I + ! 1 J 1 Among LC 3501 P92 *M ORA 37160x Pay Pratt University educatio in lengland for natuiss of India University of Michigan Cre ( A 548579 نسی در fazio* *. WAN R Shuniladingusiaren ARTES LIBRARY hill11 1837 VERITAS UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN 2: E-PLURIBUS UNUM TUE BOR SI-QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAM CIRCUMSPICE JUNOOJJZUJNIKI SCIENTIA OF THE " 200 S M MIZMUN ARYA KUMBA ".. 775 2003 A 17. ......... F 14 A "...? *. ENGLAN ܘܢ 1 A ** * PA ...A. P LC 3501 P92 DISASTER RONNE A *NOR • .... P ww KA www Pa KER M La 2. A A S M N *** تان FON *** W Conne WH S w ** M C Cop to H A KULMAS Mat .... M ; į 1 UNIVERSITY EVERAL MICHIGAN hiversity of LIBRARY IN ENGLAND FOR EDUCATION NATIVES OF INDIA. CONSIDERED WITH AND A VIEW TO QUALIFY THEM FOR THE LEARNED PROFESSIONS OR THE PUBLIC SERVICE; TO CREATE A CLASS WHO SHALL MEDIATE BETWEEN THE INDIAN PEOPLE AND THEIR ENGLISH RULERS. BY HODGSON PRATT, BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE. 19095- LONDON: JAMES RIDGWAY, PICCADILLY, W. 1860. Price Sixpence. UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN ENGLAND FOR NATIVES OF INDIA. THERE is an important question connected with the future administration of India which was brought into prominent notice during the discussions on the Rebellion in 1857, but which is in danger of being lost sight of in the onward march of events. I am anxious to recal attention to this subject, and to con- nect with it a definite proposal and practical scheme, which I have long had under consideration. The subject I refer to is the importance of having in- creased resort to native agency in the civil adminis- tration of India. Neither justice nor true policy will permit us to overlook the wide-spread discontent which has been occasioned by the levelling system of our rule and the monopoly of place, authority, and social rank practically secured to our own countrymen. It was the prominent topic put forward in the mani- festo of the King of Delhi-the complaint that we had destroyed the native aristocracy, that we had deprived the able and the well-born of all worthy 4 objects of ambition; that there were no great prizes of life, no high social position to which the natives of India could attain. "It is not a secret thing," said this proclamation, "that under the British Go- 66 vernment, natives employed in the civil and mili- tary services have little respect, low pay, and no manner of influence; and that all the posts of dig- 66 nity and emolument in both the departments are "exclusively bestowed upon Englishmen." I believe there is no one who has associated with the natives of India, so as to know their true feelings, who will not agree with me, that there is a wide and deep- felt dissatisfaction on this ground. I have lived among the most loyal and the least self-dependent of the Indian populations, that of Lower Bengal. Here more than elsewhere the native population are alive to the advantages of our rule, in the security which it gives to property, and in the impulse which it gives to trade. Here almost alone we have preserved the landed aristocracy from destruction, and here, more than elsewhere, have educated men received some share in the honours and emoluments of the public service. But, even here, I know that there is a very general discontent at the narrow bounds within which we have confined the natural ambition of the able and the well-born-at the utter hopeless- ness of rising, by any amount of distinguished ser- vice or high attainments, beyond a certain rank in the public service and that rank below what any young English civilian of five years' standing may 66 66 5 generally attain.* Is this feeling likely to diminish among the growing generation in whom we rightly take such pains to awaken a sympathy with the best lessons of history-with the glory of national free- dom, independence, and self-government? Is the feeling likely to diminish under a system which has now enabled the youth of India to take degrees in Arts at properly constituted Universities, and to ob- tain high diplomas in Law and Medicine? It is ob- vious that unless we intended to associate the natives with us in the administration of their country to a far greater extent than we have yet done, our educa- tional institutions must be regarded as a most dan- gerous mistake. We should have taken care not to arouse any of those great sentiments which the study of our national history, an acquaintance with the * An English covenanted civil servant commences his career with £480. a year, and hardly ever terminates his period of service until he has for some years drawn an income of £3000. a year. I do not believe that the Indian civil service can be kept up at its present high standard of education, social standing, character, and efficiency, at a lower rate of remuneration. But what is the scale of remuneration to natives? It has been said, with perfect truth, that a less sum than £360. a year will not enable a native to maintain the status and dignity of a gentleman in his own sphere. Yet throughout the province of Lower Bengal, having a population of thirty-five millions, the number of offices in which the emoluments are of this or greater amount, do not, I believe, exceed one hundred and twenty; and in the North-West Pro- vinces, with a population of thirty-three millions, only thirty-one persons receive £360. a year, and upwards. 6 events and heroes of classical antiquity must neces- sarily awaken. We ought to have discouraged all education of a free and elevating kind; we ought to have carefully put an end to anything like a native press; and, in fact, to have cribbed, cabined, and confined the national mind after the fashion of an Austrian or Papal Government. But of course our sense of duty to the people of India-of the sacred trust we have to discharge to- wards them, has prevented us from following any such course. And we must accept the consequences. Is it not in every way right, natural, and praise- worthy that the educated and upper classes of native society should keenly desire places of higher dignity in the social scale, and some share in directing the government and legislation of their own country? Would it not be most unnatural and contemptible if they were to acquiesce in seeing a foreign race mo- nopolize all power, authority, and influence in the conduct of their national affairs? Could there be any fact which would more discourage us in our at- tempts to raise the moral and intellectual character of the people? Our educational efforts in India have met with a degree of success which is most remark- able. Nowhere have a people become more rapidly alive to the advantages of education, or shewn a greater aptitude for proficiency in every branch of learning that has been opened to them. Nowhere has education been followed by a more rapid im- provement in moral character, social habits, and 7 intellectual strength. What, however, is all educa- tion but the means of preparing for a sphere of ac- tion? What is it, in fact, but