp. Pott W. I 382, Corssen Nachtr.
CURTIUS, Etymology.
22
338
BOOK II.
273
2
109, 1² 479, where inter alia he translates sua sponte from one's own
impulse, and compares the O.-H.-G. span-s-t incitement, Cp. No. 362.
355) πέος, πόσ-θη. Skt. ved. pas-as membrum virile.
Lat. pêni-s.
M.-H.-G. visellîn penis. Lit.
pis-à (pyz-dà) cunnus, pìs-ti coire cum muliere.
Pott W. II 2, 430, cp. W. I 203, Aufrecht Ztschr. I 288, who
derives έ-os from лεσ-оs, pê-ni-s from pes-ni-s, and compares also
O.-H.-G. fas-al foetus. In the first edition of this work II 263
I showed that the orέos which has found its way into some lexicons.
with this signification, does not anywhere occur, and hence it is rightly
omitted in Steph. Thesaurus. It rests only on the stupid etymology
in the Et. Μ. πέος, οἶμαι, κατ' ἔλλειψιν τοῦ σ ὅτι σπᾷ καὶ ἐκτείνεται.
Corssen Nachtr. 296.
356) περά-ω (περήσω) press through, πόρος way, way
through, лоo̟--µó-ç ferry, ñоo̟ɛú-∞ convey, pro-
7/
curе, лооí-∞ рrocure, u-лоoo-s passenger, mer-
chant, îɛïo̟-α trial, attempt, nagά-w attempt.
Skt. par, pi-par-mi carry over, conduct, further,
surpass. Zend par bring over.
Lat. por-ta, por-tu-s, ex-per-i-o-r, per-itu-s, peri-culu-m
par-a-re (?).
Goth. far-an go, far-j-an convey, O.-H.-G. ar-far-u
erfahre I experience [originally eundo assequi
Grimm].
Grimm Gesch. I 397, Pott W. II 1 395. Pott rejected any
connection with Skt. Kar even in II¹ 329. Cp. Ztschr. III 413.
Here only the indubitably equivalent words are compared.
πειρα = περ-ια (Aeol. πέρρα). The verb πείρω pierce through, bore
through (лe-nap-uévo-s) is generally given as the stem-verb, because
of nɛiqe nélɛvdov (ẞ 434) and similar phrases: but as this word can-
not be separated from περόνη spike, pin, πόρπη needle, tongue, πειρά
edge, лŋó-s mutilated, the meaning is very remote: I exclude it the
more readily from our present group, because it recalls the Ch.-Sl.
por-ją (Inf. pra-ti) oziw, though I do not on that account wish to
deny the possibility of any relation between the roots. On the
other hand this group is evidently connected with
357) πέρα ultra, πέραν trans (comp. περαιτέρω ulterius)
περαίν-ω bring to an end, περαϊο-ς on the farther
side, περά-τη land on the farther side, Πειραιεύς,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
339
πέρας, πείραρ goal, end, ἀπειρέσιος, απερείσιος
unlimited, infinite.
Skt. para-s on the farther side, distant, another,
para-m (adv.) out over, to the farther side, pa-
ra-ma-s the farthest, outermost, pára-s the farther
bank, pár-a-m goal, end.
Ch.-Sl. polu ripa ulterior (?).
To the
O.-Ir. ire compar. ireiu ulterior (Z.² 277. 275).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 108, Mikl. Lex., Ebel Beitr. I 311.
adjectival meaning of the Skt. para-s are akin Lat. peren-die (cp.
Skt. parê djav-i) on another day, per-egre in another land, per-per-am
ällws in a bad sense, while perjuriu-m has been already mentioned
under per, nagά (No. 346). Cp. Corssen 12 776. There is evidently
a radical connexion with the forms there collected, as with No. 356,
but in Greek the vowel of the stem-syllable separates αρά from
πéqα, and this is unmistakeably accompanied by a difference of mean-
ing. The O.-Lat. polteo pro ulteriore (Fest. p. 205) reminds us of
the Ch.-Sl. polu; still I place both here only conjecturally. In the
same way the Osc. pert which is explained by 'the other side' (Ebel
Ztschr. V 417, Corssen XIII 189) may be just mentioned. O.-H.-G.
fer-no, Goth. fairra far is certainly also related (cp. No. 360).
358) περά-ω (fut. περάσω) carry over, sell, πέρ-νη-μι,
πι-πρά-σκ-ω sell, πρί-α-μαι buy, πρᾶ-σι-ς ἀγορα-
oía Hesych. πρα-τίας ὁ τὰ δημόσια πωλῶν
Hesych. πόρνη meretrix.
Skt. par (pri-j-ê) â-pr-ta-s busy, pâra-jâ-mi (com-
pounded with vi, a) employ.
Benf. II 34, Ztschr. VIII 1, where he compares also Skt. pan
(pan-é) exchange, purchase, wager, pan-a-s wager, bargain, pay, pan-
ju-s purchaseable &c. The lingual n points to the loss of r, so that 274
pana-tê and ñéqva-taι correspond. Bopp Gl. s. v. kỳ. Cp. Ztschr.
III 414 f. where I have compared also the Lit. per-k-ù buy as a form
expanded by the addition of a k; the word prék-i-s price which is cert-
ainly related, is closely related to the Lat. pret-iu-m, but as here the
form in t seems to be the only legitimate one, the resemblance does not
extend beyond a community of root. περάω in its relations to πι-
πQά-оxш &c. is discussed by Lobeck Paralipp. 401. The form -лqα-
σev έnqayµatevoαto (Hesych.) attaches itself to the meaning of Skt.
vj-â-pâra-s business: I regard as an expansion of this лęα the stem
of πράσσω (Ion. πρήσσω, πρήξις) whose meaning in Homer is much
more material than is the case in later usage. Cp. No. 273. I. Bekker
22*
340
BOOK II.
Berliner Monatsber. 1865 p. 91. The older form of the stem was
лo̟ã¤, preserved in лo̟¤×ó-ç С. I. No. 1702 1. 4, from which лоãу arose
by softening (cp. p. 661). With No. 356 (cр. 357) лɛράw was ori-
ginally identical; noíaμaι Pott W. I 251 well translates 'I bring to
myself': it was only by degrees that transfer and traffic (Wandel and
Handel) parted off into distinct forms of similar origin. Perhaps
we may connect with this group 0.-Ir. crenas qui emit, ar-ro-chiuir
redemit, Corn. pernas emat, Armor. prenet redemptus (Z.² 432, 450,
516, 532).
J
359) лɛρí about, over, very, лéqı-έ round about, îɛqı-
ббó-ç excessive, -лε however much. — Skt. pari
as adv. round about, as prep. with acc. about,
against, with abl. from, compounded with ad-
jectives very. Zend pairi as adv. round, as
prep. with acc. about, with instrum. and abl.
for, over, in comp. very. - Lat. per- before ad-
jectives. O.-Ir. ér- aer- intensive particle, er-
chosmil persimilis (Z.² 864).
2
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 108, I² 483, who in Lat. pari-e(t)-s assumes
this preposition with the meaning around, compounded with the rt. i.
περ
As περὶ πάντων ἔμμεναι ἄλλων in Homer, so Skt. pari-laghu-s
very light, Lat. per-mag-nu-s (ср. пεqɩ-µńи-ns). Pott also adds Пɛugi-
doos, whose ɛɩ he holds to have been produced as in ɛlví and the
ai in Zend, by anticipation (Vorklingen) of the i (Umlaut). An un-
usually careful discussion of the whole of the material here coming
under consideration is given by Sonne Ztschr. XIV 1 ff. The most
remarkable coincidences between the Vedic and Homeric language
result from this: e. g. περί-οιδε pari-veda, περί-εστι parj-asti.
The particle πɛo, in form equivalent to the apocopated Aeol. ñɛę
TεQí, Hartung Partikeln I 327 ff. recognizes in its connexion with
περί.
Ср. лαqά (No. 346) and лágos (No. 347). In Skt. the use
of pari is less sharply distinguished from that of the forms quoted
under лαά. In C. I. No. 11 we find nàę olέuw in the sense of
nɛgì пoléμov, with the original a preserved, as in Fagyov, and the
augm. ά (Ahrens Dial. Aeol. 226). The Irish particle ended in
a vowel, as is shown by the aspiration of the following consonant,
probably in a. Phonetically the prep. air agrees with the Zend pairi,
but in its meaning it corresponds with no̟ó.
>
359b) лερx-vó-s (also лéoxo-s) spotted, blackish. —
pre-ni-s spotted, pied (especially of cows).
A. Fick Orient und Occident III 108. Pott W. II 2, 441.
Skt.
275 The Gk. word has the especial meaning 'sprinkled with dark spots',
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
341
"1
and hence is often used especially of fruit which is getting dark and
ripe, but no one who examines the glosses of Hesychius, nɛqnajɛı
μελανίζει ποικίλλει, ἢ πεπαίνεται, περκαίνειν διαποικίλλεσθαι, περκνόν
μελανόν ποικίλον, περκνός γλαυκός μέλας καὶ τὰ ὅμοια, περκώματα τὰ
ἐπὶ τοῦ προσώπου ποικίλματα, πρακνόν μέλανα, πρεκνόν ποικιλόχροον
lapov, will doubt the fundamental meaning here stated, nor that
πόρκας ἐλάφους, πρόξ (St. προκ) and προκάς hind or fawn or roe,
for the meaning of the word is disputed, belong here. By the side
of the words with g we find in Sanskrit others equivalent in meaning,
but presenting sh in the place of g, and regarded as related, prsh-
ata-s, spotted, gazelle, prshant dappled, prshati dappled cow. In the
case of several of these words we have the by-meanings spot, fleck,
drop of water (as with prshata-s): hence it seems probable that
sprinkle is the fundamental meaning of the root, and that nóg,
drop of water (Hesych. лçóέ) has also the same origin. Finally
Пęóxvη is probably the pied swallow. With ɛqx-vó-s Benf. II 82
Πρόκνη
connects the Lat. spurc-u-s, whose meaning is related to that of the
Greek word as the M.-H.-G. smuz to smitzen, to throw upon. Cp.
above p. 113. We should thus be brought back to a rt. spark, which
Fick identifies with the Skt. sparę tangere, conspergere, the meaning
to bespot linking the two. As to meaning the Lat. sparg-o (whose
g might be softened from c), M.-H.-G. sprengen spargere, sprengel tuft
for sprinkling with, and Skt. parsh (for park-sh?), Zend paresh be-
sprinkle, come nearer: to these we may add Bohem. prš-e-ti drizzle,
rain (Miklosich Lex. s. v. průch- p. 716). On the connection with
rt. spar and on by-forms with 2 cp. No. 389.
360) πέρυσι (Dor. πέρντι, πέρντις) last year, περυσινός
of last year.
Skt. parut nέovói, parut-tna-s
M.-H.-G. vërt, vërnent, vern anno
O.-Ir. in-uraid 'last year', onn-urid
p. 97.
1
περυσινός.
superiore.
ab anno priore.
Pott I¹ 108, II¹ 266, 587, Benf. I 312, Stokes Corm. Gl. Transl.
The Skt. word is clearly a compound of para alius (No.
357) and vat Fɛtos (No. 210). Hence we have here one of the
few cases (cp. p. 41) in which compounds date from a time earlier
than the separation of the languages. For the Doric forms see
Ahrens Dial. Dor. 64. With the M.-H.-G. vert however we must
also compare the Goth. faírni-s old, faírnjo jêr the old year (Diefenbach
Goth. Wtb. I 353). The passage, from which I have taken the
first of the Irish words, runs: ind ord-nasc do-ratus-sa duit-siu in-
uraid, in mair latt? the ring which I gave you last year, have you
still? (T. B. Fr. p. 150). · uraid is for *paruti, with in cp. in-diu hodie,
in-nocht hac nocte (Z.² 609). For the second (onn ó inn) Z.² 611.
342
BOOK II.
361) πηλός mud, πήλινο-s of mud, προ-πηλακίζω defle,
insult. Lat. pă-lû(d)-s, palus-tri-s (?).
1
1
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 242, II¹ 493, 580, Ztschr. VIII 179. Benf.
11 81 connects these words with those discussed under No. 352. Per-
haps he is right in explaining the length of the first syllable from.
276 a form nahƑo-s (cp. yovvα yov Fa) to which the Skt. palva-la-s
pool, pond, points. πηλακ-ίζω presumes a noun formed like βώλαξ,
though its actual occurrence cannot be proved. However Hesych.
has nάl-no-s anλó-s. Is pal-u(d)-s compounded with the st. ud
πάλ-κο-ς πηλός.
vð (No. 300), meaning thus muddy water? Corssen Beitr. 110 at-
tempts another explanation of palu-s by connecting it with nαlúvelv,
but the meaning of the latter, i. e. scatter, is too far removed. This
comparison seems now doubtful to me, especially as the Skt. palala-m
formerly pressed into its service, according to the PW. means not
mud, but bruised grains, pap, dirt: and hence has nothing to do with
these words.
362) πῆνος, πήνη, πηνίο-ν (Dor. πανίο-ν) weft, woof,
πηνίζομαι reel, weave, πηνῖ-τι-ς weaving woman.
Lat. pannu-s, pannu-velliu-m, pânu-s weft.
Goth. fana óános, O.-H.-G. fano linteum, vexillum.
Ch.-Sl. pon-java linteum, o-pona aulaeum, velum.
Grimm Gesch. 396. These words are probably connected with
No. 354. Miklosich Lex. 624. pannuvellium Varro 1. 1. V § 114
with the commentators. In the case of pânu-s, which also means
swelling, it may be doubted whether it is not a Doric word borrowed.
No importance is to be attached to the doubled n in pannus (cp.
quattuor) and we need not on that account assume a formation ori-
ginally distinct from лñvo-s and pânu-s. Of Greek words the river-
name Inv-εió-s (cp. dov-εió-s) thread (?) and Invɛlónɛia probably
belong here: the latter Pott has already (II¹ 261) connected with
лývŋ, and Welcker also (Ep. Cyclus II 15, Götterlehre I 659) explains
it 'weaving-woman'. I divide it Invel-ón-ELα and regard the first
part as an offshoot from πῆνο-s, like πιμ-έλη, κυψέλη, θυμέλη, νεφ-
éln (by the side of vέpos), the second as a feminine nomen agentis,
formed, like dus-agioto-tónɛla, from the гt. оп, preserved in Lat. op us
1
Skt. ap-as, and perhaps in pól-on-i-s (race-work?), Aqv-oy and
in Πανοπεύς father of 'Επειός. Other traces of the rt. όπ are dis-
cussed in Studien I 1, 261. The word would thus mean 'worker in
weaving', 'clothes-worker' (cp. t 142).
363) Rt. πι πί-ων (st. πιον), παρό-ς, πιερό-ς, πιαλέος
fat, παρ, πιό-τη(τ)-ς, πιμ-έλη fat, πιαίν-ω fatten.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
343
Skt. rt. pî (pjải) paj-ê swell, be swollen, make to
swell, pî-na-s, pî-van, pîvara-s fat (adj.), pivas fat
(subst.), pinv, pinv-â-mi swell. Zd. pivañh (n.) fat.
Lat. o-pi-mu-s?
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 578, Benf. II 76, Kuhn Ztschr. I 375, with
whom I cannot agree in the identification of the suffixes. Clearly the
'unmarried' feminine níɛięα, as Döderlein calls it (Gloss. 2250) cor-
responds to the Skt. pivari. Pott places pingui-s also here: in
that case the g must be accessory: but I regard it as a nasalized
form which has arisen out of pengui-s пαxú-s. Сp. p. 510, Corssen
Nachtr. 88. ŏ-pîmu-s seems to be formed from ob (ŏ ob) and a lost
stem pîmo, whose expansion is ñ-µ-έλŋ, like obs-coenu-s.
364) лilo-s felt, felt hat. Lat. pilleu-s (pileu-s).
1
O.-H.-G. fil-z.
Ch.-Sl. plusti coactile.
Pott I¹ 109, Grimm Gesch. 398, Mikl. Lex. According to
Fleckeisen 'Fifty Articles' p. 35 we must write pilleus with 71, but
this can hardly have any etymological significance. How it is related
to the Lat. pilu-s hair is not quite clear. Corssen I² 525 propose-
an extensive com bination, which is however too hair-splitting for me
Pilleus might also be a borrowed word, so as to correspond to a lost
adjective equivalent in meaning to πίλινο-ς.
365) лívo-s dirt,
spotless.
smut.
Schleicher Ksl. 120.
vagó-s dirty, бni-20-s spot, a-бni-20-s
Old Bohem. spi-na, New Boh. spína
Other combinations in Benf. II 77, re
jected in favour of that here given in Ztschr. III 416. The Slavic
form points to a root сî, from which πí-vo-ç as well as oñì-lo-ç have
been derived. Cp. also πίνακος, κουρά, τὰ τμήματα καὶ ἀποκαθάρματα
τῶν ξύλων, σπίδος κηλίς (Hesych.). There is no authority for the
opinion, maintained by Corssen Beitr. 564, that rivos means gloss
of fat.
365 b) лíб-0-s реа, пíó-vo-s of pease.
Piso.
སྐ
Lat. pis-u-m,
Pictet II 288, Pott W. II, 2, 431. Both derive the word from
rt. pis, whence the Skt. pish grind, pound; from this come pish-tikâ
a kind of groats, Lat. pins-o pis-o pound, pis-tor, pi-lu-m, pilumnu-s
(Symbola Phil. Bonn. I 277) Ch.-Sl. piš-eno alpitov, piš-enica triticum
(Miklos. Lex. 760). Hehn 141 is probably right in adding the Ch.-Sl.
pěs-ŭké sabulum, calculus, and in conjecturing ‘globule', 'grain-fruit'
to be the primary meaning, one which is easily derived from the rt.
277
1
344
BOOK II.
pis. For лtioow and its relation to pinso cp. p. 489. Lottner
Ztschr. VII 21, Delbrück Ztschr. f. d. Phil. I 144 add to this group
also O.-H.-G. fesa chaff.
366) Rt. πλα πί-μ-πλη-μι (Inf. πιμ-πλά-ναι) fll, πλή-θ-ω
am full, πλέως, πλή-ρ-ης full, πλη---ς, πλῆ
9-os crowd. Thоv-to-ç fulness, riches.
Skt. rt. par pi-par-mi, pr-na-mi fill, prâ-na-s, pûr-
na-s plenus. Zd. par fill up, perena full.
Lat. im-ple-o, plê-nu-s, plê-be-s, po-pulu-s.
Goth. full-s ańons, fullô ñâýowμa, O.-H.-G. fol:
folc folk.
Ch.-Sl. plu-nu plenus, plu-ku turba, populus, ple-me
tribus, Lith. pìl-ti fill, pìl-na-s full, pùl-ka-s heap,
crowd.
O.-Ir. rt. pal ro-chom-all implevi (Beitr. II 395),
com-alnid impletis, ma-chom-alnit si explent (Z.²
436, 442); rt. pla lán plenus (Z.² 776), lín nu-
merus, pars (Z.² 238, 364), linmaire plenitudo
(Z.² 780), fo-línfea supplebit (Z.² 459).
Bopp G1, Pott W. I 249, II 1, 358, who also compares am-
plu-s, Benf. II 85, Ebel Beitr. II 162. Lottner Ztschr. VII 19 calls
attention to the 7 common to all the European languages; the first
inclination to which, however, is found in the Vedic palu-s puru-s
many, with the unauthenticated rts. pul magnum esse, pûl colligere
278 (cp. No. 375). These words with their ramifications are certainly related,
and elucidate the meaning of populus, folc. Cp. No. 247. The root-
form πλα here assumed has at its side a metathesized πeλ, like yev
by the side of γνα, τεμ by τμη, μεν by μνα. Pictet II 111 adds πλή-
µvŋ nave 'le plein de la roue'. For the secondary & in πlý-d-w &c.
cp. p. 66: the suffix of ple-bê-s belongs to the series of formations
with b (her-ba, mor-bu-s) which I have discussed in Jahn's Jahrb. Vol.
69 p. 95. For Umbrian forms of this root cp. Aufrecht & Kirchh.
II 414. Lobeck El. I 245 explains lέ-doo-v as 'spatium expletum,
dimensum atque descriptum'. connecting with it ά-nél-e-doo-v (ö ovn
ἔστι μετρῆσαι), πλῆ-θρο-ν (εἶδος μέτρου Hesych.) and ἄ-πλε-το-ν 'quod
mensuram excedit'. Otherwise Hultsch Metrologie 31, who resorts
to the rt. nel turn, in the sense of the Lat. vorsu-s. But άñéleDeos
at any rate cannot be arrived at thus. On the roots πλα and πρα
cp. Stud. IV 228.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
345
367) Rt. πλάγ (for πλακ) πλήσσω
-πλήγην, ἐξ-ε-
ñλáɣ-ŋ-v) strike, ñλnɣ-ý blow, ñλág-∞ strike, drive
off (ἐπλάγχθην, πλαγκτός).
Lat. plang-o, plang-or, planc-tu-s, plâg-a. plec-t-ere
punish?
Goth. flêk-an xóлтɛóðαι, lament [Scot. fleech].
Lit. plak-ù strike, plëk-ti flog.
Benf. II 98. In the Ind. lect. aest. Kil. 1857 p. VI I have
shown that plak is the root-form, from which lay arose by weaken-
ing. For the connection of πλήσσω with ἐπλάγχθην, παλιμπλαγχθείς
and лlάjɛ (Þ 269) cp. Philologus III p. 2 ff. Cp. Lobeck Elem. I
237. Rumpf Jahn's Jahrb. 1866 p. 97. Lobeck (as also Ahrens
ε
Formenl. p. 117) justly assumes a root πeλ, from which come also
πλησίον and πέλας, τειχεσι-πλή-τη-ς, -πλα-το-s with the fundamental
meaning of striking or hitting against something. This more physical
meaning still occurs plainly in dao-ñλñ-tɩ-s, which Welcker Götterl.
I 699 translates by 'hard-hitting' as an epithet of the 'Eqɩús. The
shortest form of the root, originally par, occurs in Zend, where it
means to fight, and in Church-Slavonic and Lithuanian, with the
meaning of 'to strike' in pra-ti, Lith. pèr-ti. To this belongs the
proper name Пάqı-ş, translated 'Alé§avdoos, champion, and the Vedic
pari-par-in opponent (Ztschr. I 35, V 394). I am not disconcerted by
Oscar Meyer's differing combinations (Quaest. Homer. p. 16), where
the translation of the word is neglected. From πe we also arrive
at лól-ɛ-µo-s (cp. άv-e-µo-s), ñɛl-ε-µ-í¿w (cp. No. 98 and Fick Ztschr.
ΧΙΧ 263). On the vowel which appears here as in πέλας, πελάζω
see p. 718. From this πελ, πλα we get plak by means of an ac-
cessory k, and thence пlay, as from прā праy (No. 358). I conject-
ured some time ago that nέlay-os was of the same origin and meant
beating, tossing (hence alòs Ev пelάуεσow & 335). The explanation
suggested by Lobeck Proleg. 305 and recently by Walter Ztschr. XII,
420 from лlág board, in the sense of aequor is less suited to the
usage of the word, which commonly denotes the sea especially in its
dangerous character. The stem лlax (No. 102) is thus a form which
was retained for certain meanings, by the side of which the later
forms here discussed, having separated from the others only on Greek
soil, went their own distinct way. O.-H. G. fleg-il is probably regarded
with justice as borrowed from flagellum, but the Goth, flek-an [Scotch 279
fleech] points to an ante-German plag, so that this weaker form by
the side of the stronger is shown to be very ancient. Cp. J. Grimm
Wörterb. under fluchen, Delbrück Ztschr. f. d. Philol. I 145, Corssen
I² 395.
346
BOOK II.
!
367 b) niatú-s flat, broad, niάt-os breadth,
of the oar, plate, hát-avo-s plane.
ανο-ν, πλαθάνη pastry board.
hάτ-ŋ blade
πλάθ
лλáð-
Skt. rt. prath (prathe) spread out, pṛthu-s (compar.
prath-ija-s) broad, wide, prath-as breadth.
frath-anh breadth.
Lith. plati-s broad.
Zd.
O.-Ir. lethan broad (Z.2 776), lethit latitudo (Z.2 805).
1
Pott I¹ 93, Bopp Gl., Benf. II 98, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 40, Ebel Beitr.
I 310. The verb πλασσω with a dental stem (πλάσμα, πλαστός)
probably belongs here, so that the fundamental meaning is extendere,
expandere, a meaning well adapted for working in soft masses; hence
also ἔμπλαστρο-ν plaster. From Latin we may compare lăt-us
with a lost p (cp. lanx under No. 102, O.-Ir. lethan Ebel Beitr. VI
226) to which belong Lătium plain and lat-er brick, properly plate,
but certainly not lâtu-s, for which, from Fest. p. 313 'stlata genus
navigii latum magis quam altum', we must assume an initial stl (cp.
under No. 227): though perhaps planta sole of the foot does, the
meaning approaching that of látη: Corssen however I¹ 637 explains
it from plânc-ta. plâ-nu-s so far as form goes might belong here as
well as to No. 102. plautu-s with an older form plo-tu-s [or perhaps
rather a rustic form Roby Lat. Gramm. § 250] (planis pedibus Fest.
239) can hardly be from platu-u-s, as Ebel Ztschr. V 392 holds. The
derivation of plau-tu-s from plan-tu-s, attempted by Joh. Schmidt
(Voc. I 179) is wholly wanting in analogies from Italian languages.
I pass over the Teutonic words compared by Pott, because they
e. g. O.-N. flat-r flat do not agree in their final letter. Otherwise
Grassmann Ztschr. XII 107.
368) пlívoo-ç brick.
πλίνθος
plita sandstone,
Cp. also No. 215, 353.
O.-H.-G. flins stone. - Bohem.
Lith. plytà brick.
Pott II¹ 444, Benf. II 99. ✈ here corresponds to an older t.
Does пlivdos belong to the series of forms in vo (vánivdos &c.) dis-
cussed by Pott Personennamen p. 451? It might easily be derived
from the έλ-au rocks mentioned under No. 352, with the syncope of
the ε (cp. ἔπλετο). The connexion with No. 367 can hardly be
a direct one. Still both stems might be related to the shorter forms
treated of under No. 353, which appear to go back to a rt. πeλ.
Miklosich Lex., Hehn 77 and Joh. Schmidt Vocal. 80 hold the Slavo-
Lithuanian words to be borrowed from the Greek. Corssen I2 114
compares also the Lat. lat-er. [Grimm Wörterb. s. v. doubts the
connection of flint with πlivdos, both on the ground of irregular cor-
respondence of mutes, and also because of the different meaning: but
see Fick 2 377.]
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
347
369) Rt. πλυ πλέω πλεύ-σομαι) sail, float (by-form
πλώ-ω), πλό-ο-ς voyage, πλω-το-ς ft for a voyage,
seaworthy, лh-tn-s floater, sailor. πλύνω
wash, лh-μa dish-water [niv-ua Bekker in Arist.
H. A. IV 8 1. 27: cp. Lidd. & Scott s. v.] πλv-
τός washed, πλυν-τήρ washer.
Skt. rt. plu (plav-é) float, sail, hover, spring, â-plu 280
bathe oneself, wash, plâva-jâ-mi cause to float,
bathe, wash, plav-a-s boat, floating, flood.
Lat. plu plu-i-t, pluv-ia, O.-Lat. per-plov-ere cause to
flow through, be leaky: Umbr. pre-plo-tatu over-
flowed.
Goth. flô-du-s лoτaμós, О.-H.-G. flew-iu fluito, lavo.
fliu-z-u fluo.
Ch.-Sl. plov-ą, plu-ją (Inf. plu-ti) ñλé-w, plav-i (fem.)
navis, Lith. pláu-j-u (inf. pláu-ti) wash, plaú-ti-s
catarrh, plú-s-ti to begin to float, overflow.
O.-Ir. luam celox, luath velox, im-luad agitatio, imm-
luadi exagitat, im-luadad saltabat (Z.² 22, 224,
275, 437, 445, 876).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1128, Benf. II 96, Grimm Gesch. 397.
The root denotes movement in water and of water under four main
heads: 1) float (flood, wash) — 2) sail
3) flow and 4) rain,
and only in Skt. and Old Irish motion generally. With the meaning
fluctuare may be connected plûma, becoming in German Flaum.
For πλύνω πlv-vi- cр. Ztschr. VI 89. To the stem лλvv belongs
also πλυντήρ (ms. πλυ-τήρ, but cp. πλύντρια) which Hesych. considers
equivalent to πhvoμós [or rather лivvós L. and S.]. It seems there-
fore to have meant wash-trough, Lat. linter (trough, boat, wash-
ing-boat), old Lat. lunter (Bücheler Rh. Mus. XI 298). In Prisc. V
p. 151 Hertz πλυντήρ οι πλύντης (Aeol.) is to be read. pateram per-
plovere, pertusam esse Fest. p. 250; Corssen Ausspr. II¹ 20, where
plôra-re (which reminds of the Homeric daxovлháεiv) is also discussed,
and explained as a denominative from a lost adj. plôru-s from plo-
veru-s. (Otherwise I² 361.) For the Umbrian word Aufr. and Kirchh.
II 414. πύελος is put for πλυελο-s to avoid labdacism.
Lith. plaú-k-ti swim is expanded by the addition of a k.
2
The
370) Rt. που πνέω (πνεύ-σω) blow, breathe, πνεῦμα,
πνο-ή breath, πνεύ-μων (St. πνευμον) πλεύμων
348
BOOK II.
lungs, πεπνυμένο-ς, πινυτό-s intelligent, πινυτή
understanding, лоι-пvý-∞ рuff.
Lat. pul-mo (st. pulmón).
O.-H.-G. fnë-h-an anhelare, fnast anhelitus.
Ch.-Sl. plušta (neut. plur.), Lith. plaúíczei (pl.) lungs.
Pott W. I 1124, Benf. I 605, Grimm Gesch. 398, Walter Ztschr.
XII 402 with my reply XIII 396. fne-h-an and the Slavo-Lith.
words point to a stem-form expanded by a k, which is possibly more
closely connected with nvíy-w (f. nvv-x-w). For it is not improbable
that лviyo starts from the fundamental idea 'I make to breathe hard'
(Benf.). Cp. Goth. hvap-ja (No. 36). Otherwise Corssen Nachtr. 117.
πινυτός (πνυτός ἔμφρων, πνύτο ἔπνευσεν, ἐνόησεν Hesych.) with
a 'supporting', like the Lat. p-i-tu-îta compared with nτú-w (No.
382). Cp. p. 720. The breath is here as in the Lat. animus a sym-
bol of the life of the soul. In the case of pulmo it may be sup-
posed that there has been borrowing, still we should rather in that
case expect plumo and instead of the long vowel a short vowel in
the suffix (pul-min-is). The replacement of n by l, which shows
itself in a remarkable manner in three families of speech, is explained
281 by the rarity of the sound-group pn and the frequency of pl. Pauli
'Körpertheile' 15 adopts an entirely different explanation, identifying
пlɛú-µœv and pul-mo with the O.-H.-G. flou-m 'fat of the intestines'
(and also dirt), and thinks that the lungs are called so from their
floating on the surface (No. 369) and that лvɛúpov is a later form,
arising in an endeavour to secure resemblance to véш. Cp. p. 443.
371) Rt. πο, πι Aeol. πώ-ν-ω, πί-ν-ω (fut. πί-ομαι, aor.
-
ἔ-πι-ο-ν, πιθι, perf. πέπω-κα) drink, πό-το-ς,
πό-μα, πῶμα, πό-σι-s drink, πότης drinker, πο-
τýo̟-10-v cuр, π-vo-v barley-drink, beer.
лí-on-o give to drink, n-6-os meadow, Пioa
лí-6-τoα watering place [also, drink].
Skt. rt. pâ- pâ-mi, pi-bâ-mi (pi-vâ-mi) drink, pâja-
jâ-mi give to drink, pâ-tra-m drinking vessel,
pâ-na-m drink, draught, pî-ta-s drunken, having
drunk.
Lat. pô-tu-s, pô-ti-o(n), pô-tor, pô-c-utu-m, pôtare.
bi-b-o.
Ch-Sl. pi-ti bibere, pi-vo (st. pives) ñóµα, na-рoi-ti
лоτigεv, Lith. po-tà tippling, pë-na-s milk.
O.-Ir. ibim bibo, ni-ib non bibit (Z.² 430).
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
349
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 188, Benf. II 74, Schleich. Ksl. 119, Stokes
Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 93. We must assume pa as the original root,
but by the side of it in all families of language the weaker form pi
also presents itself. Cp. No. 475. Lat. bi-b-o perhaps by a weak-
ening which, just as in Boblicola (Corssen Ausspr. I2 129) proceeding
from a letter in the middle of the word attacked the initial conso-
nant by assimilation (cp. Skt. pi-bá-mi). We have further vini-bu-a
(Non. p. 81), ex-bu-res (quasi epotae Paul. Epit. 79), where bu appears
to have arisen from po (Corssen Nachtr. 176). Im-bu-o is a sort of
causative to im-bibo: cp. Ch.-Sl. po-ją (inf. poi-ti) give to drink.
A similar weakening in Bioα, the later form for the fountain Пioα
(Lob. Proleg. 419) mentioned by Strabo VIII p. 356: for Пioa see
also Aug. Mommsen Philol. VIII 724. The etymology is as early as
Strabo. For the Aeolic forms π-v-w &c. see Ahr. d. Aeol. 131.
372) ποιμήν (st. ποιμεν) shepherd.
guardian, Zd. pâ-yu protector.
(st. pë-men) shepherd.
Skt. pâ-ju-s
Lith. pë-mu
Pott W. I 245, Benf. II 73, Sonne Ztschr. XII 278.
By the
discovery of the Vedic pâ-ju-s light is thrown upon the origin of
the words. pa-ju-s is derived from the rt. på protect, and hence
means shepherd: to this belongs лã-v for π-jv herd, to which, as
being a neuter, the passive meaning was attached. From лã-jv came
ποιμήν as δαιτυμών from δαιτυ. The Lith. pi-mu also points by
its e to an i once present in the stem-syllable. π-ν was formerly
compared (very incorrectly) with Lat. pec-u Skt. paç-u, Goth. faíh-u
(No. 343) with which it has nothing to do, for x does not drop out
between vowels.
373) ποινή penalty, ἄ-ποινα ransom.
nio, paenitet.
Lat. poena, pû-
Pott W. I 1107 with a not improbable derivation from st. pu
(Skt. to purify), whence pû-ru-s, pu-tu-s and the causative of putu-s
puta-re to make clean (hence amputare, lanam putare), then to bring
to cleanness, to make clear (cp. the nautical expression 'to clear out')
and according to a genuinely Roman conception, to reckon, think
(cp. I reckon, a favourite expression with the Americans for I sup-
pose). The form quoted by Pott and Benfey (II 77) poesna rests only 282
on a false reading in Fest. p. 205. Corssen Beitr. 78 is probably
right in assuming an original form pov-ina (pov by expansion (Zulaut)
from pu) and in referring paenitet, which according to Corssen Iª 327
is well established, to a paeni-ti, arising from pav-ina = pov-ina,
a form which differs from pûnî-tio only as poti-tur from potî-tur.
Mommsen Roman History I 26 (E. T.) is certainly right in holding
пown to be a 'Graeco-Italic conception'. Pott gives no reasons for
350
BOOK II.
his epithet 'borrowed', which he attaches to the Lat. poena.
ἄ-ποι-να seems to be ἄπ-ποινα, ἀπό-ποινα (Pott II2 391). In its
meaning of counting out it touches closely on putare (computare).
Even in Aesch. Prom. 222 κακαῖσι ποιναῖς ταῖς δέ μ' αντημείψατο we
have a trace of the neutral conception 'recompense'.
374) πόλις town, dim. πολί-χ-νη, πολί-χ-νιο-ν, πολίτης.
Skt. pur, puri-s, purî, pura-m town, citadel.
Bopp Gl., &c. The derivation from the root πλε (№о. 366) con-
jectured also by Pott II¹ 118, Benf. II 86 has been discussed above,
p. 82. It is noteworthy that in Sanskrit as in Greek the notion of
stronghold comes into prominence, and on account of this Pictet II
290 perhaps rightly compares the Lith. pil-i-s castle. The stem
πολισσα in πολισσοῦχος must be traced back to πολι-κ-ια with a double
hypokoristic suffix, and the same k, aspirated by the influence of v
(ep. λύχ-νο-ς), occurs also in πολί-χ-νη (ep. κύλιξ κυλί-χ-νη).
hí-ɛ-doo-v (cp. Dúq-e-too-v) seems to go back to a verbal stem (cp.
Hom. πolí-¿-w build). For the t of πτόλις see p. 489.
πτο-
375) πολύς (by-stem πολλο) much (comp. πλε-ί-ων, sup.
πλεί-στο-ς), πλήν besides.
Skt. puru-s much (Ved. pulu-s), pul-a-s wide. Old-
Pers. paru-s much.
Lat. plûs, plûr-imu-s, plêri-que.
Goth. filu nolús, filu-sna ñîñdos, O.-N. comp. flei-ri,
sup. flest-r.
O.-Ir. il multus, n. pl. íli, an i-stem (Z.² 236, 858),
ilar multitudo (Z.² 780), lia plus, plures (Z.² 277).
Bopp G1, Pott W. II, 1, 361, Benf. II 85, Ebel Beitr. I 310.
For the Vedic form pulu-s cp. Max Müller Ztschr. V 141. The un-
mistakeable connection with гt. îλε (No. 366) shows itself with espe-
cial clearness in the comparative forms developed from the shorter
stem πλε: πλειον Lat. ple-(ijos (pleores plûres Carm. Arv.)
whence also plerique, while the old Latin forms plous, plousima,
ploirume, plisima presuppose the form plo-(i)os (Corssen Ztschr. III
The u in Skt. is a spe-
283, Leo Meyer Gött. Anz. 1861 p. 967).
cifically Indic weakening from a, and paru the original form: лollo
πολο goes back to par-va. πλήν is only an adverbialized
πλέον (cp. ἔμπλην Archil.).
"1
―
376) Вt. пор -лоо-o-v gave, brought, лé-лош-taɩ is given,
determined, лоçoúv-o afford, prepare.
Lat. par-(t)-s, por-ti-o-(n), par-a-re (?), por-tâ-re.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
351
Ebel Ztschr. V 417.
μέgos (No. 467) shows that the fundamental idea of pars is share, 211
portion. I conjecture that the root appears also in the Lat. par-i-o, 283
pe-per-i, which has its nearest analogue in the Lith. per-iù brood, hatch.
We have a similar transition of meaning in the O.-H.-G. bir-u pario
The development of the meaning of
Gr. pέow (No. 411) and in the German word trächtig (bearing,
pregnant) and there is a like relation between to bring and to bring
forth. Hence parentes (on the aorist form of which see Studien V 439)
are of лogóvτɛs. Thus we may without any violence place in this
group also the poetic nóg--s juvenca (x 410). But лóg-ti-s, nóq-Tα-§
have the same meaning, words which Benf. I 583 compares with the
Skt. pṛthu-ka-s, prathu-ka-s young. We may therefore assume de-
rivation from the same root, by the aid of a dental consonant, and
connect them with nαodέvo-s maiden, and somewhat more distantly
with O.-H.-G. far taurus, which Grimm Gesch. 32 derives from fars,
whence fersa cow. The form лóggis has no adequate support, and
therefore cannot be used to derive πόρις from πόρτις, which would
anyhow be dangerous. Corssen Beitr. 78 connects with portio,
o-porte-t for ob-porte-t it falls to me as my share. A connection with
No. 356 is probable. Fick indeed (2 118) compares this group with
the Skt. pi-par-mi (No. 366) which besides meaning 'fill' also means
'deal out lavishly, bestow'. But the notion of lavishness is wholly
wanting to the Graeco-Latin words.
377) πόσι-ς (for πότι-ς) husband, πότ-νια the holy, δεσ-
πότης master, δέσποινα mistress, δεσπόσυνος
lordly, dɛблóg-∞ am lord.
Skt. pa-ti-s lord, husband, pa-t-ni lady, wife, pat-j-ê
am lord, share.
Lat. com-po(t)-s, im-po(t)-s, pot-is (potis-sum, possum),
pot-ior, pot-ens, pot-es-tâ(t)-s, pot-î-ri, -Osc. potiad
possit.
Goth. -fath-s lord, brûth-fath-s bridegroom.
Lith. pà-t-s husband, male, self, pa-tì wife, pàt pre-
cisely, very, vësz-pat-s lord, ruler.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 238, Benf. II 75. The root is pa (Skt.
pâ pâmi) guard, protect, from which come also pâ-la-s ruler, Bohem.
pá-n lord; and also Gr. ná-o-paι acquire, лέ-пã µαι рossess. The
close connection of the notions to be master and to possess, which
recur in all words of this rt., is shown by the proverbial use in Theo-
critus XV 90 лacάuevos énítacoɛ. A noun pa-ti-s formed from this
root is preserved in four families of speech. The Lat. potis, identical
352
BOOK II.
even in the o-sound, Corssen Ztschr. III 279 regards as a comparative
like magis, satis, because of potis-sent and similar forms; still in these
forms potis might also be explained as a plural (= poteis, cp. divi
qui potes Varro 1. 1. V § 58, Kvičala Ber. d. Wiener Acad. 1870
p. 141 ff.). Another form direct from the rt. is Po-ta Vica. Pota
was the old name of Victoria (Preller Röm. Myth. 609). As in Skt.
a secondary verbal-stem has been formed in Latin from which come
pot-ens and pot-î-ri. For the Oscan form see Corssen Ztschr. XI 356.
- Of the compound deσ-лóτn-s and its feminine, originating as the
Skt. pat-nî shows in dɛ6-лoт-via no less than five explanations have
been given, which agree only in translating the second part of the
284 two words by master, mistress, viz. 1) from the mythical Dâsa-patnî,
traditionally 'mistress of the foes' (Kuhn Ztschr. I 464, Max Müller
V 151) but according to Benfey (IX 110) and the Pet. Dict. 'having
the demons as rulers', and hence strange to the meaning of the Greek
words; 2) from Skt. ģâs-pati-s 'master of the family' (Benfey u. s.)
with an inconceivable change of sound; 3) from Skt. sadas-pati-s
(Sonne Ztschr. X 136) literally 'master of the seat' (sadas ἕδος),
i. e. of the settlement, a sense which is not quite established for the
word, besides the unusual loss of the initial syllable: 4) from the
Skt. dam-pati-s 'master of the house' (Benfey u. s. Pet. Dict., Fick ² 87)
so far as the sense goes, excellent, but without giving a sufficient
explanation of the syllable dɛ6-, which is far enough from dóuo, dã;
δόμο,
5) from the Zend danhu-paiti master of a district (Pott W. I 240), so
far satisfactory that Zd. h points to an older s, but not without diffi-
culties arising from the meaning and derivation of the former word
(Skt. das-ju barbarian, non-Aryan).
2
378) Rt. πρα πί-μ-πρη-μι (inf. πιμπράναι), πρή--w burn,
기
​ë-ño̟η-б-εv (Нom.) blew, caused to stream, лo̟ŋ-
δών (st. πρηδον) burn, sore, πρη-στής flash of
lightning, storm. лon-uαív∞ blow fiercely.
Ch.-Sl. pal-i-ti burn, pla-my (gen. pla-men-e) flame,
pe-pel-ü ashes, Lith. pel-ena-í (plur.) ashes.
—
Sonne Ztschr. X 104, Walter XII 377. Both consider par as
the root, and the Skt. roots prush, plush burn as derivatives with
a dulling of a to u. The special connection of the ideas blow,
cause to stream out, and burn is discussed in Studien IV 228 (cp.
Buttm. Lexil. I 105). Cp. Pott W. I 249.
379) προο-ς, πραΰ-ς (Ion. πρη-ϋ-ς) gentle, πραότη(τ)-
gentleness, лоα-v-o make gentle.
•
Skt. rt. prî (prî-nâ-mi) delight, gladden, rejoice,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
353
pri-ja-s dear, valued, friendly, prî-ti-s joy, pré-man
love. Zd. fri love, prize, fry-a loved, friend.
Goth. fri-j-ôn άyañãv, frijônd-s pílos, O.-H.-G. frâ-0,
fro strenuus, laetus.
Ch.-Si. pri-ja-ti providere, curare, pri-ja-teli friend.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 208 (cp. W. I 580). The well-established
form лoão-s is of importance for this combination. Before v the
has been entirely lost. Still there is no completely corresponding
analogy for the derivation of πράϊ-o-s from πρι. πραι seems to
come from прι as ai0 (No. 302) from rt. idh; and to this was added
the suffix v, лqαj-vs, while лo-o-s followed the rule of adjective-
stems in o.
380) πρό before, πρό-τερο-s prior, πρῶτος (Dor. πρᾶτος)
primus, лo̟ó-μo-g the foremost, ñqú-τavı-s (Aeol.
лоó-ταvι-s) prince, headman, лo̟-ív sooner, before,
ño̟ш-ï early, пo̟é̟-ŋv (Dor. ño̟áv) before that, the
day before yesterday, πρό-σσω, πρόσω, πόρ-σω,
лóóów forwards, forth, afar.
Skt. pra- (only a prefix) fore-, pra-tha-ma-s primus, 285
pûr-va-s prior, prâ-tar mane.
frå fore-, forth-.
Zd. prefix fra,
Lat. prôd, pro, prae, pr-ior, pris-tinu-s, pris-cu-s, prî-
mu-s, pran-diu-m, porro.
Umbr. pru pro,
pre prae, per-ne, per-naio anticus, -per for (?).
Goth. fru-ma first, frum-ist in the first place: O.-H.-G.
fur-iro prior, fur-isto princeps, fruo early.
Ch.-Sl. pra-, pro-, prě- fore, prů-vyj primus; Lith.
pra- fore-, by-, pro- through, for, pìr-ma-s primus,
pirm (prepos.) before.
*
O.-Ir. ro, ru 1) verbal particle, ro-char amavit, 2) in-
tensive particle ro-már nimis magnus (Z.² 411,
864); air, Old Gaul. are- (primitive form *ari =
pari) ante prae pro propter (Z.² 622); ar, air
conj. nam, enim (Z.2 713) cp. Eng. for; rem-ren
ante, rem-am ante me (Z.2 641) cp. Lith. pirm.
Bopp Vergl. Gr. III 499, Pott I2 541, Benf. I 137 f., Schleicher
Ksl. 119, 121, Grimm Gesch. 397, Diefenbach I 352 ff., Ebel Beitr.
I 311. Ср. лαqά, пáços No. 346, 347, between which words and
CURTIUS, Etymology.
23
354
BOOK II.
2
*
προ-ιν
many of those here quoted the line of demarcation vanishes. All
conjectures as to their origin are extremely uncertain, but we may
perhaps with Bopp regard the form prâ (Zend frá) as an instrumental
case, accompanied by the Lat. prô-d as an ablative; for which prae
(pra-î) would supply the locative. Corssen I² 781 adds much more,
but rightly rejects the assumption of an ablative prae-d, formed
from the locative which Zeyss Ztschr. XVI 373 supports solely by the
gloss of Festus praedotiunt praeoptant, changing the first word into
praedoptant. [Corssen reads praepotiunt praepotant.] noív = пQо-LV
is for лo-ɩov, as the Lat. pris- prius for pro-ios comparative, prî-
mu-s superlative of pro. Corssen's differing view (Beitr. 434), ac-
cording to which the locative form prae is the basis of all the Latin
words, appears to me improbable, if only because it would do away
with the identity of pris- and no̟ív. pran-diu-m properly that early
in the day (die-s). Pott compares also pru-îna hoar-frost, as mean-
ing originally early frost: we might derive it from provîna and com-
pare this with лow-ï for now-Fi, and as to form merely with Skt.
pûr-va-s for pra-va-s. Hom. πρόσσω (adv.) from the stem προ-το
(suffix tjo Skt. tja cp. vñ-tio-s No. 393), shortened to ño̟ó-ów, by
metathesis πόρ-σω, by assimilation πόῤῥω.
On the difficult porro
Pott 12 272, Corssen Beitr. 402. Perhaps the Umbrian post-position
-per for, which Aufrecht identifies with reqí is also only a phonetic
modification of pro, as in Italian.
381) προ-τί (ποτί), πρός (πό-ς) to, beside, πρόσθε(ν)
in front, before.
Skt. pra-ti (prefix and prep. with acc.) contra, ver-
sus, O.-Pers. pati-sh against, Zend paiti as adv.
further, as prep. and postp. with all oblique
cases on to, to, at.
Ch.-Sl. pro-ti, proti-vą ad, Lett. pretti, Lith. prësz to-
wards, against.
Bopp Vgl. Gramm. III 500, Schleich. Ksl. 120, Pott I2 268.
On the three Homeric forms προτί, ποτί, πρός I. Bekker Hom. Bl
497. notí is also Doric, and there is also Arcad. лós (Inscription of
286 Tegea, 1. 5. Michaelis Jahn's Jahrb. 1861 p. 586). The Cretan лoρτí,
also with elision Tooτ', shows that the may be transposed, and its
entire loss is not to be wondered at in so light a particle. Cp.
ὕδατος, σκατός for ὕδατος, σκαρτ-ός and Lat. pedo by the side of
πέρδω (Νο. 292), ἐγκαπῆ· ἐπικαρπία, βάδιστοι· βραδύτατοι, δασκάζει
(i. e. doα-бxáεi) vло❤ɛvуει Hesych., Engl. speak, Low Germ. and
Dutch sprek-en. Hence we rejected on p. 80 Pott's attempt to divide
ποτί from προτί (Ι2 272). His objection that the identity of ποτί
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
355
and noós is disproved by the fact that zoori and лorí both make
their appearance equally in the same Doric dialect and in Homer' is
baseless. For as to Doric, according to Ahrens D. Dor. 358 the oc-
currence of пotí is not at all established. But what would it prove,
even if different branches of Dorism had decided in favour of different
forms? And is nogτí also to be regarded as a distinct preposition, be-
cause the Cretan branch of Dorism made use of this form? In Homer
moreover we confessedly find peculiarities of the most different dia-
lects. Who would think of separating πίσυρες from τέσσαρες, ὄμμιν
from ὑμῖν, or doubting the identity of σύν and ξύν, of ἐνί, εἰνί, εἶν,
ἐν? Following Corssen's explanation (Beitr. 87) we may regard
port (Umbr. pur Aufr. and Kirchh. II 271) as the Latin representa-
tive of this preposition, occurring with different phonetic modifications
in pol-lingo, por-ricio, pos-sideo, pô-no (for posino). On the other
hand, after the objections of Pott I² 191 and Corssen u. s., I retract
my earlier opinion, that red- is to be compared with prati, as not
demonstrable. It is remarkable that this red- will not admit of any
etymology whatever. ngo-tí is certainly to be derived from лgó
προ-τί πρό
(No. 380).
2
382) Rt. πτυ, πυτ, πτύ-ω spit, πτύ-αλο-ν spittle, πυτ-ίζω
spue, spirt, útr-o spue.
Skt. shţîv, shţîv-â-mi spuo.
Lat. spu-o, spu-tu-m, pitu-îta.
Goth. speiva spuo, O.-H.-G. spîwan, spîhan [Mod. G.
speien] spue.
Lith. spiáu-j-u, spjáu-d-au spue, Ch.-Sl. plju-ja ñtúw.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1362, 1367, Benf. I 416, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 33,
Grassmann XI, 11, 17, 34. I assume spju as the original form,
preserved in Goth. and Lith. Thence we get in Ch.-Sl. by the rejection
of the initial s and the insertion of the 7 common before j plju, in
Latin by the loss of the i spu, in Skt. by the shifting of the organ
and the weakening of the u into v shțiv. Gr. Tv is therefore for
σπυ. For τ originating by assimilation in . ep. χθές (g)hjas
(No. 193): the form yútta is due to metathesis and the rejection of
the j. In oiα пτúσαι ПTάioι [cp. M. Schmidt, Hesych. s. v., Ztschr.
IX 367] the labial has entirely disappeared. nütigo is probably
a frequentative for πτv-τí-¿w (cp. nɛion-tí-¿w. pîtu-îta seems to point
to a verbal-stem pitu for sputu, to be compared with metu-0, futu-0,
unless indeed it is borrowed, so corresponding to a lost лτvity (cp.
on No. 370). The root appears aspirated, perhaps by the influence
of the original s, in the Doric έπ-dú-od-∞ despuo. Bugge Ztschr.
XX 37 has a different view on the course of the phonetic changes.
Cp. p. 688.
ω
23*
356
BOOK II.
287
383) Rt. пу лу--∞ make to rot, лú-d-o-µαι rot, ïvd-ɛ-
δών (st. -δον) rottenness, Πυθώ, Πύθων (?),
лú-о-ν рus, лνέ-o bring to a head.
Skt. púj-é putresco, foeteo, púja-s, pû-ti pus, pû-ti-s,
púti-ka-s putidus. Zd. pú stink, pui-ti rotten-
ness.
Lat. pûs, pus-cînu-s, pur-u-lentu-s, put-eo, puter (st.
pu-tri), put-i-du-s.
Goth. fúl-s [Mod. Germ. faul] foul, O.-N. fûi pu-
tredo, fûki foetor.
Lith. pu-v-ù (inf. pú-ti) rot (intrans.), pú-d-au make
to rot, pú-lei pus.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1117, Benf. I 270. On the t of put-e-o
Ztschr. II 335, where foeteo also a word which has nothing to do
with this root is quoted (cp. No. 320), Grassmann Ztschr. XII 87,
Corssen Beitr. 79. On the 9 in лúd-∞ see above p. 66.
384) πύξ with the fist, πύκτης, πύγ-μαχ-o-s boxer,
лvу-un fist, boxing.
Lat. pug-nu-s, pug-il, pugillu-s, pugill-ari-s.
O.-H.-G. fû-st fist.
Ch.-Sl. pe-sti pugnus.
Bopp Gl. and Schleich. Ksl. 120, Benf. II 78 compare Skt.
mushțî fist, whose m then must have originated in a p. But where
are there analogies for this? The st in the northern languages re-
minds us of the st of maihstu-s mist (No. 175). πύξ looks like an
abbreviated dat. pl. It seems probable that vу-óv cubit is of the
πυγών
same origin perhaps with an amplifying suffix from the similar
use of πυγμή (whence Πυγμαίοι) and πυγών as a measure (Pollux
B 158). As the fist is the firmly closed hand, it is natural to regard
лνи-νó-s (Нom. пν×-ɩ-vó-ç) as related. The g in the Latin would
then be weakened from k. Fick Or. and Occ. III 116 conjectures the
like weakening for Skt. pûg-a-s band, troop, puñg-a-s heap, mass,
which are connected in meaning. Of Latin words perhaps pug-io
hand-dagger and pug-na pug-nâ-re belong here (so Dietrich, Jahn's
Jahrb. 81, 40), though in both cases we might also refer them to
pungere. In German and Slavonic the guttural has fallen out, as
in Goth. vaur-stv čoyov (No. 141, cp. also No. 538).
Ada, M
385) πῦρ (st. πυρ) fre, πυρ-ε-τό- fever, πυρ-ά funeral
pile, лvo̟-бó-ç brand, torch, лvóóó-s flame-coloured.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
357
Umbr. pir fire, Lat. prú-na glowing coals.
O.-H.-G. fiur fire - Bohem. pýr glowing embers.
Pott W. I 1103; the connection he supposes with pû purify (Skt.
pá-vakas fire) as Plut. Quaest. Rom. 1 τò πõq nadaiqɛı shows, is not
inconsistent with the Greek view. Fick Or. u. Occ. III 111 attempts
to establish a link between fire and the root pû by means of the
intermediate notion of brightness, and Grassmann Ztschr. XVI 184
tries to prove for the middle form pav-anté in the Rig V. the meaning
'they blaze'. Otherwise in the Pet. Dict. (cp. Delbrück Ztschr. f. D.
Philol. I 146). Certainly from the fundamental idea of brightness that
of purifying, purity (pû-ru-s, pu-tu-s) might be easily derived. The 288
relation of the Skt. prush, plush burn, which in its turn again reminds
us of the rt. пра (Ñо. 378) still needs explanation. According to
Corssen II 2 1004 prú-na is for prus-na. For е in Simon. Amorg.
according to Herodian π. μον. λέξ. 12, 19 πύϊρ. On the Umbr, pir
see Aufr. and Kirchh. I 36, II 112.
386) лuρó-s wheat, лúo̟-vo-s wheaten bread, яuo̟ýv kernel,
stone of fruit. A.-S. fyrs lolium. - Ch.-Sl.
pyro oivoa, Bohem. pýr couch-grass, Lett. púrji
wheat, Lith. púrai winter wheat.
Kuhn Weber's Ind. Studien I 356 f., Pott I¹ 109, Hehn 400.
The first assumes the idea of corn to be the fundamental one, tracing
it back to the Skt. push to nourish. This seems to me doubtful, be-
cause of πυρήν. The Syracusan by-form σлvo̟ós (Cramer Anecd. I
p. 362, 18) would lead us in quite a different direction, if this were
not quite isolated. Cp. also Benf. II 86. The Skt. pura, yellow bar-
leria according to Wilson, used to be added here, but according to
the Pet. Dict. the meaning of pura is too diversified to give safe
ground. Many other combinations, destitute of any secure found-
ations, are given by Pictet I 266.
387) л☎lo-ç foal, лшλ-ío-v young foal, young. Lat.
pullu-s. Goth. fula(n), O.-H.-G. folo лãlos.
1
Grimm Gesch. 396, Pott I¹ 193, W. I 247, where also (Marci-)
por, pu-er, pu-era, pu-su-s, pu-sa, pû-pu-s, pû-pa, pû-pilla, pu-tu-s
boy, Skt. pô-ta-s, pô-ta-ka-s young, pu-tra-s son are compared.
Benfey II 73 adds also ná-i(8)-s, which he is certainly right in ex-
plaining, with O. Müller ad Fest. p. 399, as nαƑ-1(d)-s, on the ground
of the forms πους, παῦς occurring on vases (ΚΑΛΟΣ ΗO ΠΑΥΣ,
KAЛE HE ПATE Revue Archéol. 1868 p. 347). Lat. pu-er is for an
older pov-er (Schwabe de demin. 40), and hence resembles the Gr.
TaƑ-i-s in the stem-syllable. Thus we should be brought to a root
358
BOOK II.
pu beget (cp. pûbes). Cp. Kuhn Weber's Ind. Studien I 357, Corssen
Beitr. 248. It is natural to compare with this, besides the Skt. pu-
tra-s already mentioned, which from its active suffix must be taken
as begetter, continuer of the family, also Skt. pumans man, and Lat.
pum-ilu-s, pumil-io, mannikin, dwarf. Like лã-lo-ç for поƑ-20-s, pô-
mu-m might be for pov-mu-m grown (otherwise Corssen 12 342 [con-
necting it with No. 350 'the nourishing']) similarly no-íα, nóc grass,
and even pa-pâv-er, reduplicated because of its quick growth, prae-
pu-tiu-m foregrowth. The Skt. push increase, breed, nurture, may be
regarded as an expansion of this root. Perhaps notέ-w is also to be
added, as a derivative from a ποιο (ep. παιδο-ποιός лоƑ-10) like
νοέ-ω from νόο-ς, ποθέ-ω from πόθος. It is true that ποιέω even
in Homer is used for various activities, but it always remained the
especial verb for denoting physical and intellectual creation. An
erroneous etymology was, discussed on p. 70. The attempt (Or. u. Occ.
III 114) to connect noɛiv with pû purify will satisfy no one.
388) σάλπιγξ (st. σαλπιγγ) trumpet, σαλπίζω sound the
trumpet. - Lith. szvilp-iù whistle (vb.), svilp-iné
whistle (subst.) (Lett. szvilp-a) (?).
