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SI-QUÆRIS PENINSULAM·AHⱭNAM `
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The Gift of
АНІЦНІ
Karl R. Frankena
and
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EX LIBRIS
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LVCEAT DOM
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RPXX
p. Lilly pinxit,
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...
Guil Faithorne faut
THOMAS STANLEY ARM:
(85)
THE
HISTORY
OF
PHILOSOPHY,
In Eight Parts.
BY THOMAS STANLEY.
By
LONDON,
Printed for Humphrey Mofeley, and Thomas Dring; and
are to be fold at the Princes Armes in Saint
Paul's Church-Yard, and at the George in
Fleet-ſtreet neer Cliffords-Inne, 1 6 5 6.
THE
HISTORY
OF
PHILOSOPHY,
The Firſt Part.
Containing thoſe on whom
the Attribue of
VV IS E
was conferred.
00
LONDON,
Printed for Humphrey Moſeley, and Thomas Dring; and
are to be fold at the Princes Armes in Saint
Paul's Church-Yard, and at the George in
Fleet-ftreet neer Cliffords-Inne, 1 6 5 6.
B.
///
1579
1656
Grad/Buhr
Gift
Karl R. and Mark W. Frankena
12/14/98
1
-Hous!
TO
d
MY HONOVRED VNCLE
TIC TOI
JOHN MARSHAM, Efq;.
SIR, Send this Booke to you,becauſe
you firſt directed me to this de-
figne; The learned Gaffendus was
my precedent; whom neverthe-
leffe I have not followed in his
partiality: For he, though limited to a ſingle
perfon, yet giveth himſelfe liberty of enlarge-
ment, and taketh occafion from his ſubject
to make the world acquainted with many ex-
cellent difquifitions of his owne. Our ſcope be-
ing of a greater-latitude, affords leffe opportu-
nity to favour any particular; whilft there is
due to every one the commendation of their
owne deferts. This benefit I hope to have
received from the variety of the ſubject; but
far more are thoſe I owe to your encourage-
ment, which if I could with leffe, I ſhould upon
this occaſion, that there might feeme to have
been
been expreffed fomething of choice and incli-
nation in this action, which is now but an in-
confiderable effect of the gratitude of,
Dear Uncle,
Your most affectionate Nephew
and humble fervant
THOMAS STANLEY.
·Glorija bo › wa..
worth?
*
PREFACE
.
(
<
}
Iftory (which by expounding actions paſt
teacheth to regulate the future, and fur-
niſbeth us with wiſdom at the cost of other
mens experience) is not, unlike Painting:
their scope is the same; and as in the latter,
argues want of skill to look upon the whole draught with
an indifferent eye, but to select and insist upon some chiefe
particular is proper to an Artist; fo he who refts fatis fied
with the generall relation of affairs, (not fixing upon feme
eminent Actour in that story) lofeth it greatest benefit; fince
what is moſt particular, by its nearer affinity with us, hath
greateſt influence upon us.
Hence it is that there are two kinds of History; One re-
preſents generall affairs of State; The other gives account
ef particular perfons, whofe lives have rendred them emi-
nent. Homer hath given an effay of each; of the firft in his
Iliads, a relation of a war betwixt different Nations of the
fecond in his Odyffes, confined to the perfon of Ulyffes.
New the life of man being either practick, bufied in
civill affairs of peace and war, or Contemplative, retir'd
from publick bufineffe to fpeculation and study of wisdome,
divine or humane, it followes that this perfonall history bee
twofold likewife, defcribing either the actions of ſuch per
fons as are wholly interested in affairs of State (properly
compar'd to the perfons of a drammaticall defigne, whofe
fingle Characters and parts ferve one onely to make
up one joint plot. Such are most of those whofe lives are
related by Plutarch, the twelveCxfars of Sueronius)Or
the lives of fuch as have been excellent in fome kind of learn-
a
ing;
Preface.
ing; Thus Antipho writ of Poets; Eudemus of Aftrolo-
gers; Cicero and Plutarch of Oratours, Suetonius of
Grammarians. They who writ of Philofophers exceeded the
reft far in number, of whom to give a particular accompt
will be unneceſſary, becauſe their workes are not extant, and
therefore we ſhall onely name them, Actius, Anaxilder,
Antigonus, Antifthenes, Ariftocles, Ariftoxenus, Cal
limachus, Clitomachus, Diocles, Diogenes. Laertius,
Eupapius, Heraclides, Hermippus, Hefychius, Hippobor
tus, fon, Idomeneus, Nicander, Nicias, Panatius, For
rius, Plutarch, Sotion and Theodorus.
1
Of almost all thefe (which is much to be deplored)
there remaine not any footsteps; the onely Author inthis
kind for the more antient Philofophers is Diogenes La-
ertius, for the later Eunapius And to make the misfortune
the greater, that which Laertius gives us is fo far fhort of
what he might have done,that there is much more to be found
of the fame perfons difperfed amongst other authors, which
I have here collected and digeſted, with what diligence I
could.
Nor is it unſeaſonable at this time to examine the tenents
of old Philofophers, when so great variety of opinions
daily Spring up; fome of which are but raked out of the
ruines of antiquity, which ought to be restored to their
first owners; others being of late invention will receive
addition, when advanced to fuch height wee look down to
the bottom from which Philoſophy took her firſt riſe, and
See how great a progreffe ſhe hath made, whofe beginnings
are almoft infcrutable.
Although fome Grecians have challenged to their Nation
the Originall of Philofophy, yet the more learned of them
have acknowledged it derived from the East. To omit the
dark traditions of the Athenians concerning Mufzus, of
the Thebans concerning Linus, and of the Thracians about
Or.
Preface.
Orpheus,it is manifeft that the original of the Greek Philofo-
phy is to be derio d from Thales, who travelling into theEaft,
firft brought Naturall learning, Geometry, and Aftrology
thenee into Greece, for which reason the attribute of wide
was conferred upon him, and at the fame time upon fix others
for their eminence in morality & politicks. Thus learning inthe
antienteſt times was by the Greeks called Sophia(wiſdom
and the profeffour thereof, who raised bis foulto an eminent
degree of knowledge, Sophos (wife) Pythagoras first na
med it Philoſophy (love of wiſdom) and himſelf a Phi,
lofopher, affirming that no man is wife; but onely God.,
*
* Laert. við.
As concerning thoſe who were honoured with this attri-
bute of wiſe, Damon the Cyrenean undervalues them all, Thaler.
especially the feven. Anaximenes faith, they were all ad
dicted to Poetry; Dicæarchus, that they were neither mife
men, nor Philofophers, but upright men and Lam-ġivers :
Archetimus the Syracufian wrote concerning their meeting
with Cypfelus ( Father to Periander) whereat be faith
himſelf was prefent. Ephorus afirms they all met with
Croefus, Thales onely excepted. Some fay they met alfo at
the Panionian feast, and at Corinth with Periander at
Delphi.
There is fome controverfy concerning their ſentences, of
which fome are ascribed to ſeverall perſons, as that,
Lacedæmonian Chilon this profeft,
.036
Nothing too much; a mean in all is beſt.
2019
Leophan-
tum Gerfiadem
There is no leffe diffent concerning their number. Leandri-
us for Cleobulus and Myfon, inferts Leophantus Son of
* Ġorfiades a Lebediɔn, or Ephefian, and Epimenides
the Cretan. Plato (in his Protagoras ) fubftitutes Myfon as the Interpre-
for Periander: Ephorus, Anacharfis for Myfon. Some
adde Pythagoras. Dicæarchus alledgeth four, acknow-
ledg'd
ters tender.
Préface.
s Ακτσίλαος
T
preters.
?
ledg'd by all Thales, Bias, Pittacus and Solon; then names
fix more, out of which are to be elected three, Ariftode-
mus, Pamphilus, Chilon, the Lacedemmian, Cleobulus,
*So Suidas Anacharfis, Periander, ſome adde Acufilaus Son of Ga-
Kéßavide A- ba or Scabra an Argive. Hermippus in his Treatife of the
Laertius is ex-feven wife men faith, they were in all ferien.
ry to the inter. teen, of which ſeven were variouſly named, which were
Solon, Thales, Pittacus, Bias, Chilon, Cleobulus, Pe-
riander, Anacharſis, Acufilaus, Epimenides, Leophan
tus, Pherecydes, Ariftodemus, Pythagoras, Lafus of
Hermionea, Son of Charmantides, or (according to
Ariſtoxenus) of Šimbrinus, Anaxagoras, Hippobotus
in his commentary of Philofophers reckons Linus, Orphe
us, Solon, Periander, Anacharfis, Cleobulus, Myfon,
Thales, Bias, Pittacus, Epicharmus, Pythagoras.
Laertius reckons them thus, Thales, Solon, Chilon,
Pittacus, Bias, Cleobulus, Periander; whereto be addes
Anacharfis, Myfon, Epimenides, and Pherecydes. Thefe
faith he were called the wife men, to whom fome annex Pil
fiftratus the Tyrant.
ง
1
A
Amongst the Romans alfo three had the firname of Sapi-
ens, M. Cato, C. Lælius, and L. Acilius.
THALES
THALES.
THALES.
1
CHAP. I.
•
The Country and Parents of Thales.
36 37
}
4
Reat wits, which have been happy in benefi-
ting Poſterity by their excellent inventions,
have not alwaies had the fortune to enjoy the
juſt reward, their glory being intercepted of
tentimes by fome later diſguiſe of alteration
or addition. It were therefore gratitude in us,
who find our felves inftructed by the Anti-
ents, to vindicate the memory of our mafters by enquiring dilt-
gently the Authors of thoſe labours whereof wee reap the Har-
veft. This kind of injury hath happened very confiderably to
THALES the wife man of Miletus, who first introduc'd Na-
turall and Mathematicall Learning into Greece, from whence it
derived into us; but the honour of fo noble a defign, the ambiti-
ous oppofition of fome the induſtry of others hath fo ob-
fcur'd, that there is little of the reputation left to the deſerving
Author. I have therefore eſteemed it worth my pains, to digeft
what I could collect or obſerve of a perfon,to whom all lovers
of Learning are fo much oblig'd.
·
The Original of Thales is very obfcurely delivered. Some con-
ceive he was a Phoenician by birth, whofe opinion feeming to be
ftrongly founded upon Laertius and the Authorities by him
alledged, it is neceſſary that we begin with a difquifition upon
his words, which are, as commonly rendred, theſe.
*
•
*
tus
cit. VVhick
is
Now Thales was born, as Herodotus, Duris and Democritus
affirm, his Father being Examius, his Mother Cleobulina, of the Astronomi N
Thelida, who were Phenicians, the moſt illustrious of all from Cad, tione fuit Pho-
mus and Agenor, as Plato alfo faith The Teftimony of Hero- nix, ut Herodo-
dotus, though * Higynus and Suidas feem to underſtand it ac- Milefius di-
cording to the common errour,as if hee were born in Phoenicia, doubtlefle
expreffely confirmes the contrary, being thus Thalesa Milefian, what Herode
a farre off by descent a Phenician; Whence we inay gather,that the tus is that
other two Authorities of Duris and Democritus imported little and to be -
more, or at leaſt nothing to a contrary fenfe. Só likewiſe that effect, Natione
of Leanders which is by Clemens Alessandrinds cited jointly fuit Pheni
with Herodotus to prove him of a Phoenician extract.
corrupt for
ftored to this
Herodotus, Mi-
lefius ut alij Ai-
He was made free of Miletus when he went with Neleus who was ba- cunt.
niſh'd out of Phanisia] The learned *Cafaubon to reconcile this In Voce
"
B
*
Thales.
ſtory
2
THALES.
•
{
ftory with that, of Neleus, who was not baniſh'd out of Phenicia,
when he built, Miletus for iad gu Nuðáy damohrrı qɑivínos reads inm-
upons, as if Thales being banish'd out of Phenicia had gone
with Neleus to Miletus; which alteration begetteth a very
ftrange Anacronifm, for this Thales was above four hundred
years later then that Neleus. Therefore if Laertius meant the
fame Neleus, either he was ftrangely miſtaken, or his text is cor-
rupt, and ought to be underſtood of the Anceſtors of Thales, to
which fenſe it may bee reduc'd with little alteration, thus,
ἐπολιτογραφηθήσαν δὲ ἐν Μιλήτῳ ἔτε ἦλθον σαν Νειλέῳ ἐκπεσόντι φοινικὲς; as if they
being Phoenicians, went into Caria, and became Citizens of
Miletus, at what time Neleus Son of Codrus, being put befïde t
Kingdom of Athens by his younger brother Medon lead thither
the Ionian Colonies, whereof Miletus (which he built was the
chief City. Ot this Colony fee Herodotus, Strabo," and
Ælian.
·But as most fay he was born there, at Miletus, and of a noble race
So they render bags, but in opofition to the firft opinion
which onely mentions his Family, not Country, it may per-
haps be underſtood here in the fame relation: Some (faith be)
think, he was of a Phoenician extract, of thoſe who were incor-
*De Herod. porated at Miletus; others that he was of a Grecian Family, and
that noble. Of this latter opinion is * Plutarch who reprovés
Herodotus for making Thales defcended afar off from a Barbarian
*Laert. vit. Stock, and * Hermippus, who aſcribes that ſaying to him, that he
thanked the Gods he was a Grecian, not a Barbarian.
malign.
Thal.
* Laert.
*Laert.
* Lib. 3.
J
empor
ز
*
<
CHAP. II.
Of the time of his birth.
Pollodorus faith, that Thales was born the first year of the thirty fift
Olympiad Demetrius Phalereus faith, that he was honoured
with the title of miſe, when Damaſjas mas Archon. Damafias was Ar-
chon according to * Dionyfius Halycarnaffæus the fecond year of the
thirty fift Olympiad, when Ancus Martius the fourth King of Rome
began his reign...
Hereupon an anachroniſm of one year is fuppofed by very
learned men, who would have Thales to be born the fame year
* De Atheniens that Damafias was Archon. Whence* Sigonius,*Vossius, and o
thers bring drown the birth of Thales to the fecond year of this
Olympiad; * Scaliger,* Meurftus. * Petavius and others raife Da
mafias to the first year, that they may make his Magiftracy
agree with /hales's birth; neither rightly; for the office of Dama-
temp.2.12. fias relateth not to the birth of hales. For the clearing whereof
we muſt take notice,that D'amafisa in the Athenian Faſti is twice
* De ſcient. ma-
thema, 32.8.
* In Eufeb.