a means to an end? It is now our plain and most pressing duty to put that end within reach of the people we have edu- cated for it; to see that we do not deprive them of the object which we have indirectly held out as an encouragement to exertion. To deprive them of it would be to tempt them to pervert the weapons we have put into their hands to our and their injury, to inflict upon them a cruel wrong, to damage irre- trievably our character for justice and right-doing, to deprive the people of India of the most certain means of moral and mental growth. Under a foreign Government, a people can never rise above a certain amount of material prosperity, and but to a very low point in mental and moral character. The essential conditions of the highest growth, viz., self-government, independence, and patriotism, the strongest motives to exertion,- are denied them. To my countrymen, so deeply interested in the liberation of foreign nations, oppressed by alien Governments (though infinitely more allied by race and religion than Hindoos and Englishmen), I need say no more on this head. I am far from alleging that the people of India are as yet fit for self-government, or that, if left to themselves from this time forth, the higher civilization now inaugurated would not be utterly lost and general anarchy inevitably result. But I 8 do say, that without a larger share in the adminis- tration of their country, the natives of India never can become fit for self-government; that the re- sponsibilities of office and administration are essen- tial to the higher education of a nation, to the proper growth of all that is noble and elevating in national character This duty of gradually training the people of India for their own self-government has been wisely and frankly acknowledged by statesmen at home and in India.* It will be sufficient here to quote from the evidence given before the House of Commons in 1853, by Sir Frederick Halliday, late Lieutenant- Governor of Bengal:-" I go the full length of say- ing that I believe our mission in India is to qualify them for governing themselves; I say also that "the measures of the Government for a number of 66 years past have been advisedly directed to so qua- 66 lifying them, without the slightest reference to any remote consequences upon our administra- ❝tion." 66 66 66 The abstract injustice of the policy of exclusion, and the indirect dangers thence arising, are by no means the only arguments against it. The Govern- ment of an immense empire by a handful of foreign- ers whose home is 7,000 miles distant, alien in blood, religion, and speech, is an anomaly necessa- rily involving much danger, difficulty, and mis- * See Appendix. : 9 government. No amount of superiority in wisdom, virtue, or civilization, can obviate the evils that arise out of such an arrangement. Rulers so placed must always be liable to fall into grievous errors and to commit cruel wrongs, simply from ignorance and misinformation. English officials in India, arduously engaged for many years in working for the benefit of the people, occupied with details of administration conceived in the most beneficent spirit, are apt to overrate the importance of what they have done, and cannot see from the point of view occupied by the masses. They forget how very differently these latter view their experiments, and how very little real progress has been effected. Their efforts being depreciated and assailed with violent and undiscriminating abuse, they are the less able to judge impartially of the real character of our rule. They may think it an exaggeration to speak of our rule in India as necessarily involving serious wrong and error. If so, let them call to mind the degraded con- dition of the Madras rural population, produced by the land settlement of that Presidency; the wide- spread alienation of feeling produced by the treat- ment of the talookdars in the North-West Pro- vinces; the defects in the perpetual settlement of Lower Bengal; the practical denial of justice aris- ing out of the expense and delay attending all suits in the civil courts; the objectionable mode of taking and recording evidence in our criminal courts; and UgrM 10 the infamous state of the police. Let them remem- ber how utterly ignorant we have always been of the real state of feeling among the population previous to the terrible outbreaks that have from time to time taken place; and how little we were aware of the grievances which led to those movements. We do not know the people and they do not know us. The insurrection of 1857 was a terrible warning of the results which may at any time arise out of such an anomaly in administration as the govern- ment of 170,000,000 by a few thousand foreigners. Nor is it to be supposed that the catastrophe of 1857 is the only instance in which our rule has been endangered. The history of British India is the history of ever present danger, and of conspiracies suppressed. Notwithstanding that our best and wisest men have, for more than half a century, en- deavoured to make this anomalous administration as good as possible; notwithstanding that the British Government, both here and in India, have most ardently desired to do justice to the natives-has even incurred the charge of treating with injustice their own countrymen the English settlers in India-in their desire to consult the welfare of the people ;- notwithstanding that we have given them the best civil service in the world, statesmen of the first class from our own Senate, the Sepoy mutiny and re- bellion of the population in the North-Western Pro- vinces shewed but too clearly the failure of the ex- periment. Notwithstanding our schools, our mission- Mol " 11 aries, our newspapers, our good intentions, and our proclamations, the native army, according to Sir John Lawrence,* so little understood the character, motives, or policy of the Government, that, long be- fore the mutiny, a belief had grown up that it was our intention to destroy their caste and religion by violence or fraud! The great difficulty of our position, indeed, is to be found in the wide gulf between the rulers and the ruled; so that the former are ignorant of the true wants and condition of the latter, and the latter are ignorant of the true motives and character of the former. The great problem is how to create a sympathy in aims and feelings between the rulers and the ruled, for this is the absolute condition of any real or extended benefit to the people-of any permanent security for ourselves. How to bridge over this terrible chasm is the question which it is the duty of the British Government to solve as soon and as thoroughly as possible. I see no means of accomplishing this object so efficacious, as the crea- tion of a class in India who shall act as "inter- preters" between the people and the Government— a class who, while bound by ties of birth, language, and kindred to India, shall, by education and by intimate association with Englishmen, acquire a hearty sympathy with England. The growth of an educated class of natives, holding a high social posi- - * See his Report on the causes of the mutiny in connection with the trial of the King of Delhi, dated Lahore, 29th April, 1858. 