Pott I¹ 226 ‘although in no other instance sz corresponds to
289 a Gr. o'. The suffix is individualizing, as in qóqµıy§, lãïy§, πlάo-
τιγξ: σαλπ
tɩyğ: in the stem σain has arisen from σƑαlл. Ought we to con-
sider M.-H.-G. swal, swalwe cithara and swal, swalewe hirundo as from
the same root, or to refer them to Skt. svar sound (σ~qıy§ No. 519)?
Schleicher regards the Lith. word, which only means to whistle with
the mouth, as onomatopoetic.
389) Rt. спар бraio̟-w, à-onaiq-∞ writhe, quiver.
Skt.
sphar, sphur, sphur-a-mi mico, vibro, tremo. Zd.
spar go, tread with the feet. Lith. spìr-ti
strike out, hit, fell, spar-dý-ti strike out.
Pott W. II 1, 420, Benf. I 577 f. The fundamental meaning
of the rt. is that of a quick movement. But this developes itself
mainly in two directions. In the first place it is referred to the feet.
So in the verbs quoted above, on which Kuhn Ztschr. III 324 is to
be consulted. We may add O.-H.-G. spor(n) [in the Cape Colony spoor]
vestigium, spor-ôn calcitrare, spur-n-an calcitrare, offendere, impingere,
(Engl. spurn), far-spirn-an to strike with the feet. It is probable
that the Lat. sper-no, a-spernor are connected with this meaning,
either so that the fundamental meaning was strike away with the
foot, or so that we may immediately connect it with the Germ.
sperren, absperren (bar off, reject). The latter view, that of Pott,
perhaps deserves the preference because of Enn. Trag. v. 244 (V.)
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
359
το-ν
ius atque aecum `se a malis spernit procul. The Skt. spar-i-tar enemy
also belongs here, and perhaps spur-iu-s. In the second place the
rt. is used of a motion of the hand. Here we may place onɛiq-w,
oñɛq-j-w, and also O.-H.-G. spriu chaff, and inasmuch as the usage
had become fixed to denote a scattering motion, dispersing a mass
into small parts, without any limitation to the hand as the original
source of the motion, the O.-H.-G. spruojan sputter, drizzle.
I can
sec no kinship with onάg-to-v rope, but this certainly agrees with
the Lith. spar-ta-s band (Nesselm.), and we may add onɛiqα. The
common nature of these two ramifications of the meaning comes out
most strikingly in Germ. springen spring, and sprengen burst, be-
sprengen sprinkle (O.-H.-G. springan) [cp. Eng. spring a mine &c.].
Both verbs belong to a root expanded by k, spark, sprak, which met
us before under No. 359b. Walter Ztschr. XII 407. Add oлaqάoow
(st. onαqan) tear, drag, with an inserted a. From the primary root
spar by the weakening of the r comes spal, preserved in na-onál-n
fine meal, or with for σ (cp. ɛi-µí) nai-ñál-ŋ. After the loss of the
initial s we have pal, preserved in rál-n, poll-en, pul-vi-s and nal-
vv-w strew, bestrew. This phase of the root may also occur in păl-ea
chaff, which recalls both O.-H.-G. spriu and Skt. pal-a-s, pal-ûla-s
straw, pal-âva-s chaff. As pal also is expanded by a k, we have
pal-k, pal-a-k preserved in лalάcow akin in meaning to nal-úv-w.
Both verbs mean to besprinkle, scatter, the former also to strew.
We may add пalɛvɛiv to decoy, of birds which are lured. mállɛiv
in its intransitive use, ἡ καρδία πάλλει, παλμός beating of the pulse
&c., comes so near to ά-oñαío-w, that we can hardly help referring
it, as well as nάlo-s lot, nalάooɛiv to cast lots, to this same παλ.
Corssen Beitr. 308, 319 Nach. 296 mentions what is perhaps still to
be added from the Latin, but with considerable differences of opinion,
discussed Especially in I2 476, 526.
390) onλv milt, onlάyx-vo-v entrail. --
plîhâ, plihan) lien.
Skt. plihan (also 290
Lat. lien. O.-N. lungu
(nom., stem lungan), O.-H.-G. lunga, lungina lung.
Ch.-Sl. slez-ena, Lith. bluž-ni-s milt. Ir.
selg f. milt (Gild. 215), st. selgå.
Bopp Gl., Pott II¹ 270, Benf. I 602 f., Kuhn Ztschr. IV 13,
Stokes Ir. Gloss. 1012, Bugge Stud. IV 340, Joh. Schmidt Voc. I 32.
The fundamental form is splagh-an: in Skt. and Lat. the s has
fallen away and the stem-vowel is accidentally weakened in the same
manner, in Slavonic and Irish the p has fallen out, while Ch.-Sl. z
normally replaces the guttural, in Lith. after the loss of s p has
been weakened into b, finally in the Teutonic languages of the three
consonants only the third has remained. In oлlάуx-vo-v the gut-
360
BOOK II.
tural of the root appears united with an prefixed nasal, the origin
of which is the nasal suffix. The remarkable loss of x between two
vowels in σπλήν for σπλαχεν fnds an analogy at most only in ἦ he
said (No. 611).
391) л-vo-s sleep. Skt. svap-na-s somnus, rt. svap
dormire. Zd. gap sleep, qaf-na (m.) sleep.
Lat. som-nu-s, sắp-or, sập-i-o. O.-N. svef-n som-
nus [0.-Eng. swevene dream, A.-S. swefen], O.-H.-G.
swebjan sopire. Ch.-Sl. su-nů (for sup-nů) som-
nus, sip-a-ti dormire, Lith. sáp-na-s dream. –
O.-Ir. suan sleep (F. A. 123).
ϋπ-νο-ς for συπ-
Zd.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 259, Grimm Gesch. 303.
vo-ç from the shorter form preserved in the Skt. participle sup-ta-s
and elsewhere; while sop-or is for svŏp-or, sôp-i-o, like the Skt. cau-
sative svấpa-jâ-mi with addition of sound in the stem-syllable.
I have omitted Goth. slêp-an, O.-H.-G. sláfan &c. as not akin, be-
cause of the l: their analogues O.-H.-G. slaph, sleep &c. are quoted
by Diefenbach (Goth. Wtb. II 268). So Lottner Ztschr. XI 164.
qap with normal change from svap. svap-na-s is one of the not
very numerous nouns which have been preserved completely and
with unchanged meaning, without any other than the normal phonetic
changes, in all the families of speech. The Lithuanian has shifted the
meaning from somnus to somnium, for which Bugge Ztschr. XX 40
points out analogies from the O.-N. [cp. too O.-Eng. sweven, e. g.
Piers the Plowman, Prol. 11].
392) ὑπέρ, ὑπείρ over, υπερ-θεν above, ὕπερο-ς pestle,
ὑπέρα upper rope. Skt. upari as adv. above,
thereon, as prep. with loc., acc., gen. over. Zd.
upairi as adv. above, as prep. with acc. and in-
strum. over.
ufaro thereon.
Lat. s-uper.
Goth. ufar vñέo̟,
Evident as is
Bopp Vergl. Gr. III 493, Pott I¹ 109, I2 677.
the kinship of these words, there are many hitherto unsolved difficul-
ties in the way. For instance, as to the form, the s of super is un-
explained; for while the Greek rough breathing appears before every
v and therefore may be an unorganic addition, the Latin s cannot
possibly be a purely phonetic prefix'. Hence Pott conjectures in
this s a trace of a prefixed preposition, and in fact now the Goth.
us, as the Graeco-Italic representative of which we are to learn to
recognize ex. Are we to suppose that super and sub, from es-uper,
291 es-ub stand for ens-uper, ens-ub (¿vç, els), so that in in-super we should
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
361
<
have from a later period in language the same prepositions com-
pounded, which had formed an alliance long before? From the side
of the meaning, the interchange between above and below is sur-
prising; for ὕπατος (ep. ὑψοῦ, ὑψηλός, ὕψιστος) corresponds to the
Lat. sum-mu-s for sup-mu-s (cp. suprâd, suprê-mu-s) and to the O.-H.-G.
oba over, whilst in form it belongs rather to nó then to vлέę, and
conversely, while the Skt. upa-ma-s the highest may be compared
with Lat. sum-mu-s, the Skt. upa-ra-s the lower cannot be connected
in meaning with Zd. upa-ra the upper, with superu-s and vñέça.
Attempts to solve this difficulty are made by Pott I2 645. In any
case, ὑπείρ has originated from ὑπερι by metathesis of the ι. ὑπερη-
φανέων (4 694), υπερήφανος (Pind. υπερά-φανος), υπερηφάνεια
are to be explained by supposing that inɛon contains the adjective
stem ύπερο with epic lengthening (cp. νεη-γενής, ἐλαφηβόλο-s and
'Elucidations' p. 165, E. T.): vлɛgń-pavo-s meaus therefore 'appear-
ing, showing oneself excessive': ep. τηλε-φανής, λευκο-φανής. Thus
we can dispense with the forced attempts of Döderlein Gloss. 2192,
Düntzer Ztschr. XII 2, and Fick 2 17, who wishes to connect -npavo-s
with Skt. âhana-s rank, luxuriant. For ßou-s p. 528. Probably O.-Ir.
for, Corn. war, oar, Cymr. guor super (Z.² 628, 675) for an original
u(p)ar belong here (Ebel Beitr. 1 309).
393) ὑπό, ὑπαί under.
Skt. upa as adv. thither as
prep. with acc. towards, with loc. to, on, with instr.
with (in the sense of accompanying). Zd. upa
with acc. to, with loc. over. Lat. sub, sub-ter.
Goth. uf sub, O.-H.-G. oba super. Ch.-Sl.
pa, po secundum, post, po-dů sub, Lith. pa, po
under, after, with.
•
-
Cp. No. 392. Weber Ind. Studien II 406.
upa denotes in
Skt. according to the Pet. Dict. 'the opposite of apa far, away', and
thence attains the meaning (among others) of under' in the sense of
subjection, and 'over' in the sense of mounting. sus for sub-s in
sus-tuli, su(s)-r(i)g-o, sus-cip-io, sus-que de-que, su(s)-(vo)-rsu-m arrives,
perhaps by reason of its s which seems to have an ablative force,
at its meaning of 'from below' i. e. 'towards a place above'. Pott
12 161: cp. Corssen II 2 580. Also л-τio-s, equivalent to sup-înu-s
upturned, open, bent back, is akin. The suffix is the same as in the
Skt. upa-tja-s lying underneath (cр. жεqι-oσós No. 359, яgó-бо
No. 380).
If Ir. for is for *u(p)ar, upa occurs also in O.-Ir. fo,
♡
Cymr. guo sub (Z.² 627. 661; Ebel Beitr. I 309).
σσω
362
BOOK II.
292
B
A Greek ẞ corresponds only in a very few cases to
an Indo-Germanic b, which in those cases is represented
in Sanskrit, Latin, and Slavo-Lithuanian by b. No example
is found of the Teutonic p which was to have been ex-
pected. (Cp. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 122.)
394) Bάoßago-s strange, foreign, ßaoßao-i-w speak, be-
have like a foreigner. Skt. barbara-s stutter-
ing, curly, foreign. Lat. balbu-s, balbu-ti-o.
The fact that the Skt. barbara-s ought, as it appeared, to be
written with a v was formerly an objection to the comparison of the
word instituted by Kuhn Ztschr. I 381 ff. But acc. to the Ptsb. Wtb.
V 1644 the b is better. The only meaning established for this word
is curly, the only meaning for its derivative barbara-tâ is a 'rough-
ness' in the pronunciation of (Max Müller Ztschr. V 141, XVI 453).
On the other hand βάρβαρος occurs frst in βαρβαρόφωνοι Β 867.
Pictet Ztschr. V 330, Orig. I 57 compares Booßogú¿ɛiv rumble (of noises
in the bowels), the Persian barbar chattering, foolish, and Irish ana-
loga. Without doubt then the Greeks named the Barbarians from
their strange-sounding language.
395) βληχή a bleating, βληχ-ά-s a bleating sheep, βλη-
xá-o-μaι bleat. Lat. bála-re, bâlâ-tu-s. — O.-H.-G.
blá-z-u bleat.
ot-a-ti balare.
Ch.-Sl. blě-ja-ti, ble-k-a-ti, ble-k-
Pott W. I 265, Benf. II 70, Schleicher Ksl. 122. The rt. is
in the syllable blá, softened into bâlâ, lengthened by different con-
sonants. The % seems to have arisen from the inchoative ox, cp.
p. 700.
395 b) Bolẞó-s onion, bulb.
bulb-atio, bulb-ulus.
Lat. bulbu-s, bulb-ôsu-s,
Lett. bumbul-s knob.
Benf. II 304 with much that has no connection. That the
Lat. bulbu-s is not borrowed seems to me probable on account of its
derivatives.
395 c) Boµßvλí-s noμçóλvg (Hes.) i. e. bubble. — Lat.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
363
bulla, bullire, bullare, bullatu-s.
bubble.
Pott I¹ 213.
Lith. bumbul-s
396) βραχύς short (compar. βράσσων), βράχε-α shallows,
Boaxú-τn(t)-s shortness, ßoaxú-v-o shorten.
Lat. brev-i-s, brevi-a shallows, brevi-tâ(t)-s.
Pott W. III 942, Benf. II 71. On the comparative ẞęάooov
βράσσων
(K 226), to which the corresponding superlative foáz-1oto-s occurs in
Pindar, and its older form βραχείων perhaps preserved in βραχίων
upper arm (Pollux B 138 ori dori rov rýxews ßeaxútɛgos), cp. Ind.
lect. kil. aest. a. 1857 p. IV and p. 659.
brevi-s: Boαxv lĕvi-s:
laxv (No. 168). The comparison of the Ch.-Sl. bruz-u tayús is open.
to objection because the meaning does not agree. All the same brůz-
ěja shallows is remarkably like ẞgáz-ɛa brevia in sound.
Fick 2 132,
Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 269 refer the Gk. and Lat. word to a rt. bargh
which occurs in Skt. as barh (also varh) with the meaning tear out,
tear off. In this case then Boax-s like curtu-s would properly
mean torn off.
397) þú-a-s, Bú-ga screech owl. Lat. bû-bô(n).
Lith. yva screech-owl.
O.-H.-G. úwo bubo.
Benf. II 62, Förstem. Ztschr. III 50. ßúţa is most likely for
βυ-ια, hence Βύζας (st. Βυζα-ντ = βυζα-εντ) and Βυζάντιο-ν =
Uhlenhorst (near Hamburg) (?).
Φ
Greek corresponds to Indo-Germanic and Sanskrit
bh, Zend b, Latin f and (in the middle of a word) b, Teu-
tonic, Slavo-Lithuanian and Old-Irish b.
398) Rt. άλφ aor. ἦλφ-ο-ν I won, ἀλφ-άν-ω win, ἀλφεσί
βοιαι winning oxen, ἄλφημα wages.
Skt. rt. rabh seize, take, â-rabh take hold of, under-
take, fashion, ṛbhu-s clever, apt, artist, fashioner,
rbhu-mat apt.
Lat. lăb-ôs (lăb-or), labôrio-su-s, labóro.
293
364
BOOK II.
Goth. arb-aith-s nóños, O.-H.-G. arabait (Germ. Ar-
beit), Goth. arbaid-jan xoniãv.
Bohem. rob-i-ti laborare, Ch.-Sl. rab-ŭ (rob-ů) servus,
rab-ota work, Lith. lob-a work, task, lobi-s pos-
session, property.
The original form of the rt. is arbh.
The meaning lay hold of,
operate, work appears clearly throughout. I was led to connect the
above words by the use given in the PW. I 1058 of the Skt. rbhu,
which is there referred to the rt. rabh (cp. too Miklosich Radices
s. v. rabů; otherwise Kuhn Ztschr. IV 109). On the connection of
the Teutonic, Latin, and Slavonic words see Grimm Wörterb. s. v.
'Arbeit', and Schleicher Ksl. 131. Cp. Pott I¹ 259, Pictet II 397.
A connection of the Indian Rbhus with the Teutonic Elfs O.-H.-G.
alp. gen alb-es, A.-S. älf — elaborately maintained by Kuhn (vide supra)
is possible even if we accept this etymology. Homer's ἀνέρες ἀλφ-
notaí, in spite of K. Fr. Hermann's ingenious derivation from άlqı
and the rt. 8 which is also supported by Döderlein (Gloss. p. 28), are
no "eaters of meals", as I. Bekker Hom. Bl. 113 properly translates
the word supposing that to be its derivation, but are to be taken in
the sense in which the old Grammarians took the words that of ear-
ners, workers (cp. ỏexn-o-τń-s), "qui victum quaerunt, qui quaestum
faciunt, the laborious side of the earning process being considered,
and contrasted with the easy life of the Gods" (Bekker p. 112).
With this agrees Aesch. Sept. 770, where the άvdgãv ålønotãv ölßos
ἄγαν παχυνθείς becomes nothing less than comic if we understand
it of bread or meal eating men.
Fick 2 166 differs in many respects.
399) aλpó-s a white rash. - Lat. albu-s, Umbr. alfu,
Sabine alpu-s. O.-H.-G. elb-iz swan, Elba (the
river).
Pott I¹ 112, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 109, who is doubtless right in
comparing also ἄλφι, ἄλφι-το-ν barley meal, for ἄλφι : ἀλφός Goth.
hvait-i oats: hveit-s white. Corssen Ztschr. III 263 connects also the
Oscan town-name Alafa-terna, another name of Nuceria. Nearer still
are Alba Longa and Albunea. Paul. Epit. 4 "Albula Tiberis fluvius
dictus ab albo colore", so that Alba, Alosiós (cp. Invɛiós No. 362)
and Elbe are perhaps one and the same. By the same author the
Alpes too were explained to be so called "a candore nivium". Others
294 it is true prefer the derivation from a Keltic word, for "Gallorum
lingua alti montes Alpes vocantur" Serv. ad Georg. III 474. Even
Albis and Alba are derived by Mahn (Etymol. Unters. Berl. 1859
p. 19) from the same source; to the former the meaning mountain-
stream is given, to the latter that of mountain, with but small pro-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
365
As an adj. we find alpós in Hesych.
bability in both cases.
ἀλφούς λευκούς -, as a substantive it denotes the same skin dis-
ease which is elsewhere called lɛvzń or lɛúzn, Lat. vitiligo. The Lat.
albûgo is similar. The by-form alopó-s (alogous levnous Hesych.)
άλωφο-ς (ἀλωφούς· λευκούς
is discussed at p. 719.
400) ἀμφί about, ἀμφίς on both sides, διαμφίδιο-ς (Aesch.)
different. Skt. abhi as adv. hither, near, as
prep. with acc. to, against, round, over, abhi-tas
on both sides, about, round about. O.-Pers.
abish at hand. Zend aibi, aici as adv. over,
moreover, as prep. with dat. or loc. over.
Lat. amb-, am-, an-, Umbr. am-, an-, amp-r, Osc.
amf-r. - O.-S. umbi, O.-H.-G. umpi. Ch.-Sl.
obů trans, per, o circa.-O.-Ir. imb-, imme, imm
circum, impe from *imb-se circum id (Z.² 654),
O.-Gallic ambi- (Z.² 64).
2
Bopp Vgl. Gr. III 490, Schleicher Ksl. 124, Pott I² 579. The
meaning of the Skt. abhi is considerably at variance with the rest,
but the PW. I 328 rightly gives it, on the ground of the word abhi-
tas, the very same primary meaning assumed by Buttmann in the
Lexilogus (II 217 ff.) for άugi and άugis. We may therefore regard
the connection with άugo as proved. Cp. Lottner Ztschr. VII 21.
The s in άupís may be compared with that in § ex, άy abs, Lat.
sus- for subs- &c. (see above p. 39), and is represented by r in the
Umbr. amp-r, amb-r, Osc. amf-r, Aufr. and Kirchh. I 159.
For
Mommsen's derivation of it from a different source is artificial. The
Osc. from s, which is to be seen here, is a proof rather that this
change is not unknown in Oscan, and therefore we have no reason
for abandoning, as Mommsen would (Unterit. D. 225) the derivation
of the Italian passive re from se on account of the Oscan. The rho-
tacism which is so common in the two other Italian languages occurs
but seldom in Oscan, and never as it appears between two vowels.
We have however a second clear instance of it in hafiert, which even
M. allows, and endeavours in vain to account for by the supposition
of Roman influence. Zeyss Ztschr. XVI 381 tries to identify this
Old-Italian amfr- with the first part of the Latin anfr-actu-s, acc. to
which it belongs not to frangere but to agere. The close proximity
of its use to the meaning of amb-âge-s seems to me to prove this.
It is noteworthy that the preposition has lost its individual meaning
in Skt. more than in any other language. Corssen Beitr. 316 re-
gards annu-s as a weakening of am-nu-s, whence soll-emni-s "quod
366
BOOK II.
295
omnibus annis praestari debet" Fest. 298, accordingly originally circle,
whence again annu-lu-s. Even omni-s may have something to do
with the root.
401) ἄμφω, ἀμφότεροι both.
Skt. ubhâu (st. ubha)
both, ubha-ja-s on both sides. Zd. uba both. -
Lat. ambô. Goth. bai (neut. ba), bajôths both,
O.-H.-G. beidê. Ch.-Sl. oba ambo, Lith. abù
both, abe-jó-ju I doubt.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 111, Schleicher Ksl. 124. Cp. No. 400.
Boehtl. and Roth PW. p. 993 derive the Skt. ubhâu from the rt. ubh
(ubh-â-mi, umbh-â-mi), for which they quote the meaning "hold to-
gether” and when compounded with prepositions "bind". Since
however ubhâu cannot be separated from the words compared here,
and since a never arises from u, the only way of defending the com-
parison is to suppose the u of the above rt. to be a dulled am. In
this way we should arrive at ambh as the common rt. for all these
words. On the Skt. u from am see Kuhn Beiträge I 355 ff.
402) vég-os, vεq-éλn cloud, gvv-vé-voy-e it is cloudy,
vεgó-o make cloudy.
Skt. nabh-as mist, vapour, cloud, atmosphere, nabhas-
ja-s misty.
Lat. nûb-ê-s, nûb-ilu-s, něb-ula.
O.-N. nifl-heim-r, O.-H.-G. nëb-al.
Ch.-Sl. neb-o (st. neb-es) caelum, Lith. debes-ì-s cloud.
O.-Ir. nél, acc. pl. níulu nubes (Z.2 20), nimb drop
(Corm. Gl. 32, Transl. 122).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 107, 199, Grimm Gesch. 408, Benf. II 54,
Schleich. Ksl. 124. All combinations resting on displacement of
the initial are very unsafe (Buttm. Lexil. II 266). The verb-stem veg
is given by Hesych. also in the simple perf. vévo❤e vɛvéporaι (Lobeck
Rhem. 39). In nubes we get û instead of e: it is explained by Joh.
Schmidt Voc. I 179 to be the effect of the nasal that appears in
nimbu-s (for nembu-s). Lith. d for n as in devynì nine. Bugge
Stud. IV 337 sees in the Skt. nîh-âru-s mist, which he derives from
* nabh-ára-s a complete analogy to vep-έln, neb-ula, O.-H.-G. nëb-al.
It seems to me not impossible that the Lat. Nep-tú-nus (cp. Portû-
nus deus portarum Paul. Epit. 56, For-tûna) belongs here; by the
side of this Spiegel Ztschr. XIII 372, puts the Zd. nap-ta moist.
Perhaps this too comes not from the rt. nap but from nab, i. e. Indo-
Germ. nabh. So too now Grassmann Ztschr. XVI 167. Cp. Corssen
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
367
2
I² 456, and on Neptûnu-s 434. The Ir. nél is for nebl (Stokes,
Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 126), like dér tear for * decr (No. 10), fén car-
riage for fegn (No. 169).
403) ỏµ-αλó-s navel, boss of a shield.
Skt. nábh-i-s
Lat.
navel, nave, relationship, nabhi-la-s the lower
part of the stomach, pit of the navel.
umbil-icu-s. O.-H.-G. nab-a nave, nabulo navel.
O.-Pr. nabis nave, navel, Lith. bámba navel.
O.-Ir. imbliu gen. imlenn navel (Stokes, Corm.
Gl. Transl. p. 93).
We must assume
и
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 108, Benf. I 118.
a Graeco-Italic ombhalo-s, from which arose in time oupaló-s, the
Lat. umbilu-s, and with a new suffix umbil-îcu-s (cp. lect-ica). By
its side stands umbô(n) boss of a shield, which in meaning agrees
still more closely with ougalós and umbilicus than with the Gk
äußov the border of a shield, foot of a goblet (άußŋ whence άußig
goblet). It is possible that oupas too is a sort of diminutive from
the shorter ouço. For it denotes also the nipple, then any hard
part, and so hard unripe grapes.
While then we are brought for
Gk. and Lat. to a rt. ambh, the corresponding words in the other 296
languages come from a rt. nabh, which should perhaps be regarded
as the older form. In Skt. we find the rt. nabh (nabhế) with the
meaning burst, tear. The word navel seems therefore originally to
have had the meaning a "tear, break", which seems to have given
rise to the other meanings. The Ir. word is an n-stem, and would
correspond to a Lat. *umbilio, umbilionis, cp. umbo umbonis.
404) ὀρφανός orphaned, ὀρφανία orbitas, ὀρφανίζω
make an orphan, óopavioτń-s one who takes care
of orphans, oopavɛú-o take care of orphans. —
Lat. orb-u-s, orbare, orbi-ficare, orbi-tâ(t)-s, or-bi-
túdo, Orb-ôna. — O.-H.-G. arb-ja the heir (Germ.
der Erbe), arbi inheritance (Germ. das Erbe) (?).
Pott I¹ 112, 259.
1
Bopp Gl. compares the Skt. arbha-s, arbh-
aka-s proles, natus (the former as an adj. acc. to the PW. “small,
insignificant", as a subst. boy similarly arbhaka-s). Can orbare,
bereave of children and then bereave generally
have really.
meant “to child" with a privative meaning like "behead" for "to
deprive of the head" (Germ. köpfen)? In all these words though the
prominent idea is "bereft of parents". If we adopt the meaning given
above we should have to assume that the consciousness of the origin
was lost very early. The shorter form ogpó-s is preserved in oogo-
368
BOOK II.
297
βό-της (ὀρφανῶν ἐπίτροπος Hesych.), Ὀρφώνδας. — J. Grimm places
the Teutonic words (Wörterb. s. v. "Arbeit") with those discussed at
No. 398, so too Mikl. Lex. p. 767. Cp. Pictet II 359, Delbrück Ztschr.
f. d. Philol. I 14. The only point then that we can be sure of is
the correspondence of the Greek and Latin words. On the latter
(the proper name Orf-iu-s) see Corssen I2 147. Related to the
Teutonic words are: the O.-Ir. arbe, orpe n. hereditas (Z.² 229), com-
arpi coheredes (Z.² 232), no-m-érpimm confido (Z.² 434), erbaid credit
(Z.2 434), ro-erbad commissum est, creditum est (Z.2 477).
60, Stokes Ir. Gl. p. 163, Ebel Beitr. II 173.
405) ỏ-pu-s eyebrow.
Cp. Z.2
Skt. bhrú, -bhruva brow. -
O.-H.-G. brawa, N.-H.-G. Braue brow. Ch.-Sl.
brůvi (o-brůvi) opoús.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 111, Benf. I 100, Grimm Gesch. 399, Miklos.
Lex. As in the Ch.-Sl. obrůvě and in the Macedonian άßoovτES
(Hesych. ỏ❤çõç) the stem of which άßoout resembles the Zd. brvat
(fem.), the vowel is prothetic. So too Lobeck (Elem. I 84), who in
this case deigns to consider barbarian tongues and even agrees with
Benfey in the comparison of the Lat. fron(t)-s, making it equivalent
to ỏœgvóeis. "O qv-s with the aspirate transformed
like ỏ❤gúŋ (cp. ó❤gvóɛis) often denotes the edge of a mountain.
Kuhn Beitr. I 357 gives a conjecture on the origin of these forms.
Cp. Sonne Ztschr. XII 296.
ὀφρύ-ς which
406) pop-έ-w (Ion. ¿vy-έ-w), 609-άv-∞ sup up, góµ-µα,
góp-n-ua broth, goл-τó-s supped up.
Lat. sorb-e-o, sorp-tu-s, sorb-i-tio(n), sorb-ili-s, sorb-
illare.
Lith. sreb-i-ù, surb-i-ù sup up, sriub-à broth, surb-
eli-s leech.
About the
Pott II¹ 196, Benf. II 12, Kuhn Ztschr. IV 18.
relationship of the Teutonic words compared by these scholars I will
not venture to pronounce with certainty. For the O.-H.-G. swarb
gurges, swirb-il vortex agree it is true in sound and meaning, but
cannot well be separated from the Goth. svaírb-a whisk, wipe [cp.
to swab the deck], O.-H.-G. swirb-u tergo, sicco and a numerous family
of words discussed by Diefenbach (Vgl. Wtb. II 351 f.), which
e. g. the O.-N. svarf quisquiliae
remind us more of ovgp-e-to-s
rubbish. With regard to the N.-H.-G.
are objections on phonetic grounds. Mikl. Lex. 876 gives repre-
schlürfen sup up however there
sentatives of this rt. in later Slavonic languages.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
369
4061) Rt. ὑφ ὑφή, ὕφος web, ὑφάω, ὑφαίν-ω weave.
Skt. vabh in úrṇa-vabhi-s spider (wool-weaver).
O.-H.-G. wëb-an weave.
Aufrecht Ztschr. IV 274, where with Döderlein Gloss. 169 µvo-s
(for vq-uvo-s) is assigned to this rt.; on this supposition we get
a striking explanation of the word, i. e. that it means a 'web' (άo1-
dñs ˝uvos Od.). vq: vabh = ὑπ
п: svаp (No. 391). A remnant of the
form vabh, the Gk. Faq, is retained in vp-p-a-o-pai. Aufrecht esta-
blishes thoroughly the application of the idea of weaving to creations
of the mind. At p. 63 we discussed the origin of the rt. vabh
from va. Fick 2 180 differs. Cp. Pott W. I 611.
407) Rt. φα φημί, φά-σκ-ω say, φά-τι-ς, φήμη report,
❤a-vý voice. — Rt. pav paív-o shine, show,
φω-νή
pav-e-pó-s bright, pav-ý torch, pá-ói-s, ¶á-6-µa
appearance. Rt. qaF pá-ε (Hom.) appeared,
ὑπό-φαν-σι-ς glimmer, clearing, φά-ος, φανος,
φῶς (φωτ), φέγγος light, φα-έ-θ-ω shine, φαε-
ίνω, φαει-νό-ς (Aeol. φάεν-νο-ς) shining, φα-νός
clear, лi-av-ox-w show.
Skt. rt. bha (bha-mi) shine, appear, bhá-ma-s, bhâ-
nu-s brightness, light, bhás shine, glare, bhâsh
speak, bhan speak, bhan (bhanâmi) Ved. resound.
Zd. bá-nu beam, bâ-ma splendour.
·
Lat. fâ-ri, fâ-ma, fâ-tu-m, fâ-s, fâ-bu-la, fa-t-eo-r,
prae-fi-ca (?) — fa-c-s, fa-c-ie-s, fac-ê-tu-s. — fa-v-illa.
Ch.-Sl. ba-ja-ti fabulari, o-ba-v-a-ti incantare, o-bar-
iti deinvúvai, Expαívεiv, ba-s-n-i fabula.
O.-Ir. bá-n albus (Z.2 776, st. bâ-na); rt. ba-d in
do-ad-bad-ar ostenditur (Z.2 471), do-n-ad-bat quod
demonstrat (Z.2 431, for bad-t).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 253, 258, Benf. II 101 ff., Schleich. Ksl. 123,
Corssen I2 140. The far branching rt. has by means of different
root-determinatives developed five secondary roots: bha-n, bha-s (bhás,
bhash), bha-v, bha-k and bha-d. Without doubt pw-vý too belongs
to the primary form bla; it is related to the rt. qa as quo-vn is to
cua, row-vn to rpa (Lob. Rhem. 269). In Hesychius's gloss a-qe-o-s
άpovos, which M. Schmidt wants to change without any reason, the
same rt. seems to occur in a similar use in a shorter noun-form.
α
α
To the secondary rt, bha-n belongs paív-w, which, as -qάv-n-v, паμ-298
CURTIUS, Etymology.
24
370
BOOK II.
2
φαν-όων, παμ-φαίνω show, is not contracted from φαείνω (Dietrich
Ztschr. X 441). Cp. above p. 67.
Whether the rt. bha-s which is
plentifully represented in Skt. can be assumed for Gk. at all is doubt-
ful. In any case pά-os has nothing to do with the Skt. bhás-as
brightness, with which Kuhn Ztschr. II 138, 266 f. compares it, since
the Aeolic pavos, Pamphylian pάßos (Ahr. d. Aeol. 36, Dor. 44,
Giese Aeol. D 229), does not allow of this. With more probability
Autenrieth on Nägelsb. notes to the Iliad p. 316 refers to this rt. the
intensive лα-pάooo, in the 66 of which however there may perhaps
be a concealed. The rt. bha-v is to be seen most clearly in the
above-mentioned pav-os, also in π-α-σzш and in pav-oí-u-ẞ-qo-to-s
(Pindar, cp. Clemm Compos. 40). That the diminutive fav-illa belongs
to it is rendered probable, in spite of Corssen's doubts (I² 141), by
the fact that the word, as distinguished from cinis, means the still
glowing ashes, and also that paιó-s gray arrived at its ordinary mean-
ing from that of glittering. The derivation from the rt. bhag adopted
by Corssen fails because there is absolutely no trace of the meaning
to warm in this rt. (cp. on No. 164). It is possible that fav-eo also
and fau-s-t-us (for fav-os-tu-s) arose from an early popular application
of the word to the region of mind; this finds an analogy in the
poetical use of gãs lumen in the meaning of salus deliverance. To
paf belongs too the -pawv, -powv, and -gov so frequent in proper
names, for Priscian (I p. 17 H.) read AnuopάFov "in tripode vetus-
tissimo", and probably qά-e, pα-έ-dw, pα-ε-oí-u ẞ-go-to-s, the as of
which can hardly have been together from the first. The Lat. words
fac-ie-s, fac-ê-tu-s, fac-s point to a rt. expanded by k. Cp. Ztschr..
IV 216 and above p. 63. The rt. bha-d is the basis of the Irish
verb-forms; Stokes Ir. Gl. 846 suggests composition with the rt. dhâ.
A number of words with a 2: pa2-ŋęó-s shining, pal-noi-ówvt-a
(zúματα N 799, waves with "white heads"), pal-ó-s white, pa2-
angó-s bald-headed, look as if they were formed from a rt. expanded
by 2 (cp. cтα-λ from crα). Still the 2 might also belong to the suffix,
as in the Skt. bhala-s brow, brightness, in which case a stem-noun
paló-s adduced by Grammarians would be their basis. As to the
meanings the Skt. words prove that here give light and speak were
one and the same, and that the differentiation of the two developed
only gradually and without being connected with definite secondary
sounds. Poets at all times use gaivɛiv and similar verbs of speech
e. g. Soph. Antig. 621 κλεινὸν ἔπος πέφανται. On φέγγος see
p. 587, on paideós, paidiuos and related words p. 641.
408) Rt. par pay-ɛîv eat, pay-ă-s glutton, pay-óv-ɛs teeth
(Hesych.). Skt. bhaý (bhaģâ-mi) divide, assign,
get one's share, enjoy, bhaksh enjoy, devour.
Zd. baz dispense, bagh-a-s piece, bakhsh obtain.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
371
L
2
It is pre-
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 2, 443, III 503, Benf. I 222.
posterous to derive the Gk. pay from the Skt. bhaksh (cp. p. 30).
The rt. bhag even is much nearer in meaning to payɛiv (cp. p. 113);
the Ved. pitu-bhag means enjoying food (cp. Pott II 597) and bhak-
ta-m food. This meaning has firmly established itself in the rt. ex-
panded by s. On ❤nyós see No. 160. I do not see how to reconcile 299
paxó-s lentil with our rt.; fă-ba (for fag-va) — Ch.-Sl. bo-bů (Schleicher
Ksl. 123) comes nearer to it. pάoŋko-s, which has been compared by
some, had clearly pod for its proper meaning, for it meant also a skiff.
fame-s has certainly no connection, for a noun-suffix cannot mean
desire. For the proper derivation see under No. 192.
With φαγ-
óv-es cp. No. 289.
408 b) Rt. pap pάo-o-s plough, pagó-w I plough, ά-pαo̟-0-s
unploughed, Bou-pago-s ploughed by oxen, pάo-
6-0-5 a piece, pάo-ayέ ravine, pάo-vyέ gullet.
Zd. bar cut, pierce.
Lat. for-â-re, for-â-men.
A.-S. bor-ian, O.-H.-G. por-an, por-on bore.
O.-Ir. do-berrthe pres. sec. pass. decalvetur (Z.2 481),
2
berraid tonsor (Z. 794); béarn a gap, breach,
béarnaim I make a breach (O'R.).
Pictet II 96. Lobeck discusses pάgo-s and the related words
Rhem. 303. The verb page is found only in the grammarians. It
is worth noticing Ε. Μ. 175, 37 φάρος ἡ ἄροσις παρὰ τό φάρσαι
ὅ ἐστι σχίσαι, καὶ γὰρ διαφάρους φασὶ χιτῶνας, τοὺς εἰς δύο μέρη
κεχωρισμένους. καὶ φάρσος τὸ ἀπόσχισμα τῆς ἐσθῆτος, ib. 787, 41
φάραγξ ἡ διεσχισμένη γῆ. φάρ-σ-ος formed like ἅψ-os limb (Hom.),
άg-o-εα eiμāves (Hesych.) from the rt. apd. Only those words
are collected here which can be immediately classed under the
notion bore, tear. Fick 2 135 includes also the Skt. bhur-ig scissors,
and the Lat. for-f-ex, the latter would have to be explained by the
supposition of a broken reduplication (cp. nóе-л-η No. 356). The
Lat. fur-ca, which I connected with these words as being a boring
instrument, is derived by Corssen (I2 149) from the rt. fer dhar
(No. 316) hold, since this is prevailing notion of the word, which is also
used specially in the sense of support. With regard to fer-io we
were led to another conjecture under No. 314. Hence I cannot be
certain about it. furca is minutely discussed by Bugge Stud. IV 344.
There are besides the following Gk. words with a x suffix from our
rt. - φαρ-κ-ί-ς ῥυτίς, φόρκες χάρακες Hesych. - Єp. Spiegel
Ztschr. V 231.
24*
372
BOOK II.
409) έ-ẞ-o-μαι flee, am scared, póß-o-s flight, fear, po-
βέσω scare, φοβέο-μαι fear, φοβερό - frightful.
Skt. rt. bhî (bhaja-tê bi-bhê-mi) to be afraid, bhaja-
já-mi terreo, bhî-s, bhaj-a-m fright, danger, bhî-
ma-s frightful. - Zd. bê to be frightened.
O.-H.-G. bi-bê-n, bi-bi-no-n tremere.
121.
Ch.-Sl. boj-a-ti se, Lith. bij-an, bij-óti to be afraid,
baj-u-s fear.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 588, Benf. II 105, Grassmann Ztschr. XII
The reduplication which is so plain in Skt. and German ren-
ders it probable that φέβ-ο-μαι for φε-βι-ο-μαι with irregular dissi-
milation of the aspirate was formed at a time when as yet the hard-
ening of bh to g had not taken place (bha-bi), cp. qέg-ß-w (No. 411).
300 Otherwise Benf. Ztschr. VII 50 where he wrongly I think
as-
signs a specifically Skt. causative form as the basis of the word. Aufr.
Ztschr. IX 231 questions the comparison of the Teutonic words in
bhi, and prefers to place them under the Skt. ģiv-ri-s shaking and
the Lat. vib-râ-re. But I do not see how the initial b is to be ex-
plained on this hypothesis. Müllenhoff conjectures that the Lat.
fe-b-ri-s, compared by Pott II¹ 556 and Corssen Beitr. 204 with ferveo,
and explained differently again by Pictet Ztschr. V 347 and Benf.
VII 56, belongs here, and accordingly meant properly "trembling".
Cp. aeg-er under No. 140. In that case there would be a remarkable
agreement in the relation of the aspirates. In any case the Teutonic
has in this rt. the distinction of being the only language to preserve
the physical meaning.
410) Rt. φεν, φα ἔ-πε-φν-o-v killed, φα-το-ς killed, φόν-ο-ς,
φον-ή murder, φον-εύς murderer, ἀνδρ-ει-φόν-
τn-s manslayer, poív-to-s bloody.
Goth. ban-ja wound, O.-H.-G. ban-o murderer.
O.-Ir. benim ferio, in-ar-benim appello (cp. offendo),
do-fui-bnim succido (Z.² 429), beba perf. mortuus
est (Z.2 448), ba-th (ă) death (Corm. Gl. 6,
Transl. 18), bathach moribundus (Z.² 810), bás
gen. báis death (Z.² 223. 787).
Grimm Gesch. 398, Ebel Beitr. II 167. Attempts made at
comparisons in other directions Pott I' 255 and Benf. II 277 are
foiled by the Gk. ɛivo fendo and the Skt. ghan han. In
poívio-s the epenthesis of the is noticeable, as the same vowel is re-
tained in the following syllable. The transition of the meaning to
that of a colour is too simple to be an objection to this derivation.
し
​REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
373
411) Rt. pep pέo-w (pooέ-w) bear, pέo-ua burden, pro-
duce, fruit, péo-e-too-v litter, bier, pao-έ-toa
quiver, pao one who carries off, a thief, póo-o-s
tax, pop-ó-s bearing, poo-ά a carrying, produce,
movement, poo-uó-s basket, mat, póp-to-s burden,
φερ-νή dowry.
Skt. rt. bhar (bhar-â-mi, bhar-mi, bi-bhar-mi) bear,
carry off, support, hold, bring, bhar-a-s, bhâr-a-s
burden, bhar-ana-m, bhar-ma(n) maintenance,
bhr-ti-s maintenance, pay. Zd. bar bear, bring.
Lat. fer fer-o, -fer (st. -fero), fer-cu-lu-m, fûr, fer-âx,
for-du-s, far, far-îna, fer-ti-li-s, for-(t)-s, for-tú-na,
for-tu-itu-s.
Goth. rt. bar bair-α φέρω, τίκτω, ga-baur φόρος,
baúr-ei, baúr-thei (O.-H.-G. bur-di) pooríov, burden,
ga-baúr-th-s birth, bar-n bairn, child, bêr-usjós
parents, barm-s lap, bariz-ein-s barley (adj.),
A.-S, bere barley, O.-H.-G. bára bier.
Ch.-Sl. rt. ber su-ber-ą (inf. bra-ti) colligo, brě-me
póotos, bra-kŭ connubium, Bohem. bra-ti take,
Lith. bér-na-s child, servant.
8
O.-Ir. berim fero, as-biur (for *-biru) effero, dico
(Z. 428), com-bairt partus (Goid. p. 34, i-stem
like the Goth. ga-barth-s), ta-bairt datio (Z.2 250),
brith gen. brithe birth (T. B. Fr. p. 140), bert 301
bundle (Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 24), bairgen panis
(Z.² 241).
2
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 1, 166, Benf. II 107, Schleicher Ksl. 123.
The meanings fall naturally into three main classes: 1) to bear
„a burden, 2) to bear with reference to the effect, the produce, then
bring, bring forth (cp. No. 376), 3) to bear considered as a movement,
whence pέoɛ like άyɛ in the sense of "well!", "come!", pogά, Lat.
ferri. The most characteristic development of the first meaning is
ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν agere et ferre, and also poę (Stud. III 199).
We may certainly place under the second head the Lat. far st. farr
for far-s where the s may be quite well regarded, like the s in jû-s,
fâ-s as the same suffix which has preserved its vowel in the Goth.
*bar-is (stem-form of the adj. bariz-ein-s), but lost it in a similar way
in the Old Norse barr; the earlier and more general meaning (cp. Ir.
374
BOOK II.
302
bar corn, Pictet I 269) is to be seen even in farina, and this makes
the difference in the kind of corn denoted by far and the Goth.
*baris less surprising. Otherwise Corssen Beitr. 205, 1² 159, with
whom Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 343 agrees. pag-uα-xo-v too is most na-
turally regarded as pag-ua, expanded by the individualizing suffix -xo,
and used in the originally general meaning of herb (somewhat differently
Pictet Ztschr. V 49). With the Teutonic and Slavonic words for child
(what is born) we may compare pάo-z-es vεooooí Hesych. If we con-
sider that the word bring also belongs to the same root we shall see
a way to fors, Osc. adv. fort-is (— Lat. forte), fortuna. On the other
hand pãoos suggests the German Tracht (something carried), in the sense
of clothes. Döderlein Synon. and Et. VI 285 (cp. Vossius Et. Lat.
s. v.) is no doubt right in comparing pro-bru-m along with op-pro-
br-iu-m with лçо❤éρɛiv. The use of the word in a bad sense is as early
as Homer (П 64). Here, as in candela-bru-m, we find the b which is
to be expected in the middle of old words, instead of f. Otherwise
Corssen Beitr. 352. Under the third main class of meanings falls
the intransitive use of διαφέρειν differre, properly in diversas partes
ferri (cp. p. 104). Perhaps we may add even pέq-tego-s, qέq-loro-s,
φέρ-τατος (ep. προφερής), so that it would have originally denoted
the higher degree of mobility or impetus. Since the Skt. rt. espe-
cially in the reduplicated form bi-bhar-mi also means nutrire, sus-
tentare, pέo-ß-w pog-ẞ-n of like meaning arose, probably by broken
reduplication (No. 409) from pep, and yog-ẞý may be compared di-
rectly with her-b-a, the old form of which, fi-b-ra mentioned by Servius
ad Georg. I 120 points to ferba, while forb-ea (Paul. 84) has the look
of a foreign word. The Ir. com-bairt seems to be distinct from the
ordinary coimpert onέqua offspring; the latter stands acc. to Stokes
(Ir. Gl. 847) for co-imb-bert (imb ἀμφί).
412) a. Rt. φλα ἐκ-φλαίν-ω spout forth.
Rt. φλαδ
ἔ-φλαδ-o-v tore with a noise, φλα-σ-μός bragg-
ing, лα-phά-∞ foam, bluster.
Lat. fla-re, flâ-tu-s, flâ-men, flâ-bru-m.
flô-s,
flôr-eo, Flôr-a, Osc. Fluusaí (dat. sing.).
O.-H.-G. blá-an blow, M.-H.-G. blás flatus, Goth.
uf-blês-an qváíovv, O.-H.-G. blâsu vesica, blá-
tara bubble, bladder, in M.-H.-G. blister as
well.-O.-H.-G. bluo-jan florere [Eng. blow],
Goth. blô-ma, O.-H.-G. bluot (fem.) bloom (Germ.
Blüthe). Goth blôth O.-H.-G. bluot (neut.) blood
(Germ. Blut).
O.-H.-G. bloz superbus.
Ir.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
375
2
blúth bloom (Goid. p. 41), Cymr. bloden pl.
(Z.² 37).-
h. Rt. qλe phé-w swell, overflow, Dλéwv (cp. Dieú-s)
epithet of Bacchus, φλέ-δων (st. φλε-δον)
chatterer, pańv-ago-s idle talk.
Ch.-Sl. ble-d-a φλυαρῶ, Vled-i ἀπάτη, λῆρος (?).
c. Rt. qlı λí-ās (st. Dhiavt) son of Dionysus,
Φλιούς. φλιδ φλιδή overflow, ἔ-φλιδ-εν
διέρρεεν (Hesych.), φλιδ-άν-ει διαρρεϊ (Hesych.),
phi-μέhia a varicose vein.
d. Rt. qlu øλú-6αι chatter (Aesch. Prom. 504),
απο-φλύω spit out, ἀνα-φλύω spout up, φλύω
swell, overflow, plú-o-s, plú-ago-ç idle talk,
phu-ağ chatterer. - φλυδ ἐκ-φλυνδ-άν-ειν break
(of ulcers &c.), φλυδ-ᾶν (φλύζειν, aor. φλύξαι)
overflow. — φλυγ ονό-φλυξ drunk with wine,
φλυκ-τί-ς, φλύκταινα blister.
Lat. flu-o, flu-men, flu-v-iu-s, fluc-tu-s, fluxu-s.
fle-o, flê-tu-s, flê-mina varicose vein.
A.-S. bull blister, O.-N. bulla ebullire, Goth. uf-
baul-jan puff up, inflate.
e. St. ploi phoí-w swell, phoι-ó-s, qλó-o-s bark,
rind. φλοιδ δια-πέ-φλοιδ-εν διακέχυται
(Hesych.), лɛ-loid-έvai to bubble.
φλοῖσ
Bo-g noise, foam (Hesych.), M.-H.-G. blôd-er-n
roar, blubbern.
The relationship of all these multiform stems and words, exclu-
sively European, with the common primary notion of bubbling over, is
as clear as it is difficult to account for their separation. The Ch.-Sl.
blad-i-ti errare discussed by Schleicher Ksl. 122 probably belongs also
to the stems expanded by d. Most of the words here given are to
be found in Pott I¹ 239 (cp. W. I 1205, Ztschr. VI 322 ff. and E. F.
II² 965), where also the relationship of the Skt. phal (phal-á-mi) burst,
bear fruit and phull (phullámi) to blossom, phulla-s blooming, phal-a-m
fruit (Bopp Gl. s. v. phall) is conjectured. Then again phal-a-m,
phála-s ploughshare may be related (cp. d). I now regard fle-o with
Corssen Beitr. 191 as belonging to d.), that is to say as sprung from
flev-o, so that flê-tu-s stands on the same footing as fê-cundu-s from
the rt. fu. As regards flu-o, we see from the old Lat. con-flûg-e-s as
376
BOOK II,
་
from fluxi &c. that the rt. is flug. We shall return to this at p. 584.
The meanings of flu-o and pló-w (άva-plý-εi spout up), which were
connected by Döderlein Synon, u. Etym. VI 131, approach each other
very nearly especially if we remember fluctuare, fluitare, properly to
heave up and down. Accordingly I see no reason for Kuhn's doubt
(XIV 223). The ideas spout and sprout are interchanged throughout.
I now put flô-s under a), especially on account of the vowels of the
Teutonic words which point to â. That ølvxtí-s blister really be-
longs here, in spite of Walter Ztschr. XII 414, is shown by the O.-H.-G.
303 blûsa mentioned in class a): Grassmann XII 90 compares also the
A.-S. bull bladder. But we must separate the Latin bulla on account
of the b. But perhaps Pott II² 778 is right in holding púɣ-edlo-v
ulcer to have lost a 2 and to belong to œluɣ. Benfey is doubtless
right in connecting (I 602) phép (st. phe-ẞ), following Niz kl. Wörterb.
p. 272 and Lobeck Paralip. 123, where attention is directed to œlɛ-
págεiv povεiv (Photius). The by-form pléß-a is remarkable. No
doubt ẞ stands for F and the word is directly connected with d) (st.
φλεν from φλυ). -The meaning chatter is remarkable, developed as
it is in the most different forms of this rt., and among widely diffe-
rent nations.
α
413) Rt. φρακ φράσσω (φράγνυμι, ἐ-φράγ-η-ν) shut in,
make fast, poάy-µa, poay-µó-s fence, a shutting
up, doú-pan-to-s partition.
Lat. farc-io, farci-men, far-tili-s, far-tor. - frequ-en(t)s.
Goth. bairg-a τyow, qviά66w, baírga-hei mount-
ainous district, O.-H.-G. bëre mountain (Germ.
Berg), Goth. baurg-s town, borough.
Lith. bruk-ù press hard, constrain.
The rt. opak and its later softening to opay I have attempted
to establish Ind. lect. Kil. aest. 1857 p. V. Cp. Ztschr. XIII 399,
where especially the meaning of poάooo is discussed as compared
with that of farcio, and above p. 114. xqadin dóloıı neqqayµévn
(Oppian Cyneget. 4, 7) is cor dolis refertum. As farcire means to stuff
full, so pęάoσɛiv means sometimes to stop up. fraxare vigiliam cir-
cumire (Paul. Epit. 91) suggests poάooɛ in the sense of defend.
frequ-en(t)-s senatus is a 'crammed' meeting (❤qayɛís). Aufrecht
Ztschr. VIII 215 compares with it the Skt. bhṛça-s in large numbers
(acc. to the Petsb. Wtb. vehement, strong). Lobeck Rhem. 103 and
Döderlein Synon. u. Etym. VI 122 had already connected ❤ęάcow
(= qqan-jo) with farc-i-o. Cp. Benf. I 111. The primary meaning
is retained in Lithuanian (cp. poágavtes dógv dovọí N 130), and from
this has been developed in Gk. that of shutting up fast, in Latin that
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
377
of stopping up fast. The meaning hide, protect (Germ. bergen)
which we find already in the Goth. baírg-an is not at all foreign to
the Gk. poάocɛiv, poantós can often be exactly translated by pro-
tected, and a borough (Germ. Burg) is a goazτòv пólioua (Aesch.
Sept. 63); the Germ. Berg (mountain) is related to Burg as mon-(t)-s
is to mûn-io. Sonne Ztschr. XII 296 ventures on more extensive com-
binations. If we are to consider лúgyo-s Пégy-aua as related, they
could only belong, as Diefenb. I 264 rightly remarks, to a non-Greek
branch of the Indo-Germanic stem, and would therefore be of foreign
extraction. бой-фанто-с dev-peanto-s Lob. Paralip. 15 not., Pott
The form pάoğaι vouched for as Attic by grammarians
may now be seen in an inscription published in the Monumenti dell'
Inst. archeol. 1865 fasc. IV p. 325. Objections are made by Pott
W. III 204, 520. Is borg (o burgg ab urbe Corm. Gl. 45) to be re-
garded as a genuine Irish word?
II¹ 91.
—
514) φρά-τηρ (st. φρᾶτερ), φράτωρ (st. φρατορ) member
of a φρατρία, φράτρα (Hom. φρήτρη), φρατρ
ίζω, φρατ-ιάζω belong to a phratria, φράτριοι
ɛoí patron deities of the phratriai.
Skt. nom.
bhrâtâ (st. bhrâ-tar), Zd. brátar frater. Lat.
Umbr. fråter. Lat. frá-ternu-s, frâtr-ia brother's
wife. Goth. brethar, pl. brôthra-ha-ns brethren, 304
O.-H.-G. bruodar brother. Ch.-Sl. bra-trů, bra-tů,
O.-Pr. brati-s, Lith. broter-éli-s (dim.), bró-li-s
brother, brotù-szi-s cousin. O.-Ir. bráthir frater
(Z.² 262).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 1, 478, Schleicher Ksl. 123. The deri-
vation usually given is that from the rt. qep in the sense of susten-
tare, nutrire, whence the Skt. brar-ty maritus. In φρήτηρ ἀδελφός
Hesych. the original use has been preserved among the Gks. as well,
as Legerlotz Ztschr. VII 436 has pointed out. To which we may add
the strange word βρά· ἀδελφοὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἠλείων Hesych. (cod. Ιλείων),
a form which cannot have been correctly transmitted to us. With
these exceptions the word has in Gk. a purely political meaning (cp.
Die Sprachvergleichung in ihrem Verhältniss zur class. Philologie 2 Ed.
p. 57).
In the Goth. brothra-ha-ns we see a suffix like that in the
Umbr. fratre-k-s fratricu-s, fraternus. The same suffix is quite
common in modern Irish in the inflexion of names of relations: brá-
thair nom. pl. bráithre and bráithreacha (O'Donovan, Gram. p. 99).
415) φρέαρ (st. φρεαρτ), Hom. pl. φρεί-ατα, Att. φρέατα.
Goth. brunna(n) well, O.-H.-G. brunno,
378
BOOK II.
Benf. II 109, Grimm Gesch. 398, who derives the Goth. brunna
from brinnan urere, fervere. Perhaps this derivation will lead us
to the rt., which can be nothing but opu. This explains poέ-αq,
with an added letter, for øgέF-αo (cp. Pott W. I 1204). If we take
boil, burn to be the primary meaning we get an excellent explanation
both for пog-púg-w heave (of the sea), pve : pev
= πυρ : Skt.
pru-sh (No. 385), and for nóg-ovo-o-s purple. More extensive combi-
nations taking in the Skt. Uhur start, be unquiet are made by Fick ²
140, cp. Ptsb. Wtb. s. v. bhur. It appears that language regarded the
heaving of water, the flickering of fire and the glistening of red co-
lour as synonymous. Cp. Walter Ztschr. XII 417, Sonne XIII 431,
Bollensen Or. u. Occ. II 475. Is it not possible that ferv-eo too, which
may be for frev-eo, is related? The meaning agrees, though it is true
that other combinations suggest themselves as well (Gk. ɛg Skt ghar
No. 651, Corssen Nachtr. 220 ff.). Leo Meyer is no doubt wrong in
his conjecture (Ztschr. V 381) that the rt. plu (No. 369) and actually
the Lat. fon(t)-s are related. Pictet V 347 is more likely to be right
in connecting the Lat. fe-bru-u-s along with febru-are Juno Febru-li-s
as reduplicated forms. Connections in Irish are tipra gen. pl. tiprat
fons (Z.2 254), with the by-form topur (Z.2 885, F. A. 139), primary
form *do-od-, or do-ad-bravat.
Skt.
416) φρύνη, φο-νο-s toad, Φρύνη, Φρύνος, Φρύνιχος,
Φρυνίων, Φρυνώνδας.
ba-bhru-s reddish brown.
fuscus.
Lat. fur-vu-s.
O.-H.-G. brú-n fulvus,
Grimm Wörterb. II 324, Kuhn Ztschr. I 200, Köhler Jahn's Jahrb.
Vol. 73 and 74 p. 28. The rt. is the pov assumed for No. 415; if
besides fur-vu-s the Lat. fu-scu-s is also to be placed here (otherwise
Hehn 245), it must have lost an › before the s like su-su-m = sur-
sum. pouvos then meant the brown one, hence the many proper
names. rubeta, the name of a kind of frog, from ruber, is similar.
Pictet I 412 adds another animal's name, the Skt. ba-bhru-s rat,
305 ichneumon, which accordingly was originally "the brown one”, and
is perhaps right in thinking that this name was applied to the beaver,
Lat. fi-ber Lith. bébru-s, Bohem. bobr, O.-H.-G. pipar, an excellent
hypothesis phonetically at any rate (otherwise J. Grimm Wtb.). We
are expressly told that the celebrated Poúvŋ get her name di oxgó-
τηta. Pott Doppelung 88 agrees and translates the name by Fulvia.
He compares the Skt. Ba-bhrav-î an epithet of the Goddess Durgâ.
و
417) Rt. qu qu-w (¿-øv-v) beget, pú-o-uaι grow, become,
qv-ń growth, pú-61-s nature, põ-µa a growth,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
379
pu-tó-s grown, qv-tɛú-∞ plant, beget, qu-lo-v,
qv-λý race, stem, pĩ-tv, pí-tv-ua sprout, shoot,
qi-Tu-w beget. poi-tá-w visit, go round about (?).
Skt. rt. bhu (bhav-a-mi, 3 sing. aor. a-bhú-t) be-
come, be, flourish, bhav-a-s origin, bhav-a-s rise,
condition, bhu-ti-s existence, welfare, bhu-mi-s
earth. Zd. bu to be, to become.
fé-
Osc. Fu-tréi
Lat. fu, fu-a-m, fu-i, fu-túru-s, fo-re, fu-tu-o.
tu-s, fê-cundu-s, fé-n-us, fê-nu-m.
(dat. s.).
O.-S. biu-m, A.-S. beo-m, O.-H.-G. bi-m I am, Goth.
bau-an dwell, bau-ain-s dwelling.
Ch.-Sl. by-ti, Lith. bú-ti to be, bù-ta-s house, floor.