** Archont. I. 11.
Rationar.
faid
N
THALES 1
ſaid to be Archon,firft in the ſecond year of the thirty fift Olym-
piad, the next year after the birth of Thales,and again the fourth
year of the forty eighth Olympiad, when he obtained the title
ofwife; The latter we cannot mention without acknowledge-
ment of the great light Chronology hath received by Mr S. lden's
Marmora Arundeliana.
*
<
*
3
It will be allo worth obfervance, that there was another of
this name, whom Eufebius placeth at the eighth Olympiad, and
Laertius and Plutarch make contemporary with Homer, Hafiod Vita Lycurg.
and Lycurgus. * $caliger, who perceived the inconfiftency of this * In Eufeb.
accompt, perceived not the reafon of its for * Lycurgus and Iphi- *r'b'egon fragm.
tus inftituted the Olympick games twenty feven Olympiads
before Corabus was victor, who according to Eufebius is the firft.
Thefe two bales are by fome confounded, Eufebius calls the first
a natural Philofopher, wheras it is certain that kind of Learning
was firſt introduc'd into Greece by the 2d. *Suidas cites Phlegon, t
that the latter bales flourish'd in the feventh Olympiad, which
shl-gon doubtleffe meant of the firſt. They who place Thales * See St. Au-
about the ſeventh Olympiad, and make him contemporary dei, lib. 18.
gutin. de civit.
with Romulus, confound the latter Thales with the first, and the cap. 24. & 27.
true Epoche of the Olympiads with the vulgar. For the firft
Thales lived in the feventh Olympiad from the firſt of
Iphitus; Romulus liv'd about the fame diftance from the Olympi-
ad of Corebus,
* In vace'
Thales.
*
¡
This time is miftaken by that learned Father Clemens Alex-
andrinus, to prove Thales younger then the later Prophets.
* Thus (faith he ). It is demonstrated that they who propheci'd in the Stromat. 1.
time of Darius Hyftafpes in the fecond year of his reign, that is to
Say, Aggæus, Zacharias, and Malachy, who was one of the twelve
Seeing that they prophecied in the first year of the forty eight Olympiad
were more antient then Pythagoras, who is faid to have been in the fixty
fecond Olympiad, and then Thales eldest of the Greek Sages, who wis
about the fiftieth Olympiads as if this were not rather an argument to
prove theſe Prophets contemporary with Thales, which Eufetins
allows. *About the time (faith he) of Cyrus King of Perfia, the
ſeven wife men touriſhed, this was the time, in which the last of the He-
brew Prophets prophefied, fince Troy,above fix hundred years, after Mo-
ſes, no leffe then fifteen hundred years. But if with Clemens Alexan-
drinus we account theſe Prophets coetaneous with Darius Hy-
ftafpes, they will appear much younger then hales, for Darius
begun his reignè in the laft yeare of the fixty fourth Olympiad.
*
2
L
nqu
CHAP,
Prapar. E.
vangel. 10.4. *
、
THALES.
4
• Lært.
CHAP. III.
His Travells.
E employ'd the firſt and greateſt part of his time to Creet,
to inform himſelf of the Myfteries of their Religion (for
that-Iſland was famous for the birth of Jupiter) as is acknow-
ledg'd by himſelf in an Epiftle to Pherecydes.
*
That he travell'd alſo into Afia is affirmed in the fame Epiſtle;
fome fay into Thenicia, arguing from his Aftrology which he is
thought to have learned of the Phænicians, Maſters of that
Science; and particularly becauſe he is ſaid to have firſt obſer-
ved the conftellation ofthe Leffer Bear by which the Phenicians
* De Scient. fayled. *Voffius effaies to prove the word Cynofura to be Phæni-
cian, not as deriv'd from xn, but from 5 and
a Collection of light; or
umbilicus igneus.
Mathemat. cap.
32.
* Plut. de plac.
phil.x.
as being
His laſt journey (being * in years) was into Egypt, to con-
ferre (as he acknowledgeth in his Epistle to Therecydes ) with
Prieſts and Aftronomers. There he was inftructed by the Priefts
* Vit. Pythag⋅ at Memphis, particularly (faith * Jamblicus) by thofe of Jupiter.
Laertius affirms he learnt Geometry of them;* Plutarch implies as
much of his Philofophy.
I. 2.
Plutarch. Symp. He was there in the reign of* Amafis, by whom much favour'd
fept.fap.conviu. and admir'd for many things, especially for measuring the height of the
Pyramids by the fhadow; untill at last accufed to him of dif-affection to
Monarchs and that kind of Government, to which effect many bitter fay-
ings of his were alledged concerning Tyrants. As when Molpagoras an
eminent perfon of Ionia demanded what was the strangest fight he ever
faw, he answered, a Tyrant old. Another time being at a feast where a
queſtion arose, what beasts were most dangerouss of wild, faith he, a-Ty-
rant, oftame, a Flatterers and Princes ( faith Plutarch) however they
profeſſe themſelves far different from Tyrants, yet take no pleaſure in
Such Apothegmes:hereupon he loft the favour of Amafis. Thus
having ftudied Philofophy in Egypt he returned to Miletus
and tranfported that vaſt ſtock of Learning which he had
there collected into his own Country.
» Cyril.
* Laert.
Hi
>
CHAP. IV.
How he lived at Miletus.
is life at Miletus (as* Heraclides affirmes) was retir'd and
private; fome report hee marrried and had a Son named
Cybiffus, but the truer opinion is of thoſe who far he lived un-
married
THALES.
5
* Laert. Plut.
married and made his *Sifter's Son (whom * Plutarch calls Cy- Laert. Suid-in
bifthus) his Heir.* Hee put off his Mother when ſhe first moved Tr
him to marry, by telling her it was not yet time, and when hee *Vita Solon.
was more in years, being again follicited by her, hee anſwered, Symp. 3.6.
nor is it now time, meaning it was then too late. Being deman- Stob. Serm.66.
ded why he took not fome courfe to have iffue, he anſwer'd
na piagrazvies, which is the fame in pronouncing with Si aprortenviar,
and may be taken either because he loved children, or dia not love
them, as * Cafaubon conjectures; but perhaps his meaning may * In Laertium.
better bee gather'd out of another anſwer of his to the fame
queſtion,* that he did not mean to draw voluntary cares upon his life, Stob.ferm.66.
and disturb the quiet thereof; or from this ſtory related by * Vita Selon.
*Plutarch.
Solon coming to Miletus to vifit him, told him that he wondred hee
wholly neglected marriage andiffue. Thales at that time answered no-
thing, but fome few daies after fuborned a ftranger to pretend that he came
within ten dates from Athens; Solon demanded what newes from thence;
n thing (answered the other as he was inftructed) but the buriall of a
young man attended by the whole City, being as was faid Son of the most
eminent perfon of the City, who at the fame time was abroad in travell.
Unhappy man (cries Solon) what was his name? I heard it answered the
other, but have forgot,onely I remember he was very famous for Wisdom
and Juffice. Solon's fear encreaſing upon every answer, he at laft asked
him if the Fathers name were not Solon, which the other affirming, he
beat his own head, and did other actions accompanied with ſpeeches proper
to fuch as are tranfported with grief; whereupon Thales fmiling, and
interrupting him; Thefe things, Solon, faid he, deterr'd me from marri-
age, which thus diforder even thee a most conftant perfon, but be not trou-
bb'd at this nemes, it is counterfeit.
In this privacy of life he was follicited and fent unto by ma-
ny Princes, whofe invitations and amities, ( Plutarch *faith) he* Sept, sap.con-
refufeds vifited by many eminent perfons.
viv.
*He is faid to have cohabited fome time with Thrafibulus(a man + Lært.
of excellent wit and judgement) who was King, or (according
* Heredet.x.
to the Greek word) Tyrant of Miletus,* though his reign con- * Arist. pol. 5.
tinued but eleven months; *about the time that the Milefians ultim.
enter'd into a League with Alyates the ſecond then King of
Lydia.
}
CHAP. V.
T
The attribute of wife conferred on him.
f
HEattribute of wife, as
* Plutarch and Saint Auguftine de civit.dei. 8.a
obferve, was conferr'd upon the reſt in refpect of their
morall rules and practife, but upon Thales particularly for his
C
Греси-
6
THALES.
*Laert.
* Exercitat.
Plinian.pag
843.
* Laert.
4.I.
fpeculative Learning. It was firft beftow'd on Thales, at what
time Damafias was Archon, under whom (according to * Deme-
trius Phalareus) all the feven were called wife. The fecond Damafias
was Archon in the third year of the 49th. Olympiad, which
*Salmafius knew not, when to make the words of Laertius agree
with the firſt Damafias, he misinterpreted Eufebius and Clemens
Alexandrinus, and fubverted all other accounts of the birth and
death of Thales, whereas this fortunately complies with the times
of all the feven.
The firſt was Thales juftly preferr'd before the reft in reſpect
of his great Learning, which he owed not to any maſter: The
time when this honour was conferred on him, falls upon the fif-
ty ninth year of his age.
The fecond, Pittacus of Mitylene who flouriſhed in the
forty ſecond Olympiad, and died in the third year of the fifty
fecond.
The third, Bias of Priene contemporary with Pittacus, living
under Alyattes and Cræfus.
The fourth, Solon, who was Archon at Athens the third year of
the forty fixt Olympiad. He died Olymp. 55.
The fift, Cleobulus of Lindus,coetaneus with Solon.
The fixt, Myfon of Chene.
The feventh, Chilon of Lacedæmon, who was Ephorus O-
lymp. 56.
The credit and glory of these seven, was much encreaſed ( faith_Plu-
tarch) by a Tripod fent round from one to another, by a mutual, noble and
modeft conceffion: the occafion related thus by Laertius and Valerius
Maximus.
* Some young men of Ionia having bought a draught of the Milefian
fishermen, when the net was drawn up, there was found in it a Tripod.
*Valer.Maxim. [*a golden Delphick Table of great weight.] * Hereupon aroſe a
difpute,[*thoſe affirming they had bargain'd onely for the fiſh,
*Val. Max. the others that they bought the draught at a ventures by reafon
of the ſtrangeneffe of the cafe,and value of the Tripod it was
delivered to the City Miletus:] The Milefians fent to the Oracle at
Delphi about it, andreceived this anſwer.
* Laert.
* Laert.
* Val. Max.
Com'ſt thou Mileſian to confult my ſhrine?
The Tripod to the wifeft I affigne.
1
Hereupon the Milefians by agreement prefented it to Thales, he font
it to Bias, Bias to Pittacus, he to another, till it past through all the fe-
ven,coming at last to Solon, who affirming God to be the wifeft, fent
it back to Delphi [*giving him at once the title and reward of
greateſt wiſdom.]
But Callimachus in his Iambicks, ( continueth Laertius) relates
it otherwise; that Bathycles an Arcadian left a cup, with order that it
Should
THALES.
7
fhould be given to the wifeft,whereupon it was prefented to Thales, and
past about in courfe till it came to him again, who then dedicated it to A-
pollo Didymæus, with theſe verſes, according to Callimachus.
Thales to him that rules th' Ionian State
This twice obtained prize doth conſecrate.
In profe thus, Thales the Milefian, Son of Examius, to Delphian
·Apollo of the Grecians offers this twice received prize of eminence. He
that carried the Cup from one to another, was Thyrion Son to Bathy-
cles, whither allude thefe Verfes of* Phanix Colophonius.
Thales,whofe birth his Country bleft,
Efteem'd of all men the best,
was of the golden Cup poffeft.
Eudoxius of Gnidus, and Euanthes of Miletus, report that a
friend of Crafus having receiv'd from him a golden Cup to be given to
the wifeft of the Grecians, deliver'd it to Thales, and that at last it came
to Solon, who ſending to the Phythian Oracle to know who was the wifeft,
was anfwer'd Myfon; whom Eudoxius fubftitutes for Cleobulus, Pla-
to for Periander, the Oracle concerning Myfon was this.
រ
Odan Myfon Ideclare
Wifer then thofethat wifeftare...
\
He that was fent upon the enquiry was Anacharfis. Dadacus the
Platonift, and Clearchus affirm,that the Cupwas fent by Croefus to
Pittacus, and fo carried about. Andron in Tripode, (which ſeems to
have been a diſcourſe wholy upon this fubject, and is likewife
cited by Clemens Alexandrinas,to prove that Thales and the other
fix flouriſh'd about the fiftieth Olympiad) writes, that the Argives
propofed this Trypod as a prize to the wifeft of the Greeks, and that it
was adjudged to Ariftodemus a Spartan, who refigned it to Chilon; A-
riſtodemus is mentioned by Alchæus.
+
This ſpeech we to Ariftodemus.owe
Money's the man, none's poor and honeft too.
€
GA
* Athen. deipn.
J.
There are who report that a fbiprichly laden, fent by Periander to
Thrafibulus Tyrant of Miletus, was caft away in the Coan Sea, and
the Iripod taken up by fome Filbermen. Phanodius affirms it was loft in
the Athenian Sea, and afterwards brought to the City, and upon confulta-
tion voted to be fent to Bias. Others fay this Tripod was made by Vulcan,
who gave it to Pelops as his wives Portions from him it came to Mene-
laus, and afterwards being taken away with Helfen by Paris, was by
the Lacedæmonian [ Hellen] thrown into the Sea, calling to mind * Plut.vit.fol.
[an
8
THALES.
Plut.vit. fol.
[*an old Oracle]that it would prove in time to come the ground of many
contentions. After this fome Lebedians fiſhing thereabouts drew it up,
and quarrelling with the fishermen about it, it was brought to Coos,
but the controverfie not decided, the buſineſſe was told to thofe of Miletus
which is the chief City of that Country, they fent fent ameffenger to de-
mand it, and finding themselves flighted, made war upon the Coans, in
which many being flain on both fides, the Oracle declared that the Tripod
Should be given to the wifeft,whereupon both parties with joint confent pre-
Plut. vit fol. fented it to Thales [The Coans being willing to grant that
to a private perfon, for which they before conteſted with all
the Mileſians who dedicated it to Apollo Didymauss the effect of the
Oracle to the Coans was this.
» Vit. fol.
* Apud
Lastant.de de
Natura Deor.I.
* Lib. 14.
1.3.
This Conteſtation ſhall continue till
The golden Tripod into th' Ocean caſt
By Vulcan, you prefent to one whofe skill
Extends to things to come, prefent and paſt.
To the Milefians,
Comeft thou Milefian to confult my fhrine ? as before.