12 * tion, and admitted to an equal footing with our Eng- lish civil service in India, is essential to our security and their welfare, to good government, progress, and peace. The evidence given by Mr. Raikes, the Judge of the Chief Court of Agra, agrees with that of every one who witnessed the troubles of 1857. He says:-"I found it to be a general rule, that "where you had an official well educated at our "English Colleges, and conversant with our English tongue, there you had a friend, upon "whom reliance could be placed." It was well said by the Times, that "the sympathising natives "have rescued our empire; with more of them, per- "haps it would never have been jeoparded. No "empire has ever been established without the ad- "mission of the conquered to high rank and office. "It must be admitted that, with more natives in "our confidence, and in the confidence of their own countrymen, we should have had a better chance "of escaping the late calamity." An eminent mis- sionary in Calcutta, writing to me on the subject of the scheme I am now about to put forward, says: "We need a native aristocracy in India, both an "intellectual one and one of rank; we need a class "of men who will serve as "buffers" to their "countrymen against the insolence of the Euro- "peans." 66 The growth of a class who should owe their ele- 66 * Notes on the Revolt in the North-Western Provinces of India, by C. Raikes. 13 vation in the social scale, and a high position in the administration, to their intellectual attainments and moral worth, would gradually lead the whole people insensibly to give to education and character the respect they now pay to caste; it would act as a most powerful incentive on the wealthy and highly- born to keep up their position with Government and the masses by submitting to the unavoidable condi- tions of education and good citizenship, just as in the case of our own aristocracy. Their increased social intercourse with Europeans, and the elevation of their tastes and habits resulting from this state of things, would create an ever-increasing demand for European productions. Wealth would be spent in improvement, taste, philanthropy, and literature, in- stead of in superstitious observances and sensual grossness. This middle class of educated men, whether engaged in mercantile undertakings or in the service of Government, would act as a centre of moral progress, which would extend itself alike below and above, among the lower and the upper classes. Inseparably connected with this subject is another of very great and pressing importance. I allude to the great cost of civil expenditure in India. There has been every desire to reduce still further the scale of salaries in the Indian civil service, but it is generally admitted by every one who has gone into * See chapter on "Employment of Natives," in Captain Evans Bell's work on "The English in India." 12 14 * ¿ ? = the subject, that nothing more can be done in this direction without seriously impairing its present efficiency and high character. As Lord Stanley re- marked, in his financial statement of 14th February, 1859, "even with appointments in the well paid civil "service, thrown open to competition, there has not "been that eagerness to compete which might have "been expected. You can hardly get professional "men who are doing well in this country to go to 66 India, unless they have the inducement of a double "rate of remuneration." On the other hand, when Mr. Ricketts, a member of the Indian Council, was commissioned a short time since to draw up a scheme having the double object of reducing civil salaries, and of improving the administration, he found that to effect the latter object a large aggregate increase of expenditure would be inevitable, notwithstand- ing a reduction of individual allowances. Indeed, it is notorious that the numerical insufficiency of the various departments is a constant source of weakness. On every side, reforms of the most urgent kind have been demanded for years, alike by the public and the authorities, but have been denied, because they involved increased agency. Every conscientious officer in India is hopelessly over- whelmed with work. He has not merely to dis- charge certain defined duties, or to attend for a certain number of prescribed hours at his office: from morning until late at night, in office or out of office, the people of his district have claims. upon his - 15 exertions. He must seek to correct the corrupt evidence which comes before him in court by length- ened and careful inquiries in the interior. He must make personal acquaintance with every locality, with every person of influence. He must pass much time in the villages and fields if he is to understand the true nature of the cases that come before him for de- cision. The people depend upon him to assist in the decision of disputes beeween rival landowners by friendly arbitration,-to promote their welfare by ad- vice and assistance in the construction of public works, hospitals, and schools. Able to rely on none of his lower subordinates, surrounded by fraud on every hand, he must be ready to hear every com- plaint, to receive every kind of intelligence, however conveyed to him, to anticipate disturbances and high- way robberies, so far as he can; to enquire into charges against his own police and immediate instru- ments. For some years I never retired to rest at the close of the day without feeling that there were opportunities which ought if possible to have been taken up, but for which there was no time, and which would have to be left for still more pressing duties on the morrow. There is hardly a civil officer in India who does not find his hands tied at every step by the want of more subordinates of a high class, men sufficiently well paid and placed to be trustworthy and intelligent. In a country where the English officers are surrounded by difficulties of every kind, by fraud and perjury, corrupt and ill- 16 paid subordinates, and the worst police in the world, -the extent of their jurisdiction is at least ten times. greater than what would be considered manageable in Europe. In almost every district there are many thousands who are so situated with reference to the few and widely separated courts, that if they have a complaint to make, or a suit to prefer, it must be at a cost of several days' journey, perhaps a week there and back. There is only one mode of meeting this double difficulty,-the enormous cost of European agency, and the insufficient number of European employés. We must resort more and more to native agency. But now comes the important ques- tion, "Can this be done consistently with the para- mount object of all Government-efficiency in the administration ?" I have endeavoured to shew what great evils must necessarily be occasioned by exclud- ing the natives from a larger share than they at present hold in the administration