O.-Ir. bíu fio, sum, ro-bá fui, inf. buith esse, st. *buti
(Z.² 491 ff.).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1143, Benf. II 105, Grimm Gesch. 398,
Schleicher Ksl. 123. The in qì-tv arose by dissimilation from v,
because Greek rarely tolerates v in two consecutive syllables. The
Aeolic present qv-i-w (Ahr. d. Aeol. 98) is remarkable; Schleicher is
no doubt right in identifying with it the Umbr. fuio, subj. fuia. The
rowel of fêtu-s is explained by Corssen Beitr. 191 to come from a pre-
sent form fev-o (cp. fle-o No. 412 d). In meaning fê-n-us (cp. pê-n-us,
fac-i-n-us) corresponds to tóxos. On the other hand fê-mina has been
placed under No. 307, and fî-o owing to its close connection with
fa-c-io under No. 309. Perhaps we have in vzέo-qɛv (Aesch.) the
Gk. stem corresponding to the Lat. fer-o; it is certainly rightly ex-
plained by ὑπερφυώς. - Ας ποινή from mof-va, so φοιτάω from
As
pof-i-ta-w, which might occur in Latin as fuito, regarded as a fre-
quentative and applied to presence at a place. futarit (fuit), futavere
(fuere) are actually to be found among the glosses of Plac. There
is no ground for Corssen's emendation (Beitr. 214). Tobler Ztschr. IX
248 compares the Span. fu he went. It seems safe too to connect
pó-s man (st. pot) as "the begetter", and to refer it to poƑat
Skt. bhavat, which besides its participial use in the sense of being
is used as a polite form of address. Cp. Fick 137. Phonetically
similar is póa (for poF-α) havenμara Hes. On the use of
fuam, fore by the side of sim, esse Studien V, 437 "de aoristi latini
reliquiis". The meaning be evidently finds its way to this rt. every-
where only as an outgrowth of the earlier meaning grow, become.
This is however no warrant for introducing into the Homeric formu- 306
laries ἐν δ᾽ ἄρα οἱ φῦ χειρί, ἰδὼς ἐν χείλεσι φύντες (ep. Hat. VI 91
·
2
380
BOOK II.
xɛïoes έµñɛqvuviai) the idea "grow firm". Here gival differs from
γενέσθαι only in degree of intensity (cp. ἐγένετο ἐν χειρί, ἐν ἑαυτῷ),
and means accordingly to get 'fast set in' something, to be firmly
bound to it. I. Bekker, it is true, (Hom. Bl. 185) takes xɛigi as an
instrumental dative, so that the meaning would then be "he bound
himself to him by the hand". It seems to me more natural with
Schnorr "Verborum collocatio Homerica" (Berlin 1864) p. 5, to con-
nect the dative with ev, if only on account of the parallel uses of
γίγνεσθαι.
418) pullo-v leaf.
φύλλον
1
Lat. foliu-m.
Pott I¹ 239, Ztschr. VI 323, Benf. I 575. We are at once
reminded of No. 412 d or of No. 417. Both supply a possible origin
for the words and hence we cannot decide, though we can see that
these two words are identical, and that pollo-v φυλιον. If they
belong to 412 we must divide the word qv2-10-v fol-iu-m, if to 417,
qv-20-v fo-liu-m.
N
A Greek v corresponds to an Indo-Germanic n, retained
also in all the other languages.
419) Rt. ἂν ἄν-ε-μο-ς wind, ἄν-ται· ἄνεμοι Hesych.
Skt. rt. an, an-i-mi breathe, an-a-s breath, an-
ila-s wind, an-ika-s face. Zd. ain-ika face.
Lat. an-i-mu-s, an-i-ma. Goth. uz-an-a exspiro,
an-st-s favour, O.-H.-G. un-st procella, an-do wrath,
O.-N. önd anima, vita. - Ch.-Sl. a-ch-a-ti odorari,
v-on-ja odor. - Ir. anál, gen. anála, dat. anáil
breath (Corm. Gl. p. 36 prúll, Gild. 120), Cymr.
anadyl (Z.² 820).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 1, Benf. I 118, Grimm Wtb. I 192,
Mikl. Lex., Stokes Ir. Gloss. p. 149. The immaterial use of the
vµós (No. 320), ñvɛvµα (No. 370) and the late
word reminds us of
Latin use of spiritus;
the Goth. anst-s of the Lat. adspirare [and aura
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
381
Hor. Od. III 2, 20 &c.]. Ant. Goebel has especially worked out
this root (Homerica, oder Unters. üb. d. W. 'AN Münst. 1861), but
here much is very boldly referred to this root (cp. p. 106 above).
It seems to me however a happy thought, which Benfey has since
carried out further (Or. u. Occ. I 193), that л06-ηvýs, άñ-ŋvýs and
vπ-ývη are to be placed here. Only we must not therefore ascribe
to the root av the meaning 'see', but must start with Benfey from
an noun-stem vo Skt. ana mouth or nose (cp. ânana-m mouth),
face (cp. Lat. ôs): thus пoσ-ŋvýs means with face turned towards,
ἀπ-ηνής with face turned away, ὑπήνη beard, the part under the
breath. Probably novýs Lat. prônu-s comes straight from the 307
preposition pra (ño̟ó No. 380). Cp. Brugman Stud. IV 155, Fick 2 129.
420) άva-, άv-, - negative prefix, av-ev (Dor. av-is)
Skt. an-, a-. Zd. ana-, an-, a-.
without.
Lat. in-, Osc. Umbr. an-, a-.
Germ. un-, Goth.
in-uh, O.-H.-G. ânu, âne (Germ. ohne) without.
O.-Ir. an-, an-fiss inscitia, an-cretem infidelitas
(Z.² 860).
2
Bopp Gl., Pott II1 65. For avis Ahr. D. Dor. 384, Grimm Gr.
III 261. This negative particle is probably identical with the pro-
nominal stem an (No. 421). The epic by-form άva-, preserved in
ἀνάεδνος (Hom.), ἀνά-ελπτος (Hesiod), ἀνά-γνωστος (Callim.) which
Buttmann A. Gr. II² 466 took aright, and recognized in its relation
to vn- in Lexil. I² 274, while Lobeck El. I 194 endeavoured with
G. Hermann to set it aside, now receives a strong support in the Zend
form ana- (e. g. ana-zãtha unborn, άvá-yeto-ç) Justi p. 18. The
forms άvev, avis are not yet cleared up: an attempt is made by
Benfey Ztschr. II 226. Since aphaeresis is a common phenomenon
in Skt., perhaps the Skt. prefix nis-, coinciding in meaning with
the Germ. aus, un-, is to be identified with avis.
421) άvá up, to, av-w above. Zd. ana (w. acc.) up.
Lat. an-hêlo draw up breath, Osc. Umbr.
Ch.-Sl. na
an-.
Goth. ana up, to, against.
super, O.-Pruss. na, no up.
Bopp Gl. s. v. anu, which in its meaning post, secundum is cert-
ainly related (Vgl. Gram. II 187); according to Kuhn (Beiträge I 359)
all the forms here collected go back to an original ana-m. Pott I2
306. ává is evidently a case-form of the demonstrative stem, which
is preserved as ana in Skt., as ana-s ille in Lithuanian, as onŭ with
the same meaning in Ch.-Sl., and which is related to No. 420. Cp.
Ebel Ztschr. IV 219 and No. 425. As an occurs in Umbrian (Aufr.
and Kirchh. I 158) as a prefix, we may explain also the Lat. an-hêlare
t
382
BOOK II.
by an, for the amb- of an-quirere round about, or, as Pott W. I 83
will have it, to draw breath 'ambobus lateribus' is too far-fetchel.
Other traces of this Lat. an are conjectured by Bergk Philol. XXI 592,
Lübbert Conj. Perf. (Breslau 1867) p. 76 in a-stataries from a formula
of incantation, a-stasint statuerunt (Paul. Ep. p. 26). Corssen II2 564.
422) ἀνήρ (st. ἀνερ) man, ἀνδρεῖο-s manly, ἀνδρεία
Hom. ηvoo-éŋ manliness, άy-ývoo manly, courage-
ous, avvo̟-wño-ç human being.
Skt. nar, nara-s man, human being, nar-ja-s manly,
nr-mņa-m manliness, might, nṛ-tama-s (superl.)
ἀνδρειότατος. Zd. nar, nara man, nairya
manly.
Sabin. ner-o(n) fortis, ner-io (st. neri-en) fortitudo.
O.-Ir. nert n. vis, valor (a-stem, Z.2 224), so-nirt
firmus, fortis (Z.² 863), nertit confirmant (Z.² 436).
1
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 106, Grimm Gesch. 285.
As in four families
308 the initial letter is a consonant, we can hardly go back with Benf.
I XIII, Schweizer Ztschr. VIII 234 to the rt. an (No. 419), which be-
sides does not suit the specific meaning of these nouns.
It is more
probable that the Gr. ά is prothetic, and the root unknown. The
attempt of Legerlotz Ztschr. X 374 to derive the word from the rt.
gan (No. 128) on the ground of an initial ♬ is unsuccessful, if only
because Dion. Hal. I 20 is the only author who mentions a form
Favne. But as he is possessed with the notion that F can be pre-
fixed at pleasure, he is an extremely suspicious witness. Neither in
Homer nor in other dialects (in spite of Oscar Meyer Quaest. Homer.
(Bonn 1868) p. 44) does the common word begin with anything but
a vowel. For the Sabine words see Sueton. Tib. I, Gell. XII 22.
Aufrecht and Kirchhoff explain the substantive-stem ner in Umbrian,
whence acc. pl. ner-f by princeps. Cp. Corssen I² 471. άvde-шлo-s
seems to me to be taken most naturally as 'man's face' (Pott II2 924
after Hartung Part. I 52) with for the more usual subsidiary con-
sonant δ (cp. πάγ-o-s πάχνη, γόνυ πρόχνυ, πρό φροῦδος). This is
supported also by dewy ävdowños (Hesych.) which I do not regard
with M. Schmidt as Macedonian with 8 for 9, but as the syncopated
form of veg-wy, where d before e would be the natural substitute
for v, as ẞ before ୧ that of μ (ẞgo-tó-s No. 468). Otherwise Aufrecht
Ztschr. III 240, V 365.
2
او
423) yévv-s chin, jaw, edge, yέv-ao-v chin, beard, yvá-
do-s, yvad-µó-s jaw, bit, tooth. Skt. hanu-s (m.)
maxilla. Lat. gen-a. Goth. kinnu-s (f.) chin.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUnds.
383
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 142, Benf. II 118. The agreement of four
families in the nasal, of three in the initial guttural with a kindred
meaning justifies this comparison, in spite of the Skt. h which points
to gh; but this as in aham ¿yov, ego, Goth. ik may be re-
garded as a specifically Indian corruption. yvά-do-s shows an
expansion to be compared with lí-do-s, nélɛv-do-s, páµa-do-s (by
the side of vάuuo-s), which reminds us of the d of the probably re-
lated Lith. žán-da-s jaw, jawbone. If we have to assume a root yav,
yev, the words collected under No. 125, which are of kindred meaning
might be developed from it by the help of a derivative ø bh.
In the Lat. dentes genu-ini cheek teeth a stem genu appears, alike
also in its suffix (Fick 2 68).
423b) εινάτερ-ες.
Lat. janitr-i-c-és women married to
brothers. - Ch.-S1. jetry (f.) ovvvvμgos, uxor
fratris mariti, Lith. inte brother's wife.
Bopp Gl. s. v. játr, Pott II¹ 208, I¹ 114, Benf. II 202, Corssen
Beitr. 265, Joh. Schmidt Voc. I 34. A very old term of relationship,
which has preserved its form with no essential change, and its mean-
ing completely in three families of speech; for ovvvvugo is in the
grammarians the explanation both of the Greek and of the Latin
word (cp. also Nauck Aristoph. Byz. p. 136). The primitive form
must be taken to be jantar. The Greek ɛỉ may probably be explained
from ɛ for jɛ; the a is related to the Lat. i just as the a of Dvy-
α-Tɛg to the Skt. duh-i-tar (No. 318). In Lat. and Ch.-Sl. expanding 309
suffixes have been added. The Skt. játar, acc. to Pet. D. 'the wife
of a husband's brother', somewhat further removed in form, has per-
haps grown out of jantar. But the Skt. jâmâtar, a by-form of ýâ-
mátar (No. 128) we put out of the question.
424) Rt. évek ỷvéx-dn-v, ¿v-ývox-a, ˝veyx-o-v, žveju-a
carry, dovo-nvex-és as far as the spear carries,
διηνεκής (Att. δι-ανεκής) going throughout,
holding together, ποδ-ηνεκής reaching to the
feet, ηνεκής (late) extended, κεντ-ηνεκής driven
with the goad.
Skt. naç (naç-â-mi) reach, attain, aç (aç-no-mi) reach,
aor. ânat (for *ân-ank-t) nveyxɛ, vj-ânaç-i-s
penetrating.
Lat. nanc-i-sc-o-r nac-tu-s (old Lat. nanc-tu-s).
Goth. ga-nah it suffices, satisfies.
Ch.-Sl. nes-a inf. nes-ti carry, Lith. nesz-ù carry,
nasz-tà burden.
384
BOOK II.
310
2
Pott W. II 2, 428, Schleich. Ksl. 125, A. Kuhn Beitr. III 123,
Ernst Kuhn Ztschr. XIX 309, Fick 107. The present form ovv.
EvεínɛTαι Hes. Suet. 440 is disputed, I think without reason. The
glosses of Hesych., quoted by Lobeck El. I 57, έv-é-einav ˝veynav,
ἐν-ε-είκ-ω ἐνέγκω ought not to lead us astray. The ἅπαξ ειρημένον
too έπ-nyu-εv-íð-es (ε 253) some grammarians traced back to π-nveyx-
íd-εs, which would suit the meaning. Lob. El. I 508. Ernst Kuhn's
assumption of an original double root nank and ank explains the con-
nection of all the forms, with the fundamental notion 'to suffice, reach
to, carry away'. In spite of Corssen II 238 άváyun and necesse are
probably to be placed here. The ɛ of evɛn (= Skt. anaç) I now take
as part of the reduplicated syllable; hence έv-ɛyx, év-eu. Also the
Irish perfect r-anac veni, compared by Stokes and Ebel with Skt.
ânanka (Beitr. II 396, IV 175, VI 4, VII 8) with the kindred forms
belongs here, if the Skt. rt. ak añk is related to the above. It is
however better compared with Skt. anaça.
2
425) ¿ví (adv. ëvi), év (Arcad. and Cypr. iv), εis (és)
in, ¿v-tó-s, ¿v-do-v within, ë6-w within, ev-eqOL
inferi, ἔνερ-θε, ὑπένερθε apud inferos, ἐνέρ-τερος
deeper (νέρθε, νέρτεροι), ἔν-τερο-ν inward parts.
Skt. an-tar inside, within, an-tará in the middle,
an-tama-s the nearest, intimately friendly, an-
tara-s within, inward, an-tra-m intestine.
Lat. en-do, in-đun in, inter, in trà, in trò, interior,
in-tumu-s, in-tus, intes-tinu-s; Umbr. en-, an-der,
Osc. an-ter inter.
Goth. in, inna within, innuma inmost, inna-thrô
ἔσωθεν. un-dar under, O.-H.-G. innâdiri in-
ward parts, intestine.
Lith. į in (w. acc.), Ch.-Sl. v-ą, v-u in, je-tro jecur.
O.-Ir. in in (Z.² 624), inathar viscera (Z.² 781);
eter, etir inter (Z.² 656).
Cp. άvá No. 421, Aufrecht and Kirchh. I 148, Mikl. Lex.
ἐνί : ἀνά περί : παρά (No. 346); ἐνί seems to be a locative form;
ɛis, for which the grammarians give us an Argive-Cretic έv-s (Ahr.
d. Dor. 104), has grown out of έvi-s like ¿g from ¿x (cp. Lat. ci-s,
ul-s). In several dialects έv like the Lat. in took the place of ɛls:
lv is discussed by Mor. Schmidt Ztschr. IX 369 and in my 'Contri-
butions to Greek Dialectology' Gött. Anz. 1862 App. p. 10. ἔσω
Hom. εἴσω for ἔν-σω is formed from ἐν in the same way as πρό-σω
from noó. v-sqo are properly the inner ones: hence the name de-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
385
notes an underworld conceived as existing inside the earth. Leo
Meyer, Bemerkungen z. ältest. Gesch. d. Gr. Myth. p. 55, compares
Skt. nara-ka-s underworld, German Nord and Nerthus as the Earth-
mother. The same idea occurs in inter-eo, which remarkably agrees
both with the German use of untergehen (to go under, i. e. to perish)
and with the Skt. antar-i-ta-s perished, ruined. Probably the Umbr.
nertru mani i. e. sinistra manu (Aufr. u. K. II 219) also belongs here.
Thus we get the right view of the relation of the Skt. prefix ni-
down to the Gr. ¿ví: ni- is probably for ani- (cp. No. 420), but its
meaning has been transferred to that which has become fixed in v-
ɛgoɩ and in O.-H.-G. ni-dar nether; this latter word is compared also
by Bopp Gl. and Vergl. Gr. III 495. In the word derived from ni
ni-nja-s inward, secret the primitive meaning appears. The pro-
nominal stem ana which apparently occurs in these prepositions and
adverbs, is also preserved in v-da, ëv-dev, Év-tavda, ¿v-teõdev with
the vowel ɛ, and also in the following No. Pott, who treats of this
preposition I2 314 is inclined to regard i as the stem. But in Greek ·
i never passes into & before consonants. Besides the full a-sound is
shown not merely in the Umbr. Osc. anter inter, which still no one
will separate from in, but perhaps also in individual words of the
Sabellian dialect acutely explained by Corssen Ztschr. IX 141 (asigna
insignia). In Ch.-Sl., as often, the spirants v and j have taken
the place of the spiritus lenis.
426) ἔν-to-t some, ἐνιαχοῦ, ἐνιαχῇ in some places, ἐνί-οτε
sometimes. Skt. an-ja-s (Zd. anya) alius, an-
ja-trâ elsewhere, anja-tha otherwise.
an-thar ἄλλος.
기
​Goth.
Bopp Gl., Vgl. Gr. I 382, Schleich. Ksl. 125. There is a dif-
ficulty arising from the fact that to the Skt. anja-s the Lat. aliu-s,
Gr. άllo-s, Goth. ali-s seem also to correspond, and it is not probable
that the same stem should have split into two forms of almost ident-
ical meaning. This induces Ebel Ztschr. V 70 to explain evo in
accordance with an old view by evi ol: in this case the derived ad-
verbs would be purely after-formations, and this is supported by the
fact that viol with its derivatives first occurs commonly in Herodotus,
and is unknown to the Homeric poems. On the other hand Leo
Meyer Ztschr. V 166 refers the stem vio to sam-ja. But the stem
sama is clearly preserved in duo (No. 600). My view rests especially
on Hesiod's ἔς τ' αὔριον ἔς τ᾽ ἔννηφιν (Εργ. 410), where we can
clearly recognize the stem of the feminine έvvā Skt. anja assimi-
lated after the Aeolic fashion. The meaning of the day after to-
morrow is easily arrived at. Akin are also ἔναρ ἐς τρίτην, ἐπέναρ
és tetágtŋv Aánovɛs (Hes.), genitive forms with ọ for s and v for
CURTIUS, Etymology.
25
386
BOOK II.
311 vv, for which we find also vis, vãs (Ahr. D. Dor. 385), and in the
same way the accusative ἔνην in Aristoph. Αch. 171 παρεῖναι εἰς ἔνην,
i. e. εis toítnv (Schol.). Pott's question (W. I 181) 'does this word
then ever express difference?' would thus be answered in the affirm-
ative. If these words establish the meaning of 'another', the true
method of our science requires us to compare the Gr. stem vio with
those words which correspond with it in form and meaning, and on
the other hand to place by itself the phonetically varying form with 1.
What should induce us to deny the possibility of a stem alja by the
side of anja? Hence allo-s is discussed separately under No. 524.
427) ¿vvéa nine, evva-to-s (Ion. eivato-ç), ëva-to-s the
ninth, évvá-xis, évá-xis (Ion. eivάxis) nine times,
ἐννα-κόσιοι, ένα-κόσιοι nine hundred, ἐνενήκοντα
(Hom. ¿vvýxovta) ninety. Skt. Zd. navan nine,
Skt. nava-ma-s the ninth, navati ninety. Lat.
novem, nônu-s, nov-iens, nônâ-ginta, non-genti. -
Goth. niun nine, niun-da the ninth. O.-Pruss.
nevîn-ts nonus, Ch.-Sl. deve-ti novem, devetyj no-
nus, Lith. devyn-ì novem, devin-ta-s nonus.
Cymr. nau novem, O.-Ir. nói(n) novem, nómad
nonus (Z.2 304 ff., primitive form nava-mata-).
Bopp Vergl. Gr. II 76, Pott 11 197, II¹ 132, Benf. II 51, 215
where there are all manner of conjectures as to the origin of the
word, which reminds us of vέo-ç (No. 433), and perhaps points to an
old method of reckoning by fours. The is prothetic, hence the
doubling of the v, which does not hold its ground in all the derived
forms. For both these procedures Bopp quotes the analogy of the
Armenian. According to Christ indeed (Lautl. 34) and Schwabe Ind.
schol. Dorpat 1866 p. 16 έvvéa is for έvFea, and Schwabe believes
that in the new Aeolic poem of Theocritus v. 27 he may write ac-
cording to the traces of the Ms. evvέa, which he explains as like
yovva for yovƑa. But how improbable is a metathesis, which would
ἐνενήκοντα
only produce a harder combination of sounds!
ginta is explained by Benfey from the ordinal, after the analogy of
ἑβδομήκοντα, so that the stem ένενο is like the Lat. nono, probably
with n for m (cp. Skt. nava-ma-s) by a kind of progressive assimil-
ation of the consonant. For the Slavo-Lithuanian forms Schleich.
Ksl. 116.
428) ĉvo-s, evn old.
-
nôná-
Skt. sana-s old. Zd. han-a (m. f.)
old man or woman. Lat. sen-ec-s, sen-iu-m,
sen-esc-o, sen-âtu-s, sen-ili-s, sen-ec-ta, sen-ec-tú(t)-s,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
387
Sen-cca, sen-cc-io(n). Goth. sin-eig-s ñqeoßútys,
sin-ista oldest, O.-Frank. sini-skalku-s the oldest
house-servant. Lith. sén-a-s old, sén-i-s old
man, sen-ýste age, sen-ei of old, long ago. —
O.-Ir. sen old, compar. siniu (Z.² 275), senchas
vetus lex, historia (Z.2 787), Cymr. hen senex
(Z.² 123).
Pott II¹ 148, 12 796, Kuhn Ztschr. II 129, 463, IV 45. Evo-s
as adjective in the formulas ἕνη καὶ νέα, ἕναι ἀρχαί, ἕνος καρπός in
the sense of the French ancien (Suidas vnv tǹv nalαiáv) Aristoph.
Ach. 610 ἕνη or ἕνῃ according to the Scholia ἐκ πολλοῦ, hence like
πάλαι. For the derivative ec in Lat. sener, to be compared with
the n of yvva-in (No. 128) Ztschr. IV 215. Kuhn connects with
this also the words denoting 'always', which are similar in sound, 312
Skt. sana always, san-ag eternal, Lat. sem-per, Goth. sin-teinô always,
sio-tein-s daily: but the meaning is tolerably far removed, and rather
reminds us of άux (No. 449, 599). Certainly the forms referring to
the future, quoted under No. 426, evvŋ &c. are unconnected. The
gloss of Hesychius yɛvvóv άezačov, which does not follow the alpha-
betic sequence, and is justly regarded by M. Schmidt as suspicious,
cannot at all make us doubt this combination, especially as it occurs
in the midst of other strange and evidently corrupt glosses. The
derivation from rt. san which in Skt. means, we are told, colere, but
also amare, obtinere, or from Zd. han to be worthy, is still very ob-
scure. Cp. Fick 2 194.
429) Rt. μev, μav uév-co remain, ué-uov-a (pl. ué-µα-µɛv)
—
St.
strive, µév-os spirit, courage, Mév-two, Mév-ty-S,
Αγαμέμνων, μαίν-ο-μαι rave, μαν-ία madness,
µáv-tɩ-s inspired one, seer, uñv-i-s wrath.
μνᾶ μέμνημαι remember, μνά-ο-μαι keep in mind,
ποο, μι-μνή-σκ-ω remind, μνή-μων mindful, μνήνη,
μνημοσύνη memory. St. μal -μad-o-v learnt,
uavo-άv-o learn. St. unvu unvó-a inform.
Skt. rt. man (man-v-ê, man-j-ê, part. ma-ta-s) think,
believe, hold good, keep in mind, long for, man-as
thought, spirit, will, ma-ti-s devotion, thought,
view, man-ju-s humour, ill-humour. St. mná
(ma-nâ-mi) in composition mention.
think, upa-man vпo-µévεiv, fra-man wait for,
manañh thought, spirit. St. ma-d, ma-dh to
Zd. man
25*
388
BOOK II.
treat (of a physician), madh-a wisdom, knowledge
of medicine, vohu-mad ñolvµaðýs.
Lat. man-e-o, me-min-i, Miner-va, men-tio, men-(ti)-s,
menti-o-r, mend-âx, mon-e-o, Monê-ta, mon-s-tru-m,
re-min-i-sc-o-r, com-min-i-sc-o-r, commen-tu-m, com-
men-ta-riu-s. med-eo-r, re-med-iu-m, med-icu-s,
med-i-tari.
Goth. ga-mun-an think, keep in mind, mun-s vónua,
ga-min-thi uvɛía, O.-H.-G. minnia, minna amor:
O.-H.-G. man-ê-n, man-ô-n monere, meina opinion,
O.-N. muni animus. Goth. mund-ô-n consider,
mundrei aim, O.-H.-G. munt-ar expeditus, vigil.
Lith. min-iù keep in mind, àt-men-u, at-min-tì-s
thought, man-d-ru-s vigilant. Ch.-Sl. min-ě-ti
νομίζειν, po-me-na-ti μνημονεύειν, pa-me-ti μνήμη,
ma-d-rt φρόνιμος.
O.-Ir. do-muinur puto (for mun-ior) do-aith-minedar
commonet (Z.2 438 pres. dep.), do-ménar perf.
dep. putavi (Z.2 450), menme gen. menman mens
(Z.2 254), for-met memoria, der-met oblivio (Z.2
223, st. -manta), er-mitiu gen. ermiten reverentia
(Z.² 264, Lat. mentio mentionis).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 2, 94, 118, Benf. II 34 ff., Schleich. Ksl.
313 126, Pictet II 543, Ebel Beitr. II 163. The meanings of this widely
ramifying root have taken three main directions: 1) thought accom-
panied by endeavour, striving; hence μ-μai, pa-í-o-uai are also re-
lated: 2) excited thought opposed to natural behaviour, or the re-
maining sunk in thought, hence a) (Pictet Ztschr. V 325) to be inspired,
raving, wrathful; and b) regarded purely negatively to remain. For
the latter Graeco-Latin developement Pott quotes analogies from Persian
and Armenian: cp. Introduction p. 101, Fick 2 146 ff.; 3) keep in mind,
remember causatively taken, to remind, Mév-twe monitor. The
more physical fundamental meaning of the rt. is perhaps that of touch-
ing, feeling which may to a certain degree be recognized in its trans-
ition to a more metaphysical application in the Homeric use of έñıµaí-
εσθαι, ἐπεμάσσατο, μαστήρ. Movoα arising, as is proved by Dor.
Μῶσα, Aeol. Μοίσα, from Mονσα i. e. Μοντια, may be ftly attached to
this root, whether it be brought into a closer connexion with µávti-s
(= uavtı-α) with Lottner Ztschr. V 398, or as I prefer be taken
directly as the thinking, devising one (Pott Ztschr VI 109 ff., Welcker
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
389
2
Götterlehre I 701, Leo Meyer Bemerk. 42, Preller Mythol. I² 380).
Otherwise Bergk Philol. XI 382, Sonne Ztsch. X 128. It may be
doubted with regard to µñ-ti-s insight, judgment, whether it belongs
here or to the related root ua (No. 461): the former view is supported
by the Skt. form abhi-mâti-s way-laying, plot, quoted by Schweizer
Ztschr. IV 301 (cр. πolvunti-s). For the stem-form ua- (for µav-ð)
expanded by a 9, recognized also by Pott II 2 472, Ztschr. V 2, VI 108,
cp. above p. 66 and No. 476. This is demonstrated by uɛvd-non
φροντίς, μενθ-ήραις μερίμναις, quoted by Hesych. This expanded
stem only received a full explanation by means of the Zend words
quoted above, and touched upon before under No. 286: for these
unite the two meanings which are separated in med-i-tari (cp. µað-
εiv) and med-ê-ri. The change of meaning in Lith. mand-rù-s
O.-H.-G. mun-tar is remarkable. But the Ch.-Sl. mad-ru forms the
link between this and the fundamental meaning (similarly rt. budh
No. 328). For mentiri and mendax cp. Pott II2 537, Corssen Beitr.
117, for Minerva (Menervai C. I. L. 191, 1462) Preller Röm. Myth.
258. It is a derivative from menos = Gr. uέvos. Hence promenervat
monet (Fest. p. 205). The further ramification of the rt. in uɛvɛ-
aívw, pɛvolvá-w may with other points be passed over here, and also
the words denoting man (Skt. man-u-s human being, Lat. mas &c.)
which certainly come from this root, but have no representatives in
Greek.
430) vav-ç ship, vaú-tη-s shipman, vavrílo-s sailor, vav-
τίλλ-ο-μαι sail, ναῦ-λο-ν, ναῦ-συλο-ν passage-
money, vav-ría, vav-oía sea-sickness, vavriá-w,
vavóiá-w become sea-sick.
Sht. nâu-s ship, boat, nâu-kd skiff.
Lat. nâvi-s, nau-ta, návita, náv-igare, nav-ig-iu-m.
O.-H.-G. nacho, A.-S. naca, Bavar. naue ship, O.-N.
nau-st statio navalis, Nóa-tún Shipton, dwelling-
place of Njördhr.
2
O.-Ir. nau, nói gen. nóe navis (Z. 33).
Bopp Vgl. Gr. I 258, Pott W. I 138, Pictet II 180.
Lat.
nausea is certainly, a borrowed word, and perhaps also nauta. The
root is either snu (No. 443) or snâ, which however is only quoted in 314
the meaning of lavare (cp. rt. plu No. 369).
would be formed like yoav-s (No. 130).
German words see p. 584.
In the latter case vav-s
For the guttural of the
431) Rt. veμ vέu-a portion out, pasture, rule, vέu-o-jai
get apportioned, feed, possess, vouά-o distribute
390
BOOK II.
}
to, use, νομ-ή, νέμ-η-σι- distribution, νεμ-έ-τωρ(ο),
vou-sú-s distributor, véu-e-ou-s displeasure, wrath
at an excess, νεμεσσά-ω (νεμεσάω), νεμεσί-ζ-ο-
µœɩ blame, am angry with, vóμ-o-s custom, law,
νομίζω am accustomed to, νόμισμα coin.
véμ-os pasture, Neuέa, voμ-ó-s pasture, dwelling.
Lat. Num-a, Num-i-tor, num-e-ru-s, Numer-ius, nem-us.
Goth. nim-a capio, laußáva, O.-H.-G. nám-a rapina,
praeda [Eng. numb and Shakspere's Corporal
Nym].
Lith. nám-a-s house (?), num-a-s gain, Lett. nom-r tax.
O.-Ir. nama gen. plur. namat hostis (Z.² 258).
The attempts to connect these European words, which are cert-
ainly akin, with the Skt. nam (nam-â-mi) to bend, to incline, or even
with Skt. jam hold, lift (PW.) as in Bopp Gl. s. v. jam, Benf. II 134,
meet with great difficulties, the former from the meaning, the latter
from the form of the words. Sonne Ztschr. XII 347 ff. makes a new
attempt to unite vέuco and nam-âmi on the ground of the fuller ac-
count that has recently been given of the use of the Skt. word.
He endeavours to find the intermediate notion in nadýne to come
down to anything, and attaches weight to upa-nam with acc. to fall
to one's lot: while Pictet II 17 following up a remark of Kuhn's
(Ind. Stud. I 338) seeks to reconcile them by the idea 'baisser la tête
pour paître'. The Zd. nim-ata grass might be considered to support
the latter explanation, while in all other cases in Zd. as in Skt. the
verb and the substantive nemanh = namas denote bowing, honouring,
(also it is true 'aes alienum '). The Greek use cannot be satisfact-
orily explained in either the one or the other way. Cp. also Pictet
II 691 and Pott W. II 2, 193. J. Grimm Gesch. 29 quotes some
remarkable analogies for the connexion of the ideas take and pasture.
ανε
If we start from 'allot' as the primary meaning, the special ap-
plications are thus developed: 1) 'count out', Herod. άvavéμeodai,
numerus (for num-e-su-s, hence Osc. Niumsieis); 2) 'to get allotted to
one's self', hence take véµɛóðαι, which also (as well as véµɛiv) means
to dwell, and therefore induces us to mention here also the Lith.
náma-s, quoted under No. 265 with a note of interrogation; hence
too in another way the words relating to pasturing, and again in
a different way άnovéμsoda to get gain by anything, Lith. nima-s;
3) 'to portion out' suum cuique tribuere, hence vóuo-s order, custom,
ordinance, Numitor Neuέtwo. Corssen's attempt I2 439 to refer vóµo-s
to rt. yvw (No. 135) is quite unsuccessful: vóuo-s never means judge-
ment in a judicial sense, but custom, style, hence especially style of
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
391
music. ἀγορα-νόμοι, γυναικο-νόμοι &c. are the orderers of the market
&c. Aristotle had a true sense of the derivation of vóµos, when he said
Pol. II p. 13264, 29: ὁ νόμος τάξις τίς ἐστι καὶ τὴν εὐνομίαν ἀναγκ
αῖον εὐταξίαν εἶναι. It was in this sense that I used the word
'rule' (walten) in the second edition. νέμεσις seems to have meant
properly reckoning to any one, imputatio, as Fulda Untersuch. I 161
makes probable. Hence vauɛoisoμaι I make a reckoning (in a bad 315
sense), and the desiderative νεμεσσάω i. e. νεμε-σι-αω (cp. τομάω, ναυ-
τιάω). véμos is strictly a Graeco-Italic word in form and meaning.
"How prominent the notion of grassy ground shaded with trees still
is in nemus, is shown by passages like Horat. Carm. III 17, 9 cras
foliis nemus multis tempestas sternet; here Hoffmann-Peerlkamp takes
objection on this very point, that the wood cannot be strewn. But
the pasture can. nummu-s, though the double m is the best esta-
blished (Fleckeisen '50 Artikel' 21), is probably borrowed from the
vóuo-s preserved to us in the Heracl. Tables (I 122): there are also
other proofs of its use in this sense (Meister Stud. IV 440). Some-
what otherwise Corssen 12 438. Ir. nama is orig. a part. pres. like
cara gen. carat amicus: it would be most directly connected with
Goth. nima and 0.-H.-G. náma (rapîna). So Stokes Corm. Gl. Tranl.
p. 125, though he previously (Ir. Gl. p. 65) took it as na + amans.
432) Rt. vec vé-o-uai go, come, ví6-60-μaι go, vóó-to-s
return. Skt. rt. nas nas-ê unite oneself to any
one, sam-nas-ê come to any one.
Kuhn Ztschr. II 137, who explains the use of nas. As this
form explains νίσσομαι in particular = νεσ-ιο-μαι (νείσσομαι is
a reading now universally rejected) with for ε before the double
consonant (cp. iovi) and vóó-to-s, this comparison deserves to be pre-
ferred to attempts (Bopp Gl. s. v. nî, Pott W. I 576) of another kind,
and also because of its simplicity to Benfey's analysis (I 301). The
proper name Néo-two, as far as form goes, might be well placed here,
as something like 'Leader', 'Leader home'; cp. however under No.
287 b. It is natural to derive from this root also vaíw dwell (val-
έτης, ναιετά-ω), especially as forms like ἔνασ-σα, ἐ-νάσ-θη-ν seem
to contain a σ belonging to the stem (Grassmann Ztschr. XI 33).
As vóotos means return home, so vao-j-o might have meant something
like I turn in, go in and out. But there is an objection in the Aeol.
vav-o-s temple, which is established by inscriptions: for we should
be reluctant to sever the house of the gods from that of men. Sonne
however does this Ztschr. XII 350, XIII 408. Could vav-o-s be for
vao-Fo-s, like Hom. evadev for έ-6Ƒad-ɛ-v?
433) véo-s (veFo-s) new, young, vɛó-s (vɛió-s) fallow field,
νεαρός young, fresh, new, νε-άν, νεανίας,
?
}
392
BOOK II.
316
vé-a (contemptuous) youth, vε-0660-s young
(animal), νε-οττ-ιά nest, νεοχ-μό-s new, νε-βρός
fawn, νέ-ατο-ς novissimus (fem. νήτη the lowest
string), vɛ-wotí lately [Germ. jüngst], vɛí-aiga
(fem.) infima, vεl-gó-v (Hes.) oxatov.
Skt. nava-s, nav-ja-s new, fresh, young. Zd.
nava new.
Lat. novu-s, Nov-iu-s, nov-iciu-s, nov-ali-s, nov-ellu-s,
nov-âre, nov-er-ca, nú-nt-iu-s, de-nu-o, nû-per.
Osc. Núv-la, Nu-ceria.
Goth. niu-ji-s véos, niuji-tha xaivótys.
Lith. naú-je-s new, dim. naujó-ka-s novice, Ch.-Sl.
nov-ŭ new.
O.-Ir. nú novus (primary form nava), núe novus
(primary form navia) Corn. nowyth, newyth
(Z.2 239, 134-137).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 160, Benf. II 51, Kuhn Ztschr. II 266, J. Grimm
Ztschr. I 433, Schleich. Ksl. 125, Ebel Beitr. I 160.
The most pro-
bable derivation appears to me to be that from the pronominal stem
nu (No. 441), approved also by Böthlingk Chrestomathie p. 413. Pott's
explanation from the Skt. anu after assumes aphaeresis, and the ex-
istence of this preposition in this definite sense before the separation
of languages; and both are improbable. The derivatives are deve-
loped from the stem by various formative suffixes in v, q, x. vɛß-gó-s
is for vɛƑ(0)-qó-s, a by-form of vɛFagó-s: from vɛ-an, vɛ-ox comes
νεοσσός VEOH-LO-S; Lat. nov-er-ca vɛaqınń Ztschr. IV 216 'the
new (wife)' in a bad sense. Ascoli Ztschr. XII 320 quotes an analogy
from Modern Persian, where ênder, literally the other, denotes the
stepfather and father-in-law. nû-ntiu-s (Old Lat. nountius) Bergk ex-
plains Ztsch. f. d. Alterth. 1855 p. 300 as novi-vent-iu-s, Corssen I² 51
as novent-iu-s from a postulatednovêre. On véα-tos, vɛíaiga Ebel
νέα-τος, νείαιρα
gives another, but not a convincing, opinion Ztschr. VI 206. A rare
superlative výïoto-s is quoted by Hesych., to which belong vŋíorais
πύλαις, ταῖς πρώταις καὶ τελευταίαις and the Theban gate Νηΐται
(Lobeck Proleg. 398, G. Hermann ad Eurip. Phoen. 1115) probably
for Νήϊτται with a Boeotian assimilation of στ to ττ.
434) vɛvoo-v sinew, cord, vɛvo-ά bow-string, harp-string.
Lat. ner-vu-s, nerv-iae gutstrings, nerv-osu-s. —
O.-H.-G. snar-a, snar-ahha, snuor laqueus, nar-wa
scar [Germ. Narbe] and fibulatura, O.-Sax. nar-u
2
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
393
angustus, O.-N. njörv-a artare. Lith. nár-a-s
joint in bodies, ner-ù inf. nér-ti to thread a needle,
nar-inù make a noose.
Benf. I 292, Pott I 230, W. I 380 where we find figuring once
more that unhappy nesvod, from Gell. XX 1, which is found in no
M.S. (Schöll XII tabb. p. 122). Kuhn Ztschr. I 515. From the Lithu-
anian especially we may assume snar as the rt., hence with a suffix
va the Indog. snar-va-s, Lat. ner-vu-s, with metathesis vɛvoo-v.
The Skt. snâ-ju-s, snâ-s-â tendo, nervus, Zd. çna, çnâvare- sinew, gut
are, as it appears, more remotely connected. Other doubtful ana-
logies are discussed by Legerlotz Ztschr. VIII 399. Cp. Fick 2 214
and No. 436.
435) νεφρό-ς kidney, νεφρί-διο-ς, νεφρίτης of the kidneys.
O.-H.-G. niero kidney.
―
Benf. II 56. The origin and further connections are altogether
obscure: a b corresponding to the must have fallen out after the i
in German.
436) Rt. ve vέ-w, vý-d-w spin, vñ-ua yarn, thread, vй-
o-s spinning, vñ-too-v spinning wheel.
Lat. ne-o, nê-men, nê-tu-s.
O.-H.-G. nâ-an, nâ-dala, Goth. néthla çapís, na-ti net.
O.-Ir. sná-the dat. sná-thiu filum (Z.² 211), snáthaim
'I thread or string' (O'R.), snáidid 'knit ye' im-
perat. (L. U., Journal. 1870 p. 100), snáthat
needle (Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 150).
Pott W. III 920, Benf. II 181, Bopp Gl., Stokes Ir. Gl. 817.
All four add Skt. nah nectere, which makes some of its forms
from nadh. This nadh may indeed be closely connected with v-w.
But in vɛ we have a shorter stem-form, which deviates from the Skt.
This opinion is shared by Leo Meyer Ztschr. VIII 260, Pictet II 158.
The Ir. snáthe would induce us to consider sna as the root, and to
assume a connection with No. 434; the form vvn
nebat (Bergk
3
Lyr. p. 1333), given in the E. M. also points to the loss of a con-
sonant before v. Cp. Rumpf Jahn's Jahrb. 1866 p. 75. Pictet II
512 is probably right in referring to this root vέ-w heap up, intens.
vn-vέ-w, with the derived vn-έ-w, for these words are used especially
of the building up of the funeral pile (nvoάv vñoαı), and the skilful
arrangement of the logs across each other is not farther removed
from the primary notion of binding than dέµ-w is from dέ-∞ (No. 264).
On the very ancient custom of constructing such funeral piles (Caesar
ω
317
394
BOOK II.
B. Gall. VI 16, immani magnitudine, contexta viminibus) Pictet, follow-
ing Jac. Grimm 'Ueber das Verbrennen der Leichen' quotes abundant
authorities.
437) νη- negative prefix (νη-κερδής, νη-(ανεμ-ίη).
nôn.
رو
Skt. na (Ved. ná) not, nô (na-u) and not, nêd
(na-id) lest. Zd. na not. Lat. ně- (ně-fas),
-ně?, ni- (ni-mirum, ni-si), né, n-oenu-m, noenu,
Goth. ni οὐ, μή, ni-h οὐδέ, niba εἰ μή,
O.-H.-G. ne, nein. Ch.-Sl. ne ov, μý, ne-že n
after comparatives, Lith. nè not, nei also not,
as it were. O.-Ir. ni non, nê, ma-ni si nou,
ca-ni nonne, na, nat, nach (nad, nád, nách, naich)
non in dependent and relative sentences (Z.2 739
−749), naicc no (Z.² 749).
According to
Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 178, Pott I¹ 106, Benf. II 45.
Bopp the pronominal stem na underlies these words, though it occurs
elsewhere with a force by no means negative (cp. vaí
Lat. nae
[ne, Ritschl, Proll. ad Trin. p. 97] yes, vý indeed). The same nasal
appears as a negative in άv- (No. 420). It seems to me unsafe to
separate the Lat. nê (nei, nî) from the interrogative ně and to con-
nect it with un. For n-oenu-m i. e. ne-oenu-m (cp. No. 445) and its
identity with nein Grimm Gr. III 745, Lachm. ad Lucret. 149.
is worth while noticing the comparative usage of this syllable in the
Vedas, where na very often means 'as' (cp. Lith. nei), a confirmation
of the proverb omnis comparatio claudicat from the history of lang-
uage. Cp. Ztschr. VI 309, Corssen I² 786.
438) vñosa duck. Lat. ana(t)s.
νήσσα
It
-O.-H.-G. anut [Germ.
Ente, A.-S. ened, whence drake, cp. Germ. Enterich].
Lith. anti-s.
Pott I 199, Benf. II 54. It is natural to suppose a connection
with vnx-w swim (No. 443), but this would separate the Greek word
from those in the kindred languages. Because of the t in three fa-
milies of speech I therefore prefer to derive νῆσσα not from νηχια
but from vŋt-ıα, so that vηt corresponds to the Lat. stem anat, and
ba is considered as an added feminine suffix. The primitive form
would thus be anat-ja. The loss of an initial vowel, elsewhere un-
usual in Greek, is perhaps to be explained from a resemblance to
vyo found by 'popular etymology'. The Skt. ati-s, the name for
another waterfowl (Pictet I 393) may have changed an into a, as has
probably been the case in a-t-man (cp. rt. an No. 419) and jâtar
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF Sounds.
395
(No. 423 b).
I give up the attempt to discover the root, for the 318
Skt. sná bathe, which seems natural, does not suit with the initial
vowel of the Latin and German (cp. Walter Ztschr. XI 435).
Corssen II2 368.
——
Cp.
439) Rt. νιγ, νιβ νίζω (fut. νίψω), νίπ-τ-ω moisten, wash,
xéo-viß-α (acc.) water for washing the hands,
víл-τoo-v water for washing.
Skt. nig (né-nêģ-mi, by-form niñg) purify, wash
away, ava-nég-ja-m water for washing.
O.-Ir. nig-es who washes (F. A. 137), nig-ther is
washed (Corm. Gl. p. 29 mát), fo-nenaig perf.
he purified (Z.² 448).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 494, Savelsberg Quaestiones Lexicales
p. 57. Schleicher Zur vergl. Sprachengeschichte p. 56, where the
Greek is rightly held to point to a rt. vɩy and the apparent ‘labial
zetacism' is explained from an actual ‘guttural zetacism'. Cp. p. 658.
Benf. II 53, Max Müller Ztschr. IV 365. The pretended Aeolic by-
form vícoco (again quoted by the latter) which could not be derived
from rt. viy, has little support, according to Ahrens D. Aeol. 41.
Cp. No. 440. There is a trace of a 6 once present in άлēvíčovto
K 572, according to Rumpf Jahn's Jahrb. 1866 p. 75.
440) víq-a (acc.) snow, vip-ά(d)-s snow-flake, vip-ɛtó-s
snowstorm, vɛiq-ε (víq-ɛ) it snows.
Zd. çnizh to snow.
Lat. ning-i-t, ningu-i-t: subst. ningu-i-s, nix (st. niv
for nigv).
Goth. snaív-s, O.-H.-G. snéo, sniwit ningit.
Lith. snìg-ti, sning-ti to snow, sneg-a-s, Ch.-Sl. snèg-ŭ
snow, Lith. snaig-alà snow-flake.
O.-Ir. snigis aor., senaig for sesnaig perf., snigestar
aor. dep. stillavit (Beitr. VII 39. 11), snige drops
(Corm. Gl. p. 36), snechta snow (F. A. 317).
Bopp Gl. s. v. snu, Benf. II 54, Schleich. Ksl. 137, Kuhn Ztschr.
II 263. Bopp (cp. Pictet I 93) considers snu (vv, vέw No. 443) as
the root, but there are still many objections to this. A connection
with No. 439 is suggested by Hes. vißa xióva nai ngývyv, to which
Photius and Suidas add v Oggny. We might start with snigh, whence
Skt. snih to be damp, sneh-a-s oil, quoted already by Benfey. Cp.
p. 475. Homer's άyávvipo-s also points to sn. But No. 439 presumes
396
BOOK II.
319
snig as the primitive form. veiçɛɩ is the more approved spelling, con-
firmed by Herodian (II 554). Joh. Schmidt Voc. I 134.
The n
strengthens the stem in Latin as in Lithuanian. ningues Lucr. VI
736, Struve Lat. Decl. Conj. p. 22, Corssen Beitr. 55.
Skt. nu, nû now, nû-nam
441) vv, võ-v-í, võv now.
at present, certainly.
Zd. nû just, exactly.
Lat. num, nun-c. Goth. O.-H.-G. nu. Ch.-Sl.
nyně võv. O.-Ir. nu, no.
1
Bopp Gl., Max Schmidt de pronom. Gr. et Lat. p. 97, Schleich.
Ksl. 125. Pott II 149, I2 106 compares with viv only the num
used in etiam-num, but breaks up the interrogative into ne-um and
derives it from the negative and the indefinite occurring in um-quam
and identical with cum. As the interrogative -ne in Latin is post-
positive, while the transition from an asseveration referring to the
present to an interrogation is easy, it looks to me more probable that
the interrogative num is identical with the other, and differs from
nunc only as tum from tun-c. So Ebel Ztschr. VI 207, Corssen Beitr.
291. The connection of this pronominal stem with No. 433 is made
probable especially by the Skt. nû-tana-s new, of the day, young
cp. diu-tinu-s. Ir. nu, no is an untranslateable verbal particle, which
is prefixed especially to the present (Z.2 411, 415).
442) Rt. vu vɛú-w nod, beckon, incline, vɛv-µa nod, vɛõ-
σι-ς nodding, inclination, νευ-σ-τάζω, νυ-στάζω
nod, sleep, vúota20-s sleepy.
Lat. nu-o, nu-men, nû-tu-s.
Bopp Gl. s. v. hnu, which does not suit here either from its
initial, or from its meaning furari, eripere, celare. Pott W. I 669,
Benf. II 182. Fick 2 113, who quotes the rare Skt. nu (navé) ‘move',
in composition 'turn'. But the meaning does not quite agree. The
other words formerly placed here I have now omitted because of the
doubts as to their relationship. Cp. Corssen I2 83. Co-niv-ê-re will
have to be discussed at p. 584.
443) Rt. vu, cvu. 1) vé-w (for oveF-w, impf. Hom. ë-vvɛo-v,
aor. έ-vɛvá-α) swim, vɛv-6ɩ-5 swimming, vɛv-6-tro
diver (Hesych.). 2) vá-w (for ovαƑ-∞ Aeol.
ναύ-ω) flow, ἀ-να-o-s (ὕδατα κενάοντα ever
flowing.
Skt. rt. snu, snâ-u-mi fluo, mano, snav-a-s (subst.)
a dripping, snu-ta-s (adj.) dripping.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
397
263.
Bopp Gl., Pott II 2 285, W. I 372, Benf. II 53, Kuhn Ztschr. II
From the rt. snu are derived a great number of forms with
the fundamental notion of flowing, swimming; so probably No. 430,
perhaps No. 440, according to Corssen Nachtr. 293 Lat. nu-trix ‘she
who makes to flow', with expansive dental suffix O.-H.-G. snû-z-an
emungere, whence Germ. Schnauze snout, with a guttural suffix the equi-
valent Lith. snù-k-i-s, with p Lith. szný-p-sz-ti, Germ. schnau-b-en &c.
For the double initial consonant evvɛo-v § 11, the reading of Arist-
archus, is of importance (via tov naτà nóleis vnzovt'). On the other
hand Nó-to-s, the moist south-west wind, may be explained as easily from
the rt. sna as nó-τо-s from rt. pa (No. 371): further derivatives are
vó-t-to-s moist, vo-t-ía moisture, rain, vo-t-εgó-s wet, vo-t-ísew to
wet, vo-t-εiv drop. With Goth. nat-jan wet, and all that belongs to
this form, we cannot at most assume more than an affinity with the
unexpanded rt., for Goth. t points to an Indog. d. Zd. çnâd grow
does not suit either, for its d seems to have arisen from dh. With
regard to va-ua fluid, spring, va-gó-s flowing, whence Nŋo-sú-s, and
Nŋ-iά(d)-s it cannot be decided whether they are derived from va
(rt. sna) or vav (rt. snu). The same is true of v-z-w for ovn-x-w
with its derivatives, which is related to vά-w, vέ-w as ouń-x-w to 320
σμά-ω, ψή-χ-ω to ψά-ω, ψαύ-ω; also νῆ-σο-ς (Νάξο-s? cp. πάσσαλος
and πηκτό-ς, Ion. λάξις and Att. λῆξις) probably for νη-κιο-s, but not,
as Bopp conjectures, directly from Skt. násâ nose; for although pro-
montories are called noses (Lange-nes &c., Mvuáln [the Norse -ness
in English names]) and although Cic. de Legg. III § 6 says of an is-
land 'hoc quasi rostro finditur Fibrenus', yet we had rather consider
islands as the swimmers than as the noses of the sea. Döderl. Gl.
2238 fitly reminds us of πlory ¿vì výow (x 3).
The rt. sna is pre-
served unaltered in the Umbr. -sna-ta (neutr. pl.) a-sna-ta (A. and K.
Umbr. II 374). Corssen I² 434 adds the Umbrian river Nar.
the rt. sna we may also trace the Irish forms ro-snó, ro-snaus-sa
I swam. An expanded root with a dental suffix is shown by ro-snaidet
they swim strongly, snaid-fid 3. sing. fut., ro-snadius 1. sing. aor.
Cp. Journal I p. 104 XII, 390 XXIV, 388 XXI, 100, 102 VIII from
the L. U.
444) vvó-s (for 6vváó-s) daughter-in-law.
(for snusa).
To
Skt. snushá
Lat. muru-s (for snusu-s).
O.-H.-G. snur, A.-S. snor. Ch.-Sl. snucha (sno-
cha, synocha).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 2, 478, Schleich. Ksl. 138. The by-form
vvvós quoted in many lexicons rests exclusively on the reading έvvós
in two M.SS. of Pollux III 32, where Bekker reads vvós with the
concurrence of Lobeck (Elem. I 144). Ch.-Sl. ch regularly
S.
398
BOOK II.
321
The Indogermanic primitive form is therefore snusâ, which has been
regarded by some scholars, as by Pictet II 372, as contracted from
sunu-sa, and derived from the Skt. sûnu-s son, with the sense of the
'Söhnerin' common in the Black Forest. Otherwise, but certainly
incorrectly, Pott Ztschr. VI 365.
On the further use for bride, girl
cp. Haupt Ind. lect. Berol. 1868/69 p. 8.
444b) Pronominalst. vw, voi voïv. —
Skt. nâu (Zd. nồ)
acc. dat. gen. dual., na-s acc. pl. of the pronoun
of the first person.
na stem of the dual
of the first person.
Bopp Vergl. Gr. I 114 &c.
ma (No. 460).
Lat. nô-s, nô-bi-s.
Ch.-Sl.
and plural of the pronoun
Perhaps na has originated from
444c) võ-to-v, võ-to-s back, va-t-10-s, va-tiα-to-s in the
back, va-t-igav to turn backwards, vó-6-qı(v)
away, separated, vo-6-pi-¿ɛodaι to turn one's self
away. Lat. nă-tes.
Pauli Körpertheile' 14. Studien I. 1, 257, I, 2, 298.
Döderlein Gl. 2480. The root-syllable is, vw, vo, Lat. na, the suffix
in Gr. to, in Lat. ti. In vó-6-qi probably has fallen out and o
arisen from t the latter as in cpo, dual of the stem tra, so that
νόσφι natibus.
445) olvó-s oivý one.
ûni-cu-s.
γενής.
O.-Lat. oino-s, Lat. únu-s, uni-o(n),
Goth. ain-s eis, µóvos, aina-ha uovo-
O.-Pruss. ain-s one.
O.-Ir. oin unus,
2
ointu gen. ointad unitas (Z.² 300, 255), Cymr.
Corn. Arem. un (Z.² 103, 315).
Pott I 123, W. I 618, Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 56, who compares the
Skt. demonstrative pronominal stem ena; but this I consider as doubt-
ful. He also quotes ovos as a word for the ace on dice. But this
rests only on a false reading in Pollux IX 95. Benfey I 5. olvov
nai olvńv was the phrase in Greek for a throw at dice, which was
also called xios. Pollux VII 204 explains the name in these words
ἔστι δὲ οἰνὴ παρὰ τοῖς Ἴωσι μονάς. With this Hesych. agrees: οἶνά-
ζειν τὸ μονάζειν κατὰ γλῶσσαν, οἰνῶντα from the desiderative
οινάω, ep. φονάω, τομάω μονήρη, like οἰῶντα (ib.) from οἶος. Cp.
Lobeck El. I 43. On oinom see Ritschl de tit. Aletrinati p. VI.
We can hardly avoid connecting the Graeco-Italic oino-s with oi-o-s
alone, as Döderlein does, Synonyme u. Etymologien VI 385. Cuno
Beitr. IV 101 overlooks, as many had done before, the existence of
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
399
this Greek word. The stem aina for unity is proved to be a common
European form. The Skt. ê-ka-s, the Zd. aể-va are other extensions
of the same stem ai. aê-va is probably equal to the Gr. olo-s, for
in the accusative form ôyum or ôim it comes very close to it in form,
and also in meaning in its signification of 'alone' which it bears, as
well as that of 'one'. Cp. No. 599, Corssen I² 387. unc-ia (old
oncia) Corssen II 2 187 connects not with this group, but with őyxo-s
mass. The old o is no objection to the derivation from oinu-s as we
see from coraverunt by the side of coirare, curare.
2
446) ovo-ua(t) name (Aeol. övvua, Ep. ovvoµa), άv-ávv-
μο-ς, νώνυμν-o-s nameless, ὀνομαίνω, ὀνομάζω
name.
Skt. ná-ma(n) name, nama adv. by name, namely,
also used as an interrogative, nám-ja-s known
by name, famous.
Zd. năman name.
Lat. co-gnó-men, i-gno-min-ia, nô-men, nômin-â-re. —
Umbr. nume, nome (dat. nomn-e).
Goth. na-mô gen. na-min-s bv qua, nam-jan, ga-
nam-jan ὀνομάζειν.
Ch.-Sl. i-me ὄνομα, imen-ova-ti ὄνομάζειν.
O.-Ir. ainm (for * anmi) nom. pl. anman nomen
(Z.² 268), ainmnid nominativus (i-stem, Z.2 233),
ainmn-ig-ther nominatur (Z.2 269).
ὄνομα
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 33, Benf. II 144, Schleich. Ksl. 127.
The relation of the Teutonic words to 'nehmen' (take) No. 431, as-
sumed by J. Grimm (Gramm. II 30), is untenable. The Latin clearly
shows the rt. gnô (No. 135) in the compounds quoted. Ebel Ztschr.
V 66 derives ovoua from yovo-ua. As o is prefixed, especially fre-
quently before two consonants (ỏ-peu-s, ỏ-tou-vw) and also before
simple nasals (ỏ-µíxλn), it seems more advisable to refer ővoµa to
ỏ-yvo-ua, and to find a trace of the fuller sound in the Ionic ovvoua.
Rt. yvw appears also in yvó-vt-es with a short vowel. Pott's doubts
(II² 417, W. I 53) about the initial loss are probably explained if due
weight be given to the common use of the word, for its connection
with its root may well have early ceased to be really a living
The τ of óvóμat-os I regard according to Ztschr. IV 214 as
an expansive suffix, but ovoµa is for óvoµav; the latter stem is pre- 322
served in ὀνομαίν-ω ὀνομαν-jω and in an Aeolic form in νώνυμν-o-s
with a syncope reminding us of the Skt. gen. námn-as and Umbr.
nomn-e. Hence in form and meaning gnâ-man name must have
existed in Indo-Germanic times.
one.
400
BOOK II.
447) övvg (st. ỏ-vvx) nail, claw. — Skt. nakha-s, nakha-m
―
nail, claw. Lat. ungui-s.