Thus Laertius. * Plutarch addes, that Thales faid, Bias
was wifer then himself, whereupon it paft to him, from him to another,
as mifer; so paffing in a circle from one to another, it came
at last to Thales the fecond time. Finally it was fent from Miletus
to Thebes, and dedicated to Ifmenian Apollo. Theophraftus faith
it was first fent to Bias at Priene, then by Bias to Thales at Mile-
tus, for paffing, through all, it came again to Bias; and finally was
fent to Delphi. This is most generally reported, faving in ftead of a
Tripod, fome fay it was a Cup fent from Crofus, others that it was left
there by Bathycles
Thus was the Priority of Thales confirmed by the Oracle, for
which reaſon he is by Cicero and Strabo ſtiled Prince of the wife men,
to whom the reſt yielded the preheminence.
F
CHAP. VI.
Of his Philofophy.
Hales (faith Laertius) is by many affirm'd to be the firft that made
difquifitions upon Nature. Cicero (who taught the Greek
Philofophy firſt to ſpeak Latine,) acknowledges Thales to be
1
* De plac. phil. the first Author thereof. Strabo faith, that he firft of the Grecians
made enquiry into naturall Caufes and the Mathematicks, * Plutarch
calls him Inventor of Philofophy; fuftine Martyr, The most anti-
ent of Philofopherss Tertullian, firft of Naturall Philofophers; * Laltan-
* Paranes.ad
Grac.
* Apologet.
*De fals. rel. tius, the first that made enquiry after Naturall Cauſes.
1.S.
*
Sect.
THALES.
9
Se&t. 1. That Water is the Principle of all things.
N his difquifition of the naturall Cauſes of things, he concei-
ved water to be the first Principle of all naturall Bodies, whereof they
INh
confift, and into which they refolve. His reaſons (as deliver'd by * Placit.philos.
* Plutarch, and repeated by * Stobaus) theſe.
Firſt, because naturall Seed, the Principle of all living creatures, is
humid; whence it is probable that humidity is alfo the principle of all other
things.
Secondly, because all kinds of Plants are nouriſh'd by moisture ;
wanting which,they wither and decay.
Thirdly, becauſe Fire, even the Sun it felf and the stars are nouriſh’d
and maintain'd by vapours proceeding from water, and confequently the
whole world confifts of the fame.whence Homer fuppofing all things to be
engendred of water,faith,
Ωκέαν ὅσπερ γένεσις παντεὺς τετυκται
The Ocean whence all things receive their birth.
1.3.
* Eclog.phys.1.
13.
6.6.
In purſuit (* as Ariſtotle faith) of this opinion, he affign'd water *Metaph.1.3.
the loweſt place, holding (according to Seneca) that the whole *Natur.quæft.
Earth floats, and is carried above the water, whether that we call the Oce-
an ar great Sea, or any fimple moisture of another nature, or a moist ele-
ment. By this water (faith he) the earth is fustained as a great ſhip
which preffeth upon the water that bears it up, becauſe the most weighty
part of the world cannot be upheld by the Air, which is fubtle and light.
Thus is Ariftotle to be explain'd, who faith, Thales held, that the
Earth being capable of swimming, refteth as wood or the like; now of ſuch
things, none faim upon Air, but upon water.
*
*
*
Metaphys. 1.3
* Nac.quæft. 3•
13.
Upon this ground it was that he held water (as Laertius faith)
to be the cause of Earthquakes. Thus * Senecas Hehold s that the Globe
of the Earth is upheld by water, and carried as a bark, and floateth by the
mobility thereof, at fuch time as it is faid to quake. One of his rea-
fons alledged by Seneca, is this, becauſe in all extraordinary moti- ⋆ Nat. quæft. 6.
ons thereof some new Fountains commonly illued, which if they incline to 6.
one fide, and ſhew their keel afidelong, gather water, which, if it chance
the burden they bear be overweighty, raifeth it felfe higher towards the
right or left fide.
From the teftimony of Homer,by which Thales (according to
Plutarch and Juſtine Martyr } defended this Tenet (that water
is the principle of all things) it is manifeſt it was deliver❜d
though imperfectly by other Grecians before Thaks; Plutarch
elfe where producing this Authority of * Heliod.
Παντοῶν μὲ πρώτιστα χάπγενετ
Of all things Chaos was the firſt-
D
>
ad-
*
Ignis an aqua
utilior?
* Theogon.
10
THALES.
་
addeth, the greater part of antient Philofophers called water Chaos muest
*
* Argonant. 4. Tlwxvw from diffufion. The Scholiaft of Apollonius upon theſe
words.
Εξιλιν ἐβλάςησε χθών αυτη.
The Earth offlime was made,
affirms (citing Zeno ), that the Chaos whereof all things were made
* Cited by A according to Heliod was water, which fetling became Alime, the fime con-
dens'd into folid Earth, to which adde this teftimony of Orpheus.
thenagoras.
antro. Nymph.
*
Prapar. E-
ἐκ τα ύδατος ιλύς κατέςη
Of wat er flime was made:
*
This opinion they borrow'd from the Phenicians, with whom
the Grecians had a very antient correfpondence. Linus came
from thence; Orpheus had his learning from thence; as Thales
is conceived to have done likewiſe, which appears clearly in
* Porphyr. de * Numenius, an antient Philofopher, who cites the very words of
Moſes for this opinion, The Spirit of God moved on the face of the wa-
ters. There is an eminent place in *Eufebius to prove this; the divi
vangel.1.10. nity of the Phoenicians afferts the principle of this world to be a dark ſpi-
rituall air, or the ſpirit of dark air, and Chaos troubled and involv'd in
darkneſſe; that this was infinite and a long time had no bound, but ( Say
they) the Spirit being moved with the love of his own principles, there
was made a mixtion, which nexure was called love; this was the begin-
ning of the production of all things; but the Spirit it felf had no generati
on, and from this connexion of the ſpirit was begotten Mer, which some
call flime, others corruption of watery mistion, and of this was made the
feed of all creatures, andthe generation of all things.
* Strab.lib.15.
* De placit.
philot. 1.2.
Nor were the Indians ignorant of this, as Megasthenes delivers
their opinion. * They are of the fame mind in many things with the
Grecians, as that the world had beginning, and shall bare ends that God
its Maker and Governour goes quite through its that all things had diffe »
rent beginnings, but that of which the world was made was water.
a
The word gx, Principle, becauſe with Philofophers it in-
cludes the efficient caufe, and confequently underſtood fingly
excludes the reft, that being the moſt noble, hath given occafion
to ſome to miſtake Thales, as is by acknowledging no other prin-
ciple, he confequently accounted water to be God;but that Thales
underſtands by Principle only the material Caufe, we may eafily
gather from Plutarch, who condemneth Thales for confounding
a Principlewith an Element,and for holding them to be both ones
wheras (faith be there is great differences Elements are copounded, Prin
ciples are neither compounded,nor are any compleat fubftance, truly water,
air,earth,fire we term elements, but principles we call other natures,in this
respect that there is nothing preceden tto them, wherofthey are engendred.
For
THALES.
It
For otherwife, if they were not the first, they would not be Principles, but
that rather ſhould be fo termed whereof they were made. Now certaine
things there are precedent whereof Earth and water are compounded, viz.
The first informe matter, and the forme it felfe and privation. Thales
therefore erres, affirming water to be both Element and principle of all
things. Thus we fee by Plutarch, that the objection can onely be
as to the name, not to reaſon of the name; for the diſtinction of
principle and element being not uſed in that time, Thales by
principle, meant nothing of the efficient cauſe which is moſt
certaine from Ariftotle. Thales,faith, he affirmes water to be the prin-
ciple: wherefore be held the earth to be above the water; perhaps hee
conceived fo, because he faw that the nutriment of all things is humid,
that beat it felfe confifls thereof, and that every creature lives thereby; He
beld that of which things are made to be the principls of all things, for
the fe reasons he was of this opinion, as also because the feeds of all things
are of a humid nature, and water is the principle of things humid.
Se&t. 2. Of God.
Metaphys. 1.3.
Ertullian faith, that Thales to Crafus, enquiring concerning the Apologet. con
Deity, gave no certaine accompt, but defired ſeverall times of de- tra, gent,
liberating to no effect. He feemes to reflect upon the fame or a like
ſtory to that which is reported of Simonides and Hieron.
* Stromat. §.
But what the opinion of Thales was concerning God, may bee
gather'd from two Apothegmescited by Laertius, repeated with
this gloffe by * Clemens Alexandrinus; And what are not thoſe the
fayings of Thales that are derived from hence, That God is glorifid for
ever and ever, and he openly confeffeth that he is called dayvásus, hee
whokngweth Hearts. For Thales being demanded what God was, that
(faith he) which hath neither beginning nor end. Another asking if a
man might doe ill and conceale it from God. How faith he, when a man
that thinkes it cannot? Men ought to think (fayes * Cicero in his * De legib.z.
name) that the Gods fee all things.
He acknowledged God the firft of beings, and Author of the
world, afferting (according to Laertius) that the most antient of all
things is God, for he is not begotten that the fairest is the world, for it is
his work. This is confirmed by Cicero. Thales the Mileſian (ſaith he)
who firft enquired into these things, faid, that water was the principle of
things, but that God was that mind which formed all things of water. If
Gods may be without fence and mind, why did he joyn the mind to water?
why water to the mind, if the mind can fubfift without a body? Thus Cice-
ro who underſtands Thales to intend the materiall principle to
be co-eternall with the efficient; which Thales himſelfe ſeems not,
to mean, when he declared God to be the firſt of Beings. But
that the Mens of Anaxagoras, for the annexing of which to mat-
ter, he was ſo much famed, was no more then what he borrowed
from Thales, the words of Cicero make good.
}
He
* De natur. de-
or. I..
12
THALES.
He affirmed that God by the immutable decree of his provi-
dence governs the world. Thales (faith Stob.eus) being demanded
what was most strong, answered Neceſſity, for it rules all the world. Necef-
fity is the firm judgment and immutable power of providence. Hither we
muft likewife referre what is cited under his name by the fame
Stobæus, that the first mover is immovable,which *Ariftotle hath bor-
* Phyfic. §. 7. row'd from him, not owning the Author.
gent.
Something imperfectly was before delivered by Orpheus, con-
* Admonit.ad cerning God, alledged by * Clemens Alexandrinus and others; but
as Cicero faith, Thales was the first among the Grecians, nho made any
ſearch into these things; and that he brought it out of Egypt, the
Grecians themſelves deny not,*for they acknowledge, that they
received the names of their Gods from thence, and beleeved
the Ægyptians to be the firft, who looking up to the world a-
bove them, and admiring the nature ofthe univerfe, reflected
upon the Deity.
*Herodot. lib.2.
* Placit. Phi-
los.1.8.
* Apolog.
*De anima.1.8.
T
Se&t. 3. Of Demons.
Hales(faith *Plutarch) with Pythagoras, Plato, and the Sto-
icks hold, that Dæmons are Spirituall fubftances, and the He
ro's fouls feparated from the bodies, of which fort, there are two, good and
bad, the good Hero's are the good fouls, the bad, the bad. The fame or-
der* Athenagoras atteſts to be obferved by Thales, ranking the
three degrees thus: Firſt, that of the immortall Gods, next Dæ
mons, thirdly Heroes: This was followed by Pythagoras, that
the Gods were to be prefered in reverence before Dæmons, Hero's
before men.
He affirm'd (as Stobans faith) the world to be full of thefe Dæmons.
This is thought the meaning of that of *Ariftotle, repeated by
Cicero, Thales thought that all things were full of Gods. The fame
afſertion Laertius afcribes to Pythagoras, that all the aire is full of
*Vit. Pythag. fouls, which are Hero's and Dæmons.
* de legib. 2..
This opinion was afferted by the Greeks, before the time of
Thales, particularly by Hefiod; but whether that be argument
enough, to deny, that Thales had it from the Ægyptians, I que
ſtion; that they held it in the fame manner, we may learn by
Egypt, fub initio *Iamblichus. Befides, Pythagoras and Plato (whom Plutarch joynes
in this Tenet with Thales) drew their learning from the fame
fountain.
* De myfter.
*
4. 2.
αυτοκίνητον
Sect. 4. Of the Soul.
་
De plac. Phil. Dlutarch and Stobens fay, that Thales first affirm'd the foul to be
durnívov, a felfe moving nature. *Ariftotle that he calls it xvnxov
*De anima.1.2. in reſpect to the motion it gives to other things, in which
* Plate in time. are included both parts of the definition of the *Platonists, afub-
Stance
THALES.
13
* Stob.Ed.
ſtance, having within it felfe a power to move it felfe and other things:
which Plato argues to this effect: The first of motions is that whereby a
thing moves it felfes the fecond, that whereby it moves another: every thing
that moves it felfe, lives;every living thing lives, becauſe it moves it felfe,
therefore the power of felfe motion is the effence of that fubftance which we
call the foul, nhich foul is the cause of the first generation and motion of
things which are, were, and ſhall be ; and of all their contraries, as of all
tranfmutation, the principall of motion, and therefore more antient than
the body, which it moves by a fecond motion. And afterwards declares
thefe to be the names of the fouls motion, to will, to confider, to
take care, to confultsto judge rightly, and not rightly, to joy,to grieve, to
dare, to fear, to hate, to love, and the like. Thefe which are the first mo.
tions, andfufcipient of the fecond corporall, bring all things into aug-
mentation, and decrease, converfion, or cond mnation, and defcretion, or
rarefaction. This opinion firft raiſed by Thales, was entertained
in the ſchooles with the affent of * Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Socrates, phys. lib. 1.
and Plato, till exploded by Ariftotle, whofe chief arguments a-* Arift. de ani-
gainſt it were theſe. 1. That nothing is moved but what is in mal. 2.
place, nothing in place but what hath quantity, which becauſe
the foul wants, none of the foure kinds of motion (viz. Lation,
Alteration, diminution,accretion) are competible(per fe)to her.
Secondly, that felfe motion is not effentiall to the Soul, becaufe
fhe is moved accidentally, by externall objects. The firft, ifun-
derſtood of Circumfcription, not only denies the motion of all
things, that are definitively in place, as fpirits, but of the high-
eft fphear, if compared with Aristotles definition of place; yet
that ſome of theſe ſpecies of motion, though in a different ex-
traordinary manner, are competent to the foul, and not acci-
dentally, may be argued 1. From the further diffufion of the
foul, according to the augmentation of the body. 2. From intel-
lection, which is acknowledg'd a perfection, and confequently
a kind of alteration, which that Thales, understood to be one of
the foul's motions, is clear from that Apothegme afcribed to
him by Laertius, the swifteft of things is the mind, for it over-runs all
things: Whence Cicero (confeffing almoft in the very words of *Tuſcul.quaft.›.