of their country- the injustice and the impolicy of such exclusion. But I now hasten to declare that I do not think the Government in India has been at all blind to their duty in this respect. I do not think they could have advanced farther or faster than they have done. The feeling on the part of the Government in India has been, that, however qualified the natives may gra- dually become, under the influence of religion and education, for the highest offices of trust in the public service, they are not so yet. By the liberal pro- vision made for English schools and colleges, and by - 17 the influence of individual Englishmen, a higher sense of honour is growing up; but we must wait until principles of conduct are more fixed, and character more stable, before any large proportion of the more important offices can be placed in the hands of na- tives. I do not mean that we have to contend with prevalent and gross corruption, but that the native employés are still too much under the influence of personal bias, party feelings, the fear of offending persons of rank, and the dread of public clamour. There is as yet too little strength of character,-a want of self-reliance and fertility of resource in un- expected difficulties,-and an inability to act where no rule or order has been prescribed beforehand. As I have already said, I most cordially admit the im- mense progress that has taken place in the character and tone of feeling in the native judicial service, and among the educated classes generally; but I think that the Government in India has shewn itself alive to that progress, and most anxious to keep pace with that growing fitness by introducing distinguished native servants from time to time to posts of dignity and trust which were before exclusively filled by Englishmen. Even some of the offices formerly re- served for members of the civil service have been lately thrown open to natives. * We are, then, in * I would not, however, be supposed to assert that the allow- ances assigned to native officials are adequate. I speak only of the question of admitting them to offices not at present held by them, B 18 this dilemma. There are the most urgent rea- sons for throwing open the public service more widely to natives of rank and education; the ad- ministration is suffering because we do not more largely employ this economical agency; our own popularity with the people is suffering, and the policy of exclusion is full of danger. Yet, on the other hand, we have gone as far as is consistent with administrative efficiency. We cannot place in the hands of natives posts of higher responsibility than those they now occupy, without a certain degree of risk. The offices at present filled by natives are such as admit of constant and minute control and supervision. It is felt that there are very few natives who could be implicitly trusted to carry on duties of a more difficult nature, in a position where they would have to be left much to themselves, to their own sense of what was right and necessary,— in a position of independence and self-reliance. Then what is to be done? Are we to wait until these schools, colleges, and universities, have had the effect of gradually bringing into existence a higher type of character than we have yet obtained, not- withstanding all the progress actually effected? I believe not. I believe there is a limit to what we can bring out by such educational agency as we which involve a greater share of power and responsibility. The native judges and the clerks in the Courts of Law are noto- riously underpaid-an opinion for which I have the authority of all Indian statesmen. 1 19 have in India. I believe that influences of a kind different from any yet tried must be brought to bear upon the upper and educated classes of Hindostan, in order to produce the growth we desire. We want something higher than mere scholastic influences and the teaching of books. These last are too faint to bring out strength of character, to produce a vigorous mental and moral constitution, especially when the scholars and students live habitually in a social atmosphere which counteracts the work of the school and class room. What would our Eng- lish boys and young men be if all the moral and mental influence they received were confined to the class room;—while at home, in the play-ground, in society and the world, they dwelt amid the tradi- tionary customs and habits of thought of a cor- rupt and decaying civilisation? We all know that the best part of the education of an English youth is what he derives from his home, his play- ground, the cricket field, the debating club, the healthful society in which he moves after his college days are over, the vigorous, high-toned, free and generous life of England. Englishmen in India complain that the educated natives, however superior to their predecessors, are conceited, shallow and pedantic, unable to carry out the higher principles they bring from college when placed in the way of temptation, mere copyists of English modes of thought, without a spark of originality or creative talent, without resource in difficulty, or moral 20 1 courage in danger. There may be exaggeration here, but, granting it to the full, could we expect any other result when we look at the circumstances in which they are placed? Can a few years of Shakespere and Milton taught in the school-room neutralize the inheritance of generations,-caste, po- lytheism, practical atheism, corrupt and degrading social customs, physical weakness, the habits of servitude, social and political inferiority? It will be asked, perhaps, whether the educated young men of India do not already possess the benefit of Eng lish society on the spot, whether our countrymen in India do not take them by the hand and make them feel what home-life is among Englishmen, by invit- ing them to their houses, by directing, advising, and befriending those who shew promise of character and ability. Alas, the habits of Indian life are against it. Too many Englishmen look with undisguised contempt upon the inferior race among whom they live, and neither care nor hope for their improvement. Those most fitted, and most inclined to associate with young natives for the purpose of friendly guidance, are the best men of the official class, but they are overwhelmed with work, and never having an hour's leisure until night. They are then too wearied to bear the irksome task of conversing with young men who, while too often conceited and affected, can have but few ideas or interests in common with them. There is much less community of thought and feel- ing between them than there would be between a 21 number of mechanics and highly educated gentle- men in England. What then is to be done? I propose that measures should be adopted for bringing to this country every year a small number of young natives of superior capacity, for the purpose of giving them a university education and the influences of English life and so- ciety. They would be men who had already completed the rudimentary part of