προσηλοῦν, Ο.-H. G. nag-al.
Ch.-Sl. nogu-ti nail, claw.
ingnib (st. ingen, Z.2 267),
(Z.² 826).
2
Goth. ga-nagl-jan
Lith. nág-a-s,
O.-Ir. inga dat. pl.
Cymr. eguin unguis
ω
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 107, Benf. I 124, II 23, Stokes Ir. Gl.
p. 150.
Ztschr. II 336, where the note of the editor is rendered
superfluous by Schleicher's appendix to Ksl. Formenl. p. 374, for
noguti, not nokuti is there shown to be the authenticated form. (So
Miklos. Lex. 454). The rt. is not clear; Lobeck Elem. I 84 conject-
ures from a purely Greek standpoint a connection with vúcow scratch,
pierce, strike: but all analogies for this are wanting in the cognate
languages. Cp. vúcca meta. The word for nail is very ancient, but
it appears with different suffixes; Skt. kh here stands for an earlier
gh. The relation of ungui-s to Skt. nakha-s is like that of umbilicus
to Skt. nabhi-s (No. 403). The rt. is nagh, by metathesis angh; hence
Walter Ztschr. XI 435 is right in saying that the Greek v is inserted.
My earlier view that the o of ovvέ was prothetic, breaks down upon
Lat. u, for Latin is has no tendency to prothesis.
σα
448) avo-s price of purchase, cový purchase, cvé-o-µai
Skt. vasna-s price of purchase, vasna-m
reward. Lat. venum, vên eo, vên đó. Ch.-Sl.
buy.
věn-i-ti vendere, věn-o dos.
Pott W. II, 2, 140, Benf. I 313, Schleich. Ksl. 135, Ebel Ztschr.
IV 166. There are traces of the initial consonant in the augment
(¿-wvov-µnv). If we assume any connection with ỏví-vn-µɩ, a word
of great difficulty etymologically, the Skt. word must be excluded
from the comparison. Although the German Ge-winn seems to come
very near, yet the Goth. vinnan πάσχειν, ὀδυνᾶσθαι, vino πάθημα
warn us off the comparison imperatively. There is some doubt
about the Slav. words expressed by Mikl. Lex.
M
Greek u corresponds to an Indo-Germanic m, preserved
also in all the other languages.
449) äµă (Dor. qua) at the same time, duó-s united,
together, ouou together (ouó-dev, duó-σε), ôµo-îo-s
like, oμoí-to-s resembling, dua-λó-s 'level, like.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
401
Skt. sama-m, samá, sama-jâ (adv,) together, sama-s 323
Zd. hama the same, the like.
similis, aequus.
Lat. sim-ia (?), sim-ili-s, sim-ul, simul-tâ(t)-s, simul-
a-re, Old Lat. simítu.
Goth. O.-H.-G. sama idem, Goth. sam-ana, O.-H.-G.
saman, zi-samane together, Goth. samath, O.-H.-G.
samet together, simul.
Ch.-Sl. samů ipse, solus.
O.-Ir. co-smail, co-smil similis (Z.2 233. 234), samail
(st. samali) instar, similitudo, samlid ita, amal
ut, sicut (Z.2 718), int-samail, int-amail imitatio
(Z.² 768. 876), samaltir comparatur (Z.² 472).
し
​Bopp Gl., Kuhn Ztschr. II 128, where the Skt. adverbs in â
with Gr. apa are explained, with undoubted correctness, as instru-
mental forms. The Doric άua, disputed by Kissling Ztschr. XVII 200,
but admitted p. 217, is quite established e. g. Pind. Pyth. III 36,
Theocr. IX, 4 (Ahrens d. Dor. 34, 372): the only question is whether
it ought to be written with subscript, as Lenz maintains on Herodian
I 489.
It would seem to me hardly explicable that a form aµg,
really in use, should be shortened into άua (cp. zovpa and xov❤α).
Kissling's attempt to refer άua to a different case from άua, and to
explain it 'in eins' (into one) is untenable. The Aeol. spir. lenis and
v are seen in άuv-dis. For ὁμοίιος, which is distinct from ὁμοῖος,
Döderl. Gl. 1061. Schleich. Ksl. 136.
facul
(facul-tâ-s) : facili-s; both correspond in the suffix to the Gr. oualós.
One explanation of simîtu (for simîtus) is attempted by Ebel Ztschr.
V 240, another by Corssen Beitr. 23 According to the latter simî-tu
is expanded from a locative simi, like hes-ternu-s from hesi heri.
Similarly προ-πάροιθεν, ὅπαι-θα, εἶτα and Lat. i-ta.
There is pro-
simul: simili-s
bably a connection with the prefixes à, ά, ỏ to be discussed under
No. 598.
449b) άuά-∞ mow, gather, un-to-s harvest, άun-tó-s time
of harvest, ἄμαλλα (αμάλη) sheaf.
Lat. me-t-o, mes-si-s, mes-sor.
O.-H.-G. mâ-j-an, A.-S. mâv-en mow, O.-H.-G. mâ-
dari mower, M.-H.-G. mât (n.) mowing, [-math].
O.-Ir. meithel 'a party of reapers' (Corm. Gl. Transl.
p. 107), meithleoir messor (Goid. p. 28), Corn.
midil messor (Z.² 1071).
CURTIUS, Etymology.
26
402
BOOK II.
D'
324
Leo Meyer Ztschr. VIII 261, Pictet II 101. άun sickle, shovel
is certainly also connected. (Cp. Skt. am-a-tra-m vessel, pitcher, M.-H.-G.
âm-e, ôme awm [Ohm], cask.) The fundamental idea cannot have
been that of cutting off, for άµãv, άµãodαi mean rather gathering in
(ἀμησάμενος γάλα ἐν ταλάροισιν ι247). Hence I had rather still look
upon Ch.-Sl. met-ą inf. mes-ti σaqovv, verrere, which Mikl. Lex. con-
nects with rt. math (No. 476) as related, and as approximating to
the Lat. met-o. Both verbs are expanded by a t, whilst άua seems
to have been derived from the bare root ma by prothesis.
450) ἀμείβω (Pind. ἀμεύω) change, ἀμείβ-ο-μαι reply,
ἀμεύ-σασθαι ἀμείβεσθαι, διελθεῖν, περαιώσασθαι
(Hesych.), παρ-αμείβειν pass by, ἀμοιβή change,
exchange.
Skt. mîv (mîv-â-mi) shove, move, kâma-mú-ta-s moved
with love.
Lat. mon-eo, mô-tu-s, mô-men-tu-m, mô-tô-re, một-tuu-s
PW. under mîv, Fick 2 155. These words are discussed with
very different results by Benfey II 33, Ztschr. VII 50, Pott W. I 283,
Döderl. Synon. u. Etym. VI, Walter Ztschr. XI 429. We may start
>
most safely from a root mav, whence come mov-eo, and with a pro-
thetic ά άuevo, which do not differ from each other more than clu-eo
and xlú-w. In mîv and άueißo the i appears; cp. άsído and vad
(No. 298). For ẞ as the representative of ♬ p. 573. The Sicelic
μoč-to-s (Hesych. Varro L. Lat. V 179), if we have the genuine form
recorded, probably stands for μof-to-s; the û in mû-tuu-s (cp.-mor-
tuu-s) and mû-tâ-re points to ovi (cp. prû-dens, bû-bus). All the
uses of these words may be drawn from the fundamental idea of
pushing, pushing out of place. For even the Greek words have
by no means the general meaning of exchange, but, especially in their
intransitive usage, that of change of place; this appears most con-
spicuously in the middle ἀμείβεσθαι (ἀπαμείβεσθαι, ἀνταμείβεσθαι),
to thrust oneself in, just as in the frequentative mût-are the more
pregnant meaning appears. The Skt. rt. má (me) of apa-majê change,
ni-ma-ja-s exchange (subst.), though perhaps to be compared with
me-á-re, and more certainly with Ch.-Sl. mě-na μeraßolý, Lith. maí-
na-s exchange (subst.) mainý-ti exchange (verb), can at most stand
in a more distant relation: this has also been assumed for mig-rá-re.
Much here is still unexplained. Cp. Fick 153, 155, Döderl. Hom.
Gloss. p. 61 ff. We must also take into consideration môs, which
might be referred to mov-os (Pott W. I 597 note).
2
451) ἀμύν-ω keep off, ἀμύν-ο-μαι protect myself, ἀμύντωρ
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
403
protector, Αμύντας, Αμυνία-ς, ἄμυνα defence,
μύ-νη pretext, μύν-α-σθαι προφασίζεσθαι.
Skt. rt. mú (mav-ê) bind (?).
Lat. moe-ni-a, mû-ru-s, mû-nu-s, mû-ni-s, in-mûni-s,
com-mûni-s, mûni-cep-s, mûni-cipiu-m, mûni-o, mû-
nî-men-tu-m. Osc. múíni-kúí.
Pott W. II, 2, 122, Benf. II 37, Bopp Gl. s. v. mur, for he
compares this Skt. verb (mur-á-mi 'surround' PW.) with mûru-s and
the O.-H.-G. mûra, which is certainly borrowed from murus. But
for all the Latin words we have an older oe, oi either established or
to be inferred (moerus Varro L. L. V 141 Müll.); hence we must di-
vide mû-ru-s, and it is impossible to separate this word from moe-ni-a,
mû-ni-o. The rt. is mu, from which the forms in oi (oe) are derived
as пoι-vý, poena from rt. pu (No. 373). Cp. Corssen Nachtr. 78, 12
372, 708. A. Weber Ztschr. VI 318, Pictet II 245 think that walls
are described as of wicker-work, and that murus is thus connected
with the (unauthenticated) Skt. rt. mû bind and mûta-s basket Could
mûnus have developed from this with the meaning of present [An-
gebinde, literally what is bound on], mûnia with that of obligations? -
But how is άuvvɛiv related to this? Aristophanes of Byzantium
(p. 213 Nauck) noticed that ἀμύνασθαι τίθεται καὶ ἀντὶ ψιλοῦ τοῦ 325
άµɛíþαoðαı' (cp. Simon. fr. 115 Schneidew.), so that we might con-
ceive of άuvvɛiv as belonging to No. 450. There are here questions
still unsettled. The Homeric uúvyoi and μvvaodaι in Alcaeus p. 86
Bergk, both in a metaphysical sense, are noteworthy as proving that
the ά is prothetic. For the Oscan múí-ni-kú (nom. sing. fem.),
which seems to mean commûnis, cp. Mommsen Unterital. Dial. p. 280.
The connection of com-mú-ni-s (co-moini-s) with Goth. ga-mains is still
far from clear (Pott II¹ 562). With Lat. moenia, mûnia Stokes
Goid. p. 32, 8, and Ebel Gr. Celt. 30 compare O.-Ir. móin, máin nom. ↑
plur. maini dona, pretiosa.
452) Rt. ἐμ (Fεμ) ἐμ-έ-ω pf. ἐμ-ήμ-εκα) vomit, ἔμ-ε-το-ς,
Eu-8-6-s vomiting.
Skt. rt. vam vam-â-mi vomo, vam-ana-m, vam-a-thu-s
vomitus.
Zd. vam vomere.
Lat. vom-o, vom-i-tu-s, vom-i-tio.
O.-N. vom-a nausea, aegritudo, vama nauseare.
Lith. vem-j-ù (inf. vém-ti) vomo, vem-alaí (pl.) vomit.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 222, Benf. I 331, Pictet Ztschr. V 348.
It seems to me that Lat. vom-er plonghshare cannot be so safely
compared as võm-ica sore. Gr. & in qu-e-to-s, Skt. a in vam-a-thu-s
26*
404
BOOK II.
and Lat. i in vom-i-tu-s are subsidiary vowels, of which the Greek
is the most firmly attached. The difference of the radical vowel in
Greek and Latin depends upon the influence of the v, which in Latin
likes to be followed by o. No traces of the F can be shown to
exist in Greek itself.
453) ἡμι-, ημι-συ-ς.
Skt. sâmi-. Lat. sêmi-, semi-s.
O.-H.-G. sâmi- half.
It is
Bopp Gl., Pott II¹ 337, Benf. I 389, Grimm Gr. II 553.
certainly right to take the stem sama (Zd. hâma 'like' by the side
of hama) No. 449 as our starting point. From the idea 'like' that
of the like parts or halves is developed very simply. For the de-
rived form u-ov-s Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 62 quotes analogies from Zend:
thri-shva third part, acc. thri-shû-m.
"
454) noέμa (adv.) quietly, noɛua-îo-s quiet, noɛμ-ía quiet,
noɛμ-έ-w rest, am quiet, noɛuit-o make quiet,
ἀράμεναι ήσυχάζειν (Hesych.), ἔρημ-o-s lonely,
¿onu-ía loneliness, ¿onu-ó-o make lonely, desert.
Skt. rt. ram (ram-é) trans. make firm, intrans. stand
still, rest, be contented, upa-ram come to rest,
ram-ana-s loved one, râm-a-s pleasure, dear.
Zd. ram rest, rejoice, râm-a (f.) rest, airi-ma (n.)
loneliness.
Goth. rim-is novxía.
Lith. rám-a-s rest, ram-u-s of gentle nature, rìm-ti
to be quiet, rám-dy-ti to quiet.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 217, Benf. II 10, Aufrecht Ztschr. I 358.
The fundamental notion of comfortable rest evidently underlies
326 all these forms. I cannot suppose that we have in the Gr. n the
Skt. preposition â, because of onμ-o-s, the έ of which is certainly
no other than the of ovd-gó-s (No. 306) i. e. prothetic. Leo
Meyer Ztschr. VI 18 defends the derivation (previously advanced by
Benfey) of the Homeric νωλεμές, νωλεμέως immediately from this rt.,
but the o in that case looks strange. As we find in Skt. besides
ram the rt. ran (rana-ti) with precisely similar meanings, Fick 2 162
assumes a rt. ra, from which he derives Gr. Ego-s, pa-paι &c. ra-ta-s
loving and loved, approximates closely to soa-ró-s, ra-ti-s rest, pleasure,
intercourse to ἔρω-ς.
455) Rt. μαγ (for μακ) μάσσω knead, wipe, μάγμα, μαγ
(d)-s, pag-a dough, bread, uay-εú-s baker, µáy-
ε100-5 cook, µáx-τoα kneading-trough.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
405
Lith. mink-au, mank-szt-aú knead, mink-sz-ta-s soft,
loose.
Ch.-Sl. mak-a farina, meku-ků soft, mek-na-ti mol-
lescere.
Pott W. III, 561. I have tried to show in the Prooem. ind.
lect. Kil. aest. a. 1857 p. VII, that x is here the original final con-
sonant of the rt., and that hence came uάoow from uax-jw, but that
y is softened from x. I supported my views there by Hesych. μan-
αρία βρῶμα ἐκ ζωμοῦ καὶ ἀλφίτων. Perhaps mac-er-ia as a kneaded
clay-wall, mâcer-are to make soft are also related. The former re-
minds us again of Hesych. μακ-έλα (cp. μάκελος) φράγματα, δρύφακτοι.
In Skt. there is a trace of the rt. mak (maké) crush (PW., Fick ² 143).
μάγειρος is probably from an older μαγ-αρο-ς, like ἕταιρος from
ταρο-ς, ὄνειρο-s from ὄναρ. There is some probability in Schwabe's
conjecture (Demin. p. 98), that má-la, whose diminutive maxilla shows
that a has been lost before 7 (Corssen I² 642), belongs to uάooo, and
thus denotes the organ 'quod cibos depsit ac subigit'. Cp. Bugge
Stud. IV 336.
2
2
456) Rt. µad µad-apó-s streaming, dissolved, µad-á-w
dissolve. Lat. mad-e-o, mad-i-du-s, mad-e-sc-o,
made-facio, mâ-nare (?).
1
Pott I¹ 199, Benf. I 514, though there is much that is doubtful
in their combinations. The usage of the rt. uad for the falling off
of the hair is explained from the similar usage of the Lat. defluere,
for just as falling hair is called defluentes or deflui capilli, so padav
means to be bald, μαδίζειν to make bald, μαδόν λείον (Hesych.).
In Skt. the rt. mad mâd-jâ-mi means to be drunk, mad-a-s drunken-
ness, also pride, joy, and 'succum qui`elephantis tempore quo coitum
appetunt e temporibus effluit', mat-ta-s drunken, which Benf. compares
with the similar meaning of mad-i-du-s. In Petronius matu-s has the
same meaning. It seems very probable that mâ-na-re originated in
mad-na-re as the denominative of a lost má-nu-s mad-nu-s. But also
the Gr. μανό-ς rarus (μαναὶ τρίχες the result of μαδάν) comes very
Cp. rt. uud No. 479.
near.
457) μαλακό -ς, μαλακό-s soft, ἀ-μαλό- tender, μώλυ-ς
feeble, stupid, ßλn-x-qó-5 ά-ßλn-x-gó-s soft, weak,
βλάξ weak, cowardly, μάλ-θ-η Hesych. με-μαλαγ
μένος κηρός.
Lat. molli-s, molli-tie-s, mollire. mal-ta-s molles
(Lucil. Non. 259).
406
BOOK II.
}
327
Benf. I 503, where there are all sorts of comparisons from Skt.
(mlâi part. mlâ-na-s flaccescere, languescere), which however leave
much obscure. Pott W. I 595, II, 1, 543. The comparison of molli-s
with ualazó-s is combated at length by Corssen Beitr. 323. He him-
self agrees with the view of Bopp (Gl.) and Pott, who compare molli-s
with Skt. mrd-u-s tender Ch.-Sl. mlad-u tener, as he believes
molli-s to have arisen from moldu-i-s. Phonetically this derivation is
tenable. But what above all decides me still to refrain from accepting
it is the fact that the rt. mard conterere (Zd. mared bite), which
Ebel Ztschr. VII 226, probably with justice, recognizes in ά-μald-
úvɛɩ break, weaken, and refers to an original smard, meets us in the
Lat. mord-ê-re with a completely different signification; coupled with
the fact of the entire identity in meaning between palanós and mollis
(which has great weight in the case of such nearly allied languages),
and also with the form ulv-s, which shows that the o was not
foreign to this root, even with the Greeks. Even Lobeck Paralipp.
125 connects μalv-s and molli-s. Corssen, it is true, thinks with
Passow that μõlv-s is connected with uolo-s trouble, and Lat. môle-s;
but this is decidedly wrong. The fundamental notion of u☎lv-s is
by no means 'exhausted, worn out'. Sophocles indeed is said to have
called Phaedra µõlv-s, in the sense of naqɛıµévŋ 'dissoluta', but
elsewhere the word means inert, stupid: ẞoadós, vwdęós are the ex-
planations of the grammarians. Both words denote natural feeble-
ness, not that produced by exertion; and this is also what is ex-
pressed by mollis, mollities. In the E. M. uolve is interpreted by
ngaövɛıv i. e. mollire, and the word was used of the mollifying of
wounds, of the flesh growing tender, zatauolóvɛoda of the gradual
disappearance of a swelling. These are all significations which are
readily connected with the fundamental meaning 'soft', and which
recur in other words belonging to this rt. Corssen is quite right
in connecting with molli-s the mal-ta-s quoted above. Hence we must
probably assume a stem ual, from which all these forms are ex-
plained. molli-s is apparently related to μõlv-s as tenu-is to ravv
(No. 230). Besides uaλ-a-nó-s Hesych. also gives μal-nó-v µalanóv,
μαλκ-ενί-ς παρθένος Κρῆτες. The latter word perhaps finds its ana-
logue in the Lat. mul-ier, which we might possibly identify with the
comp. moll-ior, as Isidore does (cp. Onlúteoα). Cp. Lobeck Elem..
ν
I 31, Döderl. Gloss. 1071 ff., who also compares μñlo-v in the sense
of sheep, Buttmann Lexil. II 262 [p. 193 E. T.]. mul-c-ê-re stroke,
mulc-â-re beat I now prefer to compare, following Kuhn Ztschr. VIII 68,
Corssen Beitr. 382, with the Skt. març tangere, mulcere.
ά-µαλ-ó-s; άα-ẞinx-gó-s is a phonetic prothesis.
The a in
458) μάρ-να-μαι μόρ-να-μαι Hesych.) fight.
Skt. rt.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
407
1
mar (mṛ-nâ-mi) or marn (mṛn-a-mi) crush, dash
to pieces, pra-mr-na-mi crush, destroy.
PW., Kuhn Ztschr. I 135. It cannot be denied that there
is a connection with rt. uɛg, µog (No. 468); but we must not forget
that μágvaoda is also found used of a wrestling-match (o 31), so
that the fundamental notion cannot be to kill or to wish to kill.
Cp. note to No. 481.
459) Rt. μαχ μχ-ο-μαι (fut. μαχ-έ-σομαι) fight, μάχη
battle, uάx-uo-s warlike, лоó-uaxo-s champion, 328
µáx-aιọa knife, sword.
Lat. mac-ellu-m flesh-market, mac-tá-re slaughter.
Goth. mêk-i µáxaiga.
Ch.-Sl. mič-ě uáxαioa.
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 42,
Diefenbach Vgl. Wb. II 58.
in deriving mac-ta-re (cp. No. 19) in both its meanings from the notion
of increasing, inasmuch as it is too closely connected in its meaning
of slaughter with the words here collected; nor yet Kuhn in joining
the rt. μax with copay and Goth. slah-an. The epic pres. μax-έ-
o-μαι, µαx-εí-o-ual is to be referred to a noun-theme uaxes, as tɛlέ-w,
τελείω to τελες. The final guttural of the rt. must have been un-
defined in early times, for Gr. uax Lat. mac-ellu-m and Ch.-Sl. měč-ž
point to mak, Goth. mêk-i to mag, while the agreement in meaning
is too close to allow us to doubt the connexion. The Sanskrit
words, which I previously placed here, are explained in the Pet. Dict.
in a manner so different from the former assumptions, that I omit
them. Cp. Grassmann Ztschr. XVI 164, Pott W. III 1002.
Kuhn Ztschr. IV 19 ff., Leo Meyer VI 426,
I cannot follow Corssen (Ztschr. III 270)
460) St. μe que pronoun of the first person sing., ¿u-ó-s.
Skt. Zd. ma (Skt. acc. mâ-m, má). Lat.
me, me-u-s, Umbr. dat. me-he. Goth. mi-s mihi,
mi-k me. Ch.-Sl. acc. me, Lith. dat. má-n &c.
O.-Ir. mé ego, -m- mihi, me, ni-m-charat non
me amant, do-m ad me, mo, m- meus (Z.2 324 ff.).
Bopp Vergl. Gr. II 104, Schleicher Comp. 3 628 ff.
461) Rt. μe uέ-too-v measure, uέto-10-s measured, proper,
µī-μé-o-μaι imitate, uí-un-ou-s imitation, µï-µ-o-s
imitator, actor.
Skt. rt. mâ (mâ-mi, mi-mê) measure, ascribe, shape,
mâ-tra-m measure, measure of time, matter,
408
BOOK II.
mâ-tar measurer, mâ-na-m measure, mâ-na-s
building. Zd. mâ measure, make, mâ (f.)
measure.
Lat. mê-ta-re, mê-tâ-ri, mê-ti-or, mensa, mensûra,
ni-mi-s.
Ch.-Sl. mě-ra Lith. më-rà measure, ma-tu-ti measure,
méta-s time, year.
O. Ir. to-mus gen. toimseo mensura, pondus (st. do-
fo-met-tu- Z.² 787).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 266, Benf. II 31 f. — Cp. rt. ued No. 286
and rt. μev No. 429. At one time some support seemed to be found
for µì-µo-s, µɩ-µέ-o-μaι in the form mi-ma-té, explained by 'imitantur’
by Benf. Lex. Sâmavêda 147; but a friend has called my attention
to the fact, that Benfey himself takes the word differently in his
translation of the passage referred to, and in the Pet. Dict. nothing
of the kind is to be found. Rather does mâ-já phantom, jugglery re-
329 mind us of μι-μους (cp. Τί-ταν, Σί-συφο-ς). It is not improbable
that the O.-Lat. mâ-nu-s bonus (Cerus mânus Carm. Sal.) with im-
mâni-s, which is undoubtedly its negative, belongs here: its loc. mâné
is 'in good time', and Mûnês are good spirits (Preller, Röm. Mythol.
p. 72). Corssen 12 431. Walter Ztschr. XII 383 compares manu-s
with the comp. ἀμείνων.
mă-nu-s hand (Osc. acc. mani-m) as the
measurer, feeler, shaper (cp. Skt. mâ-tra-m mâ-ter-ie-s) is discussed
by Corssen Ztschr. III 300. We have also from the same root,
with a different suffx μά-ρη ἡ χεὶρ κατὰ Πίνδαρον Schol. B. L. ad II.
Ø 137, Lobeck Paralip. p. 74), from which the ancients correctly de-
rived εὐμαρής, εὐμάρεια (cp. εὐχερής). Corssen 12 432 refers also
Lat. môs to this group. Cp. No. 471, 472.
462) μέγα-ς (by-stem μεγαλο), μείζων, μέγιστος great,
μεγαλύνω magnify, μεγαίρ-ω esteem as a great
thing, grudge, µέy-εð-os greatness.
Lat. mag-nu-s, mâ-jor, maximu-s, mag-is, magis-ter,
magistr-âtu-s.
Goth. mik-il-s péyas, mikil-j-an µeyahúveiv (O.-H.-G.
mihhil), comp. mais (O.-H.-G. mêr), superl. maist
adv. τὸ πλεῖστον.
Corn. mogh-ya maximus (Z.2 299); O.-Ir. do-for-
magar augetur, do-for-maig auget, tór-mag, tór-
mach (Z.² 883).
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
409
Bopp Gl. s. v. mah, Pott W. III 955. Skt. mah-at, mah-â great
closely approximates to these words. But the h, which points to a gh,
does not agree with the Greek medial and the Gothic . Two alter-
natives are possible here. Either the rt. was originally magh, the
same as that which occurs in Goth. mag dúvapai, and which will
present itself as No. 473. In that case we must assume a transition
from gh into g. This is the view of Grassmann Ztschr. XII 92. In
the same way Corssen Ztschr. XI 327 (cp. Ascoli XVII 274) thinks
he can recognixe in the Osc. Mahiis Magius a word belonging to
this root, and pointing to an Ital. gh. The g.in mag-nu-s, mag-is
like that in the Zd. maga greatness, and the z of maz mazant, may
just as well have originated in g as in gh. The other alternative is
that there were from early times three related roots side by side,
mak (No. 90), mag and magh, all three perhaps to be traced back to
ma, and all with the meaning of extension. The latter view, which
Sonne also approves Ztschr. X 129, recommends itself to me, mainly
because the phonetic changes it assumes are less gratuitous. Cp.
Ztschr. II 325. It is remarkable that in the three words, belonging
to three families of speech, collected above, the positive shows a more
derivative stem-form than the comparative and superlative. μεγαίρω,
perhaps also uέyaço-v chamber, from a stem with o instead of the
appearing in uɛyalo: cp. p. 547. Corn. moghya though it has
a superlative meaning, is in form undoubtedly a comparative, with
the primitive form mag-ias. On the other hand the comp. moy,
which has the comparative meaning, appears to point to a stem with-
out a guttural; with the Corn. moy the Cymr. mwy and O.-Ir. máo,
máa are identical (prim. form ma-ias?). In the same way the posi-
tives O.-Ir. már, mór, Cymr. mawr, Corn. maur show no certain trace
of the guttural. It must have been lost very early, for the languages
of Britain do not point to it (cp. on the other hand O.-Ir. dér and
Cymr. dacr tear), and in the place of the Ir. long á, as usual, have 330
aw and au (cp. O.-Ir. bráthir and Cymr. brawt frater Z.2 298). The
O.-Ir. superl. maam, mám (Z.² 278) appears, as Cymr. mwyaf (Z.² 299)
indicates, to go back to *ma-ia-ma, and to be an expansion of the
comparative (cp. the suffixes Gr. 16-to, Lat. is-si-mo). O.-Ir. méit (f.)
magnitudo, prim. form. *manti (Z. 250, 805) evidently belongs to the
adjectives just discussed. It would be very bold to wish with Stokes
(Ir. Gloss. 922) to refer this word to
μεγαλο:
2
*
maganti.
463) μεϊδος (Hesych.), μεί-δ-η-μα smile, μει-δ-ά-ω, μει-
Siάw smile. Skt. rt. smi smaj-é subrideo, smi-
ta-m risus. Lat. mî-ru-s, ni-mîru-m, mîrâ-ri. —
O.-H.-G. smie-l-en, smie-r-en smile. Ch. Sl. smi-
ja-ti sẹ yɛhãv, smě-chů yέlws, Lett. smee-t laugh.
410
BOOK II.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 636, Benf. I 527, Schleich. Ksl. 136.
M
The 8 will be discussed on p. 639. A trace of the initial o is pre-
served in φιλο-μμειδής. Here belong the proper names Μειδίας,
Μείδων, Μείδυλος. The Teutonic words are expanded by the ad-
dition of a liquid; but in mi-ru-s as in clû-ru-s the r belongs to the
suffix. But uɛih-ixo-s cannot be compared (Kuhn Ztschr. II 264) be-
cause of the Aeol. μέllixos (Ahr. d. Aeol. 58). Cp. No. 464. Other-
wise as to mîru-s Corssen 12 508.
464) µɛíλ-ia (pl.) love-gifts, propitiatory offerings, uɛí2-
ix-o-s (Aeol. µέλλɩxos) mild, µɛıλ-íx-10-5 mild,
soft, μeiλ-ix-in (Hom.) mildness, μɛilioo-o soften,
μειλεῖν ἀρέσκειν Hesych.
Skt. mard (for marl), mṛl-â-mi to be gracious, friendly,
to rejoice, mṛl-îka-m grace, pity.
Goth. mild-s piñóórogyos, O.-H.-G. mil-ti mild.
Ch.-Sl. mil-u hɛɛivós, mil-ovati λɛɛiv, mil-osti mi-
sericordia, mil-o dowry, Lith. mýl-iu love, meilù-s
lovely, méile love.
Schleich. Ksl. 126. We must start from the primitive form
marl, whence Gr. µɛll, µɛıl. The Skt. mrd is only derived from this.
Thus μέλ-π-ω also might be an expanded form with a π, for μέλπειν
τὸν θεόν is not very different from μειλίσσειν, indeed even μέλος song
may be suspected of standing for uέll os, especially as the word
makes its appearance in post-Homeric language as a substitute for
the Homeric μol-ñý. . А trace of the form with 11 seems to occur in
the epigram of the Arcadian Echembrotos in Pausan. X, 7, 4; for the
pentameter ends μέλεα καὶ ἐλέγους; hence too a different light falls
upon the well-attested reading in the Hymn. in Merc. 502 Dεòs d'
υπο μέλος ἄειδεν. From μελλ for μερλ came by compensatory length-
ening Ion. μειλ in μειλια &c.; Dor. μηλ in Εὔ-μηλο-ς, Καλλί-μηλο-ς,
Dilo-unha, words of musical reminiscences which Welcker (Ep. Cyclus
12 257) is certainly correct in deriving from song rather than from
sheep. μέl-x-10-v too in Hesych. which means inter alia nαíɣviov,
offers itself for comparison. The view of Benfey (I 500) who derives
all these Greek words from the st. uelit honey, is disproved by uɛília.
μείλια.
331 It would be better with Pott I¹ 265 (otherwise W. II, 1, 543) to com-
pare Skt. mil meet together, unite, with a weakening of a to i. Pott
mentions also the familiar Attic address & uέls, my dear friend,
which agrees entirely with the Slav. milu, especially in the modern
usage of the word, and consequently gives a clear instance where one
liquid is lost. But μέleos accordingly to Aristarchus (Lehrs 103)
in Homer always only uάraios must be kept quite distinct.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
411
Bopp Gl. compares with Skt. mrḍ Lat. blandu-s. This may perhaps
be right, if we assume a stem mla formed by metathesis, whence
came then mla-ndu-s bla-ndu-s. The meaning of mildness extends
through all the forms. By this less physical meaning they are dis-
tinguished from those quoted under No. 457. The use of marl in the
Vedas is quite like that of the Gr. μειλίσσειν (= μειλιχ-j-ειν) μιο-
pitiate (cp. αμείλιχος. ἀμείλικτος). - The proper names Μίλτας, Μιλτώ,
Mihtiάdîs (and Mílov (†)?) seem to be derived from this rt. with
for ε (cp. iodɩ rt. ec).
465) μέλι (st. μελιτ) honey, μελί-φρων honey-like, μέλισσα
bee. Lat. mel (mell-is), _muls-u-s, muls-a,
muls-um (?). Goth. milith uέ2. O.-Ir. mil
mel (i-stem Ir. Gl. 968), milis acc. pl. milsi sua-
vis (i-stem Z.² 238).
2
Pott I¹ 245, Benf. II 358, Stokes Corm. Gl. Tr. p. 113. For the
suffix Aufrecht Ztschr. II 150, otherwise, without regard to this, Leo
Meyer V 379. We must suppose that mell-is is for melt-is and ana-
logous to μέhit-os, but mel for melt (cp. No. 200) analogous to Goth.
milith. muls-u-s for melti-u-s. Cp. Corssen Beitr. 327. No connexion
with Skt. madhu (No. 322) can be proved. uélooα = uɛhir-ja, by-
form μελίαι· μέλισσαι Hesych.
466) Rt. μερ, μαρ.
μέρμηρα, μέριμνα care, μερ
μαίρω, μερμηρίζω care, μέρ-μερα ἔργα memor-
able deeds, μάρτυς (μάρτυρος, μάρτυς) wit
ness, µαo-túo̟-10-v evidence, utotvo-o-µai summon
as witness.
Skt. rt. smar, smar-a-mi memini, desidero, smr-ti-s
memoria, smar-ana-m recordatio, desiderium,
smar-a-s amor. Zd. mar remember, know,
mention, mar-e-ti precept.
Lat. me-mor, memor-ia, memor-a-re, mor-a.
Goth. vaila-mer-s εὔφημος, mer-ja-n κηρύσσειν,
O.-H.-G. mâri fama, mâri memorabilis, clarus.
O.-Pruss. er-mir-it devise.
O.-Ir. marait manent (Z.2 433), ni mair lives not
(Amra 28), méraid will remain (Beitr. VII 19,
Z.2 453).
Bopp Gl., where there are many other comparisons, in part
very doubtful, Pott W. II, 1, 713, Benf. II 38. The group sm is
412
BOOK II.
―
retained only in Skt.; but the notion of thinking runs through all
these words. μέρμερα even Hesych. explains φροντίδος άξια, but μέρ
uɛg-o-s has also an active meaning: inventive, also morosus, hence
probably the proper name Μέρμερος, like μερμηρικοί· οἱ πειραταί
(Hesych.). There is no reason for doubting, with Benary Ztschr.
3321V 49, that μéo-i-uva (cp. péd-i-uvo-s) also belongs here. There is
more difficulty with the much discussed words ló-uwqo-s, yxεoí-µw-
go-s, vlanó-µwqo-s, civά-µwoo-s. Goebel Philol. XIX 418 derives them
from the rt. uap (µaqµaięw) glitter, which will have to be discussed
on p. 554. But it is hard to believe that this little-used root was
employed by Homer in the 'faded' sense of 'to be conspicuous, to be
prominent', especially of dogs (according to this explanation) 'con-
spicuous by barking'. Benary starts from our rt. uep; the meaning
of -uwoo-s would then be something like 'mindful of' (cp. uvýoαode
δὲ θούριδος ἀλκῆς, δαιτός), ο as in ταλαίπωρο-ς (rt. περ Νο. 356),
φώρ (rt. φερ), δῶμα (rt. δεμ). This suits, I think, better than μωρός
fool (No. 484), for the fundamental meaning of this word is 'purblind,
stupid'. But Fick 2 156 makes a suggestion, which is not a bad one,
to compare -μogo-s with the Vedic mû-ra-s (2 in Pet. Dict [not the
same word as that quoted under No, 484]) 'pressing, stormy', which
is referred to the rt. mîv (No. 450). w would then be for of, as in
uweó-s fool, so that the primitive form would be mav-ra-s.
But un-
fortunately this word seems only to occur in one passage of the Rig-
veda, and its meaning is not quite established.
With Lat. memor
Grimm Gesch. 865 compares A.-S. mimor memor.
saw that probably mora hesitation [Germ. Bedenken 'bethinking'] be-
longs to this root, and compared with it uέllev in the meaning of
μέλλειν
delay. In this case a trace of the fuller initial sound once present
is possibly preserved in -µɛ22-o-v, though it is true that this first
occurs in Hesiod. μέllɛw by its other senses is closely connected with
the rt. uep (Walter Ztschr. XII 383). But from uέlle again we
cannot separate μέλειν, μέλεσθαι, μελέτη, μελ-ε-τά-ω, μελ-ε-δ-ώνη,
µɛl-ed-aívw &c., in all of which the notion of careful thought comes
out just as in μέριμνα. μέλει μοι is related to μέλεσθαι like the
antiquated 'es dünkt mir' [me thinks] to 'denken' [to think]. With
µɛledávŋ Fick ¹ 195 compares the Zd. mared remember. For the
transition from o to 2 p. 545.
رو
On p. 101 we
467) Rt. μερ μερ-ο-μαι ἔμ-μορ-α, εἵμαρ-ται) obtain
a portion, µéo-os, µɛo-í(d)-s portion, part, µɛoí-¿-∞
divide, uóg-o-s lot, fate, uoioa proper portion,
fate, uóo-a division (of the Spartan army), uóg-
бuo-s determined by fate.
Lat. mer-e-o, mer-e-o-r, mer-e-nda, mer-e-trix.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
413
Pott W. II, 1, 545 (cp. II² 388) puts these words together with
an expression of uncertainty. Otherwise Benf. II 33.
The compar-
ison of mereo with uέgos is found as early as Scaliger ad Varronem
(Vossius Etymolog. p. 318), though with the addition of the wonderful
reason 'a µɛíço i. e. divido, quia meritum fere partium est sive labor,
sive pretium spectetur', whilst Vossius more correctly remembers the
meaning consequor, sortior (laußávo, lazzávw), and quotes merenda
άgiotov deihivóv (Gloss. Lab.), which he compares with praebenda.
This word points unmistakeably to the fundamental notion of division,
which appears in daí-s, daps (No. 256, 261), so that mer-e-o therefore
means I receive a share or as a share, mer-e-o-r I receive or gain
for myself my share. Cp. p. 113. It is not improbable that mer-
c-e(d)-s, merx also have developed from this rt. by an expanding c.
Corssen Beitr. 111 takes merx simply as 'the earning one'. The pecu- 333
liarities of the Greek reduplication give us reason to think that an in-
itial s (68-quaq-tαɩ) was originally present. But it is difficult to identify
the meaning of this rt. with No. 466, though in spite of this Ebel
Ztschr. V 417 attempts to identify them. The fundamental notion
of the words here is to measure out to, to distribute to.
468) Rt. μερ (μορ, μαρ) ἄμβρο-το-ς immortal (ἀμβρόσ
ιο-ς), βρο-τό-s mortal (μορ-τό-ς), μαρ-αίνω wither
(trans.), µαoα-6-µó-s withering, parching.
Skt. rt. mar (mṛ-j-ê, mar-á-mi) die, mṛ-ta-s dead,
`mṛt-ja-s mortalis, a-mṛ-ta-s immortalis, a-mṛ-ta-m
drink of immortality, mar-a-s, mr-ti-s death,
már-i-s pestilence, plague. Zd. mar die, mare-ta
mortal, maretan human being.
Lat. mor-i-o-r, mor-(ti)-s, mor-tuu-s, mort-âli-s, mor-
bu-s, mar-c-e-o, marc-e-sc-o, marc-i-du-s.
Goth. manir-th-r caedes.
Ch.-Sl. mr-ě-ti mori, mor-ŭ mors, pestis, să-mrů-ti
mors, mrů-tvu venoós.
Lith. mìr-ti die, már-a-s
plague, mórai (pl.) bier, s-mèr-ti-s death.
O.-Ir. mairfid-us occidet illos (L. U. Beitr. VII 42),
marb mortuus (Z.2 226, cp. Cymr. maru mors,
mortuus Z.2 129), marbaim occîdo.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 1, 522, who is right in banishing μópo-s,
μέgo-s &c., for a well-grounded comparison with uxo-aív-w, mor-bu-s,
which again brings with it Skt. mlá (mlâ-j-é) fade, whilst the stem
murc expanded by a c (cp. Zd. marenc kill) is connected by Bopp and
414
BOOK II.
Leo Meyer (Ztschr. II 252) with O.-H.-G. welch marcidus, compels us to
arrive at the fundamental notion of wasting away. With this I have
endeavoured (Ztschr. I 33) to connect also Lat. măr-e (cp. 'Aupí-µαgo-s,
son of Poseidon) with the related Ch.-Sl. mor-je sea, Lith. már-és bay,
Goth. mar-ei, Ir. muir sea, and Skt. mar-u-s desert, mar-u-t wind, on
the ground of a common antagonism to the life of vegetation. Pictet
I 110 compares Skt. mîra-s sea, which is only quoted by grammarians.
Max Müller Lect. II 320 agrees with me, while Bopp Accentuat. p. 231
defends his old comparison of mare with vari, rejected also by Pott
VI 263, and Corssen I2 404, 411 refers these words to the rt. uаρ
(uaquaíow) glitter (cp. Pet. Dict. V p. 570). That the sea glitters is
just as undeniable as that it makes plants die, and that it causes
thirst in one who attempts to drink of it. The connexion of Goth.
marei with O.-Fris. mar grave, O.-Dutch maere sea, marsh, pond, and
also with O-H.-G. muor marsh, moor, morass (Schade Dict. 411) is
in favour of my explanation. Lith. mar-tì-s bride, and Boɩtó-µαqti-s,
according to Solinus 'virgo dulcis', also probably belong here. The
notion of connecting usioaέ with ɛion youth, is refuted if only by
the fact that µɛipaέ means also girl. The gloss ἔμορτεν ἀπέθανεν
(Hesych.) Lobeck El. I 37 regards as corrupt: if it is sound, we should
have to assume a form uoot expanded by a t, which reminds us
334 of Lith. mir-sz-t-u morior. Cp. also No. 458. Other material
bearing on this widely ramifying root is supplied abundantly by
Diefenbach Vergl. Wb. II 38 ff. For the fundamental meaning of the
rt. cp. on No. 481. In Ir. marb b is for orig. v, as in fedb vidua,
tarb taurus, delb imago (Z.² 54). In the corresponding British words
there is u (w) instead: Cymr. gwedw vidua, taru taurus, delu forma
(Z.² 130). The primitive form of marb is therefore *
1
―
marva.
469) μéб60-s (Hom. Aeol.), uéoo-ç (Att.) medius (sup.
μέσσ-ατο-ς hence μεσσάτ-ιο-ς), μεσσηγύ-(s)
between.
Skt. madhja-s, Zd. maidhya medius, Skt. madhja-ma-s,
Zd. madh-ema the midmost.
Lat. med-iu-s, Osc. mef-ia-i (= mediae loc. sing.),
di-midiu-s, merî-die-s (for medî-die-s).
Goth. midji-s medius, mid-uma middle.
Ch.-Sl. mežda uέoov, meždu άvà μéoov, Lith. vidù-s
the inner, vidui within, vidurys middle.
O.-Ir. medón medium (Z.² 778).
1
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 105, Benf. II 30, Schleich. Ksl. 126, 'meždu
uέooo-s is for uɛd-jo-s, µéco-s is yet further weakened.
medju'.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
415
=
We may notice the loc. μέσσοι Skt. madhjê in the midst, Lesb.
Aeol. also μέovi (Ahr. d. Aeol. 154). The first component part of
μεσαιπόλιο-ς mixed gray, is the feminine to this (cp. ἰδίᾳ, δημοσία).
- It cannot be determined whether uέo-pa and µέo-çı, until, belong
here or to uɛtá (No. 212). µɛoo-nyú probably formed with a и soft-
ened to y (cp. suff. -axis): so Gerland Ztschr. IX 66.
470) un negative particle. Skt. Zd. O.-Pers. má.
Bopp Gl.
The prohibitive use is common to these languages.
In Skt. mâ is used with the conj., optat. of wishing, and imper., like
un in Greek. We omit here the Lat. nê (cp. No. 437).
471) μήν (st. μηνς) Ion. μείς month, μή-νη moon, μην
iało-s monthly.
Skt. más, mása-s month, Zd. máonh (m.) moon,
month, mâoriha (m.) moon.
Lat. mens-i-s, Mena, mens-truu-s.
Goth. mêna moon, mênôth-s, O.-H.-G. mânôt month.
Lith. měnu (gen. menesio) moon, menesi-s month,
Ch.-Sl. měse̟-ci moon, month.
O.-Ir. mí gen. dat. acc. mís, acc. pl. mísa (st. meng
Z.2 271).
It
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 272, Benf. II 32, Kuhn Ztschr. I 276, II 261.
The rt. is pretty certainly ma measure (No. 461), and hence the moon
was described even by the original Indo-Germans as the measurer.
is very doubtful to me whether we can trace back all the forms to
the primitive form mans: µý-vn, Mena (menstruationis dea Welcker
Götterlehre 552) Goth. mêna go back to another form with the suffix 335
-na. But the Aeol. µñvv-os (Ahr. 51) is certainly for unvo-os, so that
it points to a stem mêns, to which an expanding suffix i is added in
Skt. and Lith., an a in Skt. Add also the Sabellian mes-en-e = abl.
mense, explained by Corssen Ztschr. IX 165. (Cp. Ztschr. VI 85, Pictet
II 594.)
472) μήτηρ (st. μητερ), Dor. μάτηρ
(st. mâ-tar). Lat. mâter.
Ch.-Sl. mati (st. mater).
Skt. Zd. mâtâ
O.-H.-G. muotar.
Lith. moté (st.
moter). O.-Ir. máthir mater (Z.2 262).
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 112, Benf. II 31. The fact that matar is
found as a masculine in the Rigveda, with the meaning 'measurer'
(Pet. Dict. V p. 701) tends to show that the root is no so-called na-
tural sound, occurring also in mamma, µáµun, but the verbal root
416
BOOK II.
ma (No. 461). Max Müller Oxford Essays 1856 p. 15 translates mâtar
'maker', and traces it back to the rt. ma in the sense of 'to fashion'.
Related uses of this rt. (cp. mă-nu-s) are mentioned above. Still we
might also think of the occupations of the apportioning housewife.
In any case ua-ia mother comes from the same root. On the pho-
netic irregularity of the Teutonic words see Pauli Ztschr. XIV 102.
473) μήχος, μήχαρ means, expedient, μηχανή device,
design, unxavã-69a form designs.
Skt. mâh (?) metiri, mah (mah-â-mi) delight, rejoice,
mah-as splendour, power.
Goth. mag possum, mah-t-s dúvaµis.
Ch.-Sl. mog-ą (inf. moš-ti) possum, moš-ti potentia,
po-moš-ti ßondeïv, Lith. mag-ójug help (Nesselm.).
O.-Ir. cu-mang potestas, cu-maing potest, cumcat pos-
sunt (Z.2 224, 431, 433), caemais for *co-memagsi,
coimsam for *co-memagsam 2 sing. and 1 plur.
of the red. s-fut. (Beitr. VII 50), cu-machte po-
testas (Z.2 229), cu-machtaigim potior (Z.2 435).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 1001. Very differently Benf. I 353.
The meaning grow, become great, which, following Westergaard,
I once assumed as the original meaning of the Skt. rt., is not given
at all in the Pet. Dict., and máh is unauthenticated. Hence we must
probably start from the fundamental idea ‘to have power', which, in
harmony with the Greek manner of regarding things, developed espe-
cially in the direction of intellectual power, of clever devices &c.
uñxos still has in Homer the prevalent meaning means to (against)
something, help. This same force is noticeable in άunzάvos, when act-
ive 'incapable', when passive 'impossible'. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 107
supports his differing representation on a traditional Ionic uños.
But this rests upon an error: μños is never anything but the abstract
substantive to μακρός. On the other hand μῆχος, μηχανή are found
just as much in the Ionic as in the other dialects. A stem μạк with
the meaning help, effect cannot be derived hence.
Pott compares
also A.-S. mac-ian facere, formare, O.-H.-G. machôn make: but though
their meaning comes very near to that of the Greek words, they are
further removed from a phonetic point of view. Cp. No. 462.
336 Ebel (Gr. Celt. 2 p. 872) divides off from the Irish words cum, so that
ang is left as the root. But this view is opposed by the originally
reduplicated forms caemais and coimsam, for their thin vowel in the
first syllable can only be explained by the influence of a lost syllable
of reduplication; cp. ro-i-chan cecini with (air)-ce-chn-atar vaticinati
sunt (Z.2 448, 450).
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
417
474) Rt. μιγ μίσγ-ω, μίγνυμι (ἐ-μίγην, ἐ-μίχθη-ν) mix,
μίγα, μίγδα, μίγδην (adv.) mixedly, μιγάδες
mongrels, hybrids, µígıç mixing.
Skt. mig-ra-s intermixed, migra-já-mi mix, intermix,
â-mik-shâ mixed milk, curds, miksh, mi-miksh mix.
Lat. misc-e-o, mix-tu-s (mis-tu-s), mix-tû-ra (mis-tú-ra),
mix-ti-o (mis-ti-o), mis-cellu-s, miscell-âneu-s.
O.-H.-G. misk-iu mix.
Ch.-Sl. měs-i-ti miscere, Lith. mìsz-ti to mix oneself,
misz-ini-s hybrid, maisz-ý-ti mix, mingle.
O.-Ir. com-mescatar miscentur (Z.² 473).
Evi-
Bopp Gl., W. II, 2, 569, Benf. II 42, Schleich. Ksl. 126.
dently mik is the original form and the y softened from the x (Ind.
lect. Kil. aest. 1857 p. IX). In the Greek, Latin, and Irish present-
stem the guttural has been lost before ox, sc. These letters have be-
come attached to the whole stem in Latin. O.-Ir. cum-masc commu-
tatio (Z.² 872) seems from the vowel to be unconnected.
475) μ-vý-w, Hom. µvúð-∞ diminish, destroy, grow less,
μινύ-ζηο-ς ὀλιγόβιος (Hesych.), μίνυνθα a little
while, uvvvvá-duo-s short-lived. — μείων less,
μɛcó-o diminish.
Skt. rt. mi (mî-nô-mi, mî-j-ê) diminish (trans. and
intrans.).
Lat. mi-nu-o, mini-tu-s, min-or, min-us, Osc. mins-
treis minoris, Lat. minis-ter. — min-imu-s.
Minuciu-s.
Goth. mins less (adv.), minniza (adj.) smaller, minn-
ist-s the smallest.
Ch.-Sl. min-ij minor, Lith. minù, Ch.-Sl. min-q (inf.
me-ti) dißo, Lith. mèn-ka-s little.
I 471, Schleich. Ksl. 126.
1
Kuhn Ztschr. II 464, Pott I¹ 113, II¹ 69, Ztschr. VI 111, Benf.
With regard to the comp. uɛíov I once
followed J. Grimm, who assumed (Gr. III 658) that uɛíov was for
μινε-ιω-ν.
μivɛ-i-v. The comparative stem of an adjective st. uvv would then
have to be μινε-ιο-ν, and thence become by syncope μνε-ιον and by
loss of the v µɛiov (masc. µsícov), while the Latin min-us is evidently
for min-ius; minis-ter and the Oscan mins-treis minoris, preserved
as a comparative (Mommsen Unterit. D. 280), like magis-ter have re-
ceived in addition a second comparative suffix. But however certain
CURTIUS, Etymology.
27
418
BOOK II.
337 this explanation of the Latin form is, there are difficulties of many
kinds in the way of the Greek. According to the analogy of ǹd-iwv
we should have expected μιν-ιων. The diphthong ει occurs in ἀρείων,
xɛqɛíwv, i. e. only where an o has been lost between ɛ and ɩ. Hence
as the Skt. mi-nâ-mi, referred to by Leo Meyer G. A. 1864 p. 325,
makes several parts from rt. ma, e. g. perf. ma-mâu, it will be more
correct to start from a rt. ma, which at a very early time was ac-
companied by the weaker by-form mi, just as rt. pa by the weaker
pi (No. 371). Then µɛ-í-wv can be explained from this ma, as nhɛ-í-wv
from pla. Schleicher also Comp. 3 465 assumes for the min occurring
in Latin, Teutonic and Slavonic, an older man. We may thus connect
with this rt. also Skt. man-ak a little, only, min-dâ personal defect,
which resemble Lat. man-cu-s, men-da, men-dîcu-s. The Pet. Dict. on
man-al reminds us of μόνο-ς, which however from the Epic μοῦνο-ς
appears to go back to man-va-s. If any one is not content to inter-
pret the Mivýα as 'the little ones', they may be explained as the
destroyers, the champions who demolish ranks, by referring to Skt.
pra-minâ-mi supero (cp Mivo-s?). - I have now omitted the mimetic
words uivvgó-s whining, uvúqɛiv, µivvqíçɛodαι, Lat. minurrire, as
Fick Ztschr. XIX 251 more correctly connects them with Skt. min-
miņa-s speaking indistinctly, and adds Lat. min-trî-re. From the
Keltic languages the following words probably belong here: Ir. mín
small, tender (ro-mín ‘very meek' F. A. 92), Cymr. mwyn, main, Corn.
muin tenuis, exilis (Z.2 99). Stokes Ir. Gl. 430 compares these words,
whose primitive form seems to be *mâna or maina, with Gr. uavó-s.
476) µódo-s tumult.
Skt. math (manth, math-â-mi) turn
round, twirl, shake, manth-a-s, math-ana-m rubb-
ing, twirling, preparation of butter. O.-N.
mönd-ull turning stick. Ch.-Sl. męt-ą turbo,
męt-eži turbatio, Lith. ment-uri-s (m.), ment-ùrè (f.)
twirling stick.
Benf. I 258, II 347, Miklos. Lex. 394. The primitive form
of the rt. is mat, the aspiration in Greek as in Skt. is of later origin.
Kuhn in his essay "The Origin of Fire and of the Drink of the
Gods' Berl. 1859 discusses the name Пo̟o-µnd-ɛv-s and its relation to
the Skt. pra-mantha-s, the name of an instrument used in kindling
fire by rubbing pieces of wood, with other analogies in language and
in practice. But the rt. μao pavðáv-w belongs to No. 429, because
there is no clear connexion in meaning with this rt. So Pott Ztschr.
IX 190, Aufrecht 232. Pictet II 31 explains further how this rt.
manth with its numerous derivatives dating from a very ancient time,
denoted the twirling motion in the preparation of butter. According
to Aufrecht (ut supra) the rt. occurs probably, though employed in
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
419
a different sense, in Lat. ment-ula.
From Greek μόθων εἶδός τι
ỏexnoɛws (Hesych). may also belong here.
477) μoo-uvo-w murmur, rustle.
μορ-μύρ-ω
ling (adj.), a rustling.
Skt. mar-mar-a-s rust-
Lat. mur-mur, mur-
mur-d-re. — 0--H.-G. mur-mur-ôn, mur-mul-ôn. T
Lith.´mur-m-ù grumble, murm-lén-ti murmur.
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 39.
478) Rt. μu uv-∞ close (eyes, mouth), uv-wy short-sighted, 338
uv-ivda blind-man's buff, uv-á-o blink, purse
the mouth up (μοι-μυ-ά-ω, μύλλω, μοι-μύλλω),
μυ-κό-ς, μύτις ἄφωνος (Hesych.) (cp. μύδος,
µúvdo-s, µú-tn-s, µút-ty-s, µvt-tó-s), µúó-ty-s
initiated, μvorno-10-v secret.
Skt. rt. mú-ka-s dumb.
Lat. mû-tu-s, mussare murmur, mutter.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 283, 1216, Benf. I 529, who compares Skt.
mish, ni-mish claudere, un-mish aperire (oculos), but this would only
be legitimate phonetically, if we derived mish (= mis) from mus; cp.
Kuhn Ztschr. II 137 and No. 63, 479. A. Weber on the other hand
Ztschr. VI 318 starts from rt. mu bind (No. 451) and Max Müller
II 91 agrees with him, translating mû-ka-s tongue-bound. So Pet.
Dict. I do not venture to decide. Probably also ά-µv-µwv (and άµv-
uos Hesych.), μ-uo-s are connected with this conception, together
with the apparently Aeolic μνμαρ μώμος Hesych. The w has arisen
by addition of sound from v through the middle stage of, and ua-
ομς : μυ Ew-μó-s: Ev Lat. ju (ju-s broth); similarly with
¿ávvv-μ from rt. ju bind, discussed under irregular substitution of
sound [p. 611]. From the notion of closing the mouth comes that of
indistinct secret speech or detraction (mussa-re, mussitare, O.-H.-G.
muccazan mutire, mutilôn mussitare). Perhaps in another way µã-xo-s
insult, scorn is related, though Pauli Ztschr. XVIII 14 connects it
with Lat. maccu-s. In Skt. too mukh-ara-s means insulting. Again
as άvα-µó-eiv άvaßlénɛiv occurs, and as therefore the rt. must ori-
ginally have denoted both opening and closing of the eyes as well
as the mouth we might even regard as related not only mu-tî-re
(Enn. trag. fr. 376 Vahl. ‘palam mutire plebejo piaculum est') or mut-
tire, but also uv-d-o-s and Skt. mu-kh-am mouth, O.-H.-G. mû-la,
mu-nd. More remote are Gr. µvs-w (ë-µv-6a and uvy-µó-s) groan,
sigh, Skt. mu-ý sonare, and mûg-i-o roar, closely connected with μīx-
ά-o-µαι (µéµvna). — Ir. muit dumb (Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 118) is a bor-
να
27*
420
BOOK II.
339
rowed word, though it appears as an i-stem. The t is not aspirated,
as in posit positive, comparit &c. (Z.² 233).
479) Rt. µud μúd-os moisture, rottenness, uvd-ά-w am
moist, rot, uvd-aív-a moisten, uud-aléo-s moist,
rotten, µvd-áv rotten flesh, uúd-po-s glowing
mass of metal.
Skt. rt. mid (mêd-ja-mi) grow fat, mêd-a-s, mêd-as fat.
Goth. bi-smeit-an Enixoísiv, O. H.-G. smizan illinere,
M.-H.-G. smuz dirt.
Benf. I 482, who also compares uvo-os loathing, abhorrence.
We should then have to assume a rt. μuc expanded by a 6, or a suffix
-σος as in ἄλσος. The German elucidates the interchange between
i and u.
The original form of the root seems to have varied between
smud and smid. Cp. No. 63, and for the meaning p. 113.
480) uv-i-a fly, uov-i-a maggot (Hesych.).
Skt. maksha-s
fly, makshi-ka-s fly, bee, Zd. makhshi midge, fly (?).
Lat. mus-ca. O.-N. mý. Ch.-Sl. much-a
musca, mušica culex, Lith. musé fly.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 85, Benf. II 43, whose etymology is erroneous,
Förstemann Ztschr. III 47,
Fick 2 386. The Ch.-Sl. form is for
mus-a, whence uv-ta for uvo-1α and with a diminutive suffix mus-ca.
If the Zend and Sanskrit words are related, we must derive the u
of all other languages from a, and the s from ks (st. maks), but there
are objections to this. We might trace the European words, which
point back to the stem mus, to rt. mus (Skt. mush) steal, rob, so that
the fly would be among insects, what the mouse was among mam-
mals (No 483). So Aufrecht Ztschr. VIII 71. Miklos. Lex. Savelsberg
(Ztschr. XVI 365), whose phonetic combinations I cannot at all ap-
prove, prefers to consider both animals as named from 'blinking'
μóɛw. But how can a fly blink? The opinion of Corssen Beitr. 31
that μv-i-a may have arisen from µvz-a is without foundation. Cp.