Thales, that nothing is swifter then the mind, that nofwiftneſſe may
compare with the Swiftneffe of the mind) would interpret the exe
of Ariftotle, a continued and perpetuall motion.
*
The fecond reafon may be queftioned by comparing the a&s
of the memory, and reminiscence; the firſt occafion d by exterior
things, yet objective only, fo that the motion is within her felfe
but by the other ſhe moves her felfe, from a privation to a habit,
without the help of any exterior.
*
It is worth notice, that among thefe and other reafons al-
ledg'd by Ariftotle to deftroy this affertion, one is the poff-
bility of the refurrection of the body;but this way.
From the fecond part of the difference in the definition (viz.
E
from
*De anima.1.2
14
THALES.
}
* In Laert.
from moving other things) Thales argued, that the Load-ftone
and Amber had foules; the firſt becauſe it drawes Iron,the ſecond
Straw. He further (ſaith Laertius) afferted those things me count inani-
mate,to have fouls, arguing it from the loadstone and Amber: the reafon
of which latter example, * Aldobrandinus falfely interprets its
* De anima.1.2 change of colour, and jarring as it were at poiſon: But * Aristotle
more plainly, for of those whom we mentioned, Thales feems to
have taken the foul to be fomething xiunxov, apt to move, fince he affirmed
aftone to have a foul, because it moved Iron.
* Laert.
He afferted likewife the foul(of man)to be immortall,and ac-
cording to * Cherilus, was the first that held fo. * Cicero afcribes
* Tuſc. quaff.1. the originall of this opinion to Pherecydes, but it rather ſeems to
have been brought by Thales from the Egyptians; that they held
fo* Herodotus attefts.
* Lib. 2.
Plutarch. de
plac. phil. 2. 1.
* Laert.
T
Se&. 5. Of the World.
*
$
*
Hales held, that there was but one world, and that made by
God; which truth was follow'd by all Philofophers,as* Ari-
* De Coclo. 1. Stotle confeffeth, untill he rejected it, to defend, by the contra-
rie an affertion equally falfe, that the world is everlaſting,which
could not be, faith he, if it had beginning,
10. 12.
* Laert.
That the world being Gods work, is the fairest of things, whatsoever
* De plac. phil. difpofed in lively order, being a part thereof, for which reafon Pytha-
goras (according to Plutarch) called it firſt bou.
2.1.
* Timoth.
* Damafcen.
*Tacit. de mor.
Germ.
*Cafar de bello
Gay.6.
Laert.
phil.
*
That night is elder then day. This circumftance of the creation
was held likewife by* Orpheus, and Hefiod, who had it from the
Phoenicians: for this reafon the * Numidians, Germans, * and
* Gaules reckoned by nights.
*
*
That the world is ammated, and that * God is the foul thr:of, dif-
fus'd through every part,whofe divine moving vertue penetrats through the
*Plut. de plac. element of water. Thus explain'd by the Hermetick Philofophers;
the divine fpirit who produc'd this world out of the firſt
water, being infus'd as it were, by a continuall infpiration into
the works of nature, and diffus'd largely through, by a certain
fecret, and continuall act, moving the whole, and every parti-
cular according to its kind, is the foul of the world.
*Laert. Plut.
Sept. fap.conviv.
Plut. de plac.
phil. 1.18.
* Plut. de plac,
phil. 1. 9.
*
That the World is contained in place. This agrees with the de-
finition of place by Space; but they who with Ariftotle define
place afuperficies, though they hold the parts of the world to
be in place, are forced to deny the whole to be ſo.
That in the world there is no vacuum, in which (as Plutarch ob-
ferves)all Philofophers agree, who affirm the world to be ani-
mated, and govern'd by providences the contrary defended by
thoſe who maintain that it confifteth of Atomes, is inanimate,
not governed by providence.
*
That matter is fluid and variable.·
+
That
THALES.
15
phil. I. 16.
That * Bodies are paſſible and diviſible,in infinitum, and continuous* Plu 1. de pla
as are also a line, fuperficies, place, and time.
That * miftionis made by compofition of the elements.
That the starrs are earthly, yet fiery; the Sun earthly. They who
affirm the starres to be fiery, faith * Ariſtotle, holdſo, as conceiving the * Plut. de plac.
whole fuperiour boay to be fire.
+ De cœlo.2.7.
phil. 2.13.
Achill. Tat.7-
That the Moon is of the fame nature with the Sun, that ſhe is illu- fag in Arat.
minated by him. Plutarch, and Stobaus affirm this to be firft held by plat. de plac
Thales, though Eudemus cited by Theon aſcribe it to anaximan- phil. 2. 28.
der.
That the monthly occultations of the Moon are caufed by the neer- .
ness of the Sun fbining roundber.
*
* Meteor. 2.6.
That there is but one earth,* round,infashion of a Globe,feated in "* Plut. de plas,
phil. 3. 9.
the midst of the world, to which relates that ſpeech aferibed to him *Plut. de plac.
by Cleodemus, that, if the earth were taken out of the world, there must phil 3. 10.
* Plut de plac.
of necessity follow a confufion of all things.
phil. 3. 11.
That the overflowing of Nilus is caused by the Etefan ( yearly)Sept.fap.conviv
winds, which riſe with the Dog-ftar, after the fummer folftice,* Laert.
and beginning to blow from the North, ſpread (as * Aristotle de-
ſcribes them) into remote quarters. Thefe(faith* Plutarch) blowing * De plac. phil.
dire&ly againſt Ægypt, cause the water fo to fwell, that the fea driven by
these winds, entereth within the mouth of that River, and hindereth it,
that it cannot diſcharge it felfe freely into the Sea, but is repulfed. where-
upon(addes *Diodorus Siculus) it overflowes Egypt, which lyeth low
and levell. But this reafon,though it seem plausible, is easily disprove di for
if this were true, all the Rivers which are difcharged into the Sea, oppofite
to the Etefian winds, fhould have the fame overflowing. Thus Diodorus
in his excellent difcourfe upon this fubject, which concludes
with the opinion of Agatharchides, that it is occafion'd by rain,
coming from the mountaines of Ethiopia.
CHAP. VII.
Of his Geometry.
* Lib.I:
Florid. lib. 4.
Puleius, who calls Thales the inventer of Geometry amongſt the Laert, vit. Py-
Grecians, is more just to his memory then Anticlides and othag.
thers, who afcribe the honour thereof to Moeris, or tẹ Pythago-
ras, who by the acknowledgment of* Iamblichus,a Pythagorean, *De vita. Py-
learnt Mathematicks of Thales. The originall and progreffe of thag.. 2ª
this ſcience, to the perfection it received from Pythagoras (which
gave occafion to that miſtake) is thus delivered by Fraclus.
Geometry was invented by the Egyptians, taking its beginning from
meaſuring fields, it being neceflary for them, by reafon of the inundation
of Nilus, which washed away the bounds of their feveralls. Nor is it to be
wondered at,that as well this, as other fciences, fhould have their begin-
ning from commodiouſneffe,and opportunity; fince,as is faid in generation,
In Euclid. 2.
: 1
16
THALES.
•
* Supply the
text,
it proceeds from imperfect to perfect; therefore not without reafon is the
breach in the transition from fenfe to confideration, and from confideration to the mind.
As therefore among the Thanicians by reafon of merchandise and traffick,
καὶ ἀπὸ τὸ λοι
γισμός τὸν
you as for the certain knowledge of numbers had its beginning; fo likewife among
You nμeraba- the Ægyptians, Geometry was found out upon the forefaid occafion; and
as, &c. fo Bar Thales going to Egypt,first bronght over this fcience into Greece: and
rocius tranflates many things he found out himselfe, and taught his followers the principles
* Reade, asof many things, declaring fome more generally, other things more plainly.
gafauevos Tus Next him Ameriftus, brother to Stefichorus the Poet, is remembred,
περί γεωμετεί *
as cordis, as having touched Geometry, of whon Hippias the Elcan makes men-
griver. tion, as eminent in that knowledge: After thefe Pythagoras confidering
the principles thereof more highly, advanced it into a liberall ſcience.
*Lib.t. def.19
* in Euclid.lib.
a.com. 14.
* Euclid. lib.I.
prop. S.
* lib. 3. com.9.
T
Se&t. 1. Propofitions invented by him.
Hat he improved (as Proclus implies) the Geometry which
he learnt of the Ægyptians with many propofitions of his
own, is confirmed by Laertius, who faith, that he much advanced
those things, the invention whereof Callimachus in his Iambicks, af-
fcribes to Euphorbus the Phrygian, as fcalenous triangles, and others.
Nor is it to be doubted, but that many of them are of thofe,
which Euclid hath reduced into his Elements; whofe defign it
was to collect and digeft thoſe that were invented by others,
accurately demonftrating fuch as were more negligently pro-
ved, but of them only, theſe are known to be his.
[ 1. Every Diameter divides its circle into two equall parts.] This
propofition which Euclid makes part of the definition of a Dia-
meter, * Proclus affirmes to have been firſt demonſtrated by
Thales.
*
2. [* In all Ifofceles triangles, the angles at the bafe are equall the
one to the other, and those right lines being produced, the angles under
the bafe are equall.]*Proclus faith, that for the invention of this like-
wife, as of many other propofitions, we are beholding to Thales, for he
first obferved and faid, that of every Ifofceles, the angles at the bafe are
equall, and according to the antients called equall like. Theſe are three
paffagesin the demonſtration, which infer nothing toward the
conclufion, of which kind there are many in Euclid, and feem to
confirm the antiquity thereof, and that it was leffe curiouſly
reformed by him.
3. [If two lines cut one the other, the verticle angles ſhall equall
the one the other.] * Eudemus atteſts this theorem to have been
Precl. lib. 3. invented by Thales, but firſt demonſtrated by Euclid.
* Euclid. lib.1.
prop.15.
com.19.
Euclid lib. 1.
prop. 26.
*
4. [* If two triangles have two angles equall to two angles the one to
the other, and one fide equall to one fide, either that which is adjacent to
the equall angles, or that which fubtendeth one of the equall angles, they
Procl.lib.3. fhall likewise have the other fides, equall to the other fides, both to both
and the remaining angle equall to the remaining angle ] *Eudemus
com. 31.
attri.
{
D
THALES.
attributes this theorem (faith Proclus)to Thales, for showing the distance
of ſhips upon the Sea, in that manner as he is faid to do, it is neceſſary
that he perform it by this.
this
#
17
Pamphila (faith Laertius) affirmes, that he first defcribed the
rectangle triangle of a circle.]*Ramus attributes to Thales(upon
authority of Laertius) the fecond, third, fourth, and fifth pro- Geom.
pofitions of the fourth book of Euclid, which are concerning the
adfcription of a triangle and a circle, and confequently takes
nargáfa here to include both infcription, and circumfcrip-
tion; whereas in all thofe propofitions, there is nothing proper
to a rectangle triangles fo that if the wordyn be retain❜d,
it muſt relate to the 31 propofition of the third book, whence
may be deduced the defcription of a rectangle triangle in a
circle. But becauſe there is no fuch propofition in Euclid, and
this hath but an obfcure reference to part of that theorem; it
is to be doubted that the Text of Laertius is corrupt, and the
word (or mark) Kú infered by accident, without which
theſe words náraysáfas, od 7eryovdv öpdogário exactly correſpond with * Lib. 1o. cap.
thoſe of * Vitruvius, Pythagoricum trigonum orthogonium defcri-11.
bere: by which he means (as he at large expreffeth*elſewhere,) * Lib. 9.cap.2.
the forty fifth propofition of the firſt book of Euclid, that in rect-
angle triangles, the fquare of the hypotenuse, is equall to the fquare
of the fides containing the right angle. That Vitruvius, Proclus, and
others, attribute this invention to Pythagoras, confirmes it to
be the fame here meant by Laertius; who addes, that Thales, for
the invention hereof, facrificed an Oxe, though others(faith he)among
whom is Apollodorus, afcribe it to Pythagoras. And in the life of
Pythagoras, he cites the fame Apollodorus, that Pythagoras facrificed
a Hecatomb, having found out, that the hypotenuse of a right angled
triangle, is of equall power to the two fides, including the right angle
according to the Epigram
That noble ſcheme Pythagoras devis'd,
For which a Hecatomb he facrific❜d.
Cicero, though he differ in the Author, agrees in the quantity
*
of the offering with Laertiuss affirming, that Pythagoras upon any ⋆ Procl. in Eu-
new invention, used to facrifice an Ox: Which kind of gratitude clid. lib. 2. def.
begun by 7hales, was imitated by others alfo, as by Perfeus.
* Finding three ſpirall lines,in fections five,
Perfeus an offering to the Gods did give.
F
4. where the
words perhaps
are inverted,
and for apeis
γραμμες ἐπὶ
πεντε τομαῖς
ευρύν τας απές
Sect. euxas sugar.
18
THALES.
* Polyhifi. cap.
25.
* Idyll. 2.
Sect. 2. Of his taking the height of the Pyramids.
TH
*
*
He Pyramids of Egypt are fuppofed by Solinas, * Aufo-
nius, Ammianus, Marcellinus, and Caffiodorus, to caft
no fhadow at all, which (as Mafter Greaves hath obferved in his
excellent diſcourſe upon this fübject) must be meant either of
*Var. 7.form. the fummer time, or, which is neerer the truth, that for three
quarters of the year, they have none at mid-day.
* Lib2.
35.
Laert.
12.
*
>
For, that Thales by the fhadow meaſured their height, is ac-
knowledged. Hieronymus faith, he measured the Pyramids by the
* Lib: 36.cap. ſhadow, obferving when they are of equall bigneffe. Pliny affirmes be
found out a way to take the height of them, and all fuch like, by measuring
the shadow, at what time it is equall to the body. But Plutarch hath
gi-
ven a more regular and exact account of his manner of opera-
tion, by erecting a staffe perpendicular upon the end of the fhadow of the
Pyramid, and by two triangles made by the beams of the Sun, be demon-
Strated, that what proportion there was between the shadows, the fame
was betwixt the Pyramid and the staffe: A demonftration fo ratio-
nall, that it is the ordinary way of taking heights by ſhadowes,
founded upon this theorem.