their education in our Indian schools and colleges, and who would be ready at once to enter upon the special studies requisite for the learned Professions, the Bar, Medicine, or Divinity, as well as for Civil Engineering, while some might de- vote their time to the study of Commerce and Manu- factures. They would, before leaving India, have received such an education as would enable them at once, on their arrival in England, to derive benefit from cultivated English society and from travel, as well as from lectures and public institutions. It will be said by objectors that there are already Universities in India by which the natives are enabled to enter upon the profession of medicine, law, or civil engineering. That is true, but what I desire to point out is that education in India is merely the education of the lecture room, and what I want is the educa- tion of English life out of the lecture room. In Eng- land natives of India would have not only a higher kind of competition than in their own country, where their class-fellows are men of their own race and standing, not only the higher teaching of an English 22 University as compared with that of a Colony; not only the higher standard of attainment so requisite ; but,-what I would chiefly lay stress upon,-the free association with professors and fellow students, with the first minds in the world. Besides, many may like to associate themselves for a time with mercan- tile houses and commercial undertakings, and in other ways to obtain experience and knowledge altogether beyond the sphere of a University. It is a constant complaint in India, that although the native students learn quickly and accurately every thing we teach them, and pass the most care- fully conducted examinations with credit, and although the standard of instruction has been raised so high as to admit of the establishment of a University with power to confer degrees in Arts, yet, with all this, the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake is almost unknown. It is complained that books and study are almost wholly neglected by the most dis- tinguished students when the college is left, and the degree is once obtained; that there is a singular want of original power and creative talent; that the Arts and Sciences have not yet taken such a root as to yield their proper fruit in their influence on the minds of the growing generation; that the know- ledge imparted at the colleges does not appear to possess a living vitality, leading men to develope and apply it as if it were a real power. Even the ablest students, it is said, can do little more than repeat what they have gained from books, almost 23 in the very words of the books; and never use their knowledge as an instrument of thought and action. I cannot gainsay this assertion, and I attribute it, in part, to the fact that there is nothing in the daily life of these students to keep up an interest in their studies; they have no one outside the college gate to lead their minds onwards to the highest self- culture; they see in actual life no application of the facts they have acquired; they have none of the advantages which come from associating with minds superior to their own, which might keep alive and cultivate the knowledge they have acquired. Their studies are a thing wholly apart from their daily experience and the world in which they live. It is just as if one were to be engaged for ever in learning the mere rules of arithmetic or formulæ of mathe- matics without ever having an opportunity of seeing their application. As regards the great mass of the population, we can extemporize no remedy for this state of things: we must trust to the gradual progress of the native mind during a long course of time; but we can greatly hasten that progress by raising a class of pioneers, a mental aristocracy, a body of social re- formers, from among the most promising minds, by some such scheme as that I now desire to propose. That their studies may have vitality and be imbued with their true meaning, not an exotic artificially stuck on outside their minds, but grafted upon them-my desire is that a select number of these young men should come to Europe, the fountain 24 head of modern science. There alone will the veil which must ever hang before their eyes in India be torn aside. They will see clearly the value and the application of what they have learnt; they will see how each department of knowledge is connected with every other, by an endless chain, will see how the character of our daily life and civilisation is affected by the subjects of their college studies. I purposely say nothing as to Religion. These will be men who can judge for themselves and will occupy a position which should secure them from any impertinent attempts at propagandism. People who would resort to interference in this respect can have but little faith in God, or in the indirect testi- mony to the origin of our religion, which is afforded by the whole aspect of European society as con- trasted with that of the East. Any misplaced and short-sighted interference in this matter would pro- bably deter others from coming and neutralise the whole scheme. It should be considered a point of honour to leave these men to be perfectly free agents in the formation of their own conclusions on this as well as on all other points. Of course, one great object which the Hindoos, in their present state of feeling, would most eagerly look forward to, would be preparation for the com- petitive examinations for the Indian Civil Service. There is no object of ambition so keenly and increas- ingly desired by the youth of India as admission into this highly honoured and privileged official 25 Guild, and only by coming to England, is the object attainable. Here alone, by some such plan as that now proposed, have we the means of making the Queen's Proclamation something more than an empty word, which the natives bitterly complain that it is at present: "And it is our further will that so far as 66 may be, our subjects, of whatever race or creed, be "freely and impartially admitted to office in our "service, the duties of which they may be qualified, "by their education, ability, and integrity, duly to "discharge." To which effect also, Act 3 and 4 of William IV. "No native shall by reason of "birth, religion, descent, or colour, be disabled from ❝ holding any place or office, or employment under "the Crown." I believe that a few appointments so gained in the Indian Civil Service would act like an electric shock upon the national character. It might be many years before a native civil servant became Judge of the Chief Court of Appeal, or a member of the Supreme Council, but it would be within reach. Why do thousands of able men in England willingly enter the Church and the Bar, who could find better remuneration elsewhere than in the lower ranks of those professions, but for the hope that each has that one of the few great prizes may be his? This gives life, energy, This gives life, energy, and character, to the whole body. So will