Nachtr. 68, where the Ch.-Sl. ch, always the representative of an s
in etymology, is incorrectly taken as a guttural. O.-N. mý from
*mû-jâ. O.-H.-G. muccâ, represented by the O.-S. muggjâ [Eng. midge]
probably does not belong here [but cp. Förstemann, Geschichte des
Deutschen Sprachstammes I 54].
481) µúλ-ŋ, µúλ-o-s mill, millstone, uvλ-co-gó-s miller,
μύλλω grind, μύλ-αι, μυλ-όδοντες, μυλῖται
dentes molares, grinders.
Lat. mol-o, mol-a, mol-ári-s, mol-i-tor.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
421
2
Goth. mal-an ἀλήθειν, mal-v-ja-n συντρίβειν, Ο.-Η.-G.
mul-i mill, mel-o meal, mul-ja-n crush.
Ch.-Sl. mel-j-ą (inf. ml-ě-ti), Lith. mal-ù (inf. mál-ti)
grind.
O.-Ir. melim molo (Z.² 429), to-mil imperat. vescere,
to-malt gen. to-malte edere, edendi (Z.² 443, 800).
Kuhn 'Zur ältesten Gesch. der indog. Völker' p. 16, Benf. I 496,
Schleicher Ksl. 126, Pott W. II, 1, 535. The Greek v has here ap-
parently developed from a. It is of importance for the history of
culture that these words are common to all the European members
of the family of languages, but to these alone. In Skt. we find the
remotely connected mal-ana-m rubbing. The kinship with Skt.
mard conterere, conjectured by Bopp (Gl.), seems not to be direct.
Max Müller II 317 assumes for the root mar the fundamental meaning
rub, which he thinks established itself with only a slight modification
in these words for 'mill'. He very acutely connects with this also
µaq-vα-µai (No. 458) and uolo-s "Aonos 'the toil and moil of Ares',
while he reconciles the rt. mar die (No. 468) with this fundamental
notion, according to the analogy of rt. gar (No. 130), by means of the
idea ‘to rub oneself out'. Ir. mu-lenn pistrinum is a borrowed word
and is derived from Lat. molendinum (Z.² 778, Stokes Ir. Gl. 701).
482) μύρμος, μύρμηξ, μυρμη-δών ant. Zend maoiri.
Lat. form-ica (?). O.-N. maur, Low Germ.
miere [A.-S. and O.-E. mire, cp. pismire].
Ch.-Sl. mrav-ij µúqµn§. Arm. merien formicae
(Z.² 295).
Pott W. II, 2, 202, Grimm Gesch. 327, Förstemann Ztschr. III
50, Müllenhoff Glossary to Groth's Quickborn. There are two views
as to the origin of these words. The one advanced by Kuhn Ztschr. 340
III 66 (cp. Pictet I 529) connects them with Skt. vam-râ little ant,
valmika-s ant-hill. Thus vam (No. 452) would be the rt., and the
insect would get its name from spirting out ant-juice. But this is
opposed by the fact that in none of the other languages does the
form correspond to this assumption. Legerlotz Ztschr. X 382 appeals
to the aversion of the Greeks to the conjunction up, which brought
about, he thinks, the change of vamra into varma, and then by
a substitution of u for the F into uoquo, uvoμo. But even if we con-
cede this, the m of the other languages is not at all explained, and
hence L. excludes these from the comparison, and considers that
formica has been formed by 'popular etymology' from a natural re-
semblance to ferre micas. But compounds of this kind, with a verbal
422
BOOK II.
341
element prefixed, are so rare in Latin that they certainly never floated
before the popular instinct. Schweizer Ztschr. XII 304 starts at once
de
with formica, from which he arrives at the rt. frem Skt. bhram
with the fundamental idea of restless motion. But even if μvouns
for pvoung could have originated hence 'by assimilation', we have
still to account for the form βύρμαξ, βόρμαξ (Hesych.); and the other
languages agree still worse. Hence both attempts fail to solve the
problem of supplying an etymon for all the names of the ant, which
are closely related phonetically. We had therefore better leave the
Skt. entirely out of the question. In five languages the insect bears
a name which can be readily traced back to a rt. mur. Such a root,
it is true, nowhere presents itself in a verb, but we may regard to
swarm' as the meaning, and uúgioi as related. Buguns and formîca
have perhaps arisen from this by a kind of dissimilation. póquina
μύρμηκα and ὅρμικας μύρμηξ (Hesych.) are probably both intended
to explain the Lat. formica. Very differently Bugge Ztschr. XX, 15.
Arm. merien is for murien, cp. Corn. murrian (Lex. Cornu-Brit.).
483) uus mouse, muscle. - Skt. mush, mûsh-a-s, mûsh-
a-ka-s, mûsh-ika-s rat, mouse. Lat. mûs, mus-
culu-s, mus-cip-ula. O.-H.-G. mûs.
myš-ĭ mouse.
Ch.-Sl.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 448, Schleich. Ksl. 126. The rt.
mush (mush-ná-mi) with the by-form mûsh is still extant in Skt. as
a verb with the meaning 'steal', hence there can hardly be any doubt
as to the explanation of the word mouse as thief (cp. No. 480). sh
like Ch.-Sl. & has sprung from s. The transference of this animal's
name to parts of the body deserves notice: Gr. pus muscle, µvóv
muscular part of the body, Skt. mush-ka-s testicle, pudendum muliebre
(ep. μύσχον· τὸ ἀνδρεῖον καὶ γυναικεῖον μόριον Hesych. Fick 2 156),
Lat. mus-culu-s, O.-H.-G. mûs muscle, especially on the upper arm,
Ch.-Sl. myš-ica ẞoaxíov (Miklos. Lex.).
But what are we to say
to σμᾶς ὁ μᾶς (Hesych.)? We find also σμί-ς, μᾶς, σμίνθα house-
mouse, Zuivðɛús. A rt. qui seems to be at the bottom of these (cp.
ouilŋ knife): fundamental idea to gnaw.
484) μωρό-ς (Att. μωρο-ς) fool, μωρία folly, μωρ-ό-ω
stupefy, uoqαív-o am foolish, simple.
môru-s, môr-io(n) fool, môr-ôsu-s.
Lat.
The two derived words make it probable that Lat. môru-s is
no borrowed word. Pott's reference to the rt. ma (W. I 282) is less
probable than that suggested by Pictet Ztschr. V 330 to the Ved.
múra-s, stupid, purblind. Perhaps these words all belong to rt. mu
(No. 478), so that the stupid man would be called a mussitando.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
423
a probably for of, as in μ-µo-ç (No. 478). We might also regard
as related mo-mar 'stultus apud Siculos' Fest. p. 140.
485) oußoo-s rain, ouẞo-to-s rainy, ouẞo-é-o rain. — Skt.
abhra-m storm-cloud, clouds, amb-u, ambh-as water.
Lat. imber (st. imbri).
Bopp Gl., who very boldly (like Benf. I 117) divides abhra into
ap (water) and bhara (bearing). Schweizer Ztschr. II 66 more cor-
rectly groups together all the words here mentioned, as coming under
the common idea of water, and also reminds us of άpgó-s foam,
which had been compared with abhra-m by Weber. Medials and
aspirates vary in Skt. as in Greek. See on this point p. 517.
Bugge Ztschr. II 386 holds Osc. anafriss to be identical with imbri-
bus. So Corssen I2 163.
486) cuó-s crudus, crudelis, uó-τŋ-s rawness.
Skt.
âma-s, ama-s crudus, am-la-s sour, acidity.
Lat. am-âru-s. O.-H.-G. am-pher [Mod.-G.
Ampfer sorrel]. Ir. óm raw (Ir. Gl. 90).
Benf. II 89, then without regard to this grouping Ztschr. VIII 88,
Ind. lect. Kil. aest. 1856 p. VIII, Pictet Ztschr. V 341. On the
O.-H.-G. ampher sorrel cp. Pictet I 309, Kuhn Beitr. II 381. Skt.
amla-s, amlî means also wood-sorrel, oxalis corniculata. The by-form
ambla-s is noteworthy phonetically, for its b was the preliminary step
to the O.-H.-G. ph. Pott W. II, 2, 153.
487) uo-s shoulder, duo-háτn shoulderblade. Skt.
Goth. amsa.
asa-s shoulder.
1
Lat. um-e-ru-s.
The primi-
Bopp Gl., Pott II¹ 290, Aufrecht Ztschr. I 283.
tive form is amsa-s, whence Graeco-It. omso-s, Greek duo-s, but be-
sides this Hesych. mentions άµ-έ-σœ œµо-яlátαι, a form in which
ε enters as an auxiliary vowel as in Lat. um-e-ru-s (for am-e-so-s).
P
A Greek o corresponds in the following cases to an
Indogermanic r, and this is retained as a rule also in the
other languages; but in some cases it has passed into 7.
488) Rt. άp άo̟-άo̟-1-6x-ε fitted on, άo̟-uevo-s fit, suiting,
άo-no-a suit (άo-no-óres near to one another),
424
BOOK II.
342
άo̟-6-α, no̟-ao-o-v fitted together, äo-d-oo-v joint,
limb, άo̟-τú-w fit together, prepare, άo̟-tú-s, άo-
-uó-s union, friendship, do---µó-s reckoning,
series, number, v-no-1-to-s uncounted, άo-uó-s
joint, shoulder, άo-to-s fit, exact, άo-ti just, ex-
actly, άotí-g-o prepare, do-- proper, good (άo-
είων, ἄριστος), ἀρ-ε-σκω please, ἀρετή excel-
lence, άo-ɛ-tά-∞ be of use, serve, oi-no-ns trusted.
Skt. rt. ar to hit upon anything, to attain, ara-m
fit, fast, ara-s spoke of a wheel, ar-ja-s attached,
faithful, îrma-s arm. Zd. rt. ar go, air-ya faith-
ful, arcta complete, ere-thé rectitude.
Lat. ar-ma, ar-mu-s, ar-tu-s limb, arti-culu-s, ar-ti-re,
ar-tâ-re to fit in firmly, ar-tu-s narrow, ar-(ti)-s,
arti-fex.
Goth. ar-m-s, O.-H.-G. aram arm, Goth. li-thu-s limb.
Ch.-Sl. ra-mę duos, Lith. ar-tì (adv.) near, àrty-
ma-s (adj.) near, àrtin-ti bring nearer, O.-Pruss.
irmo arm.
O.-Ir. áram gen. úirme f. numerus (Z.² 241), áirmim
numero (Z.² 435), rímu numero, aestimo (Z.² 435),
alt n. pl. ailt junctura (Z.2 265, Corm. Gl. Transl.
p. 117).
Benf. I 56. Much light is thrown upon this widely ramifying
rt. by the meanings given in the Pet. Dict. for Skt. ar-ja-s and rt.
ar, whose part. perf. act. fem. ârushî, except as regards the varying
reduplication, entirely corresponds to the Gr. dg-aqvi a fitting. With
the causative form ar-pajâ-mi, which means fasten, secure, are con-
nected ἁρπ-ε-δών (ο), ἁρπ-ε-δόνη rope, cord; the aspirate here is in
the same position as that of aq-µó-s and its numerous derivatives
(ἁρμοι, ἁρμόζω, ἁρμονία). On further extensions (ἁμαρτῆ, ὁμ-αρ-τῆ,
ὁμαρ-τέ-ω, ὅμ-ηρο-ς, ὁμηρ-εύω, Ὁμ-άριο-ς) de nomine Homeri p. 11 sq.
By the side of Lat. ar-s is Skt. ?-ti-s in its meaning manner and
way. On výgito-s, ɛixooiv-ýqıta cp. Rumpf Jahn's Jahrb. 1866 p. 85.
The meanings develope themselves simply from the idea ‘fit',
which is readily taken transitively, and from which the notions of
close union, and also of narrowness (Lat. ar-tu-s) and straitened
circumstances, affliction (Goth. ar-m-s élɛɛivós) are but little removed.
So also with the transferred notion of suiting, pleasing (Gefallens),
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
425
which in German too has been formed from the idea of coinciding
(zusammenfallen); cp. convenit. In the Homeric άgoavtes zarà dvµòv
4 136, ἐνί φρεσὶν ἤραρεν ἡμῖν δ 777 we can clearly see the trans-
ition. There is a good parallel to άge-tý, as far as meaning goes,
in M.-H.-G. vuoge fit, proper behaviour (Wörner Substantivum Homeric.
index p. 17). The positive of άgɛíov occurs in the Hom. voc. ¿gés
(E 31), as Ixion recognized (Bekker Hom. Bl. 195, Hartel Ztschr. f.
österr. Gymnasien 1871 p. 604). Cp. also Ebel Ztschr. VI 452 and
Leo Meyer Bemerkungen p. 45; the latter connects also "Ag-n-s, &ql-s
with Skt. ar-i-s enemy, and the meaning of enemy with rt. ar strike.
This might be admitted, if we assumed that a Gr. ep with a special
meaning was developed from the rt. ar. In any case q-u-s is not
to be separated from έo̟-έ--∞, ¿q-e-d-is-w provoke, which remind us
of Lat. in-rî-to. The fundamental meaning of this rt. can however 343
hardly have been anything but that of motion in the direction of
something. In most of its applications this is regarded as successful,
attaining its goal. Thus we may connect without violence also 'ag-
έ-odαι, "ãg-α-odaι attain, which are generally referred as aorists to
alow, together with άq-o-s gain (Aesch. Suppl. 887) (cp. Kuhn Ztschr.
II 460). But if we remember that aigo almost always appears in
Homer in the fuller form άɛigo, there is not the least probability
that the st. aɛg (for aƑɛe) should have been shortened to 'ǎg in xvdos
de̟-έ-óðαι. The present to these aorists is rather άo-vv-uαi (cp. also
µíod-aqvo-s). There is no reference whatever here to the notion of
raising occurring in ciow. Hence it is only in this sense that we find
the fut. 'άo-ovuar (Schneidewin ad Soph. Aj. 75), as distinguished
from 'ăọ☎ (for deg) from aioa (Aesch. Pers. 795). With these
meanings o-1--0-s day-labourer is at once seen to be connected,
probably also e-avo-s, the primary meaning of which seems to be
a collection of money. It can hardly be doubted that the particle
άga (άę, gα) is derived from this rt.; doc as an interrogative has the
greatest resemblance to the Lith. interrogative ar. The comparison
of άgεíæv, άglotos with Skt. varija-s, varishtha-s (vara-s eximius),
supported by Pott I¹ 221, Bopp Gl., Benf. I 321 rests upon the entirely
unfounded assumption of a F: Thiersch (Gramm. p. 232, to whom Pott
appeals, only thought he could find traces of it in άolotov breakfast,
and these do not exist. For the splitting' of the rt. ar into áp,
ẻp, op see above p. 49. Hence results a relationship of this rt. with
No. 490, 492, 500. It will be seen on p. 691 that oxoµaι also be-
longs to it. Pott W. II, 1, 78. ·
α
1
—
489) ἀράχνη, ἀράχνης, ἀραχνός spider, αράχνιον
spider's web. Lat. arâ-neu-s arâ-nea spider
and spider's web, arâneu-m spider's web, arâneare.
Förstemann Ztschr. III 56 (cp. Kuhn III 69) attempts an etymo-
426
BOOK II.
344
logy based upon the equivalent Skt. name úrṇa-nábha-s, properly
'having wool on the navel': but this is very uncertain. Otherwise
Max Müller IV 368. The true view has been taken by Walter Ztschr.
XII 377. He deduces a rt. ark range one by another, spin, which we
may regard as an expansion of ar. This shows itself, as I have proved
Ztschr. XIII 398, most clearly in άox-v-s (by-form άoxv-o-v) net, which
is related to this rt precisely as Goth. nati net to O.-H.-G. nû-ja-n
(sew), as rê-te, probably for srê-te to ser‑o (No. 518), and also in άox-
ἀνη τὸ ῥάμμα, ᾧ τὸν στήμονα ἐγκαταπλέκουσιν αἱ διαζόμεναι. Add,
with 1 for g and an inserted vowel, ýlaz-άrn (Hes. ýλɛxátn) spindle.
άo-ά-x-vŋ shows the same vowel, but preserves the ę; x has been
aspirated under the influence of the v; cp. for this p. 493. Hence
άgázvŋ means spinner. If the Latin words are not borrowed from
the Greek (and I should wish to leave this an open question, though
Corssen I² 634 considers it certain) we have here an instance of re-
markable special agreement between the two languages.
490) άoó-w plough, άoo-τno ploughman, άoo-to-s plough-
ing, season for ploughing, go-too-v plough,
ἄρου-ρα ploughed land, πολύ-ηρος πολυουρος
(Hesych.).
Lat. ar-â-re, arâ-tor, arâ-ti-o, arâ-tru-m, arvu-s άgó-
бquos, arvu-m.
Goth. ar-jan άgotgiãv, O.-H.-G. err-an arare [O.-E.
car], ar-t aratio, O.-N. ar aratio, ardhr aratrum.
Lith. ár-ti, Ch.-Sl. or-a-ti plough, Lith. aríma-s
ploughing, field, arkla-s (Lexica), Ch.-Sl. oralo,
ralo plough.
Ir. ar aratio, airim aro, arathar aratrum (Corm. Gl.
1. 3, Transl. 2. 7), Corn. erv, ereu ager (Z.2 131).
ar-i-tra-m oar has
Kuhn Ind. Studien I 351, Pott W. I 293.
nothing in common with άoo-too-v plough, except the rt. with the
general notion of moving (No. 488). In its application to ploughing
rt. ar (always retaining too its vowel a), is proper to all the European
languages, as distinguished from the Oriental. Whether o¤ earth
(cp. Goth. air-tha), qα-ge is connected with these words is doubtful.
Grimm Gesch. 54 ff., Pott II¹ 179, Pictet II 78. For Greek, with
the exception perhaps of ἄρσεις· ἀροτριάσεις (Hesych.) άρο as a de-
rivative verbal-stem, is the only form: this may point back to de̟of,
so that άgov-qa would be for άoof-ga. But Misteli's view (Ztschr.
XVII 178) is also possible, that άgovę¤ is for a reduplicated de̟-og-Fα.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
427
Corssen Beitr. 241 raises some well-founded objections against the
connexion of armentu-m with these words.
491) ἄρσην (st. ἀρσεν), Ion. ἔρσην, Att. ἄῤῥην mascu-
line, άoo-ev-zó-s of a masculine nature. - Skt.
rsha-bha-s ox, Zd. arshan man, male.
Schweizer Ztschr. IV 308 following Benfey's Sanskrit-Chresto-
mathie Glossar. p. 61, though the latter formerly compared the tradi-
tional Façon which nowhere occurs, and the ♬ of which is assumed
without any justification, with the Skt. vṛsha-s, vṛshâ (st. vṛshan),
vṛsha-bha-s ox; so Bopp Gl. Accentuationssystem p. 143, and Leo
Meyer Ztschr. V 387. We may regard as the root of the words
grouped together here ars, Skt. arsh flow, in the sense of besprinkle;
according to the Pet. Dict. indeed this is 'related to varsh' so that
both explanations would ultimately come to the same thing. Still
I do not know why we should consider that there is any difficulty
in the relation of varsh to arsh. Who will contend that the oldest
language could not have possessed two roots ars and vars (ep. No. 497)
synonymous but phonetically distinct. Sonne Ztschr. X 103 derives
the surname of Dionysos Elqapı-wτn-s (Alc. fr. 90 ¿ggape-wτn-s) from
arsabha-s (Skt. ṛsha-bha-s), of course as a further derivative
so that
it would mean fertilizer. I do not attempt to determine whether
arie(t)-s belongs here, mainly because of the fem. arna Paul. Epit. 20
and Lith ėrýti-s lamb.
492) Rt. Ep άµp-no-ns double-oared, &λi-no-ns rowing
through the sea, nevτyxóvτ-o0o-s fifty-oared ship,
ἐρ-έ-της, ὑπηρέτης oarsman, ρ-ε-σία rowing,
crew of rowers, ¿o-έ-66-w row, soɛt-uó-s oar.
Skt. ar-i-tra-s (adj.) driving, ar-i-tra-s (subst.) oar,
ar-i-tra-m helm, ar-i-tâ (st. aritar) oarsman.
Lat. ra-ti-s, rê-mu-s, rềm-ig-iu-m, tri-mềm-i-s
O.-N., A.-S. ár, M.-H.-G. rie-me oar (Low G. reem),
O.-H.-G. ruo-dar.
Lith. ir-ti row (1 sing. pres. ir-i-ù), ir-kla-s oar.
Ir. im-rad they rowed about, raissid they rowed.
(Chron. Scot. p. 10), ramhaim 'I row, travel',
iom-raim, iom-ramhaim 'I sail or row' (O'R.).
Kuhn Ind. Studien I 353, Pott II' 279, W. I 294, Benf. II 305,
who also adds to this group xvẞ-ee-vά-w and compares the first syll-
able with zvuẞn; but xúµßŋ is too rare in the meaning boat pro-
bably originally only poetical, like 'shell' (No. 80) to make this
345
128
BOOK II.
explanation plausible; otherwise the form zvμ-εovýτη-s, according to
E. M. Aeolic, might easily be connected with it. By the side of
the rt. ar Gr. èp, which underlies these words, there is also the meta-
thesized ra, appearing most plainly in ra-ti-s. I have intentionally
omitted from the words in ons quoted in the text roi-no-ns, for the
'three-decker', like dɩ-ñg-ɛs the second story, derives its name from
rt. àp fit. Schweizer (Ztschr. III 353) is right in counting among
the words of the cognate languages O.-H.-G. ruo-dar (uo from ấ)
against differing views on the part of Bopp (Vergl. Gr. III 202) and
Pictet II 185. ἐρέσσω ἐρετjω points to a noun-stem έρετα, as
пvo̟έóów to пvọɛтo (nom. яvqɛτó-s fever); cp. Ebel Ztschr. IV 335.
We may probably add the town-names Ερέτρια, Ερεσσός (Ερεσος).
But also words which denote motion forwards on land, like Skt.
ratha-s, Lith. rát-a-s, Lat. rot-a [Germ. Rad] wheel, cannot be sepa-
rated; especially as Skt. ar-i-tra-m denotes not only rudder, but also,
according to the Pet. Dict., 'a part of a carriage', and as 0.-Ir. ara
gen. arad auriga (orig. part. pres. act., Z.² 255) certainly also belongs
here. But. Lat. rot-a cannot be separated from rot-undu-s, the form
of which, pointing as it does to a derived verbal-stem rotô, I have
explained in the Symbola philolog. Bonn. I 278. The Pet. Dict. com-
pares with vл-ng-έ-in-s Skt. ar-a-ti-s servant, help. This meaning
suits well enough the wider use of vængέtn-s, but not the narrower
'oarsman', which the word with its derivatives certainly has. Hence
ar-a-ti-s may have been derived directly from the fundamental notion
of going, striving (cp. No. 273), vлηgéτη-s on Greek soil immediately
from that of rowing. On the difference between rts. Ep and ȧp, st.
άgo, cp. No. 490.
493) Rt. Èp, Fep Hom. εio-o say (¿o̟-έ-w, εlo̟n-xa for
¿-Ƒon-xa, ¿¿óń-Dnv, én-tó-s for Fon-to-s), éń-two,
Aeol. βρήτωρ orator, ρήτρα (Elic Fράτρα) decree,
óñ-µa word, éñ-áɩ-s speech, ɛion-vŋ agreement,
peace, ῥη-σκ-ο-μένων λεγομένων (Hes.).
Lat. ver-bu-m, Umbr. verf-ale verbale.
Goth. vaúr-d word, anda-vaúrd answer, ga-vaúrd-i
ὁμιλία.
O.-Pruss. wir-de word, Lith. vàr-da-s name.
Again an European root, which has nothing certainly correspond-
ing in the Oriental languages. Cp. Corssen I2 171. For it is very
346 doubtful whether Skt. brû Zd. mrú (Pott W. I 1226) belongs here.
The same may be said of Fick's groupings (162). On the Greek
forms see Ahrens Formenlehre p. 116, D. Aeol. 34, 36, 226, Ebel
Ztschr. XIII 458, Hoffmann Quaestt. Homer. II 48. The latter finds
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
429
기
​a distinction in Homer as regards the digamma between the decid-
edly digammatized words which mean say, and those which mean
ask. Anyhow, these distinct words are not to be confused, as is often
done. For even if the notion of asking in ɛio-o-µaι, inf. aor. ¿ọέóðαι
may be arrived at from a phrase like 'I get said to me', this is quite
impossible for qɛiouɛv let us ask A 62, ośwv seeking 9 31. Now
as we have unmistakeably belonging to these words not merely έow-
tãv and soɛɛivɛiv ask, but also eqɛvva a tracing (cp. Bugge Ztschr.
XX, 9) ¿qɛvvãv to trace out, a chasm opens between these words and
those of saying, which cannot be filled up. I should, without any
more hesitation, give by the side of rt. Fep say, a root p seek, and
even connect pw-s with the latter, did there not appear in the Ion.
εἰρ-ωτάω and in the Hom. fut. εἰρήσομαι I shall ask η 237, τ 104, 509
a fuller initial syllable, which points to the loss of a consonant.
Hoffmann's suggestion of quaero is of course incorrect, if only because
in this word is for an earlier s. Hence the only result at which
I can confidently arrive is the separation of the two series of words.
Diefenbach Goth. Wtb. I 199, Benf. II 6, where many strange com-
binations are to be found. On ɛlývη cp. Giese Aeol. D. 187.
ỏ-αq-i-w chat (ỏαqıo-tú-s, ỏαgio-τý-s, ő-ago-s) may probably be re-
garded as a reduplicated form for Fa-Fag-it-o. Otherwise Bugge
Stud. IV 337.
Lat. ervu-m, cr-
494) ἐρέβινθο-ς, ὄροβο-ς chick-pea.
vilia. O.-H.-G. araweiz, O.-S. erwet.
Pott I¹ 117, Benf. II 313, Hesych. leßívdiot égéßivoi. Lat. v
Gr. β as vicia βικίο-ν. On the termination Lobeck Paralip. 244.
For the German words, which are possibly borrowed, Grimm Gr.
II 222. άo-ano-s, later άoax-os, a kind of pulse seems to be of
kindred root. Cp. No. 523 b.
495) Ἐρινύς. — Skt. Saranju-s.
Kuhn Ztschr. I 439 ff., where he points out some remarkable
coincidences between the Arcadian legend of Demeter Erinys related
by Pausan. VIII, 25 and the Vedic legends of Saranjûs. Max Müller
II 482 agrees with this etymology, though in a different sense. For
him 'Eoivus too is the blush of dawn, while Sonne Ztschr. X 121 sees
in it the storm-cloud. The spir. lenis appears in the place of the
aspirate as in the copulative ά ά, sa (No. 598). ī points to an i
that has found its way in from the final syllable (cp. zoív-w for
xqi-vjw Aeol. noívvw), for the spelling with one is the better esta-
blished, according to L. Dindorf's note in Steph. Thesaurus. No
stress is to be laid on the ɛ which once occurs in an inscription
(C. I. II p. 353), any more than on the isolated v (C. I. I 916).
-
430
BOOK II.
347
But we may notice the Macedonian form preserved by Hesych. Agáv
tíoi 'Eqivoi; Pott discusses this (Personennamen p. 107) reminding
us of doά curse, without deciding anything as to its origin.
496) [ἔρ-ος] Ion. εἶρ-ος, ἔρ-ιο-ν wool, ἐρ-ίν-εο-ς, ἐροῦς
woollen.
Skt. ura in ura-bhra-s ram, i. e. wool-bearer, ura-
ṇa-s ram, urâ sheep, úr-ṇa-m, ûrnâ wool.
Lat. vell-us, vill-u-s.
Goth. vulla wool, vullarei-s fuller.
Lith. vìl-na wool, viln-óni-s woollen, Ch.-Sl. vlŭ-na
wool.
Cymr. gulan lana (Z.2 130. 822).
97
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 1, 565, Benf. II 296, Schleich. Ksl. 129,
Diefenbach Goth. Wtb. I 184. The rt. is rightly taken to be the
var cover, which is preserved in Skt. Hence Skt. var-a, shortened
into ur-a, var-na shortened ûr-ņa Fɛq-i-v(a) in έo-iv-so-s. The form
vara has also been preserved in var-varo-s woolly-haired, discussed
under No. 394. The initial digamma has disappeared in Greek with-
out leaving a trace. The shortest substantive p-os is merely hypo-
thetical; for we actually find only sig-os with Ionic lengthening, and
the compound ε-εq-oç. As we have in Skt. Lith. and Slav. a form
with a nasal suffix, it is natural to explain the double l as originating
in In, not only in Goth. vulla but also in Lat. vellus (cp. Corssen
Beitr. 327). Even in Greek there is not wanting a form in which
ther has passed into 2, for the kinship of ovλo-s curly (ovló-ty(t)s,
ovló-dqıέ) has long been recognized. To the words with the harder
liquid seem to belong also Gr. άov-es lambs, άov-ɛɩó-5 ram,
S
πολύ-
όρην rich in sheep; for the forms βαρν-ίον αρνίον, βάρ-ιχοι ἄρνες
(Hesych.) and the proper name Fάovov on a Boeotian inscription
(Ahrens D. Dor. 45, Aeol. 170) point to an initial labial. There are
traces of this remaining in the Iliad too (Hoffmann Quaest. Hom.
II 39), so that I. Bekker writes Faqvov. The double o̟ in molú-ééŋv
arose, we must suppose, from Fe as in één-on-v, so that we must
assume an old double form Faq-v, Foα-v. The second form is pre-
served as év in later authors, and in the derived év-ig = άovanís
sheepskin, Prvεiα. άov-εió-s with the distinctive accent is a deriva-
tive like the adjective άovelos, but it has a decided analogue in the
Skt. úrņāju-s ram (= varņâ-ju-s). It is very hard to determine
whether the O.-H.-G. ram ram, compared by Förstemann Ztschr.
I 496, is related, because we must also take into consideration Lith.
er-ýti-s lamb and Lat. a-rie-(t)-s with their initial vowels: and these
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
431
have certainly nothing to do with this rt. and have been mentioned
under No. 491.
Cp. further Grimm Gesch. 35, Pott II¹ 407.
497) ἔρσ-η (Hom. ἐέρση, Cret. ἄερσ-α), ἕρσ-η dew, ἑρσή-
εɩ-s dewy. -Skt. varsh-a-s, varsh-a-m rain, rt.
varsh varsh-a-ti pluit.
rain.
O.-Ir. frass shower of
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 468, Benf. I 327.
The vowel pre-
fixed in the epic form, as in that preserved in Hesych. (άɛooav tǹv
dgóбov Kožtes) points clearly enough to ♬ (Ahr. d. Dor. 51). Are
we to suppose that Skt. ras-a-s juice, water, Lat. rô-s, Ch.-Sl. ros-a,
Lith. rasà dew, which remind us also of the rt. ars discussed under
No. 491, are related, and that they have lost an initial Vau? So
Pott conjectures (cp. Corssen Beitr. 506) and he even compares doó6-0-5,
on which Kuhn Ztschr. II 138 offers very different conjectures.
With regard to the meaning it is noteworthy that Hesych. quotes on 348
Έρση also νοτία, ὁμίχλη. As from rt. ars comes ἄρσην, so from rt.
vars come Skt. vṛsh-an, which kept closer to the original meaning
(M. Müller Asiatic Society March 1868 p. 10). As the rt. in Skt.
never means anything but rain it is unsafe to compare with Benfey
the Hom. ἀπό-Γερσε tore, swept away, ἀποέρσειε with the second
syllable long: this is more probably connected with άn-avo̟-ά-w, άno-
úo̟-α-s, and even with Féggɛɩ to go away, where there is undoubt-
edly an initial digamma. Cp. Pott II² 596, where Lat. verrere sweep
is also mentioned. Ir. frass must be traced back to *vras-ta.
O'Reilly has it, with the meaning 'shower, hail'. In the L. U. we
find: atá lim-sa bá frass do nemannail it seems to me as if it were
a shower of pearls' (Journ. I p. 376).
498) ερωδιός (ρωδιός) heron.
Lat. ardea.
Pott I¹ 213, Förstemann Ztschr. III 56, Benf. II 6.
Probably
there is some connexion or other with the word which Hesych. s. v.
άqapos explains by dowdiós. Instead of this form, which violates the
alphabetical order, some conjecture apagos. We can hardly sup-
α
pose that the Lat. word is borrowed, but must rather assume a com-
mon primitive form ardja, so that a would have to be taken as
one of the many auxiliary vowels, which are lengthened to avoid too
many short syllables. Herodian indeed taught that the true spelling
was topdiós (ɛgì μovýgovs léģeos p. 57, Lehrs, Herod. I p. 116
Lentz), but this perhaps was only to favour his derivation from gośśw.
499) ɛvou-s wide, svoú-v-w widen, Evo-os width, breadth.
Skt. uru-s (fem. urv-i) wide (comp. var-îjas),
432
BOOK II.
uru-gâ-ja-m wide room, uru-kakshâs, (kakshas eye)
wide-seeing. Zd. uru vouru wide.
1
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 221, Benf. I 79. An initial metathesis has
taken place. ɛvqv : varu = παvqo-s : parvu-s, vɛõgo-v : nervu-s.
500) Rt. ỏp ốp-vu-uu, op-iv-a, opo-0-0v-a (fut. pc, aor.
άo-oo-o-v) excite, oo-wp-a am excited, raised,
đọ-to raised himself, őo̟-60 (öo̟-6ɛ0) raise thyself,
ỏo-έ-ovτo they broke up, oo-ov-c hurl myself,
ἀν-ορού-ω spring up, οὖρ-ο-ν room, δίσκ-ουρα
(pl.) casts of a quoit.
Skt. rt. ar r-no-mi (aor. ár-a-m 3 sing. aor. m. âr-ta
co-to) raise myself, struggle upwards, excite,
îr to raise oneself, excite. Zd. rt. ir raise one-
self, rise (of stars).
Lat. or-i-o-r, or-tu-s, or-igo.
—
Benf. I 53, Kuhn Ztschr. II 396, 459, Pott W. II, 1, 3. The
individual meanings of the Skt. words were demonstrated first in the
Pet. Dict.: previously only the colourless 'ire', and since Westergaard
also ‘adoriri, excitare' were known. The î in îr has come, as is often
the case, from a. The rt. is the same as that discussed under Nos.
488, 490, 491, but even before the separation of the European nations
from each other, this parted off into three forms ap, ép, ỏp with the
three vowels, and essentially different meanings. In this case we can
349 see with unusual clearness the closer community of the Greeks and
Italians on the one side, and the Indians and Iranians on the other.
On the ov of ỏg-ov-w Ztschr. III 77. Bugge Stud. IV 327 proves
that this rt. occurs also with meaning 'shoot forth, grow', so ortûs
Lucr. I 212, and connects with it, probably with justice, Norweg.
runne, rune with the fully equivalent o-vos (cp. dñ-vos, ix-vos, ¿ð-
vos) which I previously placed under 523 b. We may add O.-N. renna
shoot-forth, grow quickly. Isolated & by o as in qua under No. 502.
501) Rt. op, Fop έnì oo-o-vτại look after (3 sing. plpf.
ἐπὶ ὀρ-ώρ-ει), οὖρ-o-s guard, watchman, ἐπί-ουρ-o-s
overlooker, poovρ-ó-s (π00-000-5) guard, poovoά
watch, guard, tiµá-090-5 (tiµwgó-s) guardian of
honour, avenger, пvlα-шó-s, dvo̟wó̟-s door-
keeper, oa care, protection, ôçá-∞ (Ê-άoα-xα,
ἑώρων) see, ὅραμα look, -όρα-το-ς invisible.
Lat. ver-e-o-r, ver-i-tu-s, veré-cundu-s, re-ver-e-o-r.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
433
Goth. vars visan to be careful, ware, O.-H.-G. war
intentus, giwar aware, war-a intuitio, consideratio,
cura, M.-H.-G. war nemen eines dinges, to beware
of a thing, O.-S. war-ô-n animadvertere, obser-
vare, Goth. daúravar-d-s vowoós door-ward,
θυρωρός
O.-H.-G. wartên videre, exspectare, cavere, war-t,
war-to custos.
Cymr. Corn. gwel-af for *velam video (Z.² 508 ff).
Pott W. II, 1, 582, Benf. II 297, Diefenbach Goth. Wtb. I 201,
210, Döderlein Gloss. 2274, where the explanation here given of ènì
δ' ἀνέρες ἐσθλοὶ ὄρονται (ξ 104), ὄροντο (γ 471), ορώρει (112), which
is supported by an old interpretation, and is defended by Lobeck
against Buttmann A. Gr. II 260, is confirmed by sound arguments.
For the peculiarities of the augment Ebel Ztschr. IV 171. The
existence of the F is further proved by βῶροι ὀφθαλμοί (Hesych.
Suid.), by πυλαυρός, πλευρός = πυλωρός (Hesych.) and by the vowel
in composition, though on the other hand we find even in 178
οὐδενόσωρος. The length of the o in the Homeric πυλαωρό-s is seen
to arise from a transposition of quantity, if we compare Dor. tiµá-
000-s (Ep. τruń-ooo-s): hence tiuwgós is 'honour-ward'. For the
meaning see Introduction p. 99. The root will recur in other uses
on p. 574.
502) oo-un rush, impulse, ôquá-c press on, rush, άp-
oquń, òquŋ-týgio-v incitement, starting-point of
a movement.
Skt. rt. sar (sar-â-mi, si-sar-mi) ire, fluere, in com-
pounds also aggredi, irruere, excitare, sar-a-m,
sar-as water, sar-it flood. Zd. har go.
Pott W. II, 1, 658, Benf. I 60. The proper meaning of the
Skt. rt. is unfortunately still obscure, and hence some doubts still
exist as to its compounds. Kuhn in Haupt's Ztschr. VI p. 131 com-
pares douń with the Indic Saramâ, and Saramêja-s the son of the
latter with the Gr. Ερμείας (Ερμί-ς), ascribing to both ὁρμή and
sarama the meaning 'storm'. (Ztschr. IV 27). Hence Kuhn and 350
Welcker (Götterl. I 342) are fundamentally agreed about the etymon,
though they take it in very different ways, while Max Müller Lect.
II 468 regards Equeías as 'the dawn-son'. [Cp. also Cox, Aryan
Mythology II 231]. I have still some difficulties with regard to the
name of the God because of the Greek appellativa ἕρμαιον, ἑρμηνεύς,
Equŋvɛúw, which resemble 'Equcías in sound, but are still unexplained.
I cannot think of deriving them simply from the name of the God
CURTIUS, Etymology.
28
}
434
BOOK II.
(Pott Ztschr. VI 46); at any rate I should not be able to quote any
name of a God used thus. On the other hand ἕρμα in ἕρμ᾽ ὀδυ
váwv (4 117) must be added here. The word has evidently the mean-
ing of the later άpogun. The forced explanation from qɛídw can
satisfy no one. The isolated & as in ovos under No. 500.
503) ὄρνις (st. όρνι, όρνιθ, Dor. όρνιχ), ὄρνε-ο-ν bird.
Goth. ara (gen. arins), O.-H.-G. aro, arn eagle
[Aar]. Ch.-Sl. ori-lu, Lith. eréli-s (also eri-s)
eagle.
α
Grimm Gesch. 1021. Benfey's objection (I 332), that ά-oqv-o-s
proves the existence of F, has no weight, for this late word in its
isolation can no more prove the initial labial than ά-oлтo-s, ά-ogµo-s
prove one in the case of the roots there concerned. Benfey's treat-
ment II 252 is erroneous. The ✈ as against the Dor. x will occupy
us on p. 486. Ebel Ztschr. V 66 conjectures as the rt. op (No. 500),
so that the bird would be denoted as the 'upstriving'. For the
names of the eagle Pictet I 456. Perhaps the name of the Thracian
king "Opolo-s or "Ologo-s, transmitted also to the father of Thucydides,
belongs here. The form of it reminds us most of the Slavonic words.
504) ὄρ-ος (Ion. οὖρος) mountain, Ορέστης, ὀρεί-τη-ς,
őọε-ɩo-ç (Ion. ovo̟ɛo-ç) dwelling in the mountains,
ópai-vó-s mountainous, dwelling in the mountains,
ὀρ-εύς (οὐρεύς) mule.
Skt. gir-i-s, Zd. gairi mountain (gen. garôis).
Ch.-Sl. gor-a mountain.
Bopp Gl., who from the Zd. and Ch.-Sl. form justly deduces
an older stem gar-i for the Skt.; so Schleich. Ksl. 103, Ebel Ztschr.
V 65. A trace of F is preserved in Boggã-s, Boq-éα-s (Tneq-ßóg-
ε101), in case this, as is not improbable, means properly 'mountain-
wind' [cp. Italian tramontana]. Hence I take gar as the rt., whence
yFoe, Foe (Boe), og were developed. The suffix is different in all
three families of speech. Cp. ala by the side of yaĩa (No. 132)
and below p. 474. From ovgos we may perhaps assume a suffix -vas;
cp. ovd-as, pul-vis, cad-â-ver.
505) őggo-ç os coccygis, rump, ovoά tail, ovo̟axo-s, ovo̟-
íaxo-s the extreme end. O.-H.-G. ars anus.
Pott I¹ 123, Benf. I 103. őgéo-s for ỏgoo-s, ovęά with com-
pensatory lengthening. Perhaps Lat. urr-uncu-m 'quod in infima
spica' Varro R. R. I 48, 2 is related. Otherwise Bugge Ztschr.
XX 30.
―
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
435
506) ορός (οδός) late οὐρός whey. Skt. sara-s
curdled milk. Lat. seru-m whey.
súri-s large cheese, Ch.-Sl. syrů tvo̟ós.
Lith.
Pott I¹ 123, Benf. II 59. The spir. lenis instead of the aspi-
rate, which we should have expected in place of s, as in tɛós (No.
208), οπός sucu-s. Any connexion with ovço-v (No. 510), certain 351
as it seems to Passow, is untenable; but as the same word in Skt.
means also salt and sara-m (No. 502) water, other connexions are
suggested [cp. Germ. rennen run and rinnen curdle]. As ỏgó-s is the
oldest form, ¿¿gós, which is perhaps expanded by the use of another
suffix, cannot be any obstacle to this comparison, as Pictet II 30 con-
siders it.
507) ὄρτυξ.
Skt. vartaka-s, vartaká, vartakî quail.
Benf. I 334, Förstemann Ztschr. III 53, Kuhn 68. The Skt. form
úrtikâ quoted by the last is not given in the Pet. Dict. A Fin
Greek is established by γόρτυξ ὄρτυξ Hesych. The genitive ὄρτυκ-ος
quoted by grammarians (cp. L. Dindorf in Steph. Thes. s. v. contains
the earlier x, which was afterwards weakened into y. The suffix is
therefore the k common in Greek and Latin in the case of the names
of birds. The rt. in Skt. is held to be vart Lat. vertere, whence
also vart-uka-s rotundus. Pictet I 495 explains this from the custom
of these species of birds to roll round on the ground.
508) ỏqvy-µó-s, άo̟vy-ý, άo̟vy-µa a roaring, howling.
1
Lat. rug-i-o, rugî-tu-s. Ch.-Sl. ryk-na-ti co̟ú-
εσθαι.
Pott I¹ 213, Benf. II 6. Both compare also words which
point to an Indogermanic k, like the Slavonic verb and O.-H.-G. roh-ô-n
rugire. According to this a weakening from k to g would be probable
(ep. μυκ-ά-ο-μαι and Lat. mug-i-o). - The verb ὀρύγω οι όρυγάνω
quoted by Benfey and also by Pictet Ztschr. VI 183 is nowhere to
be found. ogvyuó-s in Hesych. is probably rightly explained by
βρυχμός instead of the traditional βρυχόμενος. ὀρυγ-μαδός ψόφος,
κτύπος, ὀρυγμάδες θόρυβοι look like mere corruptions of the better
established ógvuaуdó-s. Cp. ágú-w (No. 523).
509) οὐρανό-ς (Aeol. ὤρανο-ς, ὄρανο-ς) heaven, frmament,
palate, ovoάv-to-s heavenly, ovoaví-av-es caelites.
Skt. Varuna-s God of water, 'all-embracing'
(Pe... Dict.).
Kuhn
Benf. I 324 (otherwise II 298), Pott W. II, 1, 554.
Ztschr. I 457 'Varuṇa-s in its oldest form equivalent to Gr. Ovgavó-s,
28*
436
BOOK II.
later God of the waters, which are called the wives of Varuna'.
Schweizer III 387 against Bopp, who derives ovqavó-s from Skt. varsh
The root of this old word is var cover. For the
Aeolic forms see Ahr. 93, 101.
rain (No. 497).
510) ovoo-v urine, ovo-é-o pass urine (impf. ovo̟ovv),
οὐράνη, ουρήθρα, οὔρημα. Skt. vári water.
Zd. vára rain, vârenti it rains. - Lat. ûr-îna,
ûrîn-â-ri dive, ûrînâ-tor diver.
fine rain, ýra to rain fine.
urine (Z.2 949).
O.-N. úr (n.)
O.-Ir. fual water,
Pott W. II, 1, 596, Benf. I 324, Bugge Ztschr. XX 29.
For
Bopp Gl.
the peculiarities of the augment Ebel Ztschr. IV 166.
refers here, as Varro 1. 1. V 126 did before him, urna and also ur-
ceu-s, but the former is more likely to be connected with ur-o (rt. us)
as being a vessel of burnt earth, the latter probably has its origin
352 in the Gr. vexn (Lob. Paral. p. 34). For the meaning of the words
here compared the Lat. ûrînári is especially instructive, inasmuch as
it has developed quite independently from the idea of water. Döderlein
however (Gloss. 2318) compares Gr. άovɛvtýe with the equivalent
urinator. In that case the word must have lost a ♬ and must be
connected with the fuller stem vârî, but could have nothing to do
with ἀρν (No. 496). Italian proper names which presumably belong
here, are discussed by Corssen Beitr. 238. For Ir. fual cp. Stokes
Ir. Gl. 222, Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 79. We should properly expect either
fal (primitive form *vala) or ual (prim. *aula). Ought we to reco-
gnize in fual the prothetic f of the Middle Irish, treated by Stokes
F. A. p. 25?
M
511) gáлv-s turnip (later gάqv-s), gáp-avo-s cabbage,
pag-aví-g radish. Lat. râp-a, râp-u-m turnip.
M.-H.-G. rüebe turnip. - Ch.-Sl. répa, Lith.
rópe turnip.
Pott I¹ 109, Benf. I 73.
We might suppose borrowing both
in Latin and in German. Still this does not seem probable. If we
start with the form in π and assume aspiration in Greek, all is easily
explained. For this and for many dialectic forms W. Roscher 'Studien'
I, 2, 74. Cp. No. 513.
512)
ῥάχι-ς spine (by-form ῥάχ-ε-τρο-ν, ῥαχία), ῥαχι-αῖος,
ῥαχί-της spinal. O.-H.-G. hrucki, O.-N. hrygg-r
1
back.
Pott II¹ 205, Grimm Gesch. 307 'a Gr. é may exceptionally cor-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
437
respond to an O.-H.-G. hr': this is however probably the case only
when x has been lost in the Greek. The origin of the word and its
relation to gáz-o-s thorn-hedge (cp. spina dorsi), gáz-os rag &c., is
still very obscure. But in the presence of the complete identity of
meaning the comparison here stated may be justified. Benf. II 316.
513) Rt. реî, Ƒρеπ έл-∞ incline (of the balance), ¿oí-ń
inclination, turning of the scale, momentum,
ἀντι-ῤῥοπο-s of equal weight, ἀμφι-ρεπής in-
clining to both sides (amb-ig-uu-s), ¿óñ-aλo-v stick
(for throwing), cudgel, club, çóñ-τo̟o-v knocker,
clapper, bird-trap, aл-í-s rod, xaλa-vooy shep-
herd's staff.
Lat. rep-en(t)s, rep-ente, repent-înu-s.
Lith. virp-iu quake, tremble, waver.
Döderlein Syn. und Etym. VI s. v. repente, Gloss. 2320 suggests
the extremely probable comparison with rep-ente, which we must re-
gard as a locative adverb formed from the participial stem (cp. ¿dɛλ-
οντί); hence it means ῥοπῇ τινι, momento. The only trace of the
F is retained in the v of xala-õgoy: as to the first part of this word
Döderlein Gl. 2104 offers some conjectures; but it is very probable
that nάlo-s 'cord' underlies it, and that so the word means 'cord-
stick'. This stick is used by shepherds for throwing, like the góл-
alo-v [cp. T 846, and Paley on Theocr. IV 49]. Hence the notion of
a quivering motion through the air runs through all these words, and
this is just as suitable to the wavering and trembling of the tongue
in the balance. ραπί-ς rod seems like the swinging ring used for 353
knocking at a door, and the quivering tambourine, both góлτqov to
be also named from swinging, and, as the word is quoted in Hesych.
also with the meaning §άñν-s, so are perhaps all the words of this
stem treated under No. 511. But fáß-do-s resembles still more the
Lith. vìrba-s twig, rod, Ch.-Sl. vrub-a salix (cp. also verb-er, virg-a).
Benf. II 310 offers all kinds of other combinations. ῥίπ-τω,
ó̟īñ-ń, which in spite of the neglect of the 'shifting of mutes' can
hardly be separated from Goth. vairp-a [cp. mold-warp] is disting-
uished from the other forms by its 7, though not more, as Delbrück
Stud. I, 2, 132 proves, than ßęí-dw from ßaqús, no̟ï from hord-eu-m.
Further cp. for into and oɛíлw Pott I¹ 257, Leo Meyer Ztschr.
VI 176, XV 5, Grassmann XII 108, Fick XIX 264. It is better to
suppose that gέµß-w turn, góµßo-s turning &c. have come from rt.
Ƒрεп by a nasal strengthening and a consequent softening of the π
into ß. Pott I¹ 260 holds gέuß-w to be equivalent to Goth. hvaírb-a
1
438
BOOK II.
verto
whence the German 'Wirb-el': if this is correct, kvarp must
be taken as the full form of the root. Cp. Walter Ztschr. XII 388 f.
514) giy-os cold, íy-tov colder, worse, oiy-nλó-s, qiyɛ-
davó-s frosty, awful, giy-έ-∞ (eggiya) shudder,
giyó-w freeze.
Lat. frig-us, frîg-idu-s, frîg-e-o, frig-e-sc-o.
It is easier to assert than to prove
Pott I¹ 258, Benf. II 110.
1
a connexion with rig-e-o, rig-or, rig-idu-s; the entirely similar form-
ation of derivatives where the quantity and the initial letter are alike
different, would of itself oppose the assumption that frig and rig are
originally identical. Cp. Corssen I² 451. Gr. guy has lost an in-
itial labial. So the question must remain open whether this ❤qły
may be perhaps only weakened from φρίκ (φρίσσω, φρίξ, φρίκη).
All further comparisons are extremely uncertain. The O.-H.-G. frios-an
freeze, in particular, agrees neither in its initial nor in its final letter.
Lat. frig-e-re roast belongs to No. 162.
515) ῥίζα (Lesb. βρίσδα) root. Lat. râd-ix.
Goth.
vaurt-s root (wort), O.-H.-G. wurz-â, wurz-ala.
Cymr. gwreidd-yn, Corn. grueit-en radix (Z.² 1077).
Bopp Gl. s. v. rdh, Pott I¹ 250, who has rightly seen that
neither Skt. rdh nor vṛdh suit these words, which rather point to
a rt. vard, vrad, Corssen I² 403. For Aeol. βρίσδα Foid-iα Ahr.
d. Aeol. 34 sq.
There are suggested for comparison also Aeol. ßeǎd-
ivó-s (gadivós), god-avó-s with the by-forms gad-aló-s, god-aló-s
(Σ 576), slim, slender, ράδ-αμνο-ς, ῥάδαμος, ῥόδαμνος, ὀρόδαμνος,
gάd-ig shoot, twig, the somewhat varying meanings of which have
their analogy in the Teutonic languages, where wurz, wirz mean also
vegetable, 'wort'. The rt. vrad which is thus deduced Sonne Ztschr.
XII 367 finds in the Nirukta V 15 f. as a by-form of mrad to be
pliant, yielding. He connects with it also god-ó-v rose, Aeol. ßgódov
following Spiegel Beitr. I 317, Fr. Müller II 493, according to Hehn
165, 434 of Iranic origin (Armen. vard), Lat. rosa from godέa, godía,
like Clausus from Claudius. [Cp. Max Müller in the Academy for
1874, V 488, 576]. Perhaps Düntzer is right in connecting with this
root the difficult περι-ρρηδής, which in χ 84 περιρρηδὴς δὲ τραπέζῃ
κάππεσε is explained by περιφερής, while in Hippocrates it means
354 wavering. We may therefore translate it in the Homeric passage by
'reeling'. Lobeck Paralip. 156 connected the word with gadés tò
άµpotέqwoe έynɛnlıµévov i. e. waving evenly. But it does not appear,
what ground Düntzer has to declare dogmatically that the comparison
of radix and gía is erroneous. Both we suppose to have meant ori-
ginally 'twig' whence the transition to 'root' is easy. It is doubtful
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
439
whether rad-iu-s and râ-mu-s (which may easily have lost a conso-
nant) are related. But rud-i-s staff certainly belongs to the rt. rudh
(also Skt. ruh) grow, for it corresponds to A.-S. rôd-a, O.-H.-G. ruot-a,
which require an ante-Teutonic dh. Add Zd. rud grow, Goth. liud-an
with 7, Ch.-Sl. rodi-t-i parere &c. Cp. Lobeck Elem. I 85. The
weakening of ǎ into is as in ïço, πιτνέ-ω. Cymr. gwreiddyn, if
we strike off the suffix yn (Z.2 295), gives the primitive form *vrad.
-
516) дív (st. дīл) hurdle-work, mat, giñ-í-(d)-s fan, ôïñ-
i-o fan. Lat. scirp-u-s rush, scirp-eu-s, scirp-
âre. O.-H.-G. sciluf rush.
1
Pott I¹ 140, who compares also yoĩño-s, yeĩpo-ç as 'rush-mat’.
Gr. gin is thus for σxqiñ, whence by metathesis came scirp-u-s,
and with 7 for r, the regular shifting of mutes and a subsidiary vowel,
the German word. Cp. Benf. I 212. The notion of a ἱμαντῶδες
qutóv, which the scholiast on Aristoph. Pax 699 gives to the word
¿ī, comes out clearly in the three languages. Eʊ-qiло-s no doubt
belongs here.
rép: serp.
īл: scirp
ῥιπ
517) Rt. ῥυ, του ῥέω (δεύσω, ἐῤῥύη-ν) flow, ῥέος,
ῥό-ο-ς, ῥεῦμα food, ῥο-ή, ού-σι-ς, ῥεῦ-σι-ς How-
ing, óv-tó-s, ¿εvo-tó-s flowing, έ-ε-po-v bed
of a stream, stream, v-a stream of fire,
óú-un swing, press, ov-d-uó-s time (in music).
Skt. rt. sru srav-â-mi fluo, srav-a-s, srav-ant-î, srô-t-as
stream.
Lat. Ru-mo (older name of the Tiber), ru-men udder,
Rumin-a.
O.-H.-G. strou-m stream.
Lith. srav-j-ù flow, bleed, srov-é a streaming.
Ch.-Sl. s-t-ru-ja fluentum, o-s-t-rov-ŭ insula (liter-
ally ἀμφί-ρυ-το-ς).
O.-Ir. sruth flumen (u-stem, Z.2 239), di-sruthigur
derivo (Z.² 991), sruaim nom. pl. sruama stream
(i-stem, O'Dav. Gl. p. 115, F. A. 220).
M
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1370, Personennamen 400, Benf. II 8,
Schleicher Ksl. 130, 136, Miklosich Beitr. I 128. After Kuhn Ztschr.
IV 27 had already discussed the t, which the Slavo-Teutonic words
but also Στρύμων add to the forms of the other languages,
Förstemann Ztschr. IX 277 and now even Kuhn himself XIV 223
440
BOOK II.
355
confidently assume stru as the root. K. lays especial weight on the Zend
form thru flow (by the side of çru go), thraota (masc.) stream. It does
not seem to me probable that the common combination of sounds str,
if originally occurring, would become weakened into sr, which is no-
where a favourite: while on the other hand from an original sr str
might very easily have come from the desire for greater ease of pro-
nunciation. Pott W. I 1373 quotes analogies, e. g. Czech. s-t-říb-ro
2
Ch.-Sl. sreb-ro silver. In no case however can we, I think, make
use of the aspiration of the t to th in this thru an aspiration con-
fined to the Zend, and to be explained by the special phonetic laws
of this language to assume a sthru for other languages, and to
arrive from this, as Kuhn does, even at the Lat. flu. For flu cp.
No. 412 d. The Latin representatives of this rt. are discussed by
Corssen Ztschr. X 18, Beitr. 427, II² 85, 1012. To those quoted above,
he adds Roma for Rou-ma Etqúμn, stream-town (but see Ritschl
Rh. Mus. XXIV, 17), Romulu-s, Re-ate for Rev-ate. But it seems to
me probable that ru-o also (for srov-o) has lost an initial s, mainly
because we find a precisely similar usage in gu-µŋ (otherwise Corssen
I² 210, Pott W. I 1265). Closely connected with Lat. ru-o is Gr.
¿á-o-µαi. ¿á-o-vтo ▲ 50, II 166 can be translated exactly by pro-
ruerunt. The stem ów : Ev пlш: πlν (No. 369), so that Pott was
quite right in referring Ev-go-ta-s here. But with these words is
also connected ow-ń swing with a prothetic &, related in meaning
to ev-un: from this we have again ¿owέ-w, whose meaning as stated
by Buttmann Lexil. I 70 ff. [p. 310 E. T.] may be developed from
the ideas stream, stream back. So also Döderlein Gloss. 2310, where
much more is quoted, and where also the connexion with ruere is
maintained. The v--µó-s (with an expansive ) the Greeks doubt-
less noticed first in the beating of the waves of the sea.
In Zd. we
find rud flow, which is probably for srudh, and identical with guð.
Similarly from the strengthened stem ó̟w we get éó-d-wv nose, which
like násu-s (No. 443) must have been named from flowing. Pictet I
136 even adds gí-s (st. giv) nose. ῥώ-ννυμι, ῥώμη with robur
(otherwise Max Müller Rigv. Sanhita I 200) is connected by Kuhn
Ztschr. VI 390 with Skt. rádh-as store, riches, strength, râdh-nô-mi
perficio; and this is at any rate deserving of consideration. Still
I cannot quite make out the relation of the meanings. The σ in έo̟-
qúó-o-dŋ-v by no means proves a final dental in the rt., especially as
we have by the side of it gá-un, q-qw-µxi, and the insertion of an 6,
perhaps arising from a 9, in such forms cannot be denied. Coun is not
rarely coupled with loxv-s, e. g. in Plato Symp. 190b, and touches so
closely upon ovun, that it is after all very natural to regard it as force
of impetus. Thus ouŋ and Roma would be connected, though in a very
different sense from that which used to be assumed. rîv-u-s had
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
441
better be left out of the question, as Corssen I2 364, 534 and Fick 2
170 are probably more correct in referring it to a rt. ri flow. Other-
wise Pott W. I 1376.
518) Rt. cep (ép, èρ) σɛɩo̟-ά rope, 6ɛq-i-s ¿worŋo Hesych.,
ốp-uo-s necklace, oqua-đó-5, ôqu-cá fishing line,
ἕρ-μα ear-ring, εἴρω ή-ει-ε, -ε-μένος) fasten,
bind, ɛío̟-µó-ç fastening, εlo-ε0-0-s bondage.
Skt. sar-at wire, sar-it thread.
Lat. ser-o range, fasten, ser-a, re-serâ-re, ser-tu-m,
ser-ie-s, ser-vu-s.
Lith. seri-s thread, cobbler's waxed thread?