Euclid. lib.6.
prop. 4.
* of equiangle triangles, the fides that are about equall angles are
proportionall, and the fides that fubtend the equall angles are homolo-
gous.
Which if Proclus had proceeded as far as the fixth book of
Euclid, we fhould in all likelyhood have found aſcribed to
Thales; for the fame argument wherewith Eudemus proves him
inventor of the fourth theorem in the foregoing Section, where-
by he took diſtances, is of equall force in this, whereby he took
altitudes.
The height of the great Pyramid (which Thales meafured)
is by its perpendicular(according to Mr. Greaves)499 feet,by its
inclining afcent, 693 feet.
CHAP. VIII
Of his Aftronomy.
Mitting the fable of Orpheus's Harp, alluding to the feven
Planets, and the obfervations of Hefiod, which were little
more then of the rifing and fetting of fome principall Starres,
(fo imperfect, that Plato calls all thoſe who fatisfie themſelves
with fuch fuperficiall knowledge, Aftronomers according to Hefi-
od) we may with Eudemus and others affirme, that Thales was the
* de cœlo.2.12. first of the Grecians that was skilfull in Aftronomy. Which Science,
*Pliny afferts to have been brought out of Phenicia. * Aristotle
that the Grecians owe much of it to the Ægyptians, where it
* lib.5. Cap. 17.
mad
THALES.
19
had been of a long time practifed: Thither indeed* Thales ac-
knowledgeth that he travelled to confer with Aftronomers.
T
Sec. 1. Of the Celestiall Sphears.
Hales, Pythagoras(faith Plutarch, repeated by *Stobaus) with
*
Epift. ad.
pherecyd.
his followers affirm, that the Celestiall fphear is divided into fire* De plac.phil.
Circles (which they call Zones) whereof one is call'd Artick, and is al-
waies in view to us; one the fummer Tropick, one the Equino&tiall, one
the winter Tropick, one the Antartick circle,never ſeen by us. The oblique
Circle called the Zodiack, lyeth under the three middle circles, it toucheth
them all three as it paffeth, and each of them is cut in right angles by the
Meridian, which goeth from Pole to Pole. Unjustly therefore is the in-
vention of the Zones afcribed by *Pofidonius to Parmenides; and* Strab.lib.z.
that of the obliquity of the Zodiack by * others to Anaximander,Pytha- * Plin. 2.
goras, or Enipodes.
*
them. S. &.
8.
* Eudemus faith, that he firft obferv'd the Tropicks; Laertius, that Laert.
he first found out the acceffion of the Sun from Tropick to Tropick. The
word rim fignifies not only the Solſtices, but the Equinoxes
likewife: *Sextus Empiricus. The Tropitk fignes are thofe into which the
Sun comming, changeth and maketh converfions of the airs fuch a fign* Advers."M4=
is Aries, and the opposite to it Libras fo alfe Capricorn and Cancer:
for in Aries is made the vernall converfion, in Capricorn the winter,
in Gancer the Summer, in Libra the autumnall. This expofition
Laertius confirmes, when he faith that Thales compoſed only two
treatifes, one of the Tropicks, the other of the Equinoctialls; and that
be distinguiſhed the ſeaſons of the year.
HER
Se&t. 2. Of the Sun, Moon, and Starres.
>
Efirſt obſerved the Apparent diameter of the Sun, which
is the angle made in the eye, to be the 720 part of his
orbe: This doubtleffe is the meaning of Laertius, his words
theſe, nad vpäris að töñaíu mézados të ontwaie irremotosör kai buxosòr pina
καὶ πρῶτος τὸ μέγεθος σιωαίν மான்
mpraro. Then which reading, which implies the Sun to be7:0
times leffer then the Moon, nothing is more ridiculous; for
knowing (as is granted by all) the caufe of Eclipfes, he muſt
likewife know the Sun to be greater then the Moon: nor is it
much mended by thole who read καὶ πρὸς τὸ τὸ ἡλία μέγεθος τὸ τὰ σε λίωαίν
The text ſeems rather to require adiant for realwait or fome. *in Arenarios
thing to that effect, of which, thus * Archimedes, this we fuppofe
when Ariftarchus faith the Sun appeareth, as being the 720 part of
the circle of the Zodiack; for he confidered how he might by inftruments
Bake the angle made in the eye by the Suns apparent diameter: but to take
any fuch thing exactly is not eafie, for nether the fight, nor the hand¸· nor
the inftruments wherewith the obfervation is made, are of credit faffreiene
to demonstrate it exa&ly. This correction Apuleius thus confirmes,
:
>
In
#
20
THALES.
*Laert. & A-
In his declining age he made an excellent demonstration of the propor
tion of the Sun, which I have not only learned(faith Apuleius) but con-
firmed by practife, how many times the Suns magnitude is comprehended
in the circle which his motion makes. This, as foon as he found out,
Thales fbew'd to Mandraytus of Priene, who being infinitely delight-
ed with this new and unexpected knowledge, bad him ask what he would
in recompence for fuch an excellent invention: It will be reward enough
for me, ſaid Thales, if what you have learned of me, whensoever you
communicate it to others, you profeffe me to be the Inventor.
He firſt found out the conftellation of the leffer Bear, * Gal-
chill. Tat. Ifag. limachus
in Ards.
* De placit.
phil. s. 3.
He to Miletusfail'd, invited
By Thales glory, who quick-fighted
Is faidt'have mark'd the leffer Bear,
The ftarre by which Phoenicians fteer.
Higynus affirmes that he firſt called it Ag☺, the Bear.
Sec. 3. Of Eclipfes.
Hermes his
1
E was the firft(faith Laertius)that foretold Eclipfes, as Eudemus
affirmes in his Aftrologick history; for which "Zenophanes and
Herodotus admire him; attefted alfo by Heraclitus and Democri-
tus. Theon, Smyrnæus, and Clemens Alexandrinus cite the ſame
place of Eudemus; the ſcope of whoſe book was the Hiſtory of
Aftrologers, and what every one found out. Thus likewife
Pliny, Amongst the Grecians, the first that fearch'd into Eclipfes, was
Thales, the Milefian.
* Plutarch affirmes, that he was the first that obferved the Eclipfe of
of the Sun, and faid, that it was occafion'd by the Moon, comming in a
direct line underneath him, which may be seen in a baſon of water, or loo-
* Plut. de plac, king glass. That the Eclipfe of the Moon is caused by the shadow of the
phil. 2.28. earth, which being placed betwixt these two ftarres, darkens the leffer.
* Lib. 1. {
*
The teftimony of Herodotus, alledg'd by Laertius is this:* A
five years war was raised between the Lydians and the Medes, in which,
Sometimes the Medes had the better of the Lydians, fometimes the Lydians
of the Medes, and one battle was fought by night: The war being thus
equall on both fides, in the fixth year, the Armies being joyned, it hap-
ned that as they were fighting, the day on a fudden became night; which
alteration of that day, Thales a Milefian had fortold the Ionians
defigning the year wherein it should happen. The Lydians and Medes
Seeing the day turned to night, left off fighting, and laboured to conclude
a mutuall peace, which by the mediation of Syennenſes King of
Cilicia, and Labnitus King of Babylon (whom Scaliger conceives
to be Nebuchadnezzar)was concluded, with the marriageof Ary、
ana daughter of Alyattes, with Astyages, fon of Cyaxares, rati-
fi'd by drinking blood.
This
1
THALES.
21
·
*
*
* Strom. I,
This is the ſtory of that memorable Eclipfe, the time where-
of is uncertain: Pliny placeth it in the fourth year of the for- * Lib. 2. cap.
tie eight Olympiad, before the building of Rome 170 years: 12.
* Solinus in the 49 Olympiad, the 604 year after the deſtruction cap. 20:
of Troy; which falls upon the first year of that Olympiad. *Cle-
mens Alexandrinus (citing Eudemus) about the fiftieth Olympi-
ad, at what time, Cyaxares father of Aftages raigned in Media:
Alyattés father of Crefus in Lydia. Eufebius in the fecond year of
the fortie eight Olympiad, 1430 years after Abraham. Cleomedes
faith, it was totall in Hellefpont in Alexandria, but often digits.
*Johannes Antiochenus faith,t continued many hours;but they could,*
not exceed three.
Oflatter writers differing accounts thereof are delivered by
theſe.
Ricciolus placeth it before the incarnation 585 years, May 28.
about 6 a clock in the afternoon, the digits eclipſed 12. 56.
Calvifus before the incarnation 607 years. Olymp. 43.4. dif-
fering from Pliny 18. years.
év
Lib. 6.
Xeórç i in☺
*}@ @ @m
τῆς ἡμέρας
προσπόντα,
seas
an in-
σόφι των εκ
λείψαν σε ηλικ
the M. S. pre-
pared for the
hands of my
The learned Biſhop of Armagh, in the raign of Cyaxares O- Preße in the
lymp. 44.4. the 147 year of Nabonafsar, the fourth day of the honoured friend
Egyptian Month Pachon, according to the Julian accompt Sep- Edward Bythe
temb. 20.feria 1. begining after Sun-rife 1. 3. 25. digits e- Efq.
clipfed 9. continuing almoſt two howers.
Petavius Olympiad 45.4. Julian period 4117. before the in-
- carnation 597, after the building of Rome 157. July 9. feria 3
beginning after midnight 4h 45m. digits eclipſed 9. 22m. con-
tinuance full two howers.
Kocca confutes Petavius, becauſe that eclips fuits not with the
circumſtances of the ſtory, as beginning too early in the morn-
ing, and being defective as to the quantity in Pontus and leffer
Ajia.
Lanfbergius, Olympiad 48. 3. the 163 year of Nabonaſsar, the
12 day of Tybi, which is May 28. digits eclipfed 12. 2cm in Hel-
lespont: 10.12m.jn Alexandria.
Kepler, Scaliger, Buntingus, and Salianus, follow Pliny: digits
eclipfed(according to Buntingus) 11. 30m.
Neither is it eaſie to determine whether this variety ariſe
from the incertainty of the Aftronomers, or of the Chrono-
logers.
1
G
Se&t.
ا
THALES.
22
* lib. z.
* Plat.
* Pol. 1. 7.
* De divinat.1.
L
Sec. 4. Of the Year.
Aertius farth, that he diftinguiſhed the ſeaſons of the year, that he
firft called the last day of every month regards the thirtieth day :
that he divided the year into three hundred fixtie five daies.
This calculation of the year he ſeem'd to have learned in
Egypt, where it was in ufe, thus explained and commended by
* Herodotus, the Egyptians were of all men the first that found out the year,
diftinguishing it into twelve months; this they gathered from the ftarres
and more judiciouſly (in my opinion) then the Grecians, for as much as the
Grecians every third year, intercalate a month to make up the time but the
Ægyptians to the number of 360 daies, which twelve months make, adde
yearly five daies, whereby the accompt of the circle of time returning into
its felfe is made good.
This was called in latter times, the Egyptian year (perhaps be
cauſe uſed by Ptolomy, who lived in Ægypt) in diſtinction from
the Julian year, which was then uſed in all the weſtern parts,
and hath the addition of fix howers: The moſt perfect is the
Gregorian, confifting of three hundred fixty five daies, five
houres, forty nine Minutes, twelve feconds.
TH
Se&t. 5. His Aftrologicall Predictions.
Hales being earneftly addicted to Aftrologie, became ob-
noxious to the cenfure of fome perfons. As he was led abroad
one night by an old woman, his Maid (a* Thracian) to look upon the
Starres, he fell into a ditch(wherein the purpoſely led him) to whom
as he complained, Thales, faid fbe, do you think, when you cannot fee
those things that are at your feet, that you can understand the heavens ?
He was alfo, for preferring this ſtudy before wealth, reproved
by fome friends, not without reproach to the Science, as con-
ferring no advantage on its profeffors; whereupon he thus vin-
dicated himſelfe and the art from that afperfion. when they up-
braid him, faith * Ariftotle, with his poverty, as if Philofophy were unpro-
fitable, it is faid, that be by Aftrology, foreſeeing the plenty of Olives that
would be that year, before the winter was gone (antequam florere cæ-
piffent, faith* Cicero) gave earnest, and bought up all the places for oyle
at Miletus, and Chios, which he did with little mony, there being no o
ther chapmam at that time to raise the price; and when the time came
that many were fought for in haft, he fetting what rates on them he pleas'd,
by this means got together much money, and then fhew'd, that it was ea-
fie for Philofophers to be rich, if they would themselves, but that wealth
was not their aim. To this Plutarch alludes, when he ſaid, that
Thales is reported to have practifed Merchandiſe.
CHAP.
THALES.
23
Oh
CHAP. IX.
His Morall Sentences.
F his. Morall Sentences thoſe are firſt to bee remembred
* Sept. Sap.
which *Plutarch mentions upon this occafion.
Amafis King of Egypt entring into conteſtation with the King conv.
of Ethiopia concerning wifedome, propounded theſe queſtions
to be refolved by him; what is oldest of all things, what faireft, what
greatest, what wifeft, what most common, what most profitable, what
most hurtfull, what most powerfull, what most eafie ?
The anſwers of the Ethiopian were thefe, the oldeft of things
is time, the wifeft Truth, the faireft Light, the moſt common
Death, the moſt profitable God, the moſt hurtfull the Devill,
the moſt powerfull Fortune, the most eafie that which plea-
feth. Thales demanded of Niloxenus, whether Amafis approved
theſe ſolutions? Niloxenus, who was fent by Amafis into Greece
with thefe other queſtions to be refolved by the Sages, anſwered
that with ſome he was ſatisfied, with others not ; and yet, replyes
Thales, there is not one but is erroneus and betrayes ignorance. As for the
firft, how can it be defended that Time is the oldeft of things, when one part
of it is paft, the other prefent, the third yet to come, for that which is to
come muft in reafon be esteemed younger then all men or things? Next to
to affirme the truth is wifedome, is as much as if we should say, that the
Light andſeeing are allone. Againe, if he esteeme Light faire, why doth
beforget the Sunne? His answers concerning God and the Devill are bold
and dangerous, but that of Fortune moft improbable, for if she be fo
powerfull,how comes it that she is fo easily changed. Nor is Death the most
common, for it is not common to the Living. The most ancient of things
is God, for he never bad beginning or birth, the greatest place of the world
containeth all other things, place containes the world; the fairest the
world, for whatſoever is order difpos'd is part thereof. The wifeft is times
for it hath found out all things already devis'd, and will find out all that
fball be; the most common hope, for that remaines with fuch as have no-* Etiam apud
thing elfes the most profitable, vertue, for it maketh all things uſefull & Stob.ferm.109.
commodious * the most hurtfull vice, for it destroyeth all good things; the Etiam apud.
most powerfull Necessity, for that onely is invincible the moft cafie, that Stob. ferm.46.
which agreeth with nature, for even pleasures are many times given over
and cloy us.
f
To which Apothegmes thefe are added by Laertius, The Swifteft
of things is the mind, for it over-runs all. Hee affirmed that there is no
difference betwixt life and leaths being thereupon asked why bee did not
die ; becaufe faith be, there is no difference;to one who asked which was el-
dest, night or days be answered night by a day; Another enquiring whe=
ther a man migba do ill and conceale it from the Gods ; - nor think it, ſaid
he. To an Adulterer queftioning him if hee might not cleare himſelfe by
<
oath,
24
THALES.