it be in India when there is the possibility of attaining the highest honours in the gift of the Crown to stir every man to exertion, something to hope for, when now there is so very little worth hoping for. 66 26 1 I believe that the arrival in India, every year, of even four or five natives who have had the advan- tage of three years of such education and such in- fluences, as they would thus receive, would give a valuable impetus to native society. In time these men would form a powerful class, the pioneers of all progress, affording a higher standard of life, and gradually changing the whole social aspect of native society. It will very likely be imagined by persons in England not well acquainted with the great change in ideas which has taken place of late years among the higher and educated classes, that it will be diffi- cult to find persons willing to come to England, on account of the loss of caste which such a visit would involve. Those however, who are well acquainted with the state of feeling prevalent among the class I speak of, will know how very general a desire exists among the young men to visit this country,-how little any supposed difficulties on the subject of caste would interfere with the object: During the last three years, four native gentlemen have come from Calcutta to this country, and at their own ex- for the purpose of completing their education, pense, for the and many others have expressed to me their desire to adopt the same course, but have been kept back by the expense-the want of friends in England who would receive them, and enable them to prosecute their objects, and the vague assumption of difficulty which necessarily, in their imagination, surrounds such an undertaking. Some time ago I wrote to a H 27 native gentleman, asking him for information on this question of caste, in reference to a residence in England. He is a Hindoo holding a very high and responsible situation in the Educa- tional Department, one who has not adopted the social habits of the "Young Bengal" class, but has preserved his caste, and knows intimately the feel- ings of the orthodox as well as of the radical party among his countrymen. His accurate habits of mind, his high culture and fine character, enable me to place the fullest confidence in the value of any opinion on a subject such as that I am now consi- dering. His reply was :-"As for "As for your main ques- "tion, whether young men of family and education "in this country will be found in sufficient number "willing to avail themselves of the opportunity for "self-improvement to be thus afforded them, I think "there will scarcely be any difficulty in the beginning, "and increasing facility every succeeding year. The "ties of caste are strong. To renounce caste is not "only to renounce a system of effete idolatry, but "also to break asunder the tenderest ties by which “human beings are united to one another. Still I "believe, and the enquiries I have been able to "make prove to me beyond the shadow of a doubt, "that young men less scrupulous or more courage- 66 ous, will not be found wanting in our colleges who "will gladly avail themselves of the opportunity 66 you propose to open for them, of starting in the career of ambition from that advanced stage to 66 28 "which Europeans owe their present superiority." So convinced is this gentleman of the value and im- portance of the scheme which I am now proposing, that he has offered to give a donation of fifty pounds towards the object, though his own income is little more than three hundred a year. TH There is an impression in some quarters, that so far as the experiment has been tried of educating natives of India in England, it has been a failure. I do not think that this can be said. The facts are as follows:-About fifteen years ago the native students of the Medical College at Calcutta were in- formed that four students would be sent to England, and their professional education completed in this country, free of all expense, and volunteers were in- vited to offer themselves. At that time prejudices were much stronger than they are now, and the Government was obliged to take those who came forward rather than those who were the most likely to do credit to the experiment. Two of the four thus selected turned out badly; two turned out well; and one of these latter, Dr. Dwarkanath Chuckerbutty, obtained, five years ago, on the occasion of a second visit to England, an appointment in the Indian Me- dical Service, at the competitive examination. More recently, others have visited this country at their own expense, for the purpose of obtaining the ad- vantages of a professional education, and have, I understand, distinguished themselves in their own country. 29 This is not the place for detail. My object is now to invite opinions and suggestions from those who agree with the importance of the scheme generally, and are inclined to assist me in working it out. I ask all such to favour me with an intimation that they are willing to co-operate for the purpose, and to form an association for this express object. When I have received such intimation from a suf- ficient number of persons, I propose to ask them to fix a day for meeting to organise a society, and to take such measures as may seem desirable for the accomplishment of the object in view. At present, my idea is that when an association has been fairly organised in England for this pur- pose, the natives and such Europeans as are in- terested in their progress at the Presidency towns of India should be invited to co-operate with us. I believe that if the Society in England were to raise by subscription one half of the necessary expenses, the parents and friends of promising young men in India, and persons interested in the progress of their country, would raise the other half. As the progress of ideas advanced, and as the scheme produced its proper fruits, an increasingly larger support might be expected from India, until the Society in England would have to do little more than superintend the expenditure of the funds re- mitted to them, appoint proper persons to the charge of the young men, and generally see that their interests were advanced. 30 1. But, at first, while the experiment is a new one, a large share of the expense must be met here. Con- sidering the great public and national importance of the object, perhaps it is not altogether out of the question to hope that in some shape the Government itself will afford aid to the undertaking. I pur- posely abstain now from entering on the question as to the University or College which may be found best suited to the position and requirements of these young men. It may be thought that the constitution of the University of London is the one best adapted for Hindu or Mahomedan students. I believe that arrangements might be made for their residence in London at an expense not exceeding £200. a year, including board, lodging, and college fees, &c. To this must be added the expense of the voyage to and from India. I conclude with commending this proposal to the best consideration and earnest support of that large portion of the English public, which is animated by a hearty desire to see England fulfilling her highest duties to the people of India. I trust that I may receive early assurances that there are many who are ready to take an active part in promoting the undertaking, if placed in the hands of men whose names and character shall be a guarantee for its success. ORIENTAL CLUB: June, 1860. C $ APPENDIX. Opinions of eminent public men on the subject of employ- ing the Natives of India in the administration of that country. "His Lordship cannot contemplate the arrival of a period at which it will be safe or wise to place the great executive and administrative powers in the hands of any other than British officers. At the same time, it is a cause of constant regret that there do not exist in the public service some offices of large emolument and high position, to which native gentlemen of ability and character might rise, so that the office and the pay of Principal Sudder Ameen should no longer be the boundary of a native gen- tleman's ambition in the British service."-(The Marquis of Dalhousie.) "All that we can give the natives without endangering our own ascendancy should be given. All real military power must be kept in our own hands, but they might with advantage hereafter be made eligible to every civil office under that of a member of government. The change should be gradual because they are not yet fit to discharge properly the duties of a high civil employment, according to our ideas, but the sphere of their employment should be extended in proportion as we find that they become capable of filling properly higher situations.”—(Sir Thos. Monro, 1821.) "Various measures might be suggested which might in all probability be more or less useful to improve their cha- racter, but no one appears to me so well calculated to insure success as that of endeavouring to give them a higher opinion of themselves by placing more confidence in them, by placing them in important situations, and perhaps by rendering them eligible to almost every office under government."-(Sir Thos. Monro, 1824.) - "We ought to look forward to the time when natives may be employed in almost every office however high, and we ought to prepare them gradually for such a change by 32 entrusting them with higher duties from time to time, in proportion as experience may prove them to be qualified to discharge them."—(Sir Thos. Monro, 1827.) "I regret as deeply as you or any man can, that there is no opening for natives. The system of depression becomes more alarming as our power extends, but the re- medy is not in raising to rank or influence our servants, moonshees, &c. however good. We must, or we cannot last, contrive to associate the natives with us in the task of rule, and in the benefits and gratifications which accrue from it."-(Sir John Malcolm.) Mr. A. J. M. Mills, late a Member of the Legislative Council of India, states in his evidence before the Com- mittee on Indian Colonization, that the character of the native Judges had very much improved of late years, in consequence of their higher education and better remunera- tion."They are extremely acute in their reasoning as Judges: I think the native character has improved, and is improving, and as you pay them higher, it will improve still further. I was specially appointed to ascertain the fitness of the natives for the offices they hold, and to see how they administered justice. I visited every court that I could. I examined the proceedings; sat with the native Judge, and made him decide cases in my presence. I on the whole very much satisfied with the quality of the work done." was ; Sir C. Trevelyan, in his evidence before the Committee on Indian Territories (1853): "I used to take great plea- sure in conversing with the natives of all ranks and classes and I used to dilate, perhaps in too boastful a spirit, upon the superior civilisation of the European; our navy, our superior military discipline, our manufactures, our steam- boats and so forth: and I observed to my surprise, that they gave me a cold and indifferent hearing, and they often ended by making an observation something of this sort: 'Yes, you are a wonderful people; you speak the truth; you keep to your word; when you have promised a thing, however injurious it may be to you, you observe it; you hold by it generation after generation:' and by degrees, I discovered that the object of their admiration was neither our arts, our arms, nor our science, but our moral qualities; and that to speak the truth from the heart, to promise even to our own hurt and not to disappoint was the real 10:30 33 object of their respect. It is this superior morality which enables every young Writer, although very inferior to many of the natives both in point of experience and intelligence, to command attention and confidence in his decisions. It is the absence of this quality which unfits the native at present from taking part in the actual government of India; I mean in the capacity of Member of Council. The government of India requires a standard of elevation and disinterestedness and single-mindedness which is rare even among Europeans, and would be still more difficult to find among natives. * * But the natives have very considerable administrative qualities; they have great patience, great industry, great acuteness, and intelligence. They have a perfect knowledge of the country and of the people, and acting under European superintendence they acquit themselves extremely well. Native agency and European superintendence should therefore be fully estab- lished as the principle of our Government in India. This principle was first officially recognised and established by Lord Wm. Bentinck, and since which time it has been continually growing and extending. This is proved by the fact that notwithstanding the growth of our territory, the number of the civil servants has decreased." "The European civil service and the native civil service are divided by an elastic impalpable line, which is continu- ally extending, as the natives shew themselves more fit for responsible employment.' در "Two things are necessary to the success of the plan of employing natives: one is that they shall be properly educated, first by an adequate system of general educa- tion, vernacular and English, and next by a special professional education adapted to their future employ- ment; and the other thing is that they shall be sufficiently paid." "I contemplate ultimately the almost entire super- cession of Europeans in the judicial and revenue depart- ments. When our dominion ceases to be of advantage to the natives, it ought to end; but if it terminates in the way I contemplate, it will end in a manner extremely happy and beneficial for both parties.' "" "The satisfactory manner in which on the whole they have acquitted themselves [in the judicial department] is a decided support of the opinion which I entertain of their capacity for office." C i : 34 "It is not my opinion that the intellectual faculties of the natives decay after a certain age: we take the native youths from the midst of a very inferior and corrupt state of society; we introduce them to a pure and elevated literature, and after they leave our schools they return to their old state of society." "The main thing is to open up to them a proper field of mental and moral activity in after-life."