O.-Ir. sreth series, ordo, strues (Z.² 992), bid com-
srithi 'cum his manus conserenda est' (Z.² 480,
part. necess.).
Bopp Gl. s. v. si and Pott I¹ 206 (but cp. W. I 631) group these 356
words, with the O.-H.-G. seil, Ch.-Sl. silo laqueus (Grimm Gr. II p. 44
No. 491) under the Skt. rt. si ligare, which is represented in Greek
by i (No. 602). Cp. also Kuhn Ztschr. II 132. But the rt. cep, Indog.
sar clearly occurs in Greek, and indeed in three forms, which even
Lobeck Rhem. 136 sq. following old grammarians holds to be related.
For o-ua Buttm. Lexil. I 111 [p. 300 E. T.]. ő-ag wife (Hes.
άop-ɛs) is explained by Pott Ztschr. VI 262 from the copulative ỏ and
rt. ap join. But so the hiatus is not accounted for. If we divide it
into ỏ-oag the word becomes quite a parallel to ovv-ýogo-s and con-
jux. (Cp. Lobeck El. II 74.) I cannot believe that oαg and soror
(Skt. svasar) have anything in common. Lobeck El. I 176 refers
here also the ana§ elonμévov εlo-εg-os (529) explained by Apollo-
nius in his Lexicon by dovlɛía. But as the spir: lenis has here arisen
from the sibilant, we cannot with him compare Lat. eri-tudo but
rather servitudo and servus, which may be connected most simply
with this rt., as nexu-s with necto, dovlo-s perhaps with rt. dɛ (No.
264); the suffix is the same as in ner-vu-s (No. 434). Cp. Lange Röm.
Alterth. I2 169. ser-a is explained, not so much from the equi-
valent oɛgά, which is later, as from the Homeric custom of moving
the bolt to and fro with a thong (a 442). rê-te probably for sre-te
with metathesis as in rêp-o compared with serp-o, in (t)lâ-tu-s by the
side of tul-i. Cp. on No. 489. But even sar is perhaps not the
full form of the root. For the forms ἤειρε, ἐερμένος which point
to an initial consonant see Das Verbum p. 117 Ebel Ztschr. IV 165,
171. The latter hence deduces a rt. svar. Thus the Lith. sver-iù
weigh, svár-a-s weight, pound, svir-tì-s pump-handle, svyru-ti dangle,.
1
442
BOOK II.
svàr-ti-s scale-beam, weight to sink the net, are probably related;
and with these the Equata ear-pendants, especially are nearly con-
nected (analogies from Old Norse are supplied by Bugge Ztschr.
XX 32), as well as g-ua ballast, centre of gravity, support, which
is probably akin. But this carries us further. e-uo-s is on the one
hand equivalent to qua, while on the other hand it means anchorage,
roads, where the ships swing, or as the English say 'ride' at anchor.
Hence Пávoquos, Oquíai, according to Strabo V 233 the older name
of Formiae, which seems to have arisen by Italization, for oFoquiai
(cp. Christ Lautl. 174, Buggę Ztschr. XX 19). The same notion re-
appears in μɛt-έwo-o-s, the Attic expression for ships out at sea.
But μετέωρ-o-s (Ion. μετήoρ-o-s, ep. παρ-ήορο-ς, συν-ορο-ς) points
to άɛío-w st. άFee, which has probably arisen from ά-6Fɛg with
a prothetic ά, while its numerous ramifications may all be well de-
veloped from the idea of swinging or making to swing (άoę, dogtńe,
αἰώρα, "αρτά-ω, αρτάνη); many of them, especially the Hom. ήερ-έ-
θ-ονται (Β 448 τῆς ἑκατὸν θύσανοι παγχρύσεοι ἠερέθονται) approxi-
mate very closely to the words discussed above. Cp. also Pott Ztschr.
VI 261 f. To these belong also the nodes άwooι of Scylla (u 89),
properly penduli (xqεμαotoí Schol.), as Nitsch, Lobeck El. II 76 and
Classen Jahn's Jahrb. 79, 310 explain the word. Also άnýwoι őçoi
removed (from reach). — To sum up then comprehensively, we assume
a rt. svar, appearing in Greek as cep, ép, ép and dep, to which the
357 meanings swing, hang, bind, attach themselves. Corssen in his attack
upon this view I² 464 leaves out of sight the Greek words, which
point to the form svar.
2
519) σvo̟-έ pipe, shepherd's flute, ovoí-∞ pipe, σüqıɣ-
μός, σύριγμα piping. Skt. rt. svar svar-á-mi
sono, canto, svar-a-s sonus. Lat. su-sur-ru-s,
ab-sur-du-s. Ch.-Sl. svir-a-ti, svir-i-ti 'avλεïv,
ovoíTTεv', svir-ěli ovog, Lith. sur-ma flute,
συρίττειν,
pipe (Nesselm.).
Bopp Gl. s. v. sur, Pott W. II, 1, 721, Benf. I 460.
p
The con-
Cic. de Divin. II 41) was
If the form τυρίσδω were
nection of ab-sur-du-s (cp. absonus and
proved by me more fully Ztschr. I 268.
really established, it would cause some difficulties, inasmuch as an
initial 7 cannot come from 6. But Ahrens d. Dor. p. 65 rejects it
on M.S. authority as hyper-Doric. Cp. also Meineke ad Theocr. ed.
tertia p. 17. Ebel's attempt (Ztschr. IV 160) to justify the form
once more seems to me as unsuccessful as his endeavour to explain
sur-du-s completely from the modern German schwirren. Cp. Corssen
Beitr. 99, I2 488 and No. 388.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
443
520) ὕραξ (st. υράκ). -Lat. sorex (st. sôrec) shrew-mouse.
Benf. I 461, Grimm Gesch. 303. Benf. conjectures that the
word is to be referred to the rt. svar mentioned under No. 519, and
hence that the animal was named from its cry, which among the
Romans was thought worthy of particular attention (Plin. N. H. II 41).
So Pictet I 413.
521) ψάρ (modern Greek ψαρόνι). Lat. stur-nu-s.
O.-H.-G. star-a (fem.) starling, M.-H.-G. star (masc.),
A.-S. stear-n. Bohem. skor-ec starling.
Pott II¹ 297, Benf. I 677, Förstemann Ztschr. III 48, Kuhn IV 34.
For the initial letter see p. 693. Hesych. has preserved a form
with στ, α-στρα-λός· ὁ ψαρὸς ὑπὸ Θετταλῶν, for with Lobeck Prolegg.
93 we may regard yapós as equivalent to vág, and the connexion of
this with stur-nu-s even L. declares to be 'non admodum incredibile'.
If we consider the Slavonic form, it becomes probable that sk was the
original commencement of the word. Cp. No. 106, Pictet I 482.
522) ça time of year, time, season, doo-s year, oα-61
at the right time, dpa-to-s timely, seasonable,
a-ooo-ç untimely, on-doa late summer. — Zd.
yâre (neut.) year. — Goth. jêr eros, O.-H.-G. jár.
Bohem. jaro spring.
Pott W. I 1040, Ahrens d. Aeol. 25, Kuhn Ztschr. II 269, Diefenb.
Wb. I 120. Benfey's objections to this grouping (I 329, II 297)
have no weight, if we start from the meaning spring, blooming season
of the year, which is faintly discernible in Greek, and actually present
in Slavonic; for from this the notion of year ('sixteen summers') may
easily be deduced, just as Ch.-Sl. lěto year, according to Mikl. Lex.,
(where the identity with Lenz, Lent is denied) means both summer
and year.
This would not prevent us even from tracing it back to
the rt. ja go, come (cp. Skt. jâ-tu-s time), for the spring might be
regarded especially as the coming, the stirring of the season. We
may remember 'timely'. In Greek this narrower meaning is the more 358
prominent; but the more general meaning meets us not only in coo-s
but certainly also in the Hom. ¿vvéwgos (t 179) which Apollonius and
others explain by ivvaɛtns. Very differently Savelsberg Ztschr. VII
384 ff., where pa is brought into comparison with ag (No. 589).
The view stated there rests, however, on the false assumption that
the form άwoo-s presumes F, but j may just as well have dropped
out. We may admit that the origin of on-άqα (óл- perhaps belonging
to oniów, oniodev) is not yet entirely cleared up, but, as to the absence
of the aspirate, we may compare άμл-εlо-s (No. 527). Savelsberg ex-
ἐνναετής.
444
BOOK II.
Чт
plains όπ-ώρα Alkman in Athen. X 416 perhaps onάoα [Bergk ³
p. 856 κώπώραν, but Schweig. χωπάραν, M.SS. χειμάχω παραν] – (cp.
θαλπ-ωρή) from the rt. όπ = πεπ (ὀπ-τά-ω, πέσσω) as the cooking
time, but I cannot see the likelihood of this. Pott acutely breaks
up the Lat. hôrnu-s into ho-jor-nu-s (biga bi-jug-a), so that as far
as the appended nasal suffix it would quite correspond to the M.-H.-G.
hiure. I do not of course by any means consider the pronominal stem
ho identical with that which occurs in the German word. However
who can say whether hôrnu-s is not ho-ver-nu-s? Cp. Corssen Nachtr.
298, I² 308. Pictet (II 606) compares wqa with the Skt. vâra-s
tempus opportunum, in composition times', and completely separates
both from the words meaning year. This seems to me improbable,
inasmuch as the Greek words may well be shown to agree phonetic-
ally with the former. He thinks that he can find a trace of the old
stem jâ-ra in the Skt. adv. par-âri the last year but two.
2
2
523) ὠρύ-ω howl, roar, ὠρυ-θ-μός roaring, ὀρύ-ε-ται
vλantεi (Hesych.), óov-uaydó-s din, noise.
Skt. rt. ru (râu-mi) roar, howl, vi-ru howl, cry,
rav-a-s roaring, sound.
(Naev.) râvi-s, rau-cu-s. —
μυκᾶσθαι, ωρύεσθαι.
Lat. rû-mor, rúm-i-to
Ch.-Sl. rev-ą inf. rju-ti
Pott W. I 1256, Bopp Gl., Schleich. Ksl. 130, Benf. II 5, Corssen
Cp. No. 508. Here as there an initial vowel has been added.
rû-mor is like clâ-mor.
I² 360.
A
A Greek & corresponds in the following cases to an l
in the kindred languages, which is sometimes represented
by an r.
523 b) Rt. a Hom. av-aλ-to-s insatiable, λ-60-s grove,
"Aλ-ti-s.
Lat. al-o, al-u-mnu-s, al-i-mentu-m, al-tu-s, co-al-e-sc-
e-re, ad-, sub-ol-e-sc-o, prôle-s, ele-mentu-m.
Goth. al-an, al-jan bring up, alith-s oitevτós, us-
alth-an-s roadódns, O.-H.-G. alt.
O.-Ir. no-t-ail alit te (Z.2 430), altram nutritio
(Z.² 771).
LC.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
445
"1
A root surviving only in the European languages, with the fun-
damental notion grow, transitively taken, make to grow, nourish. In 359
all three languages these meanings clearly present themselves. av-
al-to-s is certainly taken aright (Lobeck Rhem. 74) as άvαvéntos,
άnógɛotos. Düntzer's notion (Ztschr. XIII 2) of taking ẞóoxev v
yaotég ávaltov (e 228) as 'unsalted' will not find much assent.
ἄλσος is like ἄρσεα· λειμώνες (Hesych. from the rt. άρδ, and φάρσος,
apos; "Al-ti-s the sacred grove at Olympia is formed by the suffix
-TL. In Latin we find all three vowels, but so occurring, that the
transitive meaning attaches itself exclusively to the form al. It is
not needful to prove that al-tu-s is essentially like ad-ul-tu-s, and that
it has arisen from the idea of growth like the German gross great
from the root surviving in the English grow, while the German alt
old has found another closely related meaning. Trendelenburg how-
ever (Elementa Log. Aristot. ed. quinta 1862 p. 50) is certainly right
in adding elementu-m. So Corssen Beitr. 129, Nachtr. 280. The e
corresponds to the o of ol-esco just as in vel-i-m, velle by the side of
vol-o. The meaning 'incrementum' germ suits excellently the entire
usage of the word, as Tr. illustrates further by the similar use of
semina. I will not attempt to decide whether Skt. al-aka-s lock of
hair, al-akâ girl of from eight to ten years, are connected with this
rt. But certainly aλ-0 (No. 303) and ảλ-8 have been derived from
rt. al by expansion. In άld-aiv-w, άld-non-w the latter shows the
two main meanings of the root unaltered. Cp. No. 494. Pott W.
II, 1, 123.
524) ἄλλος another, ἀλλήλους one another, ἀλλά but,
ά220-co-s of another kind, ά22ά66-o change, ex-
change, ά22ó-rolo-s strange.
Lat. ali-u-s (Old Lat. ali-s, ali-d), ali-bi, ali-qui-s, ali-
ênu-s, al-ter (st. al-tero). Osc. allo alia (nom.
s. fem.).
Goth. ali-s allos, alja (conj.) beside, aljar elsewhere,
O.-H.-G. ali-lanti, elilente foreigner, foreign country,
Goth. alja-thrô àλλaxó-dev, O.-H.-G. alles, elles
(conj.) else, otherwise.
O.-Ir. aile st. alia alius, araile, alaile alius (Z.² 358,
359), ailigid mutat (Z.² 437).
Cp. viol No. 426, from which stem we felt compelled to dis-
tinguish this. Diefenbach Wtb. I 38. The distinction is especially
supported by the fact that both in Greek and in Gothic both stems
(an and al) occur side by side. Cp. Schleicher Comp. 2 225 [E.T. 115],
446
BOOK II.
360
Corssen Beitr. 295. The reduplicated all-nλo-v-s, like Skt. anjônja
(No. 426) has a noteworthy dissimilation in the second member.
A comparative suffix occurs not only in al-ter, but also in ά2ló-tq-lo-s,
which, as the Lesb. άlló-tɛg-go-s shows (Ahrens d. Aeol. 55), is de-
rived from a st. άllo-tego. Aufrecht Ztschr. V 365 prefers to assume
in the suffix a derivation from the Skt. adverbial suffix trâ anja-
trá alibi
but it can hardly be denied that this suffix also is akin
to that of the comparative. On the wide ramification of these suf-
fixes cp. Corssen Ztschr. III 242 ff. ἀλλάσσω goes back to a stem
άllano, which is developed from άllo just as Skt. anja-ka from anja,
Ind. lect. Kil. aest. 1857 p. VIII.
άllάoow; cp. Z.² 795.
ἀλλάσσω;
525) ἀλώπηξ (st. αλωπεκ).
young fox (Nesselm.).
Ir. ailigim is formed like Gr.
Lith. lápe fox, lapù-ka-s
Pott I¹ 258 compares Skt. lôpâça-s 'carrion-eater', fox. But
Skt. ô is not Gr. ∞, and the preservation of such a compound is the
less probable in that neither of the two stems can be proved to exist
in Gk. We rely upon the evident agreement, which even extends
(Schleicher Lit. II 286) to the quantity of the vowel in the stem-
syllable. - Hesych. gives ἀλωπός· ἀλωπεκώδης, πανοῦργος Σοφοκλῆς
and alonά ǹ άláng, though the latter is suspected and does not
occur in its place (M. Schmidt p. 136). Hence ex is a hypocoristic
termination, and άlórn§ (vulpe-cula) is in itself parallel to the Lith.
diminutive. Cp. µvqµ-ng and µúquo-s No. 482. It would not be
possible to identify it with vulpe-s without assuming a loss of the v
in Gr. and Lith., and in no way could we identify it with Goth.
faúhô, in spite of Förstemann Ztschr. I 498. ά prefixed as in
ἀ-λείφ-ω. άlшл-ýи-шv Аnan. fr. 5, 5 (Bergk ³ p. 787).
3
و
526) γλυκύς sweet (by-form γλυκ-ερό-ς), γλυκύτη(τ)-ς
sweetness, yhɛux-os must, ά-yλevx-ns bitter.
Lat. dulci-s, dulc-êdo, dulce-sc-o.
If these words go together, g must be earlier than d, for Skt.
gul-ja-n sweetness, which Benfey II 137 compares, as well as the more
remote Lith. gardi-s of pleasant taste, and refers to a root akin to
glu-tire, closely approximates. Can dulci-s have come from gulci-s
by dissimilation, as tenebrae from rt. tam, mihi from mibhi by the
side of tibi? The assumed dɛvnos for plɛvnos has no authority.
527) Rt. Fel, Fɑλ.
ἐλύ-ω wind, curve, εἰλύ-ω ἄλλω roll,
wrap round, είλυ-μα, ἔλυτρον cover, ειλεός
twisting of intestines (ileus volvulus), Î2-17§, 12-
yy-o-s whirling, dizziness, 22á-s cord, Hom.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
447
ὀλοοί-τροχος (ὁλοί-τροχος) rolling stone, - μος
mortar, οὐλαί (οὐλοχύται) bruised barley, ἀλέω
grind, äλɛv-po-v, άhɛıαọ meal, äλe-to-s grinding,
ἀλε-τρίβανο-s pestle, Αλευάδαι, ἀλο-ά-ω thresh,
ảλw-ý, äλo-ç threshing-floor.
Skt. var-a-s circle, úr-mi-s (for var-mi-s) wave, fold,
rt. val to turn here and there, val-aja-s circle,
enclosure.
Lat. volv-o, volú-ti-m, volû-tâ-re, volû-men, vol-va,
vol-û-ta.
Goth. valv-j-an (at-valvjan προσκυλίνδειν), Ο.-Η.-G.
wellan roll, wulluh involucrum, O.-H.-G. wulsta
corona, labium, O.-H.-G. wella unda.
Lith. vél-ti to full, roll, vólio-ti, Ch.-Sl. val-i-ti vol-
vere, Ch.-Sl. vla-ja-ti fluctibus agitari, vlů-na, Lith.
vil-ni-s wave.
O.-Ir. fulumain volubilis (Z.2 777).
One of the most widely ramifying Greek roots, and at the same
time a most difficult one, inasmuch as a number of forms present
themselves which to some extent admit of comparison. The difficulty 361
here, as often, lies in the proper division. Buttmann Lexil. II 141 ff.
[430 E. T.] was the first to separate these words correctly from
those which, like εl'lw, dlñvaι (No. 660) mean to press, while in
those here grouped together a circular movement appears with the
three modifications of winding, rolling, and grinding. The last modi-
fication is to a certain extent linked to the second by the notion
of 'fulling' and this again approximates to threshing. Cp. No. 660.
From the rt. Feλ we have the further expansion Elex with a x
(ëlığ, Elíoow). In this derivative stem the most decided traces of the
initial digamma show themselves (Hoffmann Quaest. Hom. II 22),
though these are not quite wanting even in ειλύω (ξ 479 σάκεσιν
Γειλυμένοι ὤμους). Thus the εt in εἵλισσον is satisfactorily defended
against Ebel Ztschr. IV 168. With the forms in a is connected άliv-
δέω roll (fut. ἀλίσω). A number of words with the meaning of
grind remind us much of No. 481. But as an initial µ is not usually
either simply dropped or changed into F, the two stems must be
kept distinct. The word uálɛvqo-v άlɛvqo-v, for which we have
the authority of Hesych. and other grammarians, is in its form so
like the latter, that we can hardly regard it possible that the existence
of so similar a form in the case of different stems should be acci-
dental: and we must probably explain the u from the F once present
448
BOOK II.
2
1
2
in Fálɛvgo-v (cp. p. 577). With law in the meaning to turn, to
wind (reflexive), Lobeck de metaphora et metonymia p. 6 connects
ad-ûl-o, ad-ûl-o-r, which denoted originally the wagging of the tail
and fawning of brutes. Skt. ul-ûkhala-m mortar reminds us of
őluos, but the latter part of the word is unexplained. Pott's (I¹ 224)
comparison of lv-too-v with Skt. var-u-tra-m upper clothing (rt. var
tegere) has much plausibility; but while in Greek, Latin, Teutonic and
Lithuanian the notion of wrapping up, which in spite of Corssen 1²
460 is easily derived from that of rolling, turning, is clearly to be
seen, this is not the case in Skt. It is the same with ul-va-m the
integument which surrounds the womb, itself evidently identical with
vol-va (cp. val-volae pods), but far removed from volvere. The other
Skt. words I have borrowed from Fick ² 185. They have now the
express evidence of the Pet. Dict. Cp. also Benf. II 299, Lottner
Ztschr. VII 190. It is worth noticing Pott's (I 120) explanation of
άμл-εl-o-s from άuqi and Feλ, hence the clasping (with tendrils)'
especially as levo-s occurs in the Alexandrine writers for tendril,
twig. The final letter present in šλv, volv, Goth. valv, is, as Buttmann
saw, a shortened reduplication; the same ♬ appears in the second o
of ỏlooí-τgoxo-s, as in that of άlo-ά-w. Examples of this broken re-
duplication will meet us again frequently. In the same way we ex-
plained the ẞ of góßo-s No. 409 and of yέoßw No. 411, the π of
пó̟é̟-л-η No. 356. Corssen, who unjustly denies this phenomenon (cp.
Lat. ste-ti for ste-st-i) is compelled to explain the v of volvo as a mu-
tilated suffix. On the Slav. words see Miklos. Lex. 68.
α
528) ἔλαιον oil, ἐλαία (Att. ἐλάα) olive. Lat. oleu-m,
oliva. Goth. alev (n.) halov, alêv-i fairguni
Mount of Olives, O.-H.-G. oli.
Ch.-Sl. jelej, olěj oil.
Lith. alėju-s,
With Benfey II 120, Diefenbach Wtb. I 36, Hehn 422 I now re-
gard the words in all other languages as borrowed from ¿laía; olíva
362 is to claía as Achivi to 'Axaloí; initial o for e as in elogium ἐλεγεῖον
Ber. der k. s. Ges. d. W. 1864 (histor. phil. Cl.) p. 5. We ought
perhaps to consider as the root of laιov (with Pott I¹ 208) the rt.
li liquefacere to be mentioned under No. 541. In Greek the prefixing
of a vowel is justified; it would not be so in the other languages.
This is the main reason for my present view.
529) 2-α-90-ç stag, ¿λλó-s (€2λó-s) young stag.
él-ni-s elk, Ch.-Sl. jel-ení stag.
Lith.
Benfey II 9, who compares also Skt. rshja-s. But in the Pet.
Dict. reja-s is explained to be the older form, and the meaning 'an-
telope-buck' is given to the word. We should be thus brought to
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
449
a st. ark, which reminds us rather of No. 5. But the Gr. and Slavo-
Lith. names agree unmistakeably, for the Ch.-Sl. j, as in countless
instances, has grown out of the spiritus lenis. Apollonius Lex. and
other grammarians write lló-s with spir. len. Perhaps it is for έl-
vo-s and so corresponds almost exactly to the Slavo-Lith. form. Pictet
I 438 regards ar as the root, in the sense of hurry, drive; and with
this he connects also lavvo, adding Ir. arr stag. The suffix of ¾½-
a-po-s is the same as in qɩ-90-s and Skt. rsha-bha-s (cp. on No. 491),
vṛsha-bha-s ox. Cp. Jahn's Jahrb. 69 p. 95.
530) ἕλος (Τέλος) low ground, Ἕλος, Ελέα, Ἦλι-ς.
Lat. Vel-iae (?), Velitrae, valli-s. — O.-N. völl-r
plain.
—
1
The comparison with Skt. saras water, suggested by Bopp Gl.
and Kuhn Ztschr. II 129, has been doubted by Pott I¹ 225 because
of the F, and Benfey II 299 agrees with him. It reappears however
in Leo Meyer Vgl. Gr. II 110. The F has a good deal of authority
for it, especially in the case of the town in Lower Italy Velia, which
in Herodotus I 167 is called 'réin (Strabo VI p. 252). Servius ad
Aen. VI 639, Dionys. Halic. Arch. I 20 derive the name of the Roman
Velia from Félos. But los does not properly mean 'marsh' at all,
but according to Suidas dívlov dáoos, according to the Et. Gud.
vyęòs naì daoùs tóños, that is, low ground, meadow-land: in Y 221
horses feed in the los, but nobody drives horses into a marsh. So
too E. Curtius Peloponnesos II 288 explains the Laconian "Elos.
From the same root comes the name Fali-s, which quite corresponds
to the Lat. valli-s; hence Falńioi 'Hiɛio (Ahr. d. Aeol. 226); thus
Hhis means Sunken Land, Holland (E. Curtius Peloponn. II 97). Are
the length of the vowel in Greek, and the doubled 7 in Latin to be
explained from a suffix vi, so that val-li-s would be for val-vi-s? So
also Corssen Beitr. 321. The Lat. Vêlâ-bru-m cannot belong here
because of its ê, but Corssen Ztschr. III 260 finds the clearest ana-
logue of the Gr. Félos in the Volscian Veles-tro-m which we find on
the tabula Veliterna (Mommsen Unterital. D. 320) as the gen. plur.
of the name of the inhabitants of Velletri, which 'lies on the north-
ern edge of the Pontine marshes'. Voretzsch de Inscript. Cret. p. 5
is perhaps right in adding the Cretan Βολοέντιοι.
"
541) 20-s nail, knob, p-nλo-s provided with nails, ¿q-
nó- nail fast. Lat. vallu-s stake, tooth of
a comb.
Ahr. d. Aeol. 58.
F may be discovered plainly from the form 363
yά220-s recorded by Hesych.
with vallu-s still more clear,
CURTIUS, Etymology.
the 12 of which makes the agreement
and from the Hom. άgyvgó-20-5.
29
450
BOOK II.
Other explanations in Pott I¹ 223.
1
Vossius Et. 535 regards vallu-s
as a diminutive of the adjective vâru-s bandy-legged (cp. on No. 81).
To me the difference of meaning does not seem great enough to se-
parate lo-s from vallu-s. vallu-m is probably only a collective from
vallu-s, just as the Gr. zápas denotes both. Pictet compares va-
rious Sanskrit forms from the rt. var, for instance a-vara-nam, which
among other meanings has that of bolt. These words must have de-
rived their name from the notion of protecting. Similarly Corssen
Beitr. 320, cp. I² 459.
532) Rt. λᾶ (λας) λά-ω Dor. λῶ λῇς λῇ, 3 pl. λῶντι)
wish, 2ñ-μa 2ñ-o-s will, 21-2a-í-o-ua desire,
2ε-λín-ual desire, strive, lía-v mightily, very.
Skt. rt. lash (lash-â-mi, lash-jâ-mi) desire, las (las-
â-mi) glitter, play, lâ-las-a-s desirous.
σταυρο-
Lat. las-c-îvu-s.
Goth. lus-tu-s iлidvμía, lus-tô-n éπidvμεïv.
Ch.-Sl. las-k-a-ti adulâri, las-ka adulatio, laska-vů
blandus.
O.-Ir. air-le voluntas, com-air-le consilium, ir-lithe
oboediens, ir-ladigur oboedio, lam, air-lam para-
tus (Z.² 770, 248, 802, 868) (?).
Pott W. II, 2, 459, Bopp Gl. s. v. lash and las, Kuhn Ztschr.
II 268, Benf. II 136 f. The rt. las has lost its a before vowels in
Greek (cp. yɛvo No. 131). For 2 and the other Doric forms Ahrens
d. Dor. 348. hi-la-í-o-paι for hi-lao-jo-µal, where the j denotes the
present stem, reduplicated like Skt. lá-las-a-s; λɛ-lín-µai perhaps to
avoid lambdacism from 28-2í-λŋ-µai, so líav (lín-v) for hɩ-ha-v. The
σ seems to have been preserved in λác-tŋ ñógvŋ Hesych., with which
nívaidos (Lob. Proleg. 259) is certainly related (suffix
vara?), also probably lά6-9-ŋ ludibrium (ènì yéλwti nai láody Herod.
VI 67): further according to Benfey Aaï-s, há-paxo-s (Hesych. άµaxos),
λαί ἐπὶ αἰσχρουργίας Hesych.) and other words seem to be related:
we may probably add also la-gó-s lickerish (greedy), ha-uvgó-s (cp.
Laudeó-s Hesych.) greedy, bold, ha-zágɛiv to wench, though I should
prefer to connect lolov with rt. λau, λaF (No. 536), for through all
the Greek words here adduced there runs the fundamental idea of
unrestrained desire,' bold lust, with which lootcov will not fit in; on
the other hand this all the better suits lawgyó-s sinner, probably from
la Fogyó-s, where la is a contracted adjective stem from lαo, laco
λασο
(cp. Hartung on Aesch. Prom. 5). Hence hɛwgyós is one who acts in
opposition to θέμις οι δίκη according to his own desires. λᾶ-σθαι·
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
451
las.
nαíçɛiv, lά-odw⋅ xlɛva¿étw (Hes.) quite recall the meaning of the Skt.
las-c-ivu-s presupposes las-cu-s, whence it is derived as fest-
ivu-s from festu-s. Ascoli Fonol. 228 regards the Skt. sh here as
in bhásh (No. 407) as a representative of sk. With respect to the
loss of s in the Irish words the rt. gus (No. 131) offers parallels; cp.
ro-i-gatar for *ro-gegusatar; tuicse (for *do-fo-gustia) and ir-lithe differ
only in that in the latter the suffix tia is not added immediately to
the last consonant of the root, any more than in oingthe, remeperthe
(Z.2 479). Stokes Ir. Gl. 884 adds our rt. to rt. var (comairle
are-valiu). Against this etymology is the absence of f at the beginn-
ing of lam. It is more correct to refer tol voluntas (Z.² 241), which
we have not quoted, to *du-valá, though we might also regard it as
do-fo-lasa.
A
533) λαιός left. Lat. laevu-s.
Ch.-Sl. lěvů.
-com- 364
Pott I1 119. Schleich. Ksl. 128. Benf. II 306. Hesych.
gives the derivative words λαί-διο-ς, λαι-δρό-ς, and λαίβα ἀσπίς, λαί-
Bas donidas Koñtes, which Ahrens d. Dor. 49 aptly refers here.
Angermann regards the cognomen Laeca as the same as Scaevola, cp.
Nas-îca.
534) λάξ, λάγδην with the heel, with the foot, λακ-τ-
- strike out with the foot, lax-náτn-to-S
trodden with the feet. Lat. calx (st. calc),
1
calc-ar, calc-eu-s, calc-a-re, calc-i-tra-re. — 0.-N.
hæl-l calx. - Lith. kul-ni-s heel.
—
Pott II¹ 204, Benf. II 316. A x has been lost at the beginn-
ing of the Greek word, so that xlağ must be regarded as an older
form of lág, and as a metathesis of calx. The έ as in лúέ arose
from a case-suffix s, so that xαîn calc remains as the noun-stem.
In this the second k is derivative, hence the rt. is kal, which pro-
bably occurs also in xol-s-tqά-w (cp. cal-c-î-trâ-re) stamp, and reminds
us on the one hand of Lat. cel-l-o, on the other hand of Lith. kùl-ti
strike, thresh. Add 2άn-ti-s club, in the Alexandrian writers. Cp.
No. 55.
535) λa-ó-s people, hα-oí folk, 2ά-ï-to-s, ký-ï-to-s publi-
cus, λειτουργία public duty. Goth. jugga-
lauth-s youth, O.-H.-G. liut populus, pl. liuti folk
(Leute). - Ch.-Sl. ljud-ŭ haó-s, ljud-ije λaoí ho-
mines, Lett. laudi-s folk, people.
Pott W. III 1017, Benf. II 28. The Greek word contains the
stem lafo, established by Aavayýta C. I 1466 and ДaƑo-xó-Fwv,
which Priscian read (I 22, VI 69 H.) 'in tripode vetustissimo'. If
29*
452
BOOK II.
only for this reason, but also because the change of d into λ can
only be proved to take place in Greek in a few dialects, I cannot
admit the conjecture of Bréal (Mythe d'Oedipe p. 18), that laó-s cor-
responds to the Skt. dása-s. Nor can Bernhardt's derivation from the
rt. κλu be maintained. The other languages point to a primitive form
laudh. Hence the Goth. liud-an crescere cannot be compared at any
rate directly: for the attempt to regard this verb with the Skt. rudh
(ruh) as the rt. of the Gr. 2aF-o, which would thus stand for lavd-o,
is devoid of any certain analogies. The derivation of βασιλεύς
i. e. Herzog (leader of the people), from rt. ßɑ and Ion. lɛv λαο
(cp. Aɛv-tvxídn-s), compounded like Etnoí-xogo-s, is more fully esta-
blished in the Rhein. Mus. IV (1845) p. 258 f. Cp. also Döderlein
Gloss. 2007. An important parallel is supplied by Sevgi-lew-s, as
Sophocles Fr. 136 D. called the king лeţevyµévoi eloì laoí
(Hesych.). Lately another etymology has enjoyed much acceptance.
Kuhn Ind. Stud. I 334 first referred ßaoi-lɛv-s to the stem lɛv λάδα
(lãα-s) stone, so that it would mean 'stone-treader', referring to the
old Teutonic and Keltic custom that the king should show himself to
the people on a stone. He compares also Σ 503 oî dè yέgovtes elať'
365 ἐπὶ ξεστοῖσι λίθοις ἱερῷ ἐνὶ κύκλῳ. Pictet II 395 adds some further
illustrations; Bergk Rhein. Mus. XIX 604 states the same etymology
as his 'thesis'. Pott II 2 250. does not decide. Phonetically both ex-
planations are possible. The former seems to me the simpler, and
the custom on which the latter is based does not appear sufficiently
proved for Greece. For there is a great difference after all between
a high stone which the king stands upon in order to be seen, and
the stone seats of the old judges. Perhaps Cymr. liti-maur frequens
populis (Stokes Beitr. IV 395) belongs here; probably Ir. lucht, Cymr.
llwyth populus, homines, copia (Z.2 364, 156) are to be regarded as
quite distinct.
536) Rt. λα- λά-ω, ἀπο-λαύ-ω enjoy, λε-ία, λη-ΐ-(δ)-s booty,
λn-ï-5-o-µài --capture, λn-î-ti-(0)-s she who gives
booty, 2α-voi-s mercenary.
Lat. lû-cru-m, Lav-er-na goddess of thieves, lav-er-
n-ion-es thieves.
Goth. lau-n (n.) reward (Lohn), anda-launi recom-
pense.
Ch.-Sl. lov-i-ti hunt, catch, lov-u chase, capture.
O.-Ir. lóg, luach pretium, foenus (Z.² 270).
q
λά-ων τ 229
Pott W. I 1292, Benf. II 2, Stokes Ir. Gl. 792.
(cp. las 230) according to Aristarchus (Apollon. Lex. p. 107 Bekk.)
ἀπολαυστικῶς ἔχων, hence feasting (Schol. Β. ἀπολαυστικῶς ἐσθίων).
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION Of sounds.
453
Quite otherwise Döderlein Gloss. 2270, who on the strength of a gloss
of Hesych. translates the word by 'bellen' bark, while others explain
λάων by βλέπων. I follow Aristarchus and regard λά-ω for af-w as
the stem-verb, whence all the rest is developed. Probably the word
lw-iwov (for lwF-ov), superl. 1-oto-s, mentioned already under No.
532, belongs here, so that it would properly mean 'the more paying'.
Cp. Tobler Ztschr. IX 262. For laverniones fures Paul. Epit. 117.
lá-too-v pay is tolerably late. Like îά-to-s it goes back to la, which
is related to laF as no to noF (No. 64). Lottner compares Lat.
latro(n) with. Lith, látra-s knave, good-for-nothing. This is opposed
by the older use of the Latin word (e. g. Plaut. Mil. 949), which is
quite equivalent to that of the Gr. látqı-s. Hence I consider latro
as a borrowed word, which received an ampliative ending on Italian
soil, and by degrees passed into a contemptuous sense. According
to Schleicher the Lith. word is borrowed from the Germ. Lotter
(O.-H.-G. lotar) and this from the Lat. latro. Corssen 12 359. It
is natural to compare with Lat. Laverna Corn. louuern vulpes and
louuennan mustela (Z.2 827. 1075).
353.
536 b) láл-- lick, lap, hap-v66∞ devour, swallow.
Lat. lamb-o, lab-ru-m, lab-iu-m, lab-ea, Labeo.
O.-H.-G. lef-sa, N.-H.-G. Lefze, Lippe lip, O.-H.-G.
laff-an to lap.
Lith. lúpa lip.
Pott I¹ 259, Benf. II 12, Lottner Ztschr. VII 185, Corssen Beitr.
We must take lan as the rt., with which however we can
hardly connect λαπάσσειν, ἐξαλαπάζειν. In Latin p is weakened to b.
In Greek the p is also aspirated. Fick 2 392 places here also O.-N.
lepil-l, O.-H.-G. leffil, O.-Pruss. lapini-s spoon, connecting them with
O.-N. lep-ja.
537) λáx-vn wool, down, láx-vo-s sheep's wool, 2αx-vý- 366
εɩ-5 woolly, rough, laxvov-óðαι to become hairy,
λñ-v-os wool. — Lat. lâ-na, lân-ûgo, lân-eu-s,
lân-iciu-m.
Benf. II 111. Although in meaning the words áoto-s rough,
shaggy, and λαισ-ά(δ)-ς ἡ παχεία ἐξωμίς (Hesych.), with λαισήϊον
shield of raw hide (which are certainly akin to it), are nearly related,
yet I do not know how to pass from x to 6. A connection with
xlai-va (cp. xlα-µú-s, xlα-ví-s) could only be admitted under the sup-
position that laxvn stood for xláx-vn, and how ought we then to
regard the second x? Fick 2 184 connects lάo-co-s with Zd. vareça
and Ch.-Sl. vlasů hair, Lith. varsa flock of wool (Nesselm.). In that
454
BOOK II.
case it would be for Flao-10-s, with a surprising retention of the
medial 6.
Otherwise again Corssen 12 634. Cp. No. 496.
538) Rt. Mey hey-w pick, collect, count, tell, speak, λɛn-
tó-s, hoy-ά(8)-s chosen, nata-λéy-o specify, ovλ-
α
λoy-ý collection, έx-λoy-ý selection, λóy-o-s, λéğı-S
speech, λoy-is-o-uaι reckon, consider.
Lat. leg-o, leg-io(n), de-lec-tu-s, lec-tu-s chosen, leg-
ulu-s collector, leg-û-men, lec-ti-o(n), lec-tor, di-lig-
ens, neg-leg-o, intel-leg-o, re-lig-io.
Goth. lis-a συλλέγω.
Lett. lasz-it collect, Lith. lès-ti gather up, api-las-ù-s
dainty (?).
Pott W. III 606; Ahrens Philol. XXVII 251, H. Romundt 'The
root λey in Greek' L. 1869. Buttmann discusses the use of lέyo
Lexil. II 96 ff. It appears from this that the meaning 'speak' is quite
the latest; for this is developed in Homer only gradually from the
earlier meaning, through the intermediate notion of 'counting one's
words' (cp. Eng. tale and Germ. zählen). This is one among several
objections to Benfey's combinations II 127. The name Aέ-2ɛy-ɛs, if at all
of Greek origin, would rather denote select bands (helɛyuévoi, lentoí)
than a collected nation. Lobeck El. I 40 connects ά-léy-∞ with this
rt., reminding us of λέγεσθαι, λογίζεσθαι count. But the Homeric
use of ἀλέγω, αλεγίζω, ἀλεγύνω, as stated by Döderlein Gloss. 109,
will not quite suit this. It is clear however that d-lέy-w is the op-
posite of Lat. nec-leg-o, and dɛãv őñiv ovn άhéyovtes (II 388) is
the exact counterpart of Lat. religens and religio (Gell. IV 9). For
the application of the rt. to what is immaterial cp. Max Müller II 63,
Pott I2 201. lέoyn place of conversation, talk, converse, is not yet
quite cleared up as to its suffix (Pott II2 644). The Teutonic and
Lithuanian words, like the Irish, must be referred to a stem laks, ex-
panded by the addition of s. There is a similar loss of explosives
in the Goth. thus-undei Lith. tùhstanti-s a thousand, vaúrstv (rt.
varg No. 141), Goth. nithji-s (No. 342), sibun (No. 337), in the O.-H.-G.
fû-st (No. 384), mist Goth. maíhs-tu-s (note on No. 175). The
Lith. lès-ti is only used of birds, which gather, pick up grains, in
a manner quite corresponding to the meaning which has seemed to us
the original one. From this the application to the reading of what
was written seems to have been developed independently in the Gr.
367 ἐπι-λέγομαι (Herod.), ἀνα-λέγομαι (Plutarch.), in the Lat. leg-o, and
perhaps also in the German lesen. As it is only in Greek, and here
proportionately late, and never in the Italian region, that this rt.
means 'speak', lex cannot possibly mean 'what is spoken'; so that
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
455
Lottner's connection of it (Ztschr. VII 167) with the equivalent O.-N.
lög Engl. law, and his derivation of these words from the rt. λex
(No. 173, cp. Pott W. I 159, and 'oi nɛíuevo vóµoi', dé-µi-s) deserve
every consideration. Cp. Bugge Stud. IV 206. The only difficulty
that remains is presented by the Osc. lig-ud lêge with a g which
cannot be explained from gh (Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 256).
From lego
Jos. Scaliger derives not only leg-ûmen but lig-nu-m (℗ 547 έnì dè
§úla nollà léyovto), which would thus have meant properly brush-
wood, faggots: this etymology as regards the meaning has quite as
much probability, and as regards the sounds more, than that from
the Skt. rt. dah burn (Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 282), for lig-n-um : leg
tig-nu-m: teg (for tec No. 235).
Corssen differs on many points
12 444, 447, 531. O.-Ir. legais legisti, legit (Z.² 462, 463) &c. are
borrowed from the Lat. lego: cp. Ebel Beitr. II 147. Ir. lesugud teach,
ni ro-s-lesaigsed 'they taught them not (F. A. 239) are evidently con-
nected with the lesa in luach lesa 'the reward paid by a pupil to his
tutor' and fer lesa ‘guardian' (Ir. Gl. 792). These words seem to be-
long here, but whether as genuine Irish, or as words borrowed from
the German is still a question.
539) lεï-o-s, lev-pó-s smooth, even,
ness, hɛ-aív-w smoothen.
tá-(t)-s, lêvi-g-âre, lêv-áre.
2ɛɩ-ó-ty(t)-s smooth-
Lat. lêv-i-s, lêv-i-
❤
Pott II 277, Benf. II 121. The form lev-gó-s, which Hesych.
explains by lɛcos, and which occurs elsewhere in the sense of level,
wide, has preserved the v, which corresponds to the Lat. v, for lɛv-
gó-s lêv-i-s hyv-gó-s: lyó-s, while Lat. adjective-stems in vi
regularly correspond to Greek stems in v. For the rt. cp. No. 544.
Here belongs also λίαξ, with hypokoristic suffix, παῖς ἀρχιγένειος
(Hesych.) 'smooth-chin'.
:
540) λέχρος, adv. λέχρις, Hom. λικ-ρι-φί-ς cross, awry,
hoĝó-ç cross, crooked, hiy§, λię nháyios (Hesych.).
Lat. lic-i-nu-s with crumpled horns, Licin-iu-s, ob-
liquu-s, li-mu-s distorted, awry, luxu-s sprained,
lux-âre sprain.
Lith. lènk-ti bow, link-ti bend oneself, partic. linkęs
bent, crooked, -lìnk (in compos.) -wards, Ch.-SI.
lęk-ą nάµлτo, lak-ŭ arcus.
Pott W. III 257, Benf. II 316. We must start from the st.
lɛx, which was modified in two ways, by aspiration, and by the
weakening of ε into . But the original state of the sounds is clearly
shown in λεκροί by the side of λικροί· ὄζοι τῶν ἐλαφείων κεράτων
C
456
BOOK II.
(Hesych.), the meaning of which is closely akin to that of lic-inu-s. We
may with Döderlein Lat. Wortbildung p. 35, add lixula, cake, cracknel,
according to Varro L. L. V, 107 M. a Sabine word, and belonging
to the shorter form. With a raising of the to o and an expansive
or derivative σ we have logó-s, which is quite parallel to luxu-s.
Without the expansive s the stem probably appears with a dull vowel
in luc-un(t)-s‘genus operis pistorii' Paul. Epit. 119. Cp. Symbola
368 Philol. Bonn. I 276. Corssen 12 35 adds lî-m-e(t)-s as cross-road, lî-
men as cross-beam, and (on p. 498) other Latin words. Bücheler in
Joh. Schmidt's Vocal. I 107 points out from Attius (Ribbeck trag. 2
p. 284) a Lat. verb linqu-ier obliquari. Schmidt places here also
Lat. lax (dolus) and lac-io (pel-lic-io) with Ch.-Sl. lak-a dolus (also
sinus): cp. Mikl. Lex. Grimm Gesch. 990 adds also the German
links left, lenken turn: but I do not venture to follow him, because
of the absence of the 'shifting of the mutes'.
541) Rt. Miß λeiß-w drop, pour, pour out, 201ß-ń drink-
offering, λív (st. 21ß), Liß-ά(d)-s, λíß-os moisture,
drop, ß-gó-s moist, heiß-n-doo-v channel,
meadow, liẞ-ad-to-v water, meadow.
Lat. dê-lib-û-tu-s moistened, lib-â-re, lîbâ-tio, Lib-er.
Benf. II 123, who follows the old explanation of Дíy (st. Aïß),
according to which the S. W. wind is called the 'wetting' (cp. Nótos
No. 443) and hence Aɩßó-ŋ, with a v which reminds us of delibû-tu-s.
For the forms liv, lißás Lobeck Paralip. 114. In Hesych. we find
also λίβει· σπένδει as a shorter present-form, and Λειβῆνος Διόνυσος,
corresponding to the Italian Liber, with which ίβηνα τὸν οἶνον Κρῆτες
is compared; this, like ip-ávn, iß-avo-s pail (iß-on plug?) and the
Hom. ɛiß-w, has lost its λ (Lobeck Elem. I 108). Cp. inµãv· hınµãv
λικμᾶν
Hes., on which see p. 456. Pott W. I 606 quotes similar instances
from the Wallachian e. g. itze Lat. licia. The of delibû-tu-s
would be of itself sufficient to banish any idea that the Lat. words
might be borrowed. We may further quote here some words, which
seem to be derived directly from a rt. li, the expanded form of which
lies before us in lib. In Skt. li means adhaerere, but also, in com-
position with prepositions, solvi, e. g. á-li to become powerless, pra-li
die, vi-lî dissolvi, evanescere. As we find also a rt. rî with the mean-
ing drop, flow, from which Justi Handbuch der Zendsprache p. 56
derives Zd. iri-th pass away, flow away, and Corssen I² 534 rî-vu-s
and various river-names, we may consider 'melt' as the fundamental
idea from which on the one hand 'flow', drop, drip, pass away, melt
away, on the other 'melt on to', adhere to, have been developed. Cp.
No. 340. Hence Lat. li-n-o (part. li-tu-s), po-li-o, O.-Ir. li-n-im mano,
polluceo (ro-lil adhaesit, cp. Stokes Beitr. VII 13, 21), Lith. Tej-u pour,
2
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
457
lý-ti pluere, Ch.-Sl. li-j-a-ti fundere, loj otέag belong here (Pott W.
I, 600), and also λίμνη, λι-μήν (st. λιμεν), λειμ-ών which in their
meanings of pool, harbour, and meadow evidently stand in the closest
relation with each other, and probably also with the Lat. lî-t-us (cp.
pec-t-us). Pauli however Ztschr. XVIII 23 wishes to connect lî-tus
with κλι-τύ-s slope. λειμών is formed from a lost λειμα(ν) like χειμών
from zɛiua(v) and coincides with lɛíßnogo-v (Aɛíßn&qα). The rt. lî
occurs also in the Lat. dê-le-o (cp. Skt. vi-lî dissolvi). It would be
somewhat bold to add λī-µó-s hunger and lê-tu-m, though tâbes (No.
231) might serve as an analogy. In that case the word lo-µó-s,
mentioned under No. 148, would be of similar origin. On the other
hand it is better to omit lî-mu-s with O.-H.-G. lî-m (gluten) 0.-N.
leim (argilla) because of the forms with g, ylocós, glis (Benf. II 119),
which are discussed under No. 544. Much important matter is
furnished by Volckmar 'Die Stämme li und rẻ' Philol. VI 627.
542) hívo-v linen, flax, thread, λív-so-s linen.
1
Lat. 369
lînu-m, lîn-eu-s, linea, lin-t-eu-s. Goth. lein
linen, O.-H.-G. lîn flax. - Lith. Tina-s flax-stalk,
lina-í (pl.) flax, Ch.-Sl. linů linum. O.-Ir. lín
flax (Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 102, léine gen. lénead
camisia (Z.2 255).
Pott I¹ 119, Schleich. Ksl. 128, Stokes Ir. Gl. 38.
Perhaps
we may, with Pott II² 246, place here also the st. līt (Hom. dat. λīt-í,
acc. lit-a), the t of which reminds us of the t of lin-t-eu-s, and also
of the Lith. linta (Lex.) ornamental band, and O.-N. linn-r (for *lindh-r)
girdle. The difference of quantity in Greek and Latin is remark-
able, so that we certainly cannot suppose the one to have borrowed
from the other. Benf. II 181 makes very unsuccessful attempts to
discover a rt., and also Pictet I 320: cp. Corssen I² 533. For the
historical facts see Hehn 103. Ebel Beitr. II 147 considers O.-Ir.
2
lín rete (Z.² 21), which cannot be separated from the above words,
as borrowed from the Latin, though with some doubt; léine is cert-
ainly genuinely Irish. [Cp. Fick Indo-Germanen Europas p. 487.]
543) λί-ς, λέων, Ion. λείων (st. λεοντ) lion, λέ-αινα
lioness. Lat. leo(n).
O.-H.-G. lewo(n).
Ch.-Sl. livů, Lith. liú-ta-s.
Pott W. I 1261, Benf. II 1 are inclined to regard the word as
borrowed from the Hebrew laish. In that case it must have spread
from Greece, and been borrowed again from the Greek by the other
languages; but the independent form of the word in the various
families of speach is against this. Förstemann Ztschr. I 495 appeals
458
BOOK II.
justly to students of natural history. Cp. Leo Meyer Ztschr. V 385.
Pictet I 423 decides for the Indo-Germanic origin of the word lέwv, ap-
pealing to the Homeric similes from lions, and to the evidence of Hero-
dotus (VII 125) and of Aristotle as to the existence of lions in Paeonia.
He connects the name, suitably enough, with lɛía, and hence with
No. 536, but regards the derivation of li-s from the Semitic as de-
monstrated. But lí-s [so Aristarch.] (acc. lĩv) with a very surprising
lengthening of a preceding short final vowel (1 239 wote his Hoffmann
Quaest. Homer. I p. 148 [πí te lìv ▲ 380, cp. P 109, Σ 318] almost
makes us conjecture that 1Fi-s was the primitive form, with a ♬ cor-
responding to the O.-H.-G. and Ch.-Sl. v and the Lith. u. The O.-H.-G.
theme lewon is equivalent to the Lat. leon, while the Gr. 1ɛovt has
a t at the end, absent from the fem. 1έaiva = lɛav-iα (Ztschr. IV
215). [From the absence of any corresponding name for the lion
among the Eastern Aryans Benfey Geschichte der Sprachw. p. 598
argues that the common Indo-Germanic home must have been in
Europe.] Cymr. llew leo is marked in Z.2 109 as borrowed (Ebel
Beitr. II 147), cp. Corn. leu (ibid.) Ir. leo, leon, leoghan, leomhan
leo (O'R.).
544) St. λιτ (γλιτ) λί-ς (st. λίτ) smooth, bald, λιτός
smooth, sleek, 2166ó-s, líoño-s, líogo-s smooth,
Lío-too-v hatchet, adze.
Lat. glit-tu-s smooth, gli-s (st. glit) humus tenax.
Lith. glitù-s smooth, sticky.
The shortest stem occurs only in the Hom. lis réτon. For
glittis 'subactis, levibus, teneris' Paul. Epit. 98 with O. Müller's note.
lío-лo-s appears (cp. p. 588) to be for lit-Fo-s, lo-oó-s for liz-jo-s.
The y is retained in γλίττον τὸ ἀπόλουμα Eustath., γλιττόν γλοιόν
Hesych. (cp. Steph. Thes.) and in ylio-zoo-s sticky for ylet-700-s,
γλιτ-χρο-ς,
370 cp. alo-zgó-s for aid-zoo-s probably also in ỏlio-d-άv-o (☎hod-0-v)
slip, for its stem ỏlit: γλιτ ỏvoµav : gnômen (No. 446). We are
also probably right in adding the name of the Cretan town 'Olɩoońv,
also Дioońv, Broońv ‘a glitta petra', with Voretzsch de Inscr. Cret.
p. 10. Cp. Ahr. d. Dor. 50. A shorter stem without z appears in
yloɩ-ó-s sticky oil, ylí-α (ylová) glue, and the closely connected Lat.
glu-s, glu-t-en, glu-t-inu-m (Corssen I2 384). 62-ẞoó-s slippery (Hes.)
finds a companion in the further expanded lu-bri-cu-s (Lobeck El. 85).
Corssen Beitr. 430 rejects the connection, and prefers to refer lubri-
cu-s to the Goth. sliup-an slip (schlüpfen). It does not seem probable
to me that the two nearly related languages possessed two words so
similar in sound, which though of the same meaning were of different
origin. In that case then we should have also to connect ỏ-liß-çó-s, as
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
459
Joh. Schmidt Voc. I 163 conjectures, with 0.-H.-G. slëffar (lubricus).
It is probable that eco-s too is akin, and that we must assume
an early interchange between i and u. Cp. No. 539.
545) Rt. λιφ λίψ ἐπιθυμία (Hesych.), λιψ-ουρία desire
of passing urine, Ain-t-o strive, desire.
Skt. rt. lubh (lubh-j-â-mi) to be confused, feel de-
sire, lub-dha-s desireable, lóbha-s desire, longing.
Lat. lub-et, lib-et, lib-i-do, pro-lub-iu-m, liber, Libentina.
Goth. lub-s dear, brothra-lub-ô brotherly love,
O.-H.-G. liub-an to hold dear, liub-ên to be dear,
môt-luba affectus, lob laus, lob-ô-n laudare, af-
firmare.
Ch.-Sl. ljub-i-ti pihɛiv, ljub-ŭ carus, ljub-y άɣáñŋ,
Lith. liúb-y-ti to have a desire, liub-jaús dearer,
liefer (?).
q-
lɛλuμévos μázns Aesch. Sept. 380, lintei Apollon. Rhod. -
lí sπidvµía is compared with Lat. libet by Lobeck Paralip. 113.
The case-forms of the word are not known; still from the collection
of words given here, we could expect to find no other stem than λıq.
Perhaps this occurs also in the very obscure gloss of Hesych.
ερνοῦντες· ἐν συνδένδρῳ τόπῳ προσφιλῶς διάγοντες Stud. ΙΙ 198.
The clearer analogies in the other languages in Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 260.
The interchange between i and u is as in pɩ-tv-w rt. qu (No. 417).
Lat. lîber free, according to the gloss in Paul. Epit. 121 loebes-um
liberum had once a diphthong in the stem. For lɛú ego-s, which
has been incorrectly compared with this see p. 488. For the mean-
ing the Ch.-Sl. ljub-i-mi sponte is instructive. We must also place
here Libitina after what Preller Röm. Mythol. 387 has collected on
the subject.
546) Rt. Au λú-a loosen, ú-a dissolution, separation,
λύ-σι-ς - loosening, λυτήρ loosener, λύ-τρο-ν
ransom.
Skt. rt. lú (lu-ná-mi) cut, cut in two, lav-i-tra-m
sickle.
Lat. re-lu-o undo again, so-lv-o for se-lu-o (so-lû-tu-s),
lu-o pay for.
Goth. lau-s-j-a lúa, laus loose, us-laus-ein-s λúrowols.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1294, Benf. II 8, Bugge Ztschr. XX 10.
The more forcible idea of cutting apart appears in the European 371
7
460
BOOK II.
languages for the most part in a milder form. The Teutonic laus,
O.-H.-G. lôs, like the Goth. lis-a (No. 538) and like O.-H.-G. hlo-s-ê-m
(No. 62) is expanded by a sibilant, and is probably rightly connected
with Goth. fra-lius-an lose (verlieren), so that we must assume a new
stem lus. Lat. so-lv-o, even in Vossius Etym. is broken up into
se-lu-o and compared to so-cors for se-cor(d)-s. The uncompounded
root probably appears in the old Roman goddess Lua, who is ment-
ioned sometimes as Lua Saturni, sometimes as Lua Mater, and who
is to be regarded with Preller Röm. Mythol. 419 as a goddess of de-
struction, or of reaping. Probably lue-s (cp. No. 148) also belongs
here. For Av-a-io-s Pott Ztschr. VI 136.
547) Rt. λu lũ-ua water that has been used for washing,
filth, ú-oo-v defilement, 2ú-un insult, 2v-uaív-
ο-μαι insult, λού-ω wash, λουτρόν (λο(-)-ε-τρό-ν
bath, λουτήρ bathing tub, λού-τριο-ν water that
has been used for bathing.
Lat. lu-o (ad-lu-o, pol-lu-o, di-lu-o), di-luv-iu-m, ad-
luv-ie-s, lû-tor washer, pol-lû-bru-m washing basin,
lu-tu-s, lu-s-tru-m, lav-e-re, lav-á-re, lau-tu-s.
O.-N. lô-a adluo.
O.-Ir. lóthor, lóthur alveus, canalis (Z.² 782).
Pott W. I 1300, Benf. II 121, Corssen Beitr. 516. From the
fundamental idea of washing all the others are gradually developed,
especially that of dirt, as that which is washed off, and hence that
of insult (cp. pol-lu-o προ-πηλακ-ίζω and λυμαίνομαι), and on the other
side that of atonement, as with no-vý (No. 373), so that perhaps not
merely lustru-m mire, but also lûstru-m sin-offering belongs here: the
latter according to Paul. Epit. 120 has a long u, and hence probably
comes like lov-tgó-v from the strengthened stem: both have the same
s as mon-s-tru-m. Another etymology also possible was mentioned
under No. 63. The old Latin lav-e-re (Ennius Vahl. p. 210) is par-
allel to lov-εw (Hom. praeter. λó-ɛ 1of-, even Attic 2ó-e, and
also lov-taι, lov-oda): it is developed from 1v by an addition of
sound. The rt. Tλu (No. 369), from which some have wished to
derive this rt. Au by aphaeresis, has an entirely different ramification
and not inconsiderable differences in meaning.
This rt. Au in many
*
of its applications is closely connected with No. 546, especially in
λυμα, λύ-μη, λυ-μαίνω, λυμεών, all of which mean not only asper-
sion, like polluere, but also damage, ruin. Add άñolovoέµɛvai' noho-
βώσειν Κύπριοι Hes.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
461
548) λύγξ (st. λυγκ) lynx.
O.-H.-G. luhs.
Lith.
luszi-s, Ch.-Sl. rysi pardalis.
Pott W. III 251, Benf. II 126, 372, Förstemann Ztschr. I 498.
Probably from rt. Auk see, whence Дvyu-εú-s (No. 87).
549) Rt. λυγ (σλυγ) λύζω (λυγγάνομαι) hiccough, sob
(schluche, schluchze), λύγξ (st. λυγγ), λυγμός
hiccough.
O.-H.-G. sluccan deglutire.
O.-Ir. slucit they gulp down (F. A. 176), ro-slogeth 372
absorpta est (sc. mors Z.2 477).
Benf. II 12, who also quotes Gael. sluig-idh hiccough, gulp. But
his other comparisons do not suit. Ir. slucit is for *slungit (cp. ni
cumuing non valet, ni cumcat non possunt Z.² 431, 433): ro-slogeth
shows vowel-raising like ad-fét relatum est (for ad-fiadad Z. 478).
O.'R. quotes: slugaim I swallow, slug a gulp, slugán throat, and
others.