* u xe
ર
oath, *Perjury, faies he, is no worse then Adultery: Being demanded what
μοιχείας επι
was difficult, be answered, To know ones felfe ; what eafie, to bee ruled by
ogxia: not as
counselling the another 3 what sweet, to follow ones owne will ; what divine, that which
latter but repro- bath neither beginning nor end. At his returne from travell, being
* Plut, de dam. demanded what was the strangest thing he had ſeen, hee anſwered,
a Tyrant old. what will helpe to beare ill fortune to behold our enemies
in worse. How shall a man live justly? by avoiding what he blames in o-
thers. who is happy? he who hath a found body, a rich fortune, and a docile
ving the former.
Socr.
* Sympos. Sept.
Sap.
* Serm 61.
Serm. 104.
thy truft.
nature.
* Plutarch adds thefe; we may well report probable newes, but impro- .
bable ſhould not be related. we ought not to beleeve our enemies in cre-
dible things, nor to diſtruſt our friends in incredible. Periander being.
much troubled at a monster which a youth brought him, born of a Mare
with the head onely of a horſe, the rest resembling a man, he advised him
not to take care for expiation of what the prodigy portended, de ooì rapar».
νῶν (faith he ἐπίσω τὸ μὴ χροναι νομοῦσιν ἵππων, ὃ διδόναι γυναίκες αυτοῖς.
Stobæus thefes * Being demanded how far fallbood was diftant from
truth, as far faith be as the eyes from the eares. It is hard but good to know
our felves, for that is to live according to nature..
*
His morall precepts are thus delivered by Demetrius Phalereus ;
* Stob.ferm.28 If thou art a furety, loſſe is nigh; Be equally mindfull of friends prefent
and abſent ſtudy not to beautifie thy face but thy mind: enrich not thy felfe.
* i. c. be true to by unjust meanes. Let not any words fall from thee which may accufe thee
to him who hath committed any thing intruft to thee. Cherish thy parents.
Entertaine not evill. what thou beftowest on thy Parents thou shalt re-
ceive from thy children in thy old age. It is hard to understand well. The
Sweetest thing is to enjoy our defire. Idleneffe is troublesome. Intemperance
burtfull. Ignorance intolerable. Learne and teach better things. Be not
idle though rich. Conceale thy domeftick ills. To avoid envie be not pitia-
ble. Ufe moderation. Beleeve not all. If a Governer, rule thy felfe. I
follow thofe copies of Stobaus, that aſcribe theſe to Thales ra-
ther then to Pittacus, becauſe the greater part are confirmed by
Laertius.
Aufonius hath reduced theſe into verſe under his name.
Feare ere thou fin, thy felfe though none elſe nigh,
Life fades, a glorious death can never die.
Let not thy tongue diſcover thy intent,
Tis mifery to dread, and not prevent.
He helps his foes that juftly reprehends.
He that unjustly praifeth, harmes his friends.
That's not enough that to exceffe extends.
His Motto was according to Laertius, Know thy felfes accor-
* Clem. Alex. ding to* Didymus and * Higynus, if thou be a furety, loffe is nigh:
*Fab. 221. By Hermippus, this is afcribed to him, though by others to
Socrates: He gave thanks to fortune for three things: first, that he was
Laert.
born
}
THALES.
25
born rationall, not a be aft; secondly, that a man, not a woman; thirdly,
that a Grecian, not a Barbarian.
There are befides cited by Laertius, under the name of ¿dows.
or loofe verses, theſe fentences.
Not many words much wisdome fignifies
Choose one thing excellent, to which apply
Thy mind, and stop the mouth of calumny.
蠱
​СНАР. 10.
CHAP.
His judgment in Civill affaires.
Politicks was, according to Laertius, his firſt ſtudy, in
which his advice was of great Authority, though he were
the only perfon(as Cicero obfèrves) of the feven wife men, that
was not ruler of the City wherein he lived.
* Lib. 1. Ta's
δε άλλος το
Of his judgment herein we have two inftances; the firſt from
* Herodotus; Good alfo, even before the deftruction of Ionia, was the ad-
vice of Thales, a Milefian, a farre off by defcent Phoenician, who com- xED'S DIXEQUE
manded the Ionians to build one common Councell Hall,and that in Teos, vas, und er voor
ο νομίζεται και
for that Teos is in the midst of Ionia, and the rest of the inhabited (i-
Τάπερ εἰ δήμοι
ties, nevertheleffe to be in repute, according as the Citizens were. Kiev, which Val-
la ;
Cæteras au-
tem civitates
lominus huic
→
The other cited by Laertius (with no leffe applaufe) is this, a renders thus
In the firſt year of the fifty eight Olympiad, Crafus King of Lydia,
fearing the greatneffe of Cyrus, and encourag'd thereunto, as he habitatas nihi-
conceiv'd, by the Oracle, fent Ambaffadours and prefents to parituras, qua
the moſt confiderable of the Grecians, perfwading them to aliarum civi-
joyne with him in an expedition againſt Cyrus, which the La- tatum tribus
cedæmoniáns with many others did: but Thales forbad the Mi- rent. Stephanus
leſians to enter into league with him. It appears (addes Laertius) thus: nihilo-
that his advice in civill affairs was excellent; for this thing(Cyrus getting loco haberi
the better)preferv'd the Citty.
For
Yet did he afford Craefus his particular affiftance in paffing
his Army over Halys, as the Grecians affirme, though Herodotus
beof a contrary opinion, who gives this account of both. when
Cræfus was come to the River Halys, then, I beleeve, by bridges that
were there, he paffed over his Army; but the common report of the Gre-
cians is, that Thales the Milefian was he who conveigh'd it over:
Crœfus being doubtfull over what part of the River his Army ſhould
paffe, there being in thofe daies no Bridges, Thales, who was in the field
with him, is faid to have caused the River that did run on the left hand
of the Army, to run alfo on the right, which he brought to pass thus. Be-
ginning above the trench, he digged a deep trench, and brought it in the
fabion of a halfe Moon, that the River being turned into the trench from:
the former channell at the back of the Army, and paſſing by the camps
came into the old channell again, ſo that aſſoon as the River was thus dis
H
videda
legibus pare-
minus eodem
quo tribus:both
conceive)
amiſs.
26
+
THALES.
* In Hippia.
*Who renders
Távmaráτl
τάυτη κατάτω
Μόρυχα
Déguxe ex
τῶν ἀρχαίων
ρεέθρων, καὶ
αυτις παραμει
βόμενος
Aur, in quam
alveo fluvium,
je Elus eflet in
fuum alveum
refunderet.
* In Nubes.
vided, (which * Lucian faith, was done in one night) it became forda.
ble on either fide: Some fay that the old channell was quite made up, but
that I do not beleeve, for then, how could they in their return paſſe over.
That this is the meaning of Herodotus, miſtaken by *valla, will
appear from the *fcholiaft of Aristophanes, who relates it in the
fame manner, not without applauding Thales for his excellency
in Mechanicks.
He was a great enemy to Tyrants, and accounted all Monar-
Boueros rosea-chy little better, as appears by Plutarch, who makes him ſpeak
Tómdby, és rà thus: As for taking one for the other', (viz. a Monarch for a Ty-
αρχαία εςβάλο
ziggaía asßa^- rant) I am of the fame mind with the young man, who throwing a stone
cum introdux- at a Dog, hit his step-Mother; it is no matter, faid be for even fo, it
iſſet ex priftino lights not amiffe, Truly I alwaies efteemed Solon very wife, for refusing
iterum cum ubi to be King of his own Country; and Pittacus, if he had not taken upon
exercitus tra- him a Monarchy, would never have faid, how hard it is to be a good man:
and Periander being feiz'd ( as it were an hereditary difeafe derived
from his father) by the fame Tyranny, did very well to endeavour as much
as he could to difengage himselfe from it, by frequenting the converſation
of the best men, inviting Sages, and Philofophers, and being invited by
them, not approving the dangerous counfell of Thrafibulus, my country-
man, who perfwaded him to take off the heads of the chiefeft. For a Tyrant,
who choofeth rather to command flaves then free-men, is like a husband-
man, who preferreth the gathering of locufts, and catching of foul, before
reaping of good corn. Thefe foveraign authorities have only this good,
in recompense of many evills, a kind of honour and glory, if men be ſo hap-
Py, that in ruling good men, they themselves prove betters as for fuch, who
in their office aim at nothing but fecurity, without refpect of honour or
honesty, they are fitter to be fet over beafts then men.
-
In the fame Sympofion, he gives this account of Monarchy
Stob. ferm. 147 Democracy, and Oeconomicks. That Prince is happy, who lives till
Stab ferm. 141. he is old, and dies a naturall death. That common-wealth is beft ordered,
Stob. ferm. 43. where the citizens are neither too rich, nor too poor. That houfe is best,
wherein the Mafter may live most at eaſe.
*De civit, dei.
* Laert:
CHAP. XI.
Of his writings.
1
Ome affirme (faith Laertius) that he left nothing behind him in wri-
Sting. Others that he writ,
Of naturall Philofophy: Saint * Auguftine faith, that Thales, to pro-
pagate his doctrine to fucceffion, fearched into the fecrets of nature, and
committing his opinions to monuments and Letters,grew famous.
Of Nautick Aftrology (mentioned by * Simplicius) which is by
fome afcribed to Phocus, a Samian.
Of the Tropicks and Equinoctialls: which two treatiſes Laertius,
faith, be compofed, as judging the rest eafie to be understood. Theſe
ſeem
THALES.
27
*
ſeem to be thoſe Aftrologicall writings which Lobon, an Ar-
give, who writ concerning the Poets, affirmeth to have exten-
ded to two hundred verſes.
Of Meteors: a treatife in, verfe, mentioned by Suidas.
τα
The history of his own times if we may give credit to *Johannes
Antiochenus, who faith, Thefe things Thales, Caftor, and Polybi- *Lib 6. Ta
usmoft wife Authors, committed to writing, and after them Herodotus isophour of
the historian: but perhaps this may be no more probable,then that λη; καὶ Κάπως
Polybius and Caftor fhould precede Herodotus.
σοφώτατοι θά
καὶ Πολύβιος
ναι και μεταν
Adquire, of which thoſe that are cited by Laertius, we have in-faus-
ferted among his morall fentences, for fuch they were, tending rus Heres
to the inſtruction of the common people, a kind of looſe verfe, is páper.
comming nere profe, whence Demofthenes makes two kinds of
Poets, τὶς ἐμμέτρες και τις ἀδομένες, (as Cafaubon obferves thofe that
write in meeter, and (if we may fo tearm it) thofe that write in
blank verfe. Whatfoever Laertius in the lives of the feven wife-
men produceth in this kind, feemeth not to be taken out of any
Poet, but to have been written by the wife-men themſelves:
Epiftles, of which two only are extant, preſerved by Laertius.
Ite
Thales to Pherecydes.
this to another
effect.
Hear,that you firſt of the Ionians, are about to publiſh a difcourfe to
the Greeks concerning Religion, and justly you conceive that your But the inter-
worke ought rather to be laid in a publick library, then tranfmitted to un- preters render
certain perfons: if therefore it may any way pleasure you, I will willingly this.
confer with you about that which you have written, and if you defire, will
vifite you at Syrus; for netther my felfe, nor Solon the Athenian fhould
deferve the titles of wife-men, if we, who fail'd to Creet to informe our
felves of matters there, andinta Egypt, to confer with Priests and A-
Stronomers, fhould not likewife make a journey to you: Solon alſo, if you
think fit, will come. You who affect home feldome paſſe into Ionia, nor care
to enjoy the fociety of strangers; we, who write nothing: Spend our time in
travelling through Greece and Afia.
F
Thales to Solon.
I you leave Athens, you may, in my opinion, fettle your felfe (with
thofe you take along with you)at Miletus, for here is nothing to trouble
you. If you dislike that we Milefians are governed by a Tyrant for you are
averfe to all Monarchs, even elective) yet may you please your felfe in the
Society and converfation of me your friend. Bias likewife bath fent to in-
vite you to Priene; if to abide at Priene pleafe you better, we will also come
and dwell there with you.
CHAP.
28
THALES.
T
CHAP. XII.
His Auditors and Schollers.
pro-
He firſt eminent perſon of thoſe who heard Thales and
fefs'd his Philofophy, was Anaximander fonne of Praxi-
des a Milefian, who flouriſh'd in the time of Polycrates Tyrant of
Samos..
Next is Anaximenes a Mileſian alſo, ſonne of Euri stratus, (who
according to Eufebius) flouriſhed in the fecond yeare of the 56th.
Olympiad. He was Scholler to Anaximander and Parmenides ;
*Eaert vit. But that he heard Thales alfo, he acknowledgeth in an * Epiſtle
to Pythagoras.
Anað.
thag.1.2.