(Sir C. Trevelyan) "Native agency has been adopted in every department with the greatest success."-(W. Wilberforce Bird). "The admission of the natives of India to the highest offices of state is simply a question of time.”- (W. Kaye). (Evidence of Sir Frederick Halliday, late Lieut.-Governor of Bengal, before the Committee of the House of Com- mons on Indian Territories, 1853.) Đ Mr. Cobden. "I gather from your answers that you do not despair but that with proper encouragement and judici- ous treatment, the natives may at some future time be rendered capable of filling any offices of trust." Mr. Halliday. "I do not in the least despair. I go the full length of saying that I believe OUR MISSION IN INDIA I say IS TO QUALIFY THEM FOR GOVERNING THEMSELVES; also that the measures of the Government for a number of years past have been advisedly directed to so qualifying them, without the slightest reference to any remote con- sequences upon our administration.” "I think the admission of natives to high judicial func- tions would be a great means of attaching the intellect of the country to our rule. I think we should make friends of them, instead of giving their intellect an incentive to spread into disaffection. I would wish to see them more extensively employed. I think their morality to be highly improved by contact with us and by education." -Sir Erskine Perry.) "The new race of men would make independent judges when sitting with Europeans; they would have perhaps * * At the even too strong an opinion of their own. time of our assuming the administration, the native Zemin- dars, who were armed with police or magisterial powers, were entirely broken down in that respect, and deprived of their authority. They naturally felt this, as they were thereby humiliated in the eyes of their dependents, and the 35 change tended to drive them into various lawless courses." * * "The natives do at times not unreasonably feel it to be a grievance that laws are passed affecting their in- terests without their being sufficiently consulted upon them. In the judicial department, the natives have shewn very great aptitude, and ultimately I believe there would be found natives who would be fit to occupy any position, even the highest, not only in that but in every depart- ment. To a fair share of these higher offices the natives on every ground of equity and true policy are fully en- titled, in proportion as they prove themselves to be thoroughly qualified for them, not only by talents and attainments but also by integrity of character." (Dr. Duff, Free Church of Scotland Missionary.) "I would observe how very easily the natives all acquire the requisite qualifications for the duties which we are pleased to entrust to them. I would ask who can doubt that they would very shortly, if not depressed and dis- pirited, become at least equal to the functions they per- formed before we came among them. I confess it is my wish, though possibly I may be blamed for expressing it, not only to have the authority of the native judges extended, but to see them, if possible, enjoy important and confi- dential situations in other departments of the state."-(Sir Henry Strachey, 1802.) "Another effect of our system, was the disgust which it gave to the higher classes of natives in the loss of all pros- pects of respectable provision under the economical scale of our native establishments. The door to official emolu- ments, and to stations of dignity, was necessarily closed against the natives by the exclusive employment of the covenanted servants of Government."(Lord Moira, 1815.) "It must otherwise probably be a source of disquiet and intrigue among the community, for unless Government shall open some door for the employment of the talents which their own liberality has, in many instances, elicited, and, to a certain extent, fostered, by making natives of education and respectability of character eligible to higher grades of the public service than are at present open to their fair and honourable ambition, the gift of superior knowledge, with whatever other advantages attended, can scarcely fail to aggravate the discontent of the educated classes."-(Lord Amherst, 1826.) 36 "It has frequently been objected to the employment of the natives of India in judicial offices, that they cannot safely be trusted with the administration of justice. Το this objection it might, perhaps, be a sufficient answer to say that they are already so trusted. But one principal reason for noticing the objection is, that we may impart to you our decided conviction, that when we place the natives of India in situations of trust and confidence, we are bound under every consideration of justice and policy, to grant them adequate allowances; we have no right to calculate on their resisting temptations to which the generality of mankind in the same circumstances would yield."(The Court of Directors of the East India Com- pany, 1824.) "In many respects the Mahometans surpassed our rule. They settled in the countries which they conquered; they intermixed and intermarried with the natives, they ad- mitted them to all privileges; the interests and sympathies of the conquerors and conquered became identified. Our policy, on the contrary, has been the reverse of this, cold, selfish, and unfeeling: the iron hand of power on the one *side, monopoly and exclusion on the other."-(Lord Wm. Bentinck.) "The ancient Hindoo aristocracy, who felt both pride and pleasure in promoting native arts, and encouraging native learning, having nearly dwindled and vanished wherever the British have planted their rule in Hindostan, as the inevitable result of a system which excludes the children of the soil from all high offices of trust and emolument in the State which formerly belonged to them, the Brahmins lost the patrons who enabled them to main- tain the many thousands of schools which provided gra- tuitous education to the poor."-(Dukhina Runjun Mookerjea, a loyal and distinguished native, rewarded by Government for his services in 1857.) Macu All we "However rich or powerful or ambitious a native in our dominions may be, there is no sphere of action for him, except plotting against the Bengal Government. If he is on our side there is nothing for him to do. ask of him is to sit quiet, to grow rich, to be in fact, a fatted hog."-(Friend of India, 1859.) Sh THE END. .... 22 P M ܀ ········ la for VR ... A 12 ** **** Bibl **** ܠ ܝܗ ܘ ܐ My 23 ht GDYMO AX A !! ** WAR I AL Car B Libe ** C L Pers 2 .. l MA 12% S E 29 K 2. yee ... A MKA VAK . ¿'s alk. S A C $8 26525 A UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN 3 9015 03937 9089 SUNN ار ال * : ENE ܀