2
550) λώβ-η insult, λωβά-ο-μαι, λωβ-εύω insult, scorn,
λωβητήρ slanderer. Lat. láb-e-s spot, disgrace,
lâbe-cula.
Pott I¹ 209, Benf. II 10. It seems to me certain that these
words go together, and that láb-e-s macula in vestimento (Paul. Epit.
121) is not originally identical with labe-s fall (cp. láb-i, lăb-are, and
Skt. lamb labi). Corssen's attempt 12 402 to connect labe-s spot and
lâbe-s fall by means of the notion 'damage', I regard as extremely
forced. But the Greek words with the meaning of outrage, disgrace,
damage, which is distinctly prominent in them, are entirely removed
from the notion of slipping, which is so clearly prominent in lábi
and labare. It is a mistake to attempt to find the rt. of our words
in any form like βλαβ in βλάπτω, and hence to derive λώβη (for
ẞlæß-n), like xóл-ŋ from rt. кая (No. 34). It would be better to go
back to No. 547, and to compare lúµŋ; in that case we should have
to regard the ẞ as developed from F. But lâbe-s then offers a dif-
ficulty. For in Latin the transition from v to b, even if not unheard
of, as Corssen Beitr. 157 maintains, is at any rate limited to a narrow
range, and to certain definite groups of sounds.
551) μέλας (st. μελάν) black, μελαίνω blacken, μολύνω
spot.
Skt. mala-m (subst.) dirt, filth, mala-s dirty, nig-
gardly, malina-s dirty, impure, black.
462
BOOK II.
Lat. malu-s, mali-tia, mali-gnu-s, male-ficu-s.
Goth. mail ôvrís, O.-H.-G. meil macula.
Lith. móli-s clay, mělyna-s blue, Lett. mel-s black.
Cymr. melyn, Corn. milin, Arm. melen flavus, fulvus,
croceus (Z.2 724); Ir. maile malum (Corm. Gl. 24
gaire, Transl. 87), Corn. malan 'the evil one, the
devil' (Lex. Cornu-Brit.).
1
Ang
Pott I¹ 112, 253, Bopp Gl., Benf. I 478. These words are all
simply developed from a rt. mal with the meaning 'to be dirty'.
For the moral meaning of the Lat. malu-s cp. hic niger est, hunc tu
Romane caveto. On the other hand it seems to me doubtful whether
Goth. mêl yoagń, mêljan yoάpɛiv can be correctly compared, for in
these words the notion of spotting does not come into prominence
(Diefenbach Goth. Wtb. II 16). For the formation of μolúvo, which
points to a st. uolo, Ztschr. VI 89. Further połoßeó-s (e 219, ☛ 26),
which the ancients explained by μολίσκων ἐπὶ τὴν βοράν, certainly
373 belongs to this group of words; but it can hardly be, as Ameis App.
to Od. e p. 77 maintains, 'dirt-eater', a very strange description of
the beggar, whose appetite for dainty bits has just been derided, and
still more strange as used by Nicand. Ther. 622 of a plant which
creeps on the ground, and hence may well be dirty, but hardly dirt-
eating. Düntzer Ztschr. XIV 197 takes ẞoo as a suffix, without being
able to establish this by any analogy. Now Aelian N. A. VII 47
gives us the words uolóẞoto-v and uoloẞoítn-s for sucking-pig, and
these cannot be separated from őßqio-v, ỏßoínaho-v (cp. Studien I, 1,
259) young animal, especially sucking-pig. Hence, following Aristoph.
Byz. (p. 117 Nauck) I divide uol-oßgó-s and translate 'dirty young
pig', cp. Skt. viḍ-varáha, compounded with vish faeces (Pet. W.). In
Nicander the remembrance of the main idea has been retained, but
not that of the composition. -The form xo-óßolo-v (also nól-aßoo-s)
equivalent to μolóßotov means 'black sucking-pig'. With the eth-
ical meaning of the Lat. malu-s agree the Irish maile Cymr. mall
bad, quoted by Pictet II 559. The radically distinct nɛlaivó-s has
been discussed under No. 46.
552) μόλυβος, μόλιβος, μόλυβδο-ς lead, μολυβδί-ς, μολ-
úßdaiva ball of lead, uoluß-gó-s (Hes.) leaden-
coloured, uovẞ-ou-s leaden. Lat. plumbum,
plumb-eu-s. O.-H.-G. pli (st. pliwa).
alwa, Ch.-Sl. olovo.
Lett.
Pott I¹ 113, who quotes also the Hindustani mulwa, Benf.
525 f.
—
We must assume, as it seems, a stem-form mluva. The
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
463
difficult combination of sounds ml was softened in Greek by means
of the auxiliary vowel o, while m in Latin, being in immediate con-
tact with 7, changed into the same p, which was produced before l
in ex-em-p-lu-m, tem-p-lu-m. In the Slavo-Lith. branch of languages
the initial consonant has been entirely lost. One is tempted to add
The β in μό-
572. In Latin
here also liv-or, liv-idu-s, liv-eo, with Pott I¹ 120.
Avẞo-s has originated in F, on which see more at. p.
the preceding nasal has probably brought about the change of v
into b. Pictet's (Ztschr. V 323) derivation from the words mentioned
under No. 551 rests mainly on the Skt. bahu-mala-s lead, properly
'very dirty': but this word is unauthenticated. Some objections and
varying combinations of Walter's (Ztschr. XII 403) I discussed in XIII
397. Pictet I 183 entirely separates uólvßo-s from the correspond-
ing words in the other languages.
I do not consider my compar-
ison quite certain.
553) ὀλίγο-ς (comp. ὀλίζων
ὀλιγ-ιων, ὑπολίζων) small,
ỏλiyo-otó-s the least [see Ell. Lex. Soph. and
Herm. on Ant. 621 (625 D.)], ỏλiɣ-άxı-s a few
times.
Skt. rt. riç and liç (liç-â-mi) pluck, vi-lish-ta-s mu-
tilatus, lêç-a-s a little bit.
O.-Pruss. lik-u-t-s parvus, Lith. Tësa-s lean.
Bopp Gl., Benf. II 26. The o is prothetic, as in ỏ-hón-t-w
by the side of lέn-w peel (Lobeck El. I 83); it is wanting in the
words preserved by Hesych. λιζόν (read λίζον) ἔλαττον, λιζῶνες (λίζ-
oves?) Éláttoves. y is weakened from × as in µíoy-w (No. 474), hence
lik is the rt., from which we can arrive at the Low Germ. leeg (Engl.
low) low, bad, weak. Perhaps in locóv, which in Hesych. is ex-
plained inter alia by laccov, a trace of the harder stem lux is pre-
served. But the lexicographer has confused this with loσóv smooth. 374
The comparative is naturally to be accented líogov.
554) St. ὀλολυγ ὀλολύζω cry, ὀλολυγή, ολολυγμός
crying, óholvy-óv cry, note of the frog, name
of a screeching animal, ὀλολυγ-αία a name for
the night-owl.
Skt. ul-ul-i-s ululabilis, ululatus, ulúka-s owl,
screech-owl.
!
Lat. ul-ucu-s, ul-ul-a, ulul-á-re, ululâ-tu-s, ululâ-bili-s.
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 46. The rt. is ul, Gr. 32, reduplicated ul-ul,
according to Greek phonetic laws ỏl-vλ (ср. пonný¿w, noę❤úρw), with
464
BOOK II.
an added v (cp. Skt. ulû-ka-s) ỏl-vλ-v, dissimilated afresh in order
to avoid the distasteful repetition of syllables containing v (pi-tv-s
No. 417) 02-02-v. From this stem comes directly ò ololv-s, a word
quoted from the comedians, and explained by Photius as yvvαinádys,
i. e. ‘shrieker': whence with a guttural comes the derived ỏlolvy.
For the different meanings of the animal's name ỏlolvɣáv cp. Steph.
Thes. The fundamental notion of howling sound (cp. άhalάgw) runs
through all the words quoted. Hence the connection with 2-ά-w,
vlα-no-µœgoi, il-az-tέ-w, bark, asserted by Benfey and Döderlein
(Gloss. 2272), is not to be absolutely rejected. Ul-ul-âre looks like
a reduplicated 2-a-v. But the connection with 2-wl-a assumed by
Döderlein (Gloss. 2163) is not to be accepted for a moment.
555) ovλ-ε salve, óloó-s salvus. Lat. salv-u-s, salv-e-o,
salû(t)-s, salú-bri-s. Goth. sel-s άyaðós, un-sel-s
лovηoós, sélei xonótótns, O.-N. sal-l felix, O.-H.-G.
salîg happy [silly]. O.-Ir. slán salvus 'quasi
sal-án' (Z.² 777).
1
Buttm. Lexil. I 190, Pott I¹ 130, Sonne Epilegomena zu Benfey's
Wurzellexikon p. 16. Benfey I 315 declares the comparison of this
word with salvus to be impossible. We have however a trace of the
initial spir. asp.
= 6 in Suidas: ὁλούς δασυνομένης τῆς πρώτης συλ-
λαβῆς δηλοῖ ὁ φρόνιμος καὶ ἀγαθός, and on ὀλοόφρων there are se-
veral traces of the explanation δύναται καὶ ὀλοόφρων λέγεσθαι ὁ ὑγ
ιεῖς τὰς φρένας ἔχων (Apollon. Lex. p. 120, 16). From ὁλοό-ς comes
the form mentioned by Hesych. ὁλοεῖται ὑγιαίνει. Hence there are
glimpses both of the form and of the meaning of salvus: as to the
second o, this certainly represents a F. On this see p. 556. In ovlɛ
the F has been transferred into the first syllable, under the form of
v (cp. yovva yovƑa). There is a close connexion with both words
in Oől-co-s, an Ionic surname of Apollo accoroing to Strabo XIV,
p. 635 ἁγιαστικὸς καὶ παιωνικός, τὸ γὰρ οὔλειν ὑγιαίνειν, and further
in οὐλείοιεν [οὐλεοιεν?] ἐν ὑγεία φυλάσσοιεν Hesych.; and according
to Ahrens D. Aeol. 284 also in lladi in Simonides (fr. XCI Schnei-
dewin) and λlete in Callimachus. Both these may remain doubtful.
Lobeck Rhemat. 111 and Döderlein Gloss. 472 prefer to find in ovlɛ
a vocative like macte; but I see no decisive reasons for this, for there
is nothing against the laws of language in a verbal stem ôlv, 82F.
We may without much hesitation add here őλß-o-s, őλß-o-s with ß
for F. In all these words the fundamental idea remains the same.
οὐλή scar, according to Hesych. ἕλκος εἰς ὑγίειαν ἧκον, connected by
Schleicher Comp. 2 70 [p. 45 E. T.] with Lat. vol-nus, Skt. vraṇa-m
wound, has perhaps nothing in common with our words. - I prefer
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
465
also to discuss separately olo-s whole, with Skt. sarva-s quivis, omnis 375
(p. 540). Cp. Corssen I² 485 and No. 570.
556) бáλ-o-s, oάh-n tossing, restless motion, 6a2-sú-w toss,
wave, 6αλά66-∞ toss, oálag sieve, oólo-s quoit,
σαλάκων braggart, σαλεύγη συνεχής κίνησις,
σαλαγή noise, σαλαγέ-ω shake.
Lat. salu-s (Enn.), salu-m= σάλος.
O.-H.-G. swëllan swell, boil up, wider-swal-m whirl-
pool.
Benf. I 61 compares Skt. sar-it flood, saras pool, sal-a-m with
ín-sul-a (cp. Lith. salà island), sal-ila-m water (Bopp Gl.), and even
al-s with the meaning sea; but this meaning cannot be separated
from that of salt, and will be discussed on p. 538. On the contrary,
through all the words here collected runs the idea of tossing motion,
which justified Lobeck (Rhemat. 112) in connecting oά-10-s with oɛí-w
shake. Whether the oέl-uara (cp. ¿vooɛ2µo-s) denoted originally the
bending timbers I do not venture to determine. In no case have they
anything to do with rt. ced, ed (No. 280), as Eschmann thinks Ztschr.
XIII 106. For the word denotes by no means only the seats of the
rowers. The metaphor which occurs in calázov reminds us of the
Lat. jactare. The proper name Zólov also belongs here, as it seems.
Probably a ♬ has been lost after σ. Thus in the first place oɛío
(for oƑɛ-j∞), and then also cάlo-s (for oƑa-20-s) might be connected
with the Skt. rt. su su-nô-mi, which means press out, pound (de mor-
tario et pistillo Westerg.) and from which the Sôma-drink gets its
name. Cp. No. 571, 604, Pott W. I 1344.
557) 6ía20-v spittle, oíaho-s fat, grease, 6icha-dns spittle-
like, fat, late Greek oάlo-s spittle. - Lat. sal-
îva. O.-H.-G. sli-m. Ch.-Sl. sli-na saliva,
Lith. séil-e spittle, slaver. O.-Ir. saile saliva,
dat. pl. selib (Goid. p. 11), da sale duo sputa
(Z. 233), sult fat (Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 117
molt).
M
Pott I¹ 5, Benf. I 414, Stokes, Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 36. Neither
Benfey nor Kuhn (Ztschr. IV 24) can induce me to believe that the
Skt. shtiv spit contains the root, for the meaning goes much beyond
this. It seems to me the most advisable course to assume a special
rt. sil (sli), strengthened sjal. Bopp Gl. compares with sal-îva
the same salila-m water, which was mentioned above under cálo-s:
this cannot be done because of the other words.
CURTIUS, Etymology.
30
466
BOOK II.
376
558) Rt. cœal 6¶á22-∞ (8-6¶nλ-α) make to totter, trip,
σφάλμα slip, ἀ-σφαλής firm, sure, σφαλερός
unsure.
Skt. sphal, sphul, sphal-â-mi, sphul-â-mi vacillo, con-
cutio, â-sphâl-ana-m the attack, assault.
Lat. fall-o, fal-su-s, falla, fall-ax, fallac-ia.
O.-H.-G. falla-n fall.
Lith. pulu inf. pùlti fall.
Pott W. II, 1, 514, Benf. I 567. In Skt. there are three ra-
dical forms nearly akin to each other: skhal titubare, cadere, khal
decipere, fallere, and our sphal with the by-forms sphul, sphar. The
transitive meaning shake reappears in opάllw and fallo, the intrans-
itive in opaló-s quoit. Cp. Kuhn Ztschr. XII 323, Benary Röm.
Lautl. 13, Grassmann Ztschr. XII 96 The aspirate in Greek and
Sanskrit, the spirant in Latin are developed from a p (cp. No. 580),
hence spal is to be assumed as the primitive form, so that thus the
f in German, after the loss of the s is explained. falla fallacia
Novius v. 12 Ribbeck (Comici). Connected with the less material
meaning of fallere we have σφάλλον· κολάκευσον (Hes.), and also
pn-ló-s deceitful, pnló-w deceive, defraud, onλntns rascal, in which
the σ has disappeared as in Latin and German. I cannot accept the
other combinations of Kuhn IV 35. oxal-ŋvó-s, which does not
mean limping, tottering, but uneven, crooked, is connected with oxol-
ió-s, and stands quite apart from our rt. The rt. skal slip, akin
in sense to sphal, spal underlies the Goth. skal opɛíla, properly I fail,
and the Lat. scel-us Schuld [debt: cp. shall]. Cp. άleítns p. 547,
Delbrück Ztschr. f. d. Philol. I 135.
=
559) "vin wood, forest, vý-i-s woody, 2-nua under-
wood.
ticu-s.
Lat. silva, silvestri-s, silv-ôsu-s, silva-
Vossius Et. s. v. sylva, as the word used then to be written.
Kuhn Ztschr. I 515, II 131, Grimm Gesch. 303 f. Both refer here
not merely saltu-s, where the a should warn us from such a com-
parison, but also A -S. holt lucus, O.-H.-G. holz lignum, silva. But
the Teutonic h cannot be shown to represent anything but an Indo-
Germanic k, while on the other hand the. Gr. spiritus asper here
evidently stands for s, and what is there common to the forms sula
and kalda, which we should have to presume? Legerlotz Ztschr.
VIII 208 attempts an explanation from a rt. Fel burn, which he
finds recurring in the Lith. svìl-ti singe, in the A.-S. swelan [schwelen]
to roast by a slow fire, and Skt. svar. The latter rt., quite unauthent-
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
467
icated, and apparently deduced from words which are discussed under
No. 663, means only to shine. Though the idea of glowing and of
slow roasting may have developed from this, that of burning up re-
mains still quite distinct. Besides, the use of silva to denote under-
wood, plantation will not agree with this [cp. Homer's άğvlos õîn
'copse where there are no logs' ▲ 155]. I would rather attach these
words to the rt. su procreare, did not this rt. appears to be limited
to the propagation of animals. The meaning 'growth' (cp. qvzóv)
would suit very well. Perhaps "van originated from Fa, so that,
with a weakening of u to i (cp. libet and lubet), silva also silua
corresponds exactly. The initial sibilant remained in the proper
name Zxanıŋ-oúin (cleared wood), Lat. Scaptensula 'ex ultima anti-
quitate', as Lachmann saw, ad Lucret. VI 810. Cp. the form cέda
mentioned under No. 280.
560) vía sole. Goth. sulja oavdákov, ga-suljan dε-
μελιοῦν, Ο.-Η.-G. sola.
Lobeck Paralip. 34, 338, Diefenb. Wtb. II 289. ὑλίαι only in
Hesych. in the glosses ὕλλει τὰ πρὸς κάσσωσι δέρματα, for which
Musurus writes ὑλίαι τὰ πρὸς καττύμασι δέρματα, and ὑλίας τοὺς
καρπατίμους (i. e. καρπατίνους) τόμους, hence pieces of leather cut
for soles. Otherwise Benf. I 291, XVII, whose derivation from
the rt. su Lat. suere (No. 578) is not improbable for the Greek words 377
but it is less suitable for the Teutonic groups of words gathered by
Diefenbach. Cp. also No. 281, where we placed the Lat. sol-ea, since
it cannot be separated from solu-m (cp. Pott W. I 1350). The rarity
of the Greek words makes it impossible to decide.
561) χαλινός (Aeol. χάλινο-ς).
ina-s bit of the bridle (?).
Skt. khalina-s, khal-
Benf. I 678, cp. II 282, Ztschr. II 336. - Boeht. and Roth in
the Pet. Dict. expressly explain the Sanskrit words by 'bit of a bridle',
and prove by quotations that it was put into the mouth of the beast;
and according to Pollux A 148 τὸ εἰς τὸ στόμα ἐμβαλλόμενον was
called χαλινός, hence Τ 393 ἐν δὲ χαλινοὺς γαμφηλῇς ἔβαλον, so that
in later writers xalivós could also mean the corner of a horse's
mouth, and the fangs of snakes. Hence the identity of the two words
is certain, but A. Weber Beitr. IV 278 regards khalina-s as borrowed
from the Greek; and he is not without support from other Sanskrit
scholars. From this point of view the isolated position and the va-
rying quantity of the word is worth notice. Hence the note of inter-
rogation.
562) ψύλλα, ψύλλος fea. - Lat. pil-ex.
Ch.-Sl. blu-cha, Lith. blusà.
O.-H.-G. flôh.
Pott I¹ 87, Förstemann Ztschr. III 50, Corssen I² 549.
2
The
30*
468
BOOK II.
identity of the creature, which in all four families of speech is de-
noted by a labial and 1, establishes the unity of the name: but a dif-
ference in the formation must be admitted. The Lat. -ex (st. ec, ic)
is individualising, as in cul-ex, sen-ex, and finds its analogue in the h
of the German word. The Slavo-Lith. form shows a s for Ch.-Sl.
ch S and a weakened initial letter. Perhaps sp was the original
initial sound (Kuhn Ztschr. IV 36). We shall find on p. 688 4 for π
presenting itself in some other words as a metathesis of sp. Skt.
pâla-s louse (Benf. I 576) I prefer to omit here. Pictet I 413 com-
pares pulaka-s, which among its many meanings has that of a kind of
vermin. Misteli Ztschr. XVII 169.
―
563) alέvn elbow, clέ-xoāvo-v the point (head) of the
elbow, Ωλενο-ς. Lat. ulna.
1
O.-H.-G. elina лñxvs, cubitus.
dat. pl. uilneib (T. B. Fr. p. 140).
Goth. aleina,
O.-Ir. uile ulna,
Pott I¹ 117, Benf. II 305. Originating from the same rts. ar,
al, with different suffixes, but a similar meaning, we have: Skt. ar-
ûlas bent, the bent arm, aratni-s elbow (cp. also Lat. ar-cu-s), Lith.
al-kú-nė elbow, olekti-s ell Ch.-Sl. lakuti, Gr. άla§ πñxvs Adaµá-
vov Hesych., for which M. Schmidt p. 129, probably with justice,
writes alg, to observe the alphabetical arrangement. But to con-
jecture with Vossius ǹ loxús for лñvs seems to me the most extreme
temerity, in the case of a work like that of Hesych. Cp. 22óv (for
ὠι-νο-ν?)· τὴν τοῦ βραχίονος καμπήν.
The Irish word appears
also with ll: ar a dibn ullennaib on his two elbows (L. U. Journ. I
p. 378); cp. Stokes Ir. Gl. p. 149, Z.² 268.
378
Σ
Greek σ in the following instances corresponds to an
Indo-Germanic s, which in the other languages is as a rule.
retained, but in Latin between two vowels it has almost
invariably passed into r. In the same position the sibilant
is regularly dropped in Greek: while at the beginning of
a word before a vowel it passes into the spiritus asper.
In Irish s is retained only in groups of consonants and at
the beginning of a word; between vowels it is lost.
564) Rt. ἐς εἰμί (Aeol. ἔμ-μι ἐσμι), 3 sing. ἐστί, εὐ-
εG-Ta well-being, 6-9-26-5 excellent, &-Ü-s good.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
469
Skt. as-mi sum, as-ti est, s-at being, good, su-
(prefix)= εv-, sv-as-ti-s well-being. Zd. ah-mi
sum, aç-ti, ảnh-u lord, world.
Lat. (e)s-u-m, es-t, s-on(t)-s, sont-icu-s, Osc. es-uf.
Goth. i-m, is-t, sunji-s, O.-N. sann-r true, guilty.
Lith. es-mì, és-ti, Ch.-Sl. jes-mi, jes-ti, Lith. es-a-ba
being, es-ni-s constant, sure.
O.-Ir. am sum, at es, as, is est, ammi sumus,
it
sunt (Z.2 487); su-, so- bene in so-nirt firmus,
fortis (nert vis, valor), su-thain perpetuus (tan
tempus, Z.2 863).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 2, 228, Benf. I 25, Grimm Gr. I 1070,
Gesch. 842, Kuhn Ztschr. I 183, II 137, Stokes Ir. Gloss. p. 127.
The Skt. as-u-s breath of life, asu-ra-s living, and ás, ás-ja-m mouth
which is quite parallel to Lat. ôs make it almost certain that the
physical meaning of this very ancient verbum substantivum was
breathe, respire. According to Renan de l'Origine du language p. 129
(éd. 4me) the Hebrew verb. subst. haja or hawa has the same funda-
mental meaning. The three main meanings are probably developed
in the following order: breathe, live, be. So Max Müller II 349.
The distinction of this root from the synonymous bhu Gr. qv (No.
417) a distinction traceable in many languages
suits this view.
Rt. as denotes, like respiration, a uniform continuous existence: rt. bhu
on the other hand implies a becoming. Hence the two rts. supple-
ment each other, so that the former is used exclusively in the dura-
tive forms of the present-stem, the second especially in the tenses
which like the aorist and the perfect denote an incipient or a com-
pleted process of becoming (-qõ-v, пέ-çõ-xα, fu-i). In all languages
but Greek, however, the rt. bhu also has faded into a simple verbum
substantivum. This satisfies the objections of Tobler Ztschr. IX 254.
The differing view of Ascoli (Framm linguist. IV p. 20) and
Schweizer (Ztschr. XVII 144), which rests especially on Skt. as-ta-m
home (adv.), and according to which the rt. as had as its fundamental
meaning 'stand', 'linger', does not at all suit Skt. as-u-s, asu-ra-s. âs 379
ôs may have originated in as, just as well as vák voc from vak
(Max Müller Asiat. Society March 1868 p. 35), while the assumption
that as is contracted from avas or akas is not established by any
striking example. It is but a short step from the living to the
real, thence to the true, and to that which realizes the purpose of
its existence, the good. On --s (Ep. -v-s) for o-v-s, in the neut.
contracted to see Rhein. Mus. 1845 p. 245 ff.; we must reject
however what is said there about the German wahr. Bugge Ztschr.
-
470
BOOK II.
TOL
XX 33 tries to show traces of su-, good, in European languages.
With the Skt. partic. s-at is connected No. 208 ét-ɛó-s sat-ja-s.
Whether 6-9-ló-s (Dor. ¿6-ló-s) comes directly from the rt., or, as
Kuhn holds Ztschr. IV 30, from a stem έot Skt. sat I do not at-
tempt to determine. Further tol-µo-s like ëtv-po-s must have meant
originally real, ready; the latter seems immediately comparable to
the Skt. satva-m truth. The Osc. es-uf Lith. es-aba, which accord-
ing to Lange means caput, in the sense which the word has in the
Roman law, but which perhaps rather means property, has been dis-
cussed by me Ztschr. IV 236. Schleicher indeed holds the Lith.
word, as well as esni-s to be an invented one, foreign to the popular
idiom. The connexion of s-on(t)-s and sont-icu-s with this rt. has
been recognized by Clemm and established Stud. III 328, while Bugge
IV 205 confirms it by northern analogies. Language regards the
guilty man as the man who it was'.
565) Rt. Ec Fec Ev-vv-u clothe, ei-ua iuár-10-v dress,
¿6-do-s, ¿6-d-ý(t)-s clothing, ε-ăvó-s (εíăvó-s)
clothes, έ-avó-s covering round.
•
Skt. rt. vas (vas-é) put on, vas-man, vas-ana-m, vas-
tra-m clothes, vas-ána-s covering round, covered
round. Zd. vanh to clothe, varh-ana (n.) vag-
tra (n.) clothes.
Lat. ves-ti-s, vesti-o.
Goth. ga-vas-jan to clothe, vas-ti clothes.
Cymr. gwis-coed vestes, Corn. guisc vestimentum
(Z.² 291. 131).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 481, Kuhn Ztschr. II 132, 266. f is
clearly seen in καταείνυσαν (Ψ 135), ἐπιειμένος, ἐπιέσασθαι, ἑέσατο
(Hoffmann Quaest. Hom. § 113), in the Aeol. yέu-parα = Fεo-para,
Dor. γῆμα, γέστρα στολή (Hesych.), Lacon. βέσ-το-ν, βέτ-το-ν (Ε. Μ.),
Cypr. vεo-s, cp. p. 550 and Ahrens D. Aeol. 31, Dor. 46. Ebel
Ztschr. IV 202 will not allow the Homeric form ɛîµaι to pass as ori-
ginally a perfect because of the want of reduplication. But as it has
a decided perfect meaning, and as from the early uncertainty of the
F the initial sound was variable, not much stress is to be laid on
this want. The two forms of ĉavó-s differing only in the quantity of
the a are discussed by Buttmann Lexilog. II 11. He separates the
adjective from this rt.; but as he himself recognizes the meaning of
'covering' as a legitimate one for this adjective, we shall add the
adjective also here, especially as the striking analogy of the Skt.
vas-ana-m and vas-âna-s comes in to help us. It is formed like
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
471
ά-μεν-ηνός. For ἱμάτιον p. 702. The rt. Fec clothe agrees with
that discussed under No. 206, which means dwell, in the common 380
notion of a protecting surrounding. A middle position between cloth-
ing and dwelling is held by the Lat. vas (vasis), which is perhaps
rightly placed here, especially as Skt. vás-ana-m means clothing,
dwelling, vessel. Cp. Pictet II 277. This and the foregoing root
are discussed thoroughly by Hainebach 'Die Wurzeln FEC und EC
Giessen 1860', with many precise deductions and striking remarks,
though in other points I cannot agree with him, especially with re-
ference to the number of words, which he derives from these roots.
566) έблεoo-ç evening (subst. and adj.), ĉσñέọa evening,
ἑσπέρ-ιο-ς, ἑσπερινός of evening.
Lat. vesper,
vespera, vesper-tinu-s. Lith. vákara-s, Ch.-Sl.
večerů evening, večer-ini εonεQIVÓS. Cymr.
ucher vespera (Z.2 828): 0.-Ir. fescor, Corn.
gwespar, Arm. gousper (Z.2 781, 131, 133), Cymr.
gosper (Spurr. Dict.).
Pott I¹ 121.
1
The explanation from 'divas-para the end of the
day', suggested by Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 190, and approved by Benf. II
208, must be abandoned, if only because of the Slavo-Lith. words.
As p comes from k, but not k from p, these take us back to a pri-
mitive form vas-kara-s. Hence in Latin, here as well as in lupu-s
(No. 89), the representation of a k by a p must be admitted. For
the F in the Aeol. Fέonɛqɛ Ahrens D. Aeol. 32. In Homer we have
μένον δ᾽ ἐπὶ ἕσπερον ἐλθεῖν δ 786 and the like. As vas-a-ti-s means
night in Skt., we may probably see a kindred word here, and in the
German West, and perhaps the rt. of our word in vas cover round
(No. 565). As contrasted with the Cymr. ucher, which must be di-
rectly compared with the Lith. and Ch.-Sl. words, the other Celtic
words which have been quoted might seem to have been borrowed
from the Latin, did not the form espar in espar-tain eventide (Corm.
Gl. p. 14, O'R. Dict. Z.² 55) which is certainly borrowed, speak
at all events against the borrowed character of Ir. fescor. Ebel Beitr.
II 166 still quotes the puzzling Corn. gurthuper, for which we
find however gurthuher Z.2 1073.
2
567) Rt. Zec Cέ-w (late (év-vv-µɩ perf. m. ¿-§ε6-µai aor.
act. Cέ6-6ɛ-v) seethe, bubble, gέ6-µa, ¿é-µa de-
coction, ¿é-au-g seething, boiling, ¿ɛ6-ró-s sodden,
¿ñ-λo-s ardor.
Skt. rt. jas (jas-jâ-mi, jas-â-mi), bubble, seethe,
472
BOOK II.
fatigue oneself, a-jas exert oneself, pra-jas-ta-s
boiling over (iñεokéwv).
O.-H.-G. jës-an, ger-ja-n [gären] ferment, Mod.-G.
Gisch-t [or Gäsch-t] yeast, froth.
Benf. I 681, Pott W. II 2, 453, Kuhn Ztschr. II 137, Roth Ni-
rukta, Erläuter. p. 78, where the meaning 'seethe' is established for
some passages in the Rigveda, and conjectured also for the Zend.
For j see p. 609. The less physical meaning of the post-Homeric
ñlos has its precedent in the use of the verb tέw. The a of the
Dor. galos, which Düntzer Ztschr. XVI 281 opposes to my etymology,
finds its explanation in an older rt. gas, which is preserved also in
Cá-2n tossing of the sea, álo-s, falá-w: and further, the rule, good
enough for practical purposes, that & in the Doric dialect is to be
expected only in the place of an a which has come from 7, is liable
381 to important exceptions from the well-known fact that even ɛ in va-
rious dialects not uncommonly appears in the older form of a.
Döderlein Gl. 2450 refers to this rt. also the Homeric co-gó-tɛqov
(άngatótεgov Apoll. Lex.) néqαiɛ I 203, which might indeed very well
mean fervidius. Pott, who discusses this rt. II² 805, refers to gon
tò έnáva tov uέlitos (Hes.), which, if taken as froth, foam, suits
well here. Cp. Hesych. ζείουσαν ἀφρίζουσαν.
ἧσται
2
568) Rt. cua, no-raι sit. Skt. ás (ás-é) sit, stay,
dwell, 3 sing. âs-tê, âs-a-m seat, ás-ana-m sedes.
Zd. ah sit, remain. Lat. â-nu-s, O.-Lat.
Umbr. âs-a, Osc. aas-a, N.-Lat. âr-a.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 299. That -uai has nothing to do
with el-oa (part. 6-oas, oαs), as Buttmann A. Gr. II 202 supposed,
is shown on the one hand by the n, which proves that the spiritus
lenis was the original breathing, and on the other hand by the 3 pl.
ɛï-atai, E-atai, el-aro which go back to âs-a-tai, âs-a-ta. The ɛ
shortened from n is the same as in véa from vŋFa, in nέas from rt.
KāƑ. The
The 3 sing. ño-taι, which has preserved the final s of this rt.,
as no-tov has in the case of the rt. ec, shows that the initial aspi-
ration has nothing to do with the loss of the σ from the middle of
the word (against Kuhn Ztschr. II 269), but is rather to be considered
as not original. The spiritus asper originating in the lenis is dis-
cussed on p. 676. In this case the resemblance in sound to the
words of kindred meaning too, słoα may have favoured the sharp
aspiration. Hence it is not admissible to separate rt. ýc from ás and
to attach it to rt. vas dwell, as Hainebach wishes to do in the essay
mentioned under No. 565, p. 18. Benfey I 418 derives no-vzo-s from
this rt. in the sense of sedatus, a derivation well supported by the
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
473
~
ام
meaning of the word. Lobeck Proleg. 339 quotes adjectives similarly
formed. Even -usgo-s tame, perhaps properly, dwelling with, as it
were settling down with, may be derived from this rt. by means of
the suffix -μɛço
-μερο Skt. mara (ad-mara-s greedy, rt. ad Gr. Ed
No. 279), discussed by Aufrecht Ztschr. I 480. For the rt. jam re-
strain, from which Bopp Gl., Kuhn Ztschr. II 320 derive μɛqo-s,
shows a different initial sound in nu-ía. For the Italian words
see Macrobius Saturn. III 2, 8, Mommsen Unterit. D. 244, Aufr. u. Kirchh.
II 402.
Perhaps the Lith. as-là floor belongs here; this would be
analogous to the Hom. είαμενή (also είαμενή, αμενή in Hesych. and
in other forms), low ground (= έo-a-µevn), for Classen's explanation
of this word as 'the clothed', from No. 565, poetical as it is, seems
to me improbable for so ancient a word (Beobacht. üb. den hom.
Sprachgebrauch, 2. Theil, Frankf. 1855 p. 10). The meaning pre-
valent in the Skt. as attaches itself exceptionally also to the form
as-ta-m home, which evidently belongs rather here than to the rt. as
in its usual sense. Could as breathe, and as sit be linked by the
intermediate notion 'stop for breath'? With regard to the Italian
word for altar it is noteworthy that Skt. âs (Pet. D. I 729) is also
used of men praying and sacrificing at the altar.
569) i6o-s (for FioFo-s) Aeol. 1660-s [Att. "iáo-s] equal.
Skt. vishu (adv.) to both sides, vishuva-m
aequinoctium, vishu-vant holding the middle.
Pott I¹ 272, Benf. II 222.
1
An initial F is proved by the Hom. 382
fem. ἐΐση, by γισγόν ἴσον, Lacon. βίωρ ἴσως (Hesych.). That the
has displaced a consonant following it, is shown by the Aeolic form
(Ahrens D. Aeol. 66), to which belong also locos yαlývn, looãodai
κληροῦσθαι (cp. ἴση) and perhaps also Ἶσσα· ἡ Λέσβος τὸ πρότερον
(Hesych.). From yioyóv we can see that this consonant was a second
digamma. Now the stem so arrived at is identical with Skt. vishuva
(for visva), an expansion of vishu (for visu) like that of rolv to ñollo
i. e. zolfo. The rt. of vish-u is held to be Skt. vish (vis) separare,
which may be conjectured in ἀΐσ-ονες φραγμοί, αυσόμενος φραξάμενος
(Hesych.). In that case & would be prefixed as in aegoa by the side
of Hom. &έgon. Thus we could also arrive at alo-a, which accord-
ingly meant, like ǹ on, the equal share. Hence aloquo-s and the
Ionic άvaιouó-, Att. natαionów use up, spend. We must reject the
ἀναισιμό-ω, καταισιμόω
comparison with Skt. viçva-s (i. e. vik-va-s) omnis (Kuhn Ztschr.
II 272) and idios (Ahrens u. s.) and also Fick's comparison with Skt.
êsha wish and O.-H.-G. êra, which are entirely distinct in meaning.
σώ-κο-ς
570) 6άo-s, б00-s, áão-s, á☎-s whole, sound, o☎-xo-s
474
BOOK II.
strong, 6αó-w, σa-¿-∞ (more correctly o∞) heal,
save, ow-τno saviour, ά-ow-to-s past healing.
Lat. sâ-nu-s.
Benary Lautl. 235, and after him Benfey I 360 compare Skt.
sah-ja-s strong, sah-ja-m soundness. In that case sagh would be the
rt., but Gr. x is hardly ever dropped before vowels. Pictet Ztschr.
V 38 agrees with this view. But his own comparison of oά-o-s with
Skt. sava-s Soma-juice, offering, is untenable for this primitive ad-
jective. The different vowels of the adjective are treated by Lobeck
El. II 121. The relation of oc-µa to our rt. is difficult, because in
Homer, as Aristarchus noticed (Lehrs 2 p. 86), it means only cadaver.
See on this point Delbrück Ztschr. XVII 238. Among the numerous
proper names belonging here Zao, the name of a Nereid, hence
'saving goddess', is noteworthy (Pott Ztschr. VI 272). We might
conjecture some kinship with Lat. so-briu-s, which when compared
with ê-briu-s strikingly reminds us of odpowv, with so-spe(t)-s, by the
side of seispes (C. I. L. No. 1110), treated by Corssen Nachtr. 250,
and connexion might even be conjectured with the words discussed
under No. 555. It seems to me somewhat bold to base this group
on rt. èc (No. 564) with a lost vowel (cp. Skt. s-mas — sumus). It
is better not to go beyond sa as the root-syllable, from which pro-
bably come also sacer and sanctu-s, sancio.
571) Rt. ca oά-w, oń-d-w sift, oñ-6-700-v sieve. Lith.
sijó-j-u sift, së-ta-s sieve (rt. si).
Pott W. I 306, Benf. I 398 f. A late by-form is owío-v sieve
civiάgw sift; an older by-form, as it seems, of ond-w is nd-w (ǹdé-w,
no-µó-s) with the meaning strain, filter. The replacement of the σ
by the spir. lenis instead of by the spir. asp. is explained, as in the
case of ex-w, by the following aspirate (Lobeck Rhem. p. 93). Lobeck
conjectures also a connexion with oɛíw shake (cp. No. 556). As sowing
is a sifting scattering shaking, the rt. sa, which is widely spread in
383 several families of speech (sa-tu-s, sê-vi, sê-men
O.-H.-G. sa-mo,
pres. se-r-o = se-s-o, Goth. saian, Ch.-Sl. sě-ja-ti, Lith. së-ju sow)
might also be akin. (Cp. No. 389). Other combinations are made
by Leo Meyer Ztschr. VIII 248, where he connects them with Skt. as
throw and sá (sjá-mi). Pictet II 99, 286, where also A.-S. si-bi, O.-H.-G.
sib [sieve] are quoted, and a connexion with Skt. sik No. 24b is sug-
gested. In any case we might conclude even from the Greek forms
that the weaker si stood by the side of the full root sa. For dif-
ferent Latin forms belonging here, especially Sa-e-turnu-s, Sâ-turnu-s,
pro-sa-p-ia (with expanding p) and others more or less certain, see
Corssen 12 417 ff. Bücheler in Polle de artis vocabulis Lucretianis
p. 57 adds sae-clu-m as seed, race, not without probability.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
475
572) σły-ý silence, oîya (adv.) silently, oyά-o am silent,
бyn-λó-s silent. M.-H.-G. swig-en, O.-N. sveig-ja
flectere. [Cp. sway.]
Pott W. III 356, Benf. I 464, Kuhn Ztschr. II 132, Grassmann
XII 136. I repeat this comparison in spite of the anomalous re-
lation of the sounds, regarding Gr. y as softened from x (cp. rt. пλaɣ
No. 367) and giving svik as the primitive form, from which a Teu-
tonic svih, svig would be explained; but I omit the Lat. sil-e-o be-
cause of the Goth. ana-sil-an (to become quiet). Grimm Gr. II 17
assumes as the primary meaning of the Teutonic words premere,
flectere. Of Greek dialectic forms we fnd ἴγα· σιώπα Κύπριοι
(Hesych.) for which it is perhaps more correct to read with M. Schmidt
Ztschr. IX 367 'ya, and the still more remarkable giya oiónα. As
an initial o, in spite of Mor. Schmidt Ztschr. X 208, in no dialect
passes into e, éíya, if correctly preserved to us, might be for oqiya,
and this for oFíyα, like toέ Cretan for Fé, cé (Ahr. D. Dor. 51).
573) Rt. Cкαу oxág-w limp.
Skt. rt. khañý (for skang)
khañý-â-mi limp, khang-a-s limping.
hink-e, han-c limping.
M.-H.-G.
Kuhn Ztschr. III 429, Pet. D. II 589, where inter alia khañģâ
is quoted as the name of an unevenly constructed metre (cp. onά¿wv).
The primary form is skag, nasalized skang. Hence has come, by
the change of g before j into d, Gr. oxάśw i. e. oxad-j-w (cp. ¿é¿-w
rt. Fper No. 141); the verb seems to occur only in quite late writers,
except with the present stem. Pott W. III 106. The German form
came from the initially abbreviated kang, with the regular shifting
of the mutes (cp. No. 113).
574) σóẞn tail.
O.-N. svipa, O.-H.-G. sweif tail.
Benf. I 342, Kuhn II 132, IV 18. I follow both in this com-
parison only. For it is still doubtful to me whether póẞn mane, by
the side of oóẞn was developed from svaba. O-N. svif motus re-
pentinus, vibratio, O.-H.-G. swîfan circumagi, vibrare are certainly
akin in meaning to coẞέw scare, coß-αgó-s violent, but the ẞ of these
words originated in F, as is seen from oav-agó-s σoß-αgó-s Hesych.
σοβαρός
(cp. p. 573). Underlying them is the rt. cu, oɛú-w, έoovµévos, on
which I cannot share the conjecture of Ebel (Ztschr. I 300, cp. Pott
W. I 691). To oɛvw belongs probably Lat. su-cula windlass, machine
for pulling. With coßagós Usener Rhein. Mus. XX 150, probably
correctly, connects the almost obsolete subidu-s excited, the opposite 384
of which in-subidu-s 'securus' is more common. [Cp. Gell. XIX, 9, 9,
Gronov. but Hertz reads subito in § 11.]
476
BOOK II.
575) бoμó-s spongy, damp.
Goth. svamm-s бñóу-уo-s,
O.-H.-G. swam, O.-N. svöpp-r, Goth. svum-sl swamp.
Kuhn Ztschr. IV 17, who rightly goes back to a stem svam,
from which other Teutonic words (0.-H.-G. swimman &c.) may be
derived. From this we also derive (with him) opóy-yo-s with the
by-forms σлóу-yo-s, oñoyy-ía, in which ♬ has either, as in the pro-
nominal stem σ❤ɛ
= sva become hardened to y, or, as probably in
the form líoло-с No. 544, to л. The suffix might be softened from
-но. Corssen I² 161 is probably right in regarding fungu-s as a bor-
rowed word, on the ground of the f, which in no other case comes
from v. Pott W. II 2, 224.
576) στλεγγ-ί-ς, στελγ-ί-ς, στεργ-ί-ς iron for rubbing or
Lat. strig-ili-s.
scraping.
For the three Greek forms, of which the last comes nearest to
the Latin, see Lobeck El. I 502, Rhemat. 55. The rt. certainly can-
not be separated from that of the Lat. string-o (No. 577).
Benf. I 671.
577) στράγξ (st. στραγγ) drop, στραγγ-εύω force through,
στραγγάλη, στραγγαλιά cord, knot, στραγγαλ
í--∞ strangle.
Lat. string-o, stric-tu-s, stric-
ti-m, stric-túra, strig-mentu-m, strig-a, strang-ulâre,
terg-o. -O.-H.-G. stric, strang, strangi strong.
στρεύγο
The rt. strang, strag, for we may assume this (Pott W. III 687),
has two main meanings 'to draw through, force through' and 'to
strip'. The former comes out clearly in the Greek words, of which
στραγγουρία retention of urine, κατὰ στράγγα ῥεῖν may also be
mentioned. From this the cognate meaning of tying together, press-
ing is easily developed, and this comes out with especial clearness
in string-o (for streng-o), nodus strictus, vitem perstringere: the Germ.
streng (rigorous, rough), sich anstrengen (to exert one's self), with the
Hom. бrqɛvy-o-µαι to be pained, to grow exhausted, are not far re-
moved. With respect to the connexion of orqɛúy-o-μaι it is worth
noticing that the cod. Harl. in µ 351 gives the variant otqéyyɛodai
("yq. otqéyyɛodai'), and the same word is explained in Schol. A on
O 512 by oτqayyisɛodαι. Cp. Lob. Rhem. 54. The second main
meaning meets us in usages like folia ab arboribus, oleam, bacam
stringere; with this is connected No. 576 with the Ch.-Sl. strug-a-ti
or strug-a-ti radere: striga stroke, swathe (Fest. 314) is also akin, and
terg-o for sterg-o is connected Leo Meyer I 190, Corssen Beitr. 437.
The forms compared by Lobeck, στραγγός, στρογγύλος curved, might
possibly come from the first main meaning in the sense of forced,
αι
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
477
E
wrested. Pictet II 171 is perhaps right in his conjecture that cagy-
άνη plait, wickerwork with ταργάναι πλοκαί, συνδέσεις τεταργανωμέναι
¿µnɛnleyμévαι (Hesych.) came from this rt. in the form starg. Cp.
tveẞn and oveẞn No. 250. It is worth noticing for this the Ir. sreang-
aim stringo, sreang cord. But I cannot admit any connexion with
στρέφω. Kuhn Ztschr. IV 25 f. groups some of the words here
compared along with the Skt. rt. sarg, for which he establishes the 385
meaning stretch. Cp. Joh. Schmidt Voc. I 54.
578) Rt. cu nα6-6ú-w (nar-rú-∞) patch, cobble, fix the
warp, xάo-ov-ua (nát-tv-ua) leather, cobbler's
work, nattú-s piece of leather.
Skt. rt. siv sîv-jâ-mi suo, sjú-ta-s sutus, sjû-ti-s
sutura.
Lat. su-o, sû-tu-s, sû-tor, sû-tûra, sû-têla device, sû-
b-ula awl.
Goth. siu-ja ¿ñɩgöάntw, O.-H.-G. siud (m.) sutura,
sou-m seam, sui-la subula.
We
Ch.-Sl. šij-ą (inf. ši-ti) gáлro, ši-lo subula, Lith.
siuv-ù (inf. siú-ti) sew, siú-ta-s sewn, embroidered.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1346, Benf. I 290, Diefenb. II 217.
may take siu as the Indo-Germanic, su as the Graeco-Italic root.
Grassmann Ztschr. XI 5 regards this siu or siv, perhaps correctly,
as an expansion of rt. sî bind (No. 602). We might be disposed to
derive the first part of nao-ov-w from the form nás déqua (Hesych.)
discussed by Lobeck Paralip. 80, 177, did not the Greek law of com-
position recommend us rather to conjecture the apocope of natá,
a process which is not surprising in a word of such daily use. There
are similar mutilations of κατά in κάτθες (Eur. Cycl. 544), καυάξαις
(Hes. Ε. 666), in the Hom. κάββαλε with the v. 1. κάμβαλε, κάσχεθε
κατέσχε, a similar forgetfulness of the composition in ἐκάθευδον.
This answers the objections of Walter Quaest. Etymol. p. 7.
'suere
the very ancient word for working in leather' Hehn 11.
579) σũ-s, v-s pig.
Zd. hu (m.) pig. Lat. sû-s.
O.-H.-G. sú sow, Goth. sv-ein xoïoos.
sv-inija vs.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1327, Miklosich Lex.
Ch.-Sl.
The Gothic word
is a parallel to su-înu-s, and may be compared in another way with
the stem of the feminine σύαινα (= συ-αν-ια), ὅαινα (Leo Meyer
ov-av-ia),
Ztschr. V 384): the Slavonic word has taken a second suffix. For the
rt. we may appeal to the saying 'sue nihil genuit natura fecundius'
478
BOOK II.
(Cic. de Nat. Deor. II 64), and conjecture the rt. su generare (No.
605); this seems to me, with Benfey I 411 and Justi Handbuch des
Zend 326, more probable than that, as Bopp and Pictet I 370 think,
sú is to be taken as a natural sound, and Skt. sû-kara-s (rt. kar make
No. 72) to be explained as 'the Su-maker': sû-kara-s is rather a
derivative from the st. sû by means of the double suffix -ka-ra Gr.
na-lo, Lat. cu-lo (Studien I, 1, 260). Cp. oi-na vs Mánoves, oú-ß-00-s
(cod. σύμβρος) κάπρος Hes. - Το υ-ς we may probably refer with
Plutarch -vi-s övvn ploughshare, which Jac. Grimm. Gesch. 57 dis-
cusses further.
•
580) 6❤ń§¸ (st. 6❤ŋ×) wasp.
1
wefsa.
-
-s
Lat. vespa.
· O.-H.-G.
Lith. vapsà gadfly, Lett. apsa, Ch.-Sl.
osa, vosa wasp.
Pott II¹ 112, Förstemann Ztschr. III 50, Kuhn III 66. Grimm
Gr. III 366 holds the Teutonic word to be borrowed from the Latin.
The connexion of these words is as probable, as their explanation
386 is difficult. Perhaps the full stem-form was vaspa, to which the Lat.
vespa comes nearest; this form would appear in Gr. as Fɛonα, and
with an individualizing × (cp. îéqα-§, µvqµn-έ by the side of µúquo-s
No. 482) would give Ƒɛσлăn, from which with the loss of the first
syllable (cp. τράπεζα for τετράπεζα) we might get σπακ Ion. σπην,
and, with the aspiration not uncommon with σ, o❤nu (opάllw rt.
spal No. 558, ἀσφάραγος by ἀσπάραγος). In the norther languages
we must assume metathesis. The rt. is unknown. Grassmann
Ztschr. XII 97 compares Skt. Khêka-s bee with opń§. But the ê
presents a difficulty, and the origin of khêka-s, which has many other
meanings, is quite obscure.
II
A Greek
corresponds to an Indo-Germanic ks, for
which ksh is to be expected in Sanskrit, hs (chs) in the
Teutonic languages, ss or s in Old Irish.
581) ά2-o keep off, help, άλeg-n-τno helper.
Skt.
raksh-a-mi guard, keep, deliver, raksh-aka-s de-
liverer, raksh-ana-m defence.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 2, 455. An expansion of the rt.
ark, alk treated under No. 7, by the addition of an s, so that aλež
and Skt. raksh both go back to arks. Cp. above p. 67.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
479
582) ἄξων (st. άξον) axle.
cart. Lat. axi-s.
osi, Lith. aszi-s axle.
Skt. aksha-s axle, wheel,
O.-H.-G. ahsa.
Ch.-Sl.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 375, Benf. I 67, Pet. D., where the meaning
axle is established for the Skt. word. ἅμαξα, older ἄμαξα (like the
Hom. άuvdis), points to the noun-stem retained in Skt. and German;
άu- is however certainly for aua (No. 449). We may with Pott II²
590 consider & as an expanded ảy (No. 117).
Skt.
583) avğ-∞ (Hom. άé§-w), av§-áv-o increase, multiply,
αὔξ-η, αὔξ-η-σι-ς, αὔξ-η-μα growth.
vaksh-á-mi cresco, vaksh-ajâ-mi augeo. Goth.
vahsjà wax, vans-tu-s aus nous.
αὔξησις.
Lith. áuksz-
ta-s (or áugsz-ta-s) high. O.-Ir. ós, uas super,
in ochtur in superiore parte, uasal superus,
nobilis, Cymr. uch supra, uchel altus, cp. Uxello-
dunum Caes. (Z.2 634, 657, 768, 125, 818).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 462, Benf. I 93. Cp. No. 159, where
the shorter roots vag, ug and their expansion to aug were discussed.
By the addition of an s (cp. p. 67) vag became vaks (Skt. vaksh)
Gr. Fɛέ, with a prothetic ά άƑɛ§, with a 'thinning' from Fɛ to u
αύξ. Cp. p. 565.
583b) (Boeot. Arcad. s), ex (Locr. ).
ê. Ch.-Sl. izů, Lith. isz out.
ec,
Lat. ex,387
O.-Ir. ass,
ess ex, echtar extra, imm-echtar extremitas (Z.²
632, 781).
2
For the dialectic forms of έx see Keil Jahn's Jahrb. Supplmtb.
IV p. 543. It is as easy to see that these prepositions go together,
as is it hard to trace the connexion completely. The clearest point
is the connexion of the longer form & with Lat. ex, Ir. ass. These
languages are also alike in their possession of an ek as well, which ap-
pears in the Lat. ec-fero, ec-fâtu-s, ec se produnto (Cic. de Legg. III 9,
Vahlen Ztschr. f. d. österr. Gymn. 1860 p. 17), and in the Ir. ech-tar.
From ek we may explain also Osc. eh-trad extra, the h here replacing
the tenuis as in saahtum (Corssen Ztschr. XI 327). The mutilation
of ec to ê was discussed on p. 80. A parallel to ê is supplied by
the Umbr. ehe, eh, inasmuch as Umbr. h is often a mere sign of the
length of the vowel (Aufr. u. Kirchh. I 77). The analogies col-
480
BOOK. II.
lected on p. 39, of which άy, abs by the side of άñó, ab is the
clearest, leave hardly the possibility of a doubt that ek is the older
form, ex one formed by the addition of a case-suffix. Hence every-
thing would be as it should, did not the Ch.-Sl. form point to a
media instead of a tenuis, while the Lith. (Schleicher Lith. Gr. 279)
presents no objection to this, as elsewhere a final z changes into the
hard sz. Therefore, either in the Graeco-Italian language an original
g must have been hardened under the influence of initial letters in
its neighbourhood (êxteivw, kxnívw), or in Slavonic an original k
must have been softened. In the former case, which is to me the
more probable, ag, eg would be the primitive form, for which we
might conjecture kinship with rt. ag (No. 117). If Goth. us (Germ.
M
er-) is akin to the fuller ex, as Diefenbach Wtb. I 116 conjectures,
it has lost the guttural before s, like lis-an compared with léyɛıv
(No. 538). But the attempts to point to anything corresponding
in Sanskrit are unsuccessful. The form avis open, manifest, com-
pared by Bopp Vgl. Gr. III 492, does not approximate in sound or
meaning. The comparison with vahis, out, outwards, which Pott
12 612 tries to establish, is likewise impossible, as Corssen I² 156
and Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 268 now admit. ἔσχατος is in any case
a kind of superlative of §, like extrêmus, but it can hardly be de-
termined whether it comes directly from §-aτo-s, or possibly by
means of a derivative suffix.
584) ἓξ six, ἕκ-το-ς. -Skt. shash sex, shash-tha-s sextus.
Zd. khshvas six.
saíhs, saíhs-ta(n).
Ch.-Sl. šes-tyj, Lith.
sex, sessed sextus;
sextus (Z.2 303 ff.).
Lat. sex, sex-tu-s. Goth.
Ch.-Sl. šes-ti, Lith. szeszì sex,
szész-ta-s sextus. O.-Ir. sé
Cymr. chwech sex, chuechet
Bopp Vergl. Gr. II 73, Leo Meyer Ztschr. IX 432, Stier X 238. - In
addition to the traces of a v which the Zend form shows, and which
are confirmed also by Armenian and Keltic forms, we have now the
most certain evidence of a Greek Féέ. On the Heraklean tables we
find Fɛýnovτα, Fɛğanάtioι, Féntos (Ahrens d. Dor. 43), on an old
Laconian inscription (C. I. No. 1511) according to Kirchhoff's reading
388 'Studien z. Gesch. d. gr. Alphab.'2 p. 95 FEXE i. e. Γεξήκοντα.
Similarly on a Delphic inscription according to Wescher Annali
dell' Inst. 1866 (vol. 38) p. 1. In Homer, as is shown not only by
Leo Meyer but also by Rumpf Jahn's Jahrb. 81 p. 681, Fég is indi-
cated by passages like E 270 tŵv Foi Fè§ ¿yévovto, though others
are opposed to an initial consonant. Hence we must unconditionally
assume svex as the primitive Graeco-Italic form: from this the Lat.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
481
sex developed as se from sve, Gr. Fég like Fɛ from Fɛ. The origin
of the numeral, and the guttural appearing in Zend before the
sibilant, are not yet cleared up.
F
A Greek F is either proved to exist or is to be in-
ferred in the following words, as the representative of an
original v, retained in the Keltic languages only when
initial (Ir. as f, Brit. as gu), in the other families preserved
universally.
585) alés, alév (aɛí) always, at-duo-s everlasting, al-óv
lifetime, time, in-ne-Tavó-s lasting for all time.
Skt. éva-s, course, conduct, in the plur. custom,
manners.
Lat. aevu-m, ae(vi)-tâ(t)-s, ae(vi)-ternu-s.
Goth. aiv-s time, aláív, aiv (adv.) unquam, aiv-eins
alávios, O.-H.-G. êwa, law, contract, marriage.
O.-Ir. áis áes óis gen. áisa áisso tempus, aetas (Z.²
30, 238, 787), Cymr. ois, Corn. huis; Cymr. oet,
Corn. oys (Z.² 101, 292).
are
All the forms of this adverb, which are numerous
quoted by Ahrens d. Dor. 378 f. At the head stands aiFɛí C. I. No. 1:
the derivative άï-dio-s (cp. papí-dio-s, µi-vvvðά-dio-s) comes nearest
to the Lesb. i. n-ne-ravó-s was discussed by me in Ztschr. I 34.
The preposterousness of the derivation from tos comes out clearly
from such phrases as πλυνοὶ ἐπηετανοί (§ 86), κομιδὴ ἐπηετανός
(† 233). Döderlein Gloss. 1040 agrees with this. The Alexandrine
grammarians are far removed from this absurdity, which only arose
from the apparent similarity of έñɛτýolos, used in quite a different
way ŋ 118: for they explain the word by ovverńs. The ŋ reminds us
of the Boeot. ή = ἀεί. ἐπ-ηε-τανός is a formation like ἐφημέριο-ς,
from the stem alFes or perhaps alfo (= Lat. aevo), curtailed into
nɛ, with the suffix -tana, which is employed in the same way in the
Skt. nû-tana-s present, and in the Lat. cras-tinu-s, diu-tinu-s. From
the stem alF comes alF-av, though we must admit that there in no
authority for the digamma here, with an ampliative suffix like
ἀγκ-ών from rt. ἀγκ (ἄγκος), χειμ-ών from χείμα. The Skt. and Lat.
CURTIUS, Etymology.
31
482
BOOK II.
words have come from this aiv with the addition of a short a: the
Teutonic words belong to the same formation. A shorter stem
389 underlies the acc. al (Bekk. Anecd. 363, Aesch. Choeph. 346 [350
Dind.] according to G. Hermann). The greatest difficulties are
caused by the relation of the Skt. eva-s (i. e. aiva-s), the meaning
of which is throughly discussed by Kuhn Ztschr. II 232, to âju-s,
which means as an adjective living, as a masculine substantive, when
oxytone, man, when barytone, like Zd. âyu, time of life, and to âjus
(n.) life, long life. Boethl. and Roth in the Pet. Dict. separate these
two words entirely from eva-s, conjecturing for the former a de-
rivation from rt. an (?), for the latter a derivation from rt. i go.
Could not ajus be for âivas and so belong here after all? Ebel
Beitr. Il 159 compared Ir. áis with Skt. âjus, in Z.² 238 it is placed
among the u-stems. Stokes Ir. Gl. p. 735 assumes âivs-i-s (sic) as
the primitive form. In any case áis is immediately for aissu i. e.
aistu or for aissi i. e. aisti (the gen. áisa aisso may belong equally
well to the u-stem and to the i-stem): from this it would be easy
to infer an earlier aius- or aivas-tu (or -ti): cp. similar accumulation
of suffixes in Lat. augus-tu-s, sceles-tu-s. Ebel Beitr. II 158 rightly
separates Cymr. oet and Z.2 101 also Corn. oys (if it is for oyt) from
Ir. áis, Cymr. ois, Corn. huis: oet seems like Lat. aetas only to con-
tain a t- suffix.
586) Rt. af a-t-o hear, perceive,
a-t-ta-s (Dor.) favourite.
n-a-t-o understand,
Skt. rt. av av-â-mi
notice, favour, av-as satisfaction, favour, avi-s
devoted. Zd. av turn to any one, protect.
Lat, au-di-o.
رو
The wider meaning of a-t-w comes out especially in anyñs
άlovtes (îññoi) A 532, whilst elsewhere this verb, which only occurs
in the present stem (cp. Hesych. άɛte άnovcate), as a rule denotes
perception by the ear. Now as Skt. av according to the Pet. Dict.
denotes both as a simple verb and also in composition with the pre-
positions ut and pra 'to notice', I venture the comparison here given.
Pott's objections W. I 440, 647 do not shake me in it. The a is
prevalently short in Homer: the length is explained by the loss of
the F, as in toxñ-εs for tonéƑ-es. As in id-í-w the passes from the
present stem into the formation of other words.
B. and R. compare
M
with this same root Lat. av-e-o, the use of which connects itself with
the meanings to like, to favour, especially in the imperative of salutation
ave, while av-idu-s, au-d-ax, av-âru-s are further removed, and per-
haps belong altogether to No. 587 (cp. rt. av No. 419). But with
avere even Varro L. L. VI 83 connects auris, quoting the verse of
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
483
Ennius (Trag. 70 Vahlen): Iam dudum ab ludis animus atque aures
avent, Avide exspectantes nuntium. Hence we get the notion of noticing,
regarding, which occurs in Gr. άtoo. So it seems to me that we are
justified in comparing it both with au-di-o and with the aur-i-s, ov-s,
which will have to be discussed under No. 619. As au-dio shows
a stem expanded by the addition of d, so the post-Homeric alod in
alod-é-odαı, alod-άv-e-oðdαι has arisen in the same way from ¿F by
the addition of o, like al-o-o breathe, from the rt. ȧF breathe.
Further, we ought probably to refer the Hom. έπ-n-tý-s with έn-n-tv-s
to this rt. After Lobeck El. I 484 had shown that neither the form
nor the meaning of these words suited the traditional derivation from
ños (rt. Feñ No. 620), Döderlein Gl. 1016 recognized and Düntzer
Ztschr. XIII 4 repeated the derivation from άƑ-í-w: this very well 390
agrees with the Homeric use of π-n-τns, which the ancients explain
by λόγιος συνετός (ν 332 οὔνεκ' ἐπητής ἐσσι καὶ ἀγχίνοος καὶ ἐχέφρων),
and of ἐπ-η-τύς, which φ 306 (οὐ γάρ τευ ἐπητύος ἀντιβολήσεις)
means friendly regard. Düntzer adds also, perhaps correctly, iv-n-n-s
kindly; which would thus be for Ev-nF-n-s. To the meaning of
affectionate, tender treatment, probably Lat. av-u-s, Goth. av-ô grand-
mother, and Lith, av-ýna-s avunculus attach themselves, corresponding
to ά-i-za-s. Cp. εios under No. 310. So Ascoli Ztschr. XII 157. -
Finally B. and R. compare further the Gr. ά-∞ (ά-µɛvαι), with the usage
of which Skt. av agrees in the meaning to pamper one's self, to
satisfy one's self. should agree with them, did not the Lat. sa-tur,
sa-ti-s recommend another course. Cp. Pott II² 853, W. I 440.
587) Rt. &F - breathe, a-os лvεvμα Hesуch., an-u
blow, an-tn-s wind, a-chλa blast, av-oa breath,
ά-no (st. άƑɛo) air, mist, ά-t-o-o breathe out,
άά-¿-w breathe, å69-µ¤ heavy breathing.
241.
21
Skt. rt. vâ (vâ-mi) blow, vâ-ta-s, vâ-ju-s wind.
Zd. vâ blow.
Lat. ven-tu-s.
Goth. vaia лvéw, vind-s aveμos.
Ch.-Sl. vě-j-ati flare, Lith. vë-ja-s wind, ó-ra-s air,
storm.
O.-Ir. hi feth in auram (Goid. p. 46), tin-feth aspi-
ratio (for do-in-feth), tin-fet inflat, do-n (rel. pron.)
-infedam inspiramus; Cymr. and Corn. avel, Arem.
auel aura, ventus (Z.2 884, 432, 817).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 298, Benf. I 262, Hugo Weber Ztschr. X
For άw Lobeck Rhemat. 4; many different deductions are
"/
31*
484
BOOK II.
3
supplied by Döderlein Gl. 1 ff. We must start from a primitive form
av, which changes into va as auks into vaks (No. 583). The άƑɛ
preserved in aŋ-u is parallel to the doubly vocalic form άFɛg there
discussed. For ἀήρ and ἄελλα the Aeol. αὔηρ (Ahrens d. Aeol
38) and aʊ-ɛlla, Dor. άßne (Ahr. d. Dor. 49), Mod. Gr. άßégas i. e.
¿Féças (E. Curtius Gött. Nachr. 1857 p. 301) are important. By the
word ἀβήρ the Laconians denoted an οἴκημα στοὺς ἔχον (Hesych.)
from which it is probable that av-lý court is also an offshoot from
this rt. With still more certainty we may refer here ov-po-s, a
masculine form, as it were, of av-qa, especially as ovotov óv means
a wind-egg, and Lith. óra-s comes so near. Otherwise Pott I¹ 123.
The Lat. ventu-s, like Goth. vind-s, is perhaps to be taken as an
expanded participial form. I do not attempt to decide whether aura
is an inheritance from the Graeco-Italic time, or is borrowed from
the Greek. The wind-instrument av-ló-s may be placed here with
as little hesitation. The Skt. vâņa-s has just the same meaning, and
the word dham-ani-s, derived from rt. dham blow, means reed, pipe.
From the primary notion of breathing that of calling is developed.
Hence avɛiv call, άv-cα-s, άü-tý cry, άöté-w, l-w-ń for i-wF-n voice,
sound, with a syllable of reduplication not unknown even before the
spir. lenis, as we see from i-ovd-o-s, l-állw; άv-εw-s
άv-άF-o-s,
άv-av-o-s dumb. For avdń cp. No. 298. Further Lobeck regards
391 ἄω ἀέσω ἄεσα as identical with ἄω ἀήσω, and establishes the
transition from breath to the notion of sleep in a note, to which
Schol. on y 151 and Aesch. Choeph. 618 véovτα vævæ may be
added. In a similar sense I have endeavoured Ztschr. I 29 to establish
i-av-o sleep as a reduplicated present to the aor. ά-ɛ-6α (Grammar
§ 327, 17), a view in which I am not shaken either by the aor.
lavoαι in the Nekyia v. 261, or by Pott's vacillating language W. I
1254. Otherwise Bugge Ztschr. XX 33. More extensive combi-
nations, such as Sonne Ztschr. XIII 428 ventures upon, do not seem
to me convincing.
ω
588) άvt-µýv (ε), άür-un breath, vapour, άt-uó-s vapour,
Skt. ât-man breath, soul, self.
smoke.
O.-H.-G. ât-um, O.-S. ath-om, A.-S. aed-m.
Pott I¹ 196, Benf. I 265, Grimm Wtb. I 591, where the un-
changed t of the O.-H.-G. form is also discussed. Boehtl. and Roth
wish to derive átman from rt. an (No. 419), but this receives no
corroboration from the present grouping. Greek by-forms are supplied
by ἄετ-μα φλόξ, ἀετ-μόν πνεῦμα (Hesych.) for ἀδετμα, ἀετμον.
For the juxtaposition of the vowels in ἀϋτ-μήν (ep. αυτή above see
Sonne Ztschr. XII 277. We saw on p. 65 that the word was pro-
bably derived from No. 587 and expanded by a t.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
485
350.
589) ἔαρ, ἦρ, spring, ἐαρινό- εἰαρ-ινός vernus. Skt.
vas-anta-s, Zd. vanih-ra spring. Lat. vêr, ver-
nu-s. O.-N. vár spring. Lith. vas-arà (fem.)
summer, vas-ar-ini-s summer (adj.) Ch.-Sl.
ves-na ἔαρ.
1
Pott I¹ 124, Benf. I 309, Schleich. Ksl. 137, Aufrecht Ztschr. I
For F the gloss of Hesych. is of importance, yíaqes ëαg,
which Ahrens d. Aeol. 171 rightly regards as Boeotian and writes
γιαρος: we have also γεάρ ἔας, βηράνθεμον νάρκισσος, οἱ δὲ
Fngávdeµov léyovo (Hesych.). The Fέao thus established, which
was afterwards contracted into ne, is evidently for Fɛ6-αg, Lat. vêr
for veser or verer. In opposition to Kuhn's endeavours (Ztschr. I 376)
to prove that the Skt. vas-anta-s, which, according to Max Müller
History of Sanskrit Literature p. 571, is not even a very old word,
is identical even in suffix (cp. above p. 75), with Sonne Ztschr. XII
294 I regard this and Ch.-Sl. ves-na as other formations from the
same root. The r-suffix, which is found in Greek, Persian, Latin,
Old-Norse and Lithuanian must be regarded as very ancient. Simi-
larly Pictet I 98. On the two attempts to determine a root cp.
above p. 44.
590) l'o-v (Fío-v) violet.
Lat. vio-la.
Pott I1 120. Benf. I 314 compares Skt. visha-pushpa blue
lotus, and connects it with visha-s poison. This is hardly credible,
because of the meaning. Besides in that case we should have ex-
pected in Lat. vir-ola. The ♬ occurs in Hesych. yía άvon, and also
in the compound λευκό-ϊο-ν and in the hiatus δῶρα ιοστεφάνων
(Theogn. v. 250). Probably we may add the proper name 'Iółŋ viola
with ♬ on a vase (Wachsmuth Rh. Mus. XVIII 581). Hehn 175.
591) -ó-s poison. Skt. vish-a-m, Zd. visha venenum,
Skt. vish-á-s poisonous.
Ir. fi.
Bopp Gl., Benf. I 314, Stokes Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 79. The ♬ 392
cannot be further proved, but both form and meaning point clearly
enough to a primitive form visa-s. The difference of quantity is
noteworthy; the i is long in Latin and Greek, short in Skt. In the
Pet. Dict. the Skt. words are traced back to rt. vish work, execute.
Lat. virus.
F
From ó-s Lobeck Rhem. 157 derives lάouai, laivo 'nam et
páquanov dicitur in utramque partem'. Otherwise Kuhn Ztschr. V 50,
Pictet Orig. I 64, who compare Skt. ju ju-jô-mi, which in the Vedas
means ward off, and is used also of sicknesses. It is against this
view that in Homer laodai means tend, and is used either with the
acc. of the person (läť Evgúnvlov M 2) or of the part affected
(ὀφθαλμόν ι 525). Pott W. I 286, II, 2, 484.
486
BOOK II.
592) i-s pl. iv-es sinew, strength, iv-ío-v nape of the
neck, 'Iqi-s, i-q with strength, l'pio-s powerful.
Lat. vi-s pl. vir-es for vis-es.
The many difficulties which stand in the way of this com-
parison, which seems so free from objections, are discussed by Pott
W. I 559 without result. But as traces of the F are to be found in
Homer (Hoffmann Quaest. Hom. II 29), as Hesych. gives the gloss
γίς ἱμάς καὶ γῆ (?) καὶ ἰσχύς, and as there is evidence of the initial
labial for ισχύς which cannot be separated from is in the
Lacon. ẞíoxvv by the side of yíoxvv (Hesych.), we must assume, as it
seems, a Graeco-Italic stem vi, which originating immediately in the
rt. vi plait (No. 593) meant in the first place band, cord, then like
nervu-s (No.434) sinew, and finally strength. This stem was expanded
in Greek in some forms by v, in Latin by s, afterwards becoming
(Kuhn Ztschr. II 133, cp. IV 211 f.). For iqɩ and the kindred forms
see I. Bekker Hom. Bl. 160. Cp. Kuhn Ztschr. X 290, Benf. I 294.
Or could we venture to assume a connexion with Skt. vaj-as (n)
strength and rt. vish execute?
593) i-tv-s (i) shield-rim, felloe of a wheel, i-téa (i)
willow. Skt. vajâ twig, vî-ti-kâ band, sling,
ball, vê-tasa-s a kind of reed, vê-tra-s reed.
Zd. vaêti (fem.) willow-twig (?).
Lat. vi-ter,
vitta, vî-men, vî-ti-s. — O.-H.-G. wi-d cord, wi-da
willow, A.-S. widde rope, [withy]. — Lith. vy-ti-s
willow-switch, cask-hoop (Lex.), Lett. vitols
willow, Ch.-Sl. vi-ti oxoivoτóv.
Pott W. I 616, Benf. I 288, Kuhn Ztschr. II 133, Pictet I 223,
Corssen 12 540. The F of i-tv-s is established by the Aeol. ßí-tv-s
(Ahr. 32), by ▲ 486 öpọa itvv náμyn, the F of i-tέa by × 510 (µx-
κραί τ' αἴγειροι καὶ ιτέαι) and other passages in Homer (Hoffmann
II 33) and by yɩtéa in Hesych. According to Suidas tv-s also occurs
in the sense of itέa, so that even Lobeck Paralip. 337 compares the
two words with each other and with the Lat. vieo vimen. Further
we may add with Pott oloo-s yellow willow, olov-a a kind of willow.
On o for F see p. 561. The by-form evovívovs Inscr. of Andania
(edited by Sauppe Gött. 1860) 1. 22 is remarkable. The rt. of all
these words plainly occurs in the Skt. vjâ vja-jâ-mi tego, vâ va-jâ-mi
texo, vieo, in the Lat. vie-o, in the Ch -S1. vi-ti, Lith. vý-ti twist (a
cord) (Schleich. Ksl. 134, Miklos. Lex. 65), expanded in Goth. vi-d-an
bind up, vin-d-an wind. Cp. No. 594.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
487
594) oi-vo-s wine, ol-vŋ vine, olvá(d)s vine, grape, wine, 393
oľv-aqo-v, oivo-v (Hesych.) vine-leaf, vine-tendril,
oiv-ávon vine-shoots, -blossom, grape. Lat.
vî-nu-m.
55), and is clearly to be recognized in
1
1
The F is retained in Alcaeus (Ahr. d. Aeol. 32) and in Doric
dialects (Ahr. d. Dor. 48,
Homer (Hoffmann II 32). Pott I¹ 120, II¹ 246 (cp. W. I 619) and
Benf. I 288 took vi (No. 593) to be the rt. Kuhn Ztschr. I 191
denies this, allowing this derivation indeed for vi-ti-s, but neither for
oivo-s nor for vînu-m, whịch he prefers to compare with Skt. vêna-s
dear, laying stress upon the fact that vêna-s is occasionally an epithet
of the Soma-drink, so highly celebrated in the Vedas, and in fact
deified. So Pictet I 254. But Pott Personennamen 584 has rightly
returned to the old explanation. It is impossible to separate vî-nu-m
from vî-ti-s, and the words immediately related to oivo-s, which are
collected above, prove that the Greek words were by no means ex-
clusively used of the drink, but just as much of the vine. Pott very
appropriately compares the Lith. ap-vy-ný-s hop-tendril, plur. ap-vy-ne-í
hops. The Skt. vêni-s braid of hair also belongs here. We cannot
see why the fruit of the twining plant should not itself have been
called originally twiner. The Lith. word offers the most striking
analogy. The fact is therefore that the Indo-Germans had indeed
a common rt. for the idea of winding, twining, and hence derived
the names of varions pliant twining plants, but that it is only among
the Graeco-Italians that we find a common name for the grape and
its juice. The northern names (Goth. vein, neuter, as against the
German masc. &c.) are undoubtedly to be regarded with Jac. Grimm
Gramm. III 466 as borrowed: so also the Keltic (Ebel Beitr. II 154):
O.-Ir. fín vinum (Z.2 53, Cymr. guin Z.2 127), fínemain vitis, caer
finemnach uva (Z.² 265). Friedr. Müller actually wishes to derive
the Graeco-Ital. word from the Ethiopic wain; it is the reverse with
Pictet II 317. Hehn 25, 414 pronounces very decidedly in favour of
the origin of the vine and its name from the Semitic.
595) ő-i-s, oi-s sheep, ol-co-s of a sheep, ol-a, ő-a sheep-
skin. Skt. av-i-s, avi-ka-s sheep, avi-ka ewe,
avj-a-s, avj-aja-s oïɛos. Lat. Umbr. ovi-s, Lat.
ovi-li-s, ovi-llu-s. Goth. avi-str sheep-cote,
av-êthi flock of sheep, O.-H.-G. auw-i ovicula,
[ewe]. - Lith. avi-s sheep, ávi-na-s wether, Ch.-Sl.
ovi-ca ovis. Ir. oi ovis (Corm. Gl. p. 33).
Bopp Gl., Grimm Gesch. 34, Pott W. I 654.
Müllenhoff Gl.
488
BOOK II.
to Quickborn under E-lamm discusses this Low-German word, for
which in Westphalia we have au-lamm, a word still in use with the
meaning 'she-lamb' [Eng. ewe A.-S. eown]. The retention of the
a in the Lat. avillas, ovis recentes partus (Paul. Epit. 14) is note-
worthy. The Skt. avi-s as an adjective means devoted, attached,
and is probably derived from the rt. av discussed under No. 586.
According to this the sheep was called pet, favourite, from its
gentleness, as I conjectured Ztschr. I 34. So Pictet Orig. I 357.
Schleicher Comp.3 371 conjectures that it is derived from rt. av
394 clothe, which we shall have to discuss on p. 621- Perhaps Oitn is
connected with the meaning sheep, 'Sheep-Mountain': in that case
the name would approximate to the Goth. av-éthi.
596) ol-wovó-s large bird.
Skt. vi-s (m.) bird, vajas
(n.) poultry, birds (collective), Zd. vi (m.) bird.
Lat. avi-s.
Benf. I 21. We must assume the stem avi as Indo-Germanic,
from this came Gr. ỏƑɩ, ỏï, with an ampliative suffix (cp. ví-wvó-s)
óï-wvó-s (Alkman Fr. 60, 1. 6 Bergk³) ol-wovó-s: in Skt. the initial
vowel was lost (cp. pi api). The rt. is probably vâ, av blow
(No. 587), which in other forms also has a varying initial letter.
Benfey regards al-e-tó-ç as related, comparing it immediately with
Skt. vi-ja-ti-s bird; and also o-a sorbus (by-forms on, oin, ova). The
fruit of the tree, the sorb-apples [Germ. Vogelbeeren, bird-berries]
are also called ova (n.) or őa.
597) ᾠό-ν (ώιο-ν) egg
(plur. eig-ir).
1
uy pl. uyeu ova
Pott I¹ 122, Benf. I 22.
Lat. óvu-m.
O.-H.-G. ei
O.-Ir. og ovum (Z.2 1014), Cymr.
(Z.² 285).
From the form recorded by Hesych.
ὤβεα τὰ φὰ ᾿Αργείοι, and from the trisyllabic ὤτον used by Sappho
[Fr. 112 Bergk] we may (in spite of Lobeck El. I 442) argue with
certainty to an older Graeco - Italic óvjo-m, of which the Roman
suppressed the j, the Greek the F. But both of these with the
ancient ɑ have been remarkably preserved in the modern Greek form
άvyó i. e. avgo, as I have shown Ztschr. VI 231. In the O.-H.-G.
g too a trace of the v is still remaining, though it has changed its
place. Leskien calls my attention to Ch.-Sl. aje, jaje ovum (Miklos.
Lex. 1148): the first j of the second form is that which so frequently
occurs, which strictly speaking has originated in the spir. lenis: jaje
is therefore a parallel to gó-v. -Hence Benfey's acute conjecture
is extremely probable, that the primitive form ávja-m, which we
must assume, is a neuter adjective from the stem avi bird, which
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
489
under No. 596 we saw to be Indo-Germanic, with the meaning oqvíðεlov.
Stokes Corm. Gl. Transl. p. 128 holds the Keltic words to be
merely akin to the Teutonic.
Spiritus asper.
A Greek spiritus asper is in the following words the
representative of an Indo-Germanic initial s followed by
a vowel, which s is retained in the other languages, with
the exception of the Persian and the British family.
598) Prefix &-, ά-, ỏ- with.
Skt. sa- sam with.
Ch.-Sl. sα-, su-, să-, O.-Pr. sen, Lith. są, sa-, su-
with.
Bopp Gl., Pott I¹ 129, Schleicher Ksl. 136, Lit. Gr. p. 280.
The aspirated form has been preserved only in ά-góo-s (Herodian
on M 391) and a-na-s, but the 'so-called & copulative is found very 395
commonly with the spir. lenis, e. g. in a-loxo-s (No. 173), ά-8ελ-ειó-s
Skt. sa-garbh-ja-s 'i. e. co-uterinus (Kuhn Ztschr. II 129), ά-πεðо-≤
loó-nado-s plain, more rarely as ỏ, as in ở xate-o-s, ó-‘uý. Cp.
Lobeck El. I 41, 86. This prefix has nothing in common with oúv,
¿úv, nor with Latin cum- con- co- or the German ga-, ge-, but
α-μα (No. 449), and perhaps No. 559 may be regarded as akin.
Keltic the simple stem sa is not represented in any case actually in
use. Ir. se hic, dat. siu (Z.2 347) belong to the stem sia. Ebel Beitr.
III 270 ff., V 73 ff.
599) ά in α-îαg once, &-ñλóo-s single.
In
Skt. sa-kṛt
once. Lat. sim-plex, sin-guli, sin-cin-ia ('can-
tatio solitaria' Paul. Epit. p. 337).
2
Pott I¹ 129, Zählmethode 150, 156, Benf. I 381, Corssen I² 376.
The numerals here grouped together point with certainty to a
stem sam, sa with the meaning one, and probably akin to No. 598
and 449. Hence ἅπαξ is formed by composition with rt. παγ
(No. 343). sa-kṛt with rt. kart cut, sim-plex for sem-plex with rt.
plic plicare: singuli is however a diminutive formation for sen-culi
(cp. homun-culu-s) with g for c as in quadrin-genti; with this J. Grimm
Gramm. III 697 well compares the Old-Lat. nin-gulu-s
nullus (Fest.
177 M.), which we must probably trace back to ne-oini-culu-s with
Vahlen Ztschr. f. d. österr. Gymn, 1860 p. 15. It is hard to explain
490
BOOK II.
396
sem-el, though it is apparently likewise akin; and in the case of
sem-per (cp. parum-per, paulis-per and on the other hand O.-H.-G.
simbles semper, simblum jugiter) it may be doubted whether it belongs
here or to evo-s (No. 428). With the stem sam Gr. & Pott and
after him Leo Meyer Ztschr. V 161, VIII 129, Ahrens ib. 343, connect
also the Gr. st. Ev, which would then be for u. In favour of this
view the fem. μ-ía may be especially quoted: this would then be
explained from Eu-ia or sm-ia, and similarly the Cretan numeral
adverb ἄμ-ακις (cp. ἑξάκις), the Tarentine ἄμ-ατις = α παξ (Hesych.).
Still considerable doubts yet remain. We have to consider, besides,
the isolated sets for sis in Hesiod [Th. 145], the Aeolic and Homeric
by-form of uía ia, with the Homer. dat. of the masc. -, which does
not agree with the assumption that the is a sign of the feminine.
Ahrens' attempt to explain this form otherwise seems to be very
venture some. Finally oi-o-s alone approximates to both forms: this
was discussed under No. 445. Hence it is only the forms quoted in
the text which can be regarded as certainly akin.
600) St. άμο (άμο) ἁμό-θεν from somewhere or other,
ἁμῶς somehow or other. Goth. sum-s some
one or other, sum-an (adv.) some time, once.
Bopp Gl. s. v. sama, with which as well as with Gr. &µa-, ôµo-
he identifies this stem: this is easily done by means of the notion of
'one'. Thus a kinship with No. 599 is also established. Still the
above-mentioned use of this stem as an indefinite, common, as it
appears, only to these two languages, deserves especial notice.
the Greek forms belonging here cp. Buttmann A. Gr. II 361.
For
600b) αΰ-ω, ἀφ-αύω dry, parch, αὖο-ς, αὐαλέος, αὐσ
τngó-s dry, rough, av-x-µó-s drought. Skt.
çush (çush-ja-mi) siccescere, gush-ka-s dry, Zd.
hush dry. A.-S. seár dry, O.-H.-G. sôrên dried
up. Lith. sáus-a-s, Ch.-Sl. such-ŭ dry.
Fick 2 198, Bugge Ztschr. XX 33.
I formerly added the Greek
words to No. 610. But the spir. asp. is established for avw έngαívo
by Herodian (ed. Lentz I 546). The original initial s has been pre-
served in oɑv-xó-v' ¿ŋgòv Zvganovσioι (Hes.). The g of the Sanskrit
σαυ-κό-ν ξηρὸν Συρακούσιοι
rt. has arisen from s, as the Zend word shows; hence sus is the
Indo-Germ. root. A connexion with siccu-s (possibly for sus-cu-s?)
is probable. I leave to singe under No. 610.
601) Pronominal stem έ, Fɛ (for ofε), ope (ov, oi, §)
him (her)-self. themselves, &-ó-s, ő-s, óø-ó-s own,
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
491
Skt. sva-
his (her, their) own, l-duo-s own.
(0.-Pers. huwa) self, sva-s own, sva-jam self. Zd.
hva, qa suus. Lat. se, suu-s
Goth. si-k self, svês idios.
(Old-Lat. souo-s).
Ch.-Sl. se (acc.),
Lith. savè self, Ch.-SI. se-bě sibi, svo- (in compo-
sition) own, svo-j, Lith. savà-s-is suus.
Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 126, Windisch Stud. II 329 ff. Cp. No. 305.
The use of the pronoun is originally generally reflexive, by no
means confined to the third person, and has been retained as such to
the present time in the Letto-Slavonic languages, and also in many
traces in the Teutonic languages. Cp. Miklosich 'On the reflexive
use of the pronoun ou', Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Academie I p.
76, Jac. Grimm D. Gr. IV 319. The Graeco-Italic stem sve split
into two forms in Greek, Fɛ, later έ, and with a hardening of the F
to y, opɛ. Even Buttmann Lexil. I 58 f. suspected the identity of
the two. For the numerous traces of the F see Ahrens d. Aeol. 31,
170 f., d. Dor. 42 (Fí-dio-s), 250, Hoffmann II § 110. I have tried
to show Ztschr. III 75 (and Schweizer has done the same ib. 394),
that the Homer. adverb pý as (cp. Lacon. ❤ív opív), is for 6❤n,
and is parallel to the Goth. sve as, how. Pott II 2 406 also hits upon
the same idea, without knowing of our views. Fí-duo-s is for oƑɛ-
dio-s (cp. άï-dio-s, poig-idio-s) with a weakening of ɛ into as in
6- be. Froehde Ztschr. XII 160 adds tai relatives, which shows
clear traces of the F. Fέ-tn-s: Fe οἰκέτης : οἶκο. Cp. p. 674.
Oscan svaí Lat. sí (Corssen I² 778) certainly belongs here, and
very probably Gr. αi, ɛi; hence Homer. έñɛí with a long first syllable,
to be explained from έñ-Ƒɛɩ, and, as Hugo Weber (Die Partikel nav
p. 102) acutely conjectures, Hesych. Bainav Κρῆτες i. e. εἴ κεν.
Cp. Gerland Griech. Dat. p. 15.
=
602) -μάς (st. ί-μαντ) thong, ί-μον-ιά well-rope, ἱμάσσω
Hog, ἱμάσθλη whip.
Skt. rt. si si-no-mi, si-nâ-mi ligo, vincio, sî-man
terminus, sî-manta-s top of the head. - Zd. hi-ta
bound, bridled.'
O.-S. si-mo vinculum, O.-H.-G. sei-l, sei-d laqueus,
tendicula, M.-H.-G. si-l harness for draught-cattle.
Ch.-Sl. si-lo laqueus, sě-ti tendicula, si-tije juncus.
Pott W. I 630, Bopp Gl., Kuhn Ztschr. I 374, II 131, 457.
Much quoted there I place under rt. cep No. 518. For the form
ἱμάσσω ipar-j-o Ebel Ztschr. I 298. The forms i-uav, i-pavt,
-
397
492
BOOK II.
and i-uat seem to me to be formed from the rt. i si, and the t
I regard as an expanding suffix (Ztschr. IV 214). Cp. Lat. semen-ti-s.
From ἱμάσθλη i. e. ἱματ-πλη (cp. ἐχ-έ-τλη and θέ-με-λο-ν) came by
aphaeresis μάodin: and thus perhaps from a form îµxot-ı-§ which
we may postulate (cp. πλάστιγξ) comes μάστιξ with μαστίζω (Hom.
dat uάori, acc. µάotɩ-v). This is also the opinion of Lobeck El. I
76, though I cannot agree with him in what he says about the con-
nexion with vî-men (cp. No. 593).
603) Pronominal stem ô, fem. &, ǹ.
Goth. sa
Skt. sa, sa-s he,
sá she. O.-Lat. acc. su-m, sa-m.
the (m.), số the (f.), si she.
Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 134, Max Schmidt de pronomine Graeco et
Latino p. 10 sq. The common-Greek forms o-nµɛgo-v, o-ñtes to-
day, this year (Att. τ-ńµɛqo-v, t-ñtɛs) are compounded with this stem.
The Old-Lat. forms su-m, sa-m, so-s, sa-s occur in Ennius (Vahlen p.
229), the compound sa-psa i-psa in Pacuvius (Ribb. Trag. v. 324).
The locative of this stem appears with the appended demonstrative
c in sî-c, without this in the much discussed si remps lex esto, where
sí is pretty certainly 'so' (Ritschl. Rhein. Mus. VIII 303) [Cp. Corssen
12 777, II² 847, Wordsworth Fragments and Specimens of Early
Latin p. 108].
268.
2
604) Rt. ú ő-ε it rains, ù-ɛ-tó-g rain. Umbr. savitu
rain. Skt. su su-no-mi press out juice, sú-ma-s,
sû-ma-m milk, water, sky, sú-na-s flood, sav-a-m
water.
Benf. I 408, Pictet I 138, Pott W. I 1341, Aufr. and Kirchh. II
This etymology, which Bopp Gl. gives only doubtfully, has
indeed this fact against it, that the Skt. rt. su (Zend hu), as a simple
verb, occurs only of the pressing of the plants, which serve for the
preparation of the Soma-drink that gets its name from this. Cp.
No. 556, where oɛíw, oάlo-s are discussed. But in composition with
abhi it has, according to Westergaard, a wider use (also ‘adspergere');
and the substantives quoted in the text make it probable that this
use was of old date: perhaps we may add to them also Goth. saiv-s,
mari-saiv-s líµvn. These various meanings may be well explained
from the fundamental idea of a shaking motion. Perhaps it is even
not too bold to assume an original kinship of this rt. with the fol-
lowing (Pott Ztschr. VI 365). Cp. No. 497. We may with some
probability place here also valo-s, velo-s crystal, amber, glass, valóɛv
diapavés (Hesych.): cp. Sonne Ztschr. XII 359. The substantive pro-
bably meant properly rain-drop.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
493
605) v-ió-s son. — Skt. rt. su, sû sav-â-mi, sâu-mi gigno,
pario, su-ta-s, sû-nu-s, Zd. hunu filius.
Goth.
su-nu-s. Ch.-Sl. sy-nu, Lith. su-nù-s son.
O.-Ir. suth fetus (u-stem, Z.2 239).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 1314. The stem of the Greek word
varies between vî (nom. plur. ví-ɛs), vi-o and vi-ɛ (dat. víéï). Cp. on
this point Ztschr. III 78. For viós we often find also vós written,
Lob. El. I 137. The suffix, but this alone, is the same as in the Lat. 398
fil-iu-s from rt. fel ↑ŋλ (No. 307). Pott derives also the poet. i-vi-s
son, as a fem. daughter, from this rt., comparing it with the O.-N.
sveinn puer, juvenis: it would in that case be for sv-in-i-s. The
derivation of the word from ev, which is mentioned above, may be
found in Eustath. p. 1384, 59 in the midst of many absurdities. It
is supported by the fact that the rt. hu (hunâmi) has according to
Justi these very two meanings, beget, bear, and press out. Cp.
No. 579. [On the question whether the suffix has an active or a pas-
sive sense cp. Owens College Essays IX p. 309, and Fick Sprachein-
heit p. 267].
.
ข
Spiritus asper
appears in the following words as the representative of an
original j, preserved in the other languages with the ex-
ception of Irish, or replaced by the cognate vowel i (e).
606) Pronominal stem ô, fem. &, , o-s who, os as.
Skt. ja-s n. ja-t who, which, ja-t as. — Zd. ya who.
Goth. ja-bai if, jau whether.
Lith. jì-s he, jì she, ju the (more), Ch.-Sl. i he, ja
she, je it.
Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 162, Schleicher Ksl. 262 f., Lit. Gr. 196, Win-
disch Stud. II 203 ff. On the Locrian inscription edited by Ross
(L. 1854) 1. 6 occurs the form Fó-tɩ as the neuter of the pronoun.
If this F is to be regarded as the sign of an original v, it would
tell against the grouping of the Greek relative pronoun with the Skt.
494
BOOK II.
ja-s. But this inscription, which according to Kirchhoff's 'Studies in
the History of the Greek Alphabet' p. 206 'cannot be ascribed to a
date much before the beginning of the Peloponnesian war', shows in
many respects a certain laxity of spelling. For instance, the F is
indeed written in μεταδοικέοι, Γιδιοξένω, Fασστός, but it is omitted
A 1. 8 in ol, where we have actually the spir. lenis. This appears
also in o ò B l. 1, 5, while HAFEN is written for άyev. No
wonder that this writer also introduced his F once in the wrong
place. Now as F is written also in some other instances incorrectly,
and in one place, where we may argue the existence of an old j
(Τλασίαςο Corcyr. inscript. Aufrecht Ztschr. I 118), we ought not
to be misled by this, as I have tried to show in Jahn's Jahrb. Vol.
71 p. 354. Pott II2 366 and Sonne Ztschr. XII 273 agree in this
opinion. The former, who usually follows Thiersch in all questions
relating to the digamma, quotes oooos as also digammated. This
rests upon an error. On the tables of Heraclea we find FOΣΣA and
the like. is here always the sign of the rough breathing (Ahr. d.
Dor. 35). Now inasmuch as these tables have in many cases faith-
fully preserved a very ancient F (C), but here do not insert it, their
testimony goes against, not for the view, that this letter once pre-
399 ceded the relative stem. The form βαλικιώτης συνέφηβος Κρῆτες
(Hesych.) adduced by Savelsberg Ztschr. VIII 402 to prove a ♬ in
the relative stem, has nothing in the world to do with this: on the
contrary it may easily belong to the st. Fε (No. 601), so that it
denotes the companion's own age. Thus the Locrian inscription re-
mains the only evidence for it. But who will prefer to build on
such weak foundations new combinations, especially in the case of a
stem so widely used, if others are better recommended in every re-
spect from the point of view of language? I regard the stem ja
as an expansion of the i, which occurs most plainly in the Lat. i-s,
i-d, O.-Lat. i-m, and in the appended i of ovτoo-i, ôd-i. We can see
clearly in the demonstrative use of ő-s (nai ös on) how the relative
developed by degrees from the demonstrative as used in anaphora.
In Ch.-Sl. ¿ (originating in ju) used by itself has the meaning of the
Lat. is, in composition with the particle že, which corresponds to
Gr. yɛ (i-že ốo-yɛ) it has that of Gr. ő-s, Skt. ja-s.
Skt. jất
ας.
og is discussed by Kuhn in Hoefer's Ztschr. II 175. We shall
return to it on p. 589. The Skt. jâ-vat quamdiu corresponds to
the Gr. ws, the older form of which, the form which we are to
assume for Homer was nos, for ǹ-Fos, ά-Fos, hence Dor. as. I
have shown in the Rhein. Mus. 1845 p. 242 ff. that it is from this
that we must explain the Homeric use of this particle as a trochee,
and its later change into an iambus, and that the form sws has
absolutely no authority. Cp. p. 564. [Stud. II 193 ff.]
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
495
υμμε, ὑμεῖς,
607) Pronominal stem vuɛ, Aeol. vµµε, vµεïs, Aeol.
Goth. Lith. ju-s you.
ύμμες. Skt. jushmê.
Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 110, Schleicher Comp. 3 634, Max Schmidt de
pron. Gr. et Lat. p. 8. The base-form is ju, expanded by sma,
ju-sma for which Skt. jushma.
608) St. ὑσμῖν (dat. ὑμῖνι), υσμίνη battle.
Skt.
judh (judh-j-ê) to fight, judh (m.) fighter, (f.) fight,
battle, judh-ma-s fight. Zd. yud fight.
Bopp Gl., where Keltic words are also compared, as in Pictet
II 190, and the O.-H.-G. gund battle is conjecturally added. The
latter assumption, though rejected by Fick 2 68 is repeated by Leo
Meyer Ztschr. VII 17, Pott I¹ 252, Benf. I 680.
Pott I¹ 252, Benf. I 680. The last is probably
right in referring ju-dh to ju bind, in the sense manus conserere.
Cp. above p. 65.
1
A simple vowel
appears as the representative of the Indo-Germanic vowel
corresponding to it, i. e. ă, ɛ, o as the representatives of
an ă; a, n, a as the representatives of an â; and v as
the representatives of i and u, in the following words,
which are retained in the kindred languages, sometimes in
a fuller form.
ἔαρ,
609) Eao, siap blood. Skt. as-ra-m, as-an, as-rý blood. 400
O.-Lat. assir blood, assar-a-tum mixed with
blood.
Suidas s. v. ag cites for the meaning blood an anonymous poet;
cp. ἔαρ αἷμα Κύπριοι, εξαροπότης αἱμοπότης Hesych. The Alexandrine
writers use the word also of the juice of plants. Paul. Epit. p. 16:
assaratum apud antiquos dicebatur genus quoddam potionis ex vino et
sanguine temperatum, quod Latini prisci sanguinem assir vocarent.
Gl. Lab. asser aîµa, Pott II¹ 113, Kuhn Ztschr. II 137. The form
asar, which we must assume as Graeco-Italic, is most nearly ap-
proached by Skt. asra-m; the relation of the other Skt. forms is as
yet undetermined, and so is the root. Greek cap is regular for soap:
ἐσαρ:
the history of Latin orthography shows that no importance is to be
496
BOOK II.
401
ascribed to the double s of the Latin word. Ebel Ztschr. V 67 also
regards aipua (for άo-ua) as akin; but this seems to me very doubt-
ful. Savelsberg's attempt (Ztschr. VII 385) to derive the meaning
blood from that of spring, and hence to identify the present ag with
that discussed under No. 589, is quite erroneous. The verse quoted
by Suid. όχι κονίστραι ἄξεινοι λύτρῳ τε καὶ εἴαρι πεπλήθασι', and
the reading εἰαροπῶτις Ερινύς mentioned by the BV. Scholiasts on
T87 (cp. M. Schmidt IX 294) are sufficient to show that we have not
to do here with any poetical metaphor. Such a one does however
occur in ɛłαo ¿laías in Nicander Alexiph. 87; cp. 'blood of the grape'.
610) εv∞, εv∞ singe, avo kindle, Ev-oo-ç South-east
wind (?).
Skt. rt. ush ôsh-a-mi (for aus-a-mi) uro, ush-na-s
calidus. Zd. ush burn, shine.
Lat. rt. us ur-o (us-si, us-tu-s), us-tor, us-tio, ustu-
lare. Auster (?).
O.-H.-G. usil-var gilvus, M.-H.-G. üs-el favilla.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 322, Benf. I 26, Kuhn Ztschr. II 273,
Aufrecht V 135. The rt. us has in these words retained the mean-
ing burn, while Nos. 612, 613 belong to the kindred meaning shine.
εὔ-ω
εv-w: us =
yɛv-w: gus (No. 131). From ɛw and ɛvw (fut. ɛvo-w),
ενω ενω
on the breathing cp. Steph. Thes. latest edition come εσ-τραι
(οἱ βόθροι ἐν οἷς εσται τὰ χοιρίδια) and εὔσανα (τὰ ἐγκαύματα)
with the o retained, Pollux VI 91. av-∞, with the meaning kindle,
ε 490.
The compound ἐν-αύ-ω with ἔναυ-σις, ἔναυσμα (glowing
embers, kindling [tov άgɛtov &c.]) has longer retained the original
notion. By the side of the rt. ush we find in Skt. remains of a fuller
rt. vas (Zd. vanh shine), from which ush has come by abbreviation,
especially vás-ara-s day. This rt. vas us occurs in Gr. Eo-tía,
Lat. Vesta. Cp. Corssen I2 580 (otherwise Roth Ztschr. XIX 218).
For the traces of the F cp. Ahrens d. Dor. 55. This explanation of
these words I now prefer to my former one, according to which
I placed them under No. 206. Schenkl 'Werth der Sprachvergleichung'
p. 17, Pictet I 157. Other words formerly placed here are now
under No. 600b.
611) -µí say (3 sing. Dor. -tí, Aeol. ǹ-oí, impf. 1 sing.
ἦν, 3 sing. ἦ), ἤχ-ανε-ν· εἶπεν Hes. Skt. perf.
3 sing. ah-a he spoke, speaks. Lat. â-j-o, ad-
ag-iu-m, ad-ag-io(n), Umbr. ai-tu dicito.
Bopp Gl. s. v. ah, Pott W. III 725, Benf. II 64, Stud. IV 208.
The 1 sing. pres. occurs in Aristoph., the 3 sing. in Alcman and
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
497
5
=
Sappho (Fr. 98 B.), the past tense is Homeric and Attic. The notion
that was nothing but pñ remained so entirely the prevailing one
in the common grammatical tradition, in spite of its utter groundless-
ness, that Döderlein Gl. 2199 advances the difference of the two stems
as something quite new, though comparative grammar had long re-
cognized it. The rt. is agh, Gr. ax, Lat. ag. It is defective in all
three languages. [In Skt. it occurs only in the perfect.] The Gr.
-μí is to be regarded as a present without thematic vowel, the Χ
being dropped before the personal terminations, as in only (No. 390);
Lat. â-j-o is for ag-i-o, like mê-j-o for meig-i-o, mâ-j-or for mag-ior
(Ebel Ztschr. IV 288, Fleckeisen 'Zur Kritik der altlat. Dichter-
fragmente p. 6); to the same formation belongs Umbr. ai-tu ajeto
(Aufr. und Kirchh. I 142). Corssen 12 90 very properly places here
ad-ag-iu-m (ep. παροιμία from οἴμη song No. 615), what is spoken
with reference to a thing, saw (Zuwort); the kindred word adagio
is discussed by Varro L. L. VII 31 M.; něg-a-re is certainly for ne-
ig-â-re and comes from a noun ne-ig-u-s, in spite of the unexpected
shortness of the stem-syllable. This word, as well as the frequenta-
tive axare (Paul. Epit. 3 'nominare') formed from ag, the derivative
axamenta ('carmina Saliaria'), and ind-ig-ita-menta [Preller Römische
Myth. 2 p. 81] is discussed with convincing acuteness by Corssen de
Volscorum lingua Nurnb. 1858 p. 17 sq. Goth. af-aik-a άovovµαι
O.-H.-G. gih-u, inf. jeh-an dicere, affirmare show an exceptional state
of the mutes, and could only be compared with the above by sup-
posing that here, as in the case of yo Skt. ah-am, µέyas Skt.
mah-at, there was a g in ante-Gothic times. The rt. would then be
ag not agh, at any rate for the European languages; and certainly
all the other forms might be just as well explained from this. How-
ever there are difficulties still remaining.
•
612) ἠέλιος, Att. ἥλιο-s sun, απηλιώτης East wind.
Lat. Auséliu-s.
I have given reasons for this grouping in Ztschr. I 29 ff. It
rests upon the form preserved by Hesych. ἀβέλιος ἥλιος Κρῆτες
(Ahrens d. Dor. 48), from which we may explain both Homer. ǹélio-s
and Att. ĥlio-s. It is noteworthy that the latter form occurs in
Homer only once, 271. But as a Lesb. avos has been preserved
as well as the Lacon. άßág i. e. άƑws, we may assume for åƑélios
a by-form avέlios. This is to Auselius as aves to Lat. ausos(a), from
which came aurora. Paul. Epit. 23 'Aureliam familiam ex Sabinis
oriundam a Sole dictam putant, quod ei publice a populo Romano
datus sit locus, in quo sacra facerent Soli qui ex hoc Auseli dicebantur’.
The rt. is us burn, shine (No. 610) and the Etruscan name of the
Sun-god Usil is probably akin (Gerhard Ztschr. f. Alterthsw. 1847
CURTIUS, Etymology.
32
498
BOOK II.
No. 85).
Cp. Schweizer Ztschr. III 369, Ebel V 67. Pictet however
Ztschr. IV 351, Orig. II 670 again tries to connect these words
with Zeigtos, Lat. sôl, Goth. sauil, which we shall have to discuss
on p. 541 (No. 663). Further discussions of this word are to be
found in Benfey Or. u. Occ. I 284, Corssen Beitr. 386, 12 349, Pott
W. II 1, 733. Both assume an intermediate form ZaFélio-s, from
which they try to arrive at nέlio-s and sôl, though they differ
again widely in the manner in which they do so. I cannot see
402 why there should be so much opposition to the assumption that the
chief name of the sun was different with the Greeks and with the
Romans. In the Nighantu thirty-one Indian names of the sun are
recounted. We see just the same with the names of the moon;
μήνη = mena (No. 471) becomes obsolete in both languages and is
replaced in the one case by oɛλńvŋ, in the other by luna. Will any
one choose to explain these as etymologically equivalent? Now we
have in Greek two names for the sun handed down to us.
The one,
Zεiquos (No. 663), may very easily be connected with sôl, the other,
in its oldest form nélɩos, still more easily with the similarly authent-
icated Ausêlius. Why not admit that of these two the former
became the prevailing one in Latin, and also in the Northern lang-
uages, the latter in Greek? Above all we must not once more
conjure up the pretended Pamphylian ßaßélios, as Benfey and
M. Schmidt did. This phantom has been recognized as such by
Ahrens d. Dor. 49 note. As Hesychius gives us άßelínv ýliɑnýv
Пauqúlio, which is confirmed by the alphabetic arrangement, the
statement of Heraclides ap. Eustath. p. 1654, 20, that these same
Pamphylians said ßaßélios cannot be correct; and the statement gains
no credibility from the fact that it is a result of the absurd view
that the Pamphylians prefixed ẞ to every vowel. This is the same
uncritical tendency, which is found in Dionysius Halic. with regard
to the F, and which makes his statements about it so suspicious.
ร
613) ήώς, Aeol. αὔως, Att. ἑώς dawn, ἑως φόρος dawn-
bringing, avio-v tomorrow, -ọɩ (adv.), ǹéo-
10-s (adj.) early.
Skt. ush (f.) morning, ush-a-s shining, ush-as (f.),
in compounds ush-âsâ dawn, morning, ush-â
(adv.) early, us-ra-s (adj.) morning, us-rijá bright-
ness, light.
Zd. usha, ushanh dawn.
Lat. aurora for aus-ôsa.
O.-H.-G. ôs-tan, O.-N. aus-tr oriens, O.-H.-G. ôs-tar
(adv.) in the east.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
499
Lith. ausz-rà dawn, áusz-ta day breaks, Ch.-SI.
u-tro morning.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 333, Benf. I 27, Kuhn Ztschr. III 450,
Aufrecht IV 256, Ebel V 67, Savelsberg VII 382 f., Miklos. Lex.,
Fick 2 27. The Greek forms, to which ἀβώ πρωΐ Λάκωνες (Hesych.)
also belongs, are discussed by Ahrens d. Aeol. 38, d. Dor. 49. But his
view of the origin of the word is altogether erroneous Ztschr. III 163.
The rt. is us burn, shine, from which comes also No. 612, as the
Skt. shows to demonstration. The Indians and Persians form the
words belonging here from the unstrengthened rt. us, the European
nations from the form aus, strengthened by the addition of sound.
We may therefore assume ausos as Graeco-Italic; from this all Greek
forms may be explained by the loss of s, the Latin by its rhotacizing,
and by the addition of a derivative a (cp. Skt. ushás-á). The ୧ in
α-quo-v is derivative, as in Skt. us-ra, Lith. ausz-rà. Fick 2 27
adds also Evgo-s morning-wind, i. e. East-wind (cp. No. 610). From
the Homer. néo-10-5 we may assume for -o an older ǹɛ-qɩ, and re-
gard nɛ as an abbreviation of the stem no-s, like xqvɛ- in xqve-qó-s.
Somewhat differently Roth Ztschr. XIX 217. Cp. Stud. II 175, where
it is shown that "agiotov breakfast, morning meal, also belongs here.
او
614) -εpó-s vigorous, holy.
fresh, blooming.
7
Skt. ish-ira-s vigorous, 403
Kuhn Ztschr. II 274 establishes the use of the Skt. word as an
epithet of manas sense (iɛgòv µévos), dêva-s god, bhu-mi-s earth. Ac-
cording to the Pet. D. it is also an epithet of various gods, but means
originally juicy (ish fem. juice, strength, freshness, courage). ish-ara-s
is for is-ara-s, whence by the loss of the sibilant comes the Aeol.
form i-agó-s, and from this 'Iάowv (Giese Aeol. D. 409, Ahr. 26), later
i-εgó-s (Ebel Ztschr. V 67). I have discussed this, and the meaning
vigorous, active, which alone suits phrases like iɛgòs izðús (II 407),
ison is in Ztschr. III 154 ff. Bergk's thesis (Rhein. Mus. XX 289)
that iɛgós is identical with piapós clear, bright, would be as hard to
prove as the view which is bound up with it; for we should not get
the notion of 'sacred' for iɛgós, if we had to do with the work of
'unthinking rhapsodists'. Of course in the time when the Homeric
epos was most flourishing 'holy' must have already become the pre-
valent meaning, but the older physical meaning was retained in iso-
lated phrases.
615) Rt. i εi-ui (pl. i-uev) go, i-τn-s, i-ta-uó-s straight-
forward, energetic, oi-uo-s path, way, oi-un
course, tune [Weise], song, oi-to-s fate, lot.
32*
500
BOOK II.
Skt. rt. i ê-mi (pl. i-mas) go, i-ti-s going, ê-ma-s,
• ê-man way, road.
Zd. i go.
Lat. e-o (i-mus), i-ti-o(n), i-tu-s, i-ter (it-in-er).
Goth. i-ddhja ivi.
Lith. ei-mì (2 sing. ei-sì, 3 sing. eí-ti), ei-nù go,
ei-smě (Lex.) way, path, Ch.-Sl. i-dą ɛîµı (inf. i-ti).
Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 396 ff. As rt. i has been expanded in
Skt. to já, so Greek has been expanded to ie, which occurs in
lé-val. From the same ja in a causative sense comes ï-n-u i. e. ji-
jâ-mî, and, with the addition of a c Lat. ja-c-i-o, as I have tried to
show Philologus III p. 5 ff. Ztschr. II 400. The doubts of Pott II² 967
have the less effect, in that he himself brings out the difficulties of
his own explanation from rt. as throw, which has not the least plau-
sibility, except for the present-stem, Skt. as-jâ-mi. The objection that
my assumption of a causative meaning for reduplication is 'purely
imaginative', is shown to be groundless by a reference to i-on-µi and
si-st-o as compared with stare and στῆναι, λέλαθον and ἔλαθον, ὤρορον,
dédaov, nénadov, lélaxov (Temp. u. Modi p. 155). Other points, which
Pott describes as 'left out of consideration', have been all well weighed
in the places referred to. The view of Leo Meyer Ztschr. VIII 249,
that i'-n-ui comes from the rt. sa, which occurs in se-r-o for se-s-o,
and which he also connects with si-n-o, can hardly be reconciled with
the use of soda in the middle voice: for it has an initial consonant,
and the meaning strive, long after. See above p. 64, and for the
forms expanded by dh (Gr. ↑, Teut. Slav. d), to which belong i-d-µa,
i-dú-s, lod-μó-s p. 66 f. The meaning of us is established against.
the doubts of Pott W. I 161 by in-s. Goth. iddja is discussed by
104 Müllenhoff Haupt's Ztschr. XII 387. Corssen's objections I² 213,
2
454 seem to me all removed by the very probable assumption that
from a very early date i and the expanded rt. ja existed side by
side, as is the case in Skt.
616) -ó-s arrow. Skt. Zend ish-u-s arrow.
i
Bopp Gl., Kuhn Ztschr. II 137. The , as a rule long, is
short in Hom. lóµwqoɩ, and in Pindar also in lo-zéαiga. Brugmann
Stud. IV 170 is probably right in referring ló-s to lo-F-o-s. B. and
R. in the Pet. D. establish the rt. ish (i. e. is) with the meaning
'let fly'. ỏïo-tó-s cannot have anything to do with this word, because
it must have lost a consonant between o and .
617) Rt. ic wish, ló-tn(t)-s wish, will, 'i-uɛoo-ç longing.
Skt. rt. ish (ikkh-á-mi) desire, ikkha wish,
ish-ta-s desired, ish-ma-s (ish-ma-s) god of love.
REGULAR SUBSTITUTION OF SOUNDS.
501
Zd. ish wish.
Umbr. es-unu sacrifice, Sabin.
O.-H.-G. eis-c-ôn ask (heischen),
Lith. jëszkó-ti, Ch.-Sl. isk-a-ti
ais-o-s prayer.
ei ca demand.
seek.
Bopp Gl., Pott W. II, 2, 310, Benf. I 15, Aufrecht Ztschr. I 160.
The rt. is is. ló-zn-s points to a lost adjective ló-s willing. On
the suffix of ï-µego-s cp. Aufrecht Ztschr. I 480, Kuhn II 275. We
may add Ιμέρα, Ιμέρα-ς, perhaps even Ἴμβρο-s (cp. μεσημβρία). The
☛ of the rt. is retained in io-usqa which in Hesych. is explained like
ἵμερα by τὰ πρὸς τοὺς καθαρμοὺς φερόμενα ἄνθη καὶ στεφανώματα;
and also probably in the proper name 'Io-µývn Desiderata, 'Io-uŋvó-s,
"Io-μago-ç (son of Eumolpus, and the name of the wine-town of the
Cicones). Ebel Ztschr. V 66. Pott Ztschr. IX 415 adds 'Ipupάo-αdo-s,
who is also called son of Eumolpus, with µµ = ou as in the Aeolic
ΰμμε Skt. jushmat. For the Italian words see Corssen Ztschr.
IX 139, 12 375. Those of the northern languages go back to the
noun stem is-ka preserved in the Skt. ikkhá. Cp. Fick 2 22.
618) ὄνο-ς.
Lat. as-inu-s. Goth. as-ilu-s, O.-N. as-ni.
Lith. ás-ila-s, Ch.-Sl. os-i-lu ass (Esel). Ir.
assal asinus (Ir. Gl. 296), Cymr. assen, Corn.
asen, Arm. asenn (Z.² 292, 823).
Benf. I 123, Pictet I 354, and Stokes Ir. Gl. p. 159 consider the
word to be of Semitic origin (Hebr. athôn she-ass). After the histor-
ical explanations of Hehn 422 f. this now seems to me too the most
probable, while it appears certain that the ass was not among the pos-
sessions of the Indo-Germans. The Greek and Latin name on the
one hand, the Gothic and Slavo - Lithuanian on the other are more
closely connected. Perhaps the latter go back to the Lat. asellu-s.
-
619) ovs, Hom. pl. ovar-a.- Lat. aur-i-s, aus-cul-to. — Goth.
aus-o. Lith. aus-ì-s (fem.), Ch.-Sl. uch-o (gen.
ušes-e) n. ear. O.-Ir. ó auris (Z.2 33), dat. pl.
auaib, au-chum-riuch 'eartie' (T. B. Fr. pp. 136,
140, 163).
Pott W. I 643, 652, Benf. I 42, who assumes a connexion with
Skt. ghôsha-s noise, Zd. gaosha ear, which is phonetically quite un-
tenable. Leo Meyer Ztschr. V 369. The words for the con- 405
ception 'ear' have in fact only the initial diphthong in common: au,
the earliest form of this, may still be recognized in the Tarentine form
ά-tα, or as we may probably write more correctly a-t-a (ata Hesych.)
i, e. dƑ-t-α, and in the modern Greek avt-í = wr-ío-v (E. Curtius
502
BOOK II.
=
Gött. Anz. 1857, Nachrichten p. 311). We may suppose that we see
in this diphthong, preserved also in Lesb. nα-ava Hom. παρήϊον,
Att. nagsiά cheek, the rt. av discussed under No. 586. Now in three
families of speech we find an s added to this stem. Cp. p. 67. From
the stem aus come Lith. aus-i-s and Lat. aur-i-s for aus-i-s (cp.
nâr-e-s and nás-u-s) by the addition of a derivative i, Goth. aus-o,
Ch.-Sl. uch-o (for us-o st. us-es) by the addition of other suffixes.
The s is also clearly retained in Lat. aus-culto. Hence it is probable
that the Greek word also had originally a sibilant in the stem. I
therefore regard avσ-αt as the Greek primary form. The suffix -at
is the same that we saw added in yovv-at for yovv-at, dove-at for
dogv-at. ovo-at is to avo-at as ovgo-s to aʊqa (No. 587). By the
regular loss of the σ this became ov-at. This stem is the more com-
mon in Homer for the oblique cases. By the change of ou into of
(cp. BoF-ós) arose of-at. Of this there is still a trace occurring in
Lacon. ἐξωβάδια ενώτια (Hesych.). The F also was then dropped:
Dor. wat, Ionic oat, contracted at. As for the nom. sing. ous, either
we have in it a shorter stem, as in yóvv compared with yovv-at:
this is the view of Froehde Ztschr. f. Gymnasialwesen 1864 p. 195,
and at any rate it deserves consideration: or οὖς is contracted
from ούας, possibly directly from a by-form οὐος (ep. ὅδος and ὑδατ)
(see Ebel Ztschr. XIII 457). Cp. Herodian ed. Lentz. II 281. We
may further notice the Tzaconian form ἀβουτᾶνα, plur. ἀβουτᾶνε
(Thiersch Sprache der Tzakonen p. 522). In this remarkable dialect
ov is the regular representative of o, ß F; so that we get the
stem άFot, to which a secondary expanding suffix is here superadded.
This άF-ot like the common modern Greek avt-í plainly dates
from a time, when the diphthong av was still prevalent in the stem.
Instead of this the a of the ending is here dulled to o.
END OF VOL. I.
ERRATA.
Page
وو
ور
353
""
""
دو
""
""
"
1, line 10, for "has read "have."
8,
34,
39,
63,
98,
99,
106,
106,
107,
111,
123,
123,
127,
"
""
"
""
བ
"
""
""
""
دو
وو
"
ور
2, for "instace ” read "instance."
28, read "is as accidental."
7, read “
betrays."
5, read "others."
8, read "them."
6, for "thus" read “this."
3, for "languages aedid" read "language as did.”
10, read "which embraces all these kindred languages,
have been undertaken in many quarters."
9, for "various" read the various.”
12, for "has" read "have."
4 from bottom, read "structure."
14, for "spac " read "
spec."
8 from bottom, for "manu" read "Mann.”
1
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