We may (as in that Epiſtle Anaximenes doth) amongſt the dif
ciples of Thales reckon Pythagoras the Samian, inſtitutor of the
Italick Sect, who being from his youth particularly addicted to
inveſtigation of Religious myfteries,addreft his firſt journey to
Thales at Miletus, as to one that beft could further his defigne,
* De vita Py-being (according to * Jamblichus) not fully 18.yeares old; which
if we follow the accompt of Eufebius for his birth (the fourth
yeare of the ſeventieth Olympiad) and that of Soficrates for his
age eighty yeares(for the reft, the farther they exceed that time,
are fo much the more incapable of reconcilement)will fall about
the ſecond yeare of the fifty fourth Olympiad, which is the 82.
of Thales. From Thales he received the Rudiments of that Ex-
cellence which he afterwards attained. This is acknowledged
* Vit. Pythag. by * Jamblichus. Thales, faith he, entertaind him very kindly, admiring
the difference between him and other youths, which exceeded the fame bee
had receiv'd of him. After that he had inftructed him as well as he was able
in the Mathematicks, alledging for excufe his old age and infirmity,
be advis'd him to goe to Egypt, and to converfe with the Memphian
Priests, especially thofe of Jupiter, of whom he himselfe had in his Travells
* Vit. Pythag. learned thofe things for which by many he was esteem'd wifes and again,
among other things Thales chiefely advis'd him to husband his time well
in respect whereof be abftain'd from wine and flesh, onely eating fuch things
as are light of digeftion, by which meanes he procured fhortnelle of fleepe,
wakefulneſſe, purity of minde, and conftant health of body.
1.2.
1.3.
*
CHAP.
?
29
THALES.
1
CHAP.XIII.
Of his Death.
Hales having now liv'd to a great age, being full of honour
TH
and wifedome, * died in the first yeare of the fifty eight * Laert.
Olympiad (when according to Paufantas Erxyclides was Archon)
as he was beholding the Olympick games, oppreft with heate,
thirſt and the burden of his yeares which amounted to ninty
two. Laertius under-reckons him to have lived but eighty ſeven
yeares, having before acknowledged his birth to have beene in
the firſt of the 35. Olympiad. * Petavius over-reckons, who
makes him live to the end of the 58. which could not be,becauſe temp.1.11.
he died fpectator of the Olympick Games. Lucian and Sin-De longevis.
* * Chronol.
cellus more, who fay he lived 100 yeares. Soficrates comes neareſt
to the truth, who allowes him to have lived 90. yeares, and to
have died in the 58. Olympiad; for from the firſt of the 58. is
23. entyre Olympiads.
*
The manner of his death gave Laertius occafion to favour him
with this Epigram.
>
Vewing th' Olympick games Elean Jove
Thou didst wife Thales from that his race remove
Nigher thy felfe; and 'twas well done, now old
He could not well from Earth the Starrs behold.
E
}
ל
# Rationar
He was buried according to his owne appointment in a poore Plut.vit.Solon,
obfcure part of the Milefian field, where he prefag'd that in fu-
turetimes their Forum fhould be; upon his Tomb this diftich,
Narrow the Tomb, the fame then heaven more wide
Of wifeft Thales, whom this earth doth hide.
t
There was alſo a ſtatue erected in honour of him bearing this
ſubſcription.
='4
Milefian Thales this doth reprefent,
who all in wife Aftrology outwent.
*There were five more of this name mentioned by Demetrius * Laert.
the Magnelia,an orator of Calatis,an affected imitator. A Painter
of Sicyonza, of a great ſpirit. The third very antient, contempo-
rary with Hefiod, Homer and Lycurguss The fourth mentioned
by Duris: the fift of later times, by Dionyfius in Criticis. Laer- Vit. SecTALE
tius names Pherecydes as a detractour from Thales the Philofopher.
I.
*
SOLON.
»
}
Plut.
M
30
SOLON.
CHAP. I.
Solon his Parents, Country, and Condition.
Hilocles, cited by Didymus affirmes, that Solon's
father was named Euphorion, but by the unani-
mous conſent of all other writers, he was cal-
led Execeftides, a perſon though of ſmall for-
tune and account among the Citizens, yet of
the moſt noble family in Athens, defcended
from Codrus,*Solon deriving himfelfe from Ne-
leus, fon of Codrus, and from Neptune: *His Mother neer of kin
to the Mother of Pififtratus; *his Parents had another Son named
Proclus in Ti- Dropides, Archon, the year after Solon,from him was Plato defcend-
* Laert:
Plut.
* Laert. vit.
MARM:
* Plut.
ed.
Solon was born (according to Laertius) at Salamis, for which
reaſon he deſired at his death that his body might be carried
thither, but from his Parents and the place of his refidence, he
was firnamed Athenian
*His father by munificence and liberality brought his eſtate
fo low, as to want even neceffaries:: Solon (afhamed to receive
from any,being ofa houſe which uſed to maintain others)betook
himfelfe to Merchandife: others fay, he travelled rather to im-
prove his knowledge and experience, for he was a profeſſed
lover of wiſdome, and even to his laſt uſed to fay, I grow oldlearn-
ings riches he eſteemed not much, but to grow rich like
?
-bim who abounds.
In heaps of gold, as in rank corn his grounds
In Mules and Horfes, whilst his numerous wealth
Made pleafing by uninterrupted health;
If to compleat these joyes, he be poffeft
Of wife and children, he is truly bleft.
And elsewhere.
"
!
Riches I will, not riches that are plac'd
1
护
​In unjust means for vengeance comes at last.
t
}
1
1
1
That he was profufe and delicate, and more luxurious in his
verfes then befeemes a Philofopher, is attributed to his practi-
fing Merchandiſe, fuch perfons requiring more then ordinary
de-
SOLON
SOLON.
31
delicacies and freedomes in recompenfe of their many and great
dangers. That he was rather in the number of the poor then of
the rich, is apparent from theſe his verſes.
Many unjuſt grow rich, and pious paor,
We would not change our virtue for their store.
For conftant virtue is a folid baſe:
Riches from man to man uncertain paſs.
*
* Aristotle ranks Solon amongſt the inferior fort of Citizens, polit. 4. II.
which (faith he) is manifeft from his Elegies, meaning perhaps, fome
of theſe which Plutarch cites. Lucian faith, he was extreamly In Scytha.
poor: Palæologus, that he neither had nor valued wealth.
CHAP. II.
How by his means the Athenians took Salamis, Cyrrha,
Mamy
and the Thracian Cherfonefus.
4.
* Orat. 1.
Any(faith *Demofthenes) of obfcure and contemp.ible have become * Orat. de falja
illuftrious by profeffion of wifdome. Solon both living and dead legat.
flouriſh'd in extraordinary glory, to whom the utmoſt honours were not
denyed, for he left a monument of his valour, the Megaraan Trophie,
and of his wifdome, the recovery of Salamis; the occaſions theſe.
*
*The Ifland Salamis revolted from the Athemans to the Mega- * Paufan.
renfes; the Athenians having had a long troubleſome war with * Plut.
the Magarenfes for its recovery, grew at length fo weary, that
giving it over, they made a Law, forbidding any upon pain of
death to ſpeak or write any thing to perfwade the City to re-
attempt it: Solon brooking with much reluctance this ignominy,
&feeing many young men in the City defirous to renew the war,
(though not daring to move it, by reafon of the Edi&) coun-
terfeited himſelfe mad, which he cauſed to be given out through
the City, and having privately compofed fome elegiack verfes
and got them by heart, came skipping into the Forum with his
Captor as Laertius faith, a Garland)ons the people flocking about
him, he went up into the place of the Cryer, and fung his Elegy
beginning thus,
*
A crier I, from Salamis the fair,
Am come in verfe this meffage to declare:
The lines wherewith they were moft excited were theſe.
Rather then Athens would, I ow'd my birth
To Pholegondrian, or Sicinian earth:
For men where ere I goe will fay this is
One of the Athenians that loft Salamis.
1
* Pauſan.
13
And,
32
SOLON.
* Plut.
•
And,
Then lets to Salamis, renew our claimė,
And with the Ifle recover our loft fame.
*This Poem was intituled Salamis, it confifted ofa hun-
dred verſes, very elegant: when he had made an end of finging,
it was much applauded by his friends, particularly by Pififtratus,
who excited the Citizens to follow his advice: By this means
the law was repealed, the war recommenced, wherein Solon
was made Generall: the common report is, that taking Pififtratus
along with him(whence it is, that fome afcribe the whole glory of the
action to Pififtratus, of whom are Frontinus, Eneas, and Juftine)
he failed to Colias, where finding all the women celebrating the
feſtivall of Ceres, he fent a trufty meffenger to Salamis, who pre-
tending to be a runnagate, told the Megarenfes, that if they
would furpriſe the principall women of Athens, they ſhould go
immediately with him to Colias: The Megarenfes believing
what he faid, manned a ſhip, and fent it along with him;
Solon, affoon as he faw the fhip come from the Iſland, comman -
ded the women to retire, and as many beardleffe young men
to put on their gownes, head-tyre, and fhoes, hiding daggers
under their Garments, and fo danced and plaid by the Sea-fide,
till the enemy were landed, & their fhip at anchor: By this time
the Megarenfes, deceived by their outward appearance, landed
in great haft, and came upon them, thinking to take them away
* Polyan.lib.1. by force,*but they ſuddenly drawing their fwords, fbew'd themselves to.
be men, not women; the Megarenfes were all flain, not one efca-
ping,the Athenians going immediately to the Iſland took it.
* Plut.
*Plut.
* Others deny it was taken in this manner, but that firftre-
ceiving this anſwer from the Delphian Oracle,
Let facrifice be to thofe Hero's paid,
who under the Afopian ground are laid,
And dead, are by the fetting Sun furvey'd.
£
Solon by night failed to the Ifland, and facrificed burnt offe
rings to the Heroes, Periphemus, and Cichris; then he received
five hundred men of the Athenians, with condition, that if they
gained the Ifland, the fupream government thereof fhould be
in them: Shipping his men in fifher boats, attended by one ſhip
of thirty Oars, they caft anchor by Salamis, near a point oppofite
to Euboea: The Megarenfes who were in Salamis hearing an un-
certain rumor hereof, betook themſelves confufedly to armes
fending forth a fhip to bring them more certain intelligence
from the enemy, which Solon, as foon as it came neer, took, and
killing the Megarenfes, manned with choice Athenians, whom
he commanded to make directly for the Citty, with all poffible
ſecrecy; in the mean time, he, with the rest of the Athenians,
af
SOLON.
33
•
affaulted the Megarenfes by Land, and whilft they were in fight,
they who were in the fhip, making haft, poffeft themſelves of
the Town. This relation is confirmed by their folemnitie, an
Athenian fhip comes thither firft in filence, then falling on with
cries and ſhouts, an armed man leaps forth, and runs directly
towards the Soirradian Promontory, againſt thoſe that come
from the Land hard by is the Temple of Mars built by Solon
for he overcame the Megarenfes, and let go ranſomeleffe all
thofe that eſcaped the mifery of the war:*Elian faith, be took
two fhips of the Megarenfes, whereinto he put Athenian Officers, and Var. hift.7.
Souldiers, bidding them put on the armour of the enemy', whereby de-
ceiving the Megarenfes, he flew many of them unarmed.
* „
ry.
* But the Megaren fes perfifting in obftinacy, to the loffe of * plut.
many lives on both fides, the bufineffe was referred to the La-
cedæmonians to be decided; many affirme Sólon alledg'd the
authority of Homer, inſerting a verfe into his catalogue of fhips,
which he thus recited at the triall.
loy Ajax twelve vefjell brought to Salamis,
And where the Athenian men had ftood, raak'd his.
•
*
Elian, var.
Plut.
(By which fecond verfe of his own making and addition he evinc'd, that
Salamis of old belonged to the Athenians.) But the Athenians efteem
this relation fabulous, affirming, Solon demonftrated to the
Judges, that Phylaus and Eurifaces, fons of Ajax, being made free
denizons by the Athenians, delivered this Ifland to them, and
dwelt, one at Branco, in Attica, the other in Melita, whence there
is a Tribe named Philaida, from Philæus, of which was Pifistratusp
* He overcame the Megarenfes in an oration, getting the better of them,
not with specious words, but weight of argument: more cleerly to
hift. 7. 19.
convince them, he inftanced in the buriall of the dead, and in-
fcription of the names of townes, ufed by thofe of Salamis, as he fhew- * Laert.
ed, by digging up fome graves, after the manner of the Athenians,
not of the Megarenfes, for in Megara they buried their dead
with their faces to the eaſt, in Athens, to the weft. But Hereas of
Megara denying this, affirmes, the Megarenfes buried alſo with
their faces toward the weft; for further confirmation, Solon al-
ledg'd, that the Athenians had for each man a feverall Coffin
the Megarenfes buried three or foure in the fame. It is faid al-
fo, that Salon was much helped by certain Oracles of Apollo,
wherein he calls Salamis Ionia. This caufe was decided by five
Spartans, Critolaidas, Amamphoretus, Hy fechidas, Anaxilas, and
Cleomenes
* Plut.
*By this action, Solon grew into great, efteem and honours fan.in
but he became not long after much more admired and cried up pho
by the Greeks, for fpeaking concerning the Temple at Delphi. * Paufan in
The Cyrrhaans committed many impieties against Apollo, and cut off phoc.
{ {
K
part
34
SOLO N
*
Flut.
part of the land belonging to him.]* Solan declared, that it behoved
them to relieve it, and not to fuffer the Cyrrhaans to prophane
the Oracle, but that they ſhould vindicate the Gods caufer The
Amphictions thus inftigated by him, undertook the war with
much eagerneffe, as Ariftotle affirms, afcribing to Solon the honour
of that Enterprife: Efchines faith, the motion made by Solon
was confirmed by the Oracle. Some affirme he was made Gene-
* In phoct
Fall, others Alemaon: But the whole Army of the Greeks was (according
to *Paufanias) led by Clifthenes, Tyrant of Sycionia, along with whom
*In voce Solon, they ſent Solon from Athens to be bis counsellor. *Suidas faith, he was
* Polyan.lib.3. chofen counsellor by those, who were pickt out for the fervice of that mar.
* Whilft Clisthenes befieged Cirrha, they enquired concerning the
victory, and from the Pythian Oracle, received this, Anſwer.
* Paufan.
*
í
h
.
This Cities fort you ſhall not take before
Blew Amphitrites fwelling billowes roare
2
Againſt my water waſh't-grove, and hallow'd ſhore.,
*
whereupon Solon advis'd to confecrate the Cyrrhean field to Apollo,
Paufan. ibid. by which means the fea fhould touch facred land. He ufed also another
Stratagem against the Cirrheans; the River Pliftus which ran through
the Cittie, he diverted another way, the Town holding out against the
befiegers, ſome drank well water, others rain, which they faved in Ciferns.
He cauſedroots of Hellebore to be thrown into Pliftus, and when be found
it was fully poison'd, turned the River again into its proper chandell
The Cyrrhæans drinking greedily of that water, were taken with a sonti-
nuall flux, and forced thereby to give over the defence of their works: the
Amphictions being poffet of the Citty, punished the Cirrhaans, and a
veng'd the Gods. Thefe two ftratagems were afcribed to Clisthenes,
the firft by Polianus, the fecond by* Frontinus, but the reaſon
Lib.3.cap.7: is apparent, he doing them by the direction of Solon,
* Solon perfwaded alfo the Athenians to reduce into their
power the Thracian Cherfonefus! ch.
*Lib. 3.
* Eaert.
* Plut.
T
*
CHAP. III.
:
i
"
}
stron
"
How he composed differences and feditions at home, and
*TH
Y
was made Archon.
}
a
}
<
}
Tastin
!
He Cylonian impiety had for a long time vexed the Ci-
ty, ever fince the complices of Cylon, having taken fan-
ctuary, were perfwaded by Megacles the Archon to put them-
felves upon a tryall, they laying hold of a threed which was
tyed to the image of Pallas, when they came neer the images of
the furies, the threed broke of it felfe, whereupon Megacles with
the other Archons fell upon them, as perfons difown'd by the
Goddeffe; thofe that were without the Temple they ftoned,
1
thofe
}
SOLON&
35
3
thoſe who run to the Altars, they were murdered; they only
cleaped who fued to their wives, whence being called impious,
they were accounted odious; thofe that remained of the Cylo
nians were grown very rich, and had perpetuall enmity with
the family of megacless at what time this diffention was higheft,
and the people thereby divided into factions, Solon being of
much authority among them, taking with him the chiefeft of
the City, interpofed betwixt them, and with intreaties and ad-
vice perfwaded thoſe who were called, impious to ſubmit to
the judgment of three hundred of the chief Citizens: Miro was
their accufer, they were condemned, the living to be banished,
thebones of the dead to be digged up, and thrown beyond the
confines of the country. Lo
*
{
کده
*
*
!
·
*
* Plut.
Duringthefe.commotions, the Megarenfes took Nyfea', and
recovered Salamis from the Athenians, the City was full of fu
perftitious terrors and apparitions; the Priests declared, that
theentralls of the facrificed beafts imported great crimes and
impieties, which required expiation. There was also a great * Laert.
plagues the Oracle advis'd them to luftrate the City; to this plut
endthey fent(* Nicias, fon of Niceratus, with a fhip) to fetch Epi- Lari
menides out of Creet, who comming to Athens, was entertained
by Salon as a gueſt, converſed with him as a friend) inſtructed
him in many things, and fet him in the way of making Lawes,
This luftration ofthe City Eufebius under veckons, placing it in the
fecond year of the fortie feventh Olympiads: whereas Solons being Ar-
cbork, which certainly happened after this was in the third of the fortie
fixt. Suidas fermes to over-reckon, ranking it in the fortie fourth: the
opinion of *Laertius agrees beft with the circumstances of the story, that In Epimenid.
it was in the fortie fixt.
1.
!
←
*The commotions of the Cylonei, being thus appeafed, and * Plut.
the offendors extirpated, the people fell into their old diffe-
rence about the government of the commonwealth, whereby
they were divided into as many factions, as the Province con-
tained diſtinctions of people; the Citizens were Democraticall,
the countrymen affected Olygarchy, the maritimes ſtood for a
mixt kind of government, and hindred both the other parties
from having the rules at the fame time the City was in a dange-
rous condition, by reafon of a diffenfion betwixt the rich and
the poor, arifing from their inequality, the bufineffe feemed
impoffible to be compofed, but by a Monarchy; the commons
were generally oppreffed by the mony which they had borrow-
ed of the rich, and either had tilled their land, paying to them
the fixth part of the crop, whence they were called Hetemoru,
and Thetes, or ingaged their bodies to their creditors, whereof
fome ferved at home, others were fold abroad, many alfo (there
being no law to the contrary) were neceffitated to fell their
children, and leave the City, through the cruelty of theſe uſu-
rers,
36
SOLON
* Laert.
>
furers, the greateſt part (fuch as had moſt courage amongſt
them Jaffembling together, mutually exhorted one another not
to indure theſe things any longer, but choofing fome trufty man
to be their leader, to difcharge thofe that paid not their mony
at the fet day, to fhare the land, and quite invert the State of
the comwon-wealth. The difcreeteſt amongſt the Athenians
looking upon solon as a perfon free from any crime, (neither in-
gaged in the oppreffions of the rich nor involved in the necef-
fities of the poor)intreated him to take charge of the common-
wealth, and to compofe the differences of the people. Phanias
the Leſbian affirmeth, that for preſervation of the State he
deceived both parties, promifing under-hand to the poor a
divifion of the land; the rich, to make good their contracts 3
but that he firſt made fcruples of undertaking the bufineffe, de-
terred by the avarice of the one, and infolence of the others
he was chofen Archon, next after Cleombrotus (*in the third year of
the forty fixt Olympiad)at what time he made his lawes alfo, being
at once a peace-maker, and a law-giver, acceptable to the rich,
as rich, and to the poor, as good; the people had often in their
mouths this faying of his, equality breeds noftrife, which pleaſed
alike both parties, one fide underſtanding it of number and
meaſure, the other of worth and vertue; upon which hope,
the moſt powerfull of both factions courted him much, and
defired him to take upon him the tyranny of that common-
wealth, which he had now in his power, offering themſelves
to his affiſtance: Many alfo of the moderate part feeing how
laborious and difficult it would be to reform the ftate by reafon
and law, were not unwilling to have a Prince created, fuch an
one as were moſt prudent and juſt: fome affirme he received
this Oracle from Apollo,'
Sit at the helm of state, their Pilot be,
The common-wealth's glad to be ſteer'd by thee.
{
...
!
譬
​-
4
*
。,,、
But he was moſt of all reproved by his familiar friends, for
being deterred by the name of a Tyrannie, as if the virtue of a
King were not diffus'd through the Kingdome, inftancing in
Tynondas long fince Tyrant of Eubea, and Pittacus at prefent of
Mytelene: nothing they alledg'd could move him, he told them
a Tyranny was a faire poffeffion, but it had no paffage out: to
Phocus writing thus in verſe,
1
That I preferved free my native foile,
Nor did with bloody Tyranny deple
My honour, I not blush at by this deed,
All that was done by others I exceed.
;
"
Where
SOLON:
37
1
I
Whereby it appears, he was of great authority before he
wtit his Lawes, The contumelies of fuch as reproved him for
declining the government, he thus expreſt in verfe:
34,
.
"
Nor wife is Sólon, nor good counſell knowes',
For he refifts the good that God beftomes,
The prey within his power he did behold,
⠀⠀⠀ But would not draw the Net; thoughts meanly cold e
Had but his foul with noble aims been fir'd,
The Kingdome for one day he had defir'd,
Then split, and all his family expir'd.
iamli
re:
CHAP. IIII.
រ
"What alterations he made during his government, and
first of the Sifacthia.
1
C
เ
}
•
*
Hough he refufed the tyranny, yet he behaved not him- Plut.
felfe remiffely in the government, not complying with
the powerfull, nor making lawes to pleaſe thoſe who had cho
fen him, where things were tollerable, he corrected nor altered
nothing; fearing, left if he ſhould change and confound the
common-wealth, in every particular, he fhould want ftrength
to ſettle it again, and to temper it with the beſt reaſon; but fuch
things unto which he conceived he might perfwade the obfe-
quious, and compell the refractory, thofe he enacted; joyning
(as he faid) force and juftice, whence, being afterwards deman-
ded if he had given the Athenians the beft lawes, the beft (faith'
he)they would receive.
>
The firſt change he made in the Government was this, hee* Plut.
(* introduced the Sifachthia which was a discharge of bodies and goods, or* Laert.
as as Helychius defines it,a law for remission of private and publick debts,
ſo called from ſhaking off the oppreſſion of uſuxy : * for at that time they, Laert.
engaged their bodies for payment, and many through want were constrain-
ed to ferve their creditors he therefor ordained) that for the time paft
all debts ſhould be acquitted, and for the future, no fecurity
ſhould be taken upon the body of any; this by a moderate term
he called Sifachthiasthere want not (of whom is Androtion) who
affirmed he contented the poor, not by an abfolute diſcharge of
the debt, but by moderating the intereft, which he called Sy-
facthias whereto he added the increaſe of meaſures, and valua-
tion of mony for the Mina which was before 73 drachmes
he made a hundred by this means the poorer fort paid a greater
fumme in leffe coyne, which was a great cafe to the debtor, and
no wrong to the creditor but the greater part hold it wasan
abfolute diſcharge, which agreeth beft with the verſes of Solon,
wherein he boaſteth he had removed the bounds throughout the land
L
,
>
freed
A
ศ
38
SOLONE
!
*Lib. I.
* Blut.
Plut.
freed fuch as were underappreſſion, called home those, who being forced
to travail, bad forgotten their native language, andothers that were
home under bondage, fet at liberty. The fame Law,*Diodorus Sicul
obferves to be among the Egyptians, conceiving Solon(though
as yet he had not been there)derived it from them.
*But in this defign a great misfortune befell him, whilft he
endeavoured to redreffe the oppreffion of ufury, and was ſtu-
dying how to begin an oration fuitable to the thing, he acquain-
ted his intimate friends in whom he repoſed moſt confidence,
Conori, Clinias,and Hipponicus, that he meant not to meddle with
land, but to cut off all debts; they (preventing the Edict) bor-
rowed of the rich great fummes of money, wherewith they pur-
chafed much land; the Edict being published,they enjoyed their
purchaſe, without fatisfying their creditours: Solon was much
blamed, as not defrauded with the reft, but as being a defrau-
der with thoſe, and a partaker of their coufenage; but this im-
putation was imediately washed away with five Talents, fo
much he had forth at interreft, which he firft, according to the
law, blotted out, (Laertius faith fix, perfwading others to do
the like)others, of whom is Polyzelus the Rhodian, fifteens but
his friends were ever after called axonidas.
*This pleafed neither parts he difcontented the rich by can-
celling their bonds, the poor more, not making good a parity
of eftates, which they expected,asycargus had done,he being the
eleventh from Hercules, having raigned many years in Lacede
mon, great in authority, friends, and wealth, whereby he was
able to make good what he thought convenient for the ftate,
rather by force then perfwafion, even to the loffe of his eye,
effected as a thing moft expedient to the prefervation and peace
of the common-wealth, that none of the Citizens were either
rich or poor: but Solon attained not this in the common-wealth
he was one of the people, and of a mean degree; yet he omit
ed nothing within his power, carried on by his own judgment
and the faith which the Citizens had in him; that he difpleafed
many, who expected other things, is thus acknowledged by him-
felfe.
beniup so ble di sachb.
ņ
Aud
Before they look'd upon me kindly, now
with eyes fevere, and a contracted brow
Had any elfemy power, he would exact
*
Their riches, and their fatteft milk extract.
nit/
مولیت
1 1
·
•
blon
?
}
>
•
'
But both parties, foon found how much this conduced to the
generall good, and laying afide their private differences, facri-
ficed together, calling the facrifice ausaxaún.
ག་}:
*
?
•
CHAP.
4.
{
SOLONA
anguordena no vadba.
39
Fact
modtɔvry deugbud eft ad
di
omtravel nome CHAPgpon a qoditi, presi
ban madoawili quim, 1970
บ
лад
- Flow be divided the people into Claffes, and erected
Courts of Indicatory
khaid.... gultup this;
H
ፈ
Ereupon they choſe Solon reformer and Lawgiver of the * Plat:
Commonwealth, not limîtting him to any thing, but ſub-
mitting all to his power, Magiftracies, Convocations, Judge-
ments, Courts to take an accompt of them, to preſcribe what
number and times he pleafeds to difanull or ratifie of the prefent
law what he thought good.
•
23.
*
* Firſt, then he quite abolished all the Lawes of Draco, except Plut.
for murther, becauſe of their rigidneſſe and ſeverity, for he pu-
niſhed almoſt all offences with death; as that they who were
furpriſed in Idleneffe fhould be put to death; they who tole
hearb's or apples fhould undergoe the fame puniſhment with
fuch as had committed murther,or facriledge; whence Demades
wittily faid, Dreco writt his lawes not in inke, but blood ;
he being asked why he puniſhed all offences with death, anfwe-
red, be concerved the teaft deserved fo much, and he knew no more for the
gricans *Herodicus alluding to his name, ford histones were not of * Arift. Kbet.z.
a man, but of a Dragon, they were fo vigids And Ariftotle faith, there* Arift.Rbet.z.
was nothing in them extraordinary and worthy of memory, but that férje-
rity and greatreffe of penalty which wasfo ercellivesthat not by any ⋆ Agell. 11.18.
edi& bw command,but by a filert and expreffed confent amongst the Athe
nians they were laid afide afterwards they afed the mildew luwes made by
Solon, differing even in name, the firft being called me, the
latter tun. *Thofe of Prace were made in the 39th Olympiad, * Tatian. Clem,
47 yeares (aspian accompts) before theſe of Solon lot Alex.Suid.
*Next, Solon (being defirous that all offices might continue as Timocr
* In demoft.
they were, in the hands of the rich, but that other priviledges * Plut.
of the Common Welth, from which the people were excluded,
mightbe promifcuoufly difpofed,) todke an accompt and valu
ation of the people [* and divided them into foure orders] thoſe * Pollux.
whofe flock of dry and liquid fruits amounted to 500, meafutës
he ranked in the firft place,and called Pensacofiomedimni, [* these
paid a ralent to the publique treasury.] In the fecond clafle were
thoſe who were able to maintaine a horse or received geo, mea
fures, thefe he called [* for that reafon Thorgemen; they paid halfe a* Pollux.
talent. The third claffe were Zengite (\* fo called becauſe ) they * Pollux.
had 200.meaſures of both forts, thefe paid ro.mine the reft were Pollux.
all called Thetess whom he ſuffered not tobe capable of any Ma-
giftracy, neither did they pay any thing but onely had fo far
intereft in the common wealth, as to have a fuffrage in the
publique Convocation, & at Judgements, which at firft feemed
nothing, but afterwards appeared to be of great confequence;
J
for
* Pollux.
40
SOLON
* Epift.90.
* Lib.2.
for in whatſoever was brought before the Judges, he gave them
leave (if they would) to appeale to the common forum ; more-
over writing his lawes obfcurely and perplexedly, he increaſed
the power of the forum, for not being able to determinecon-
troverfies by the Law, they were forced to have recourſe to
the Judges, as Maſters of the law; this equality he himſelfe
thus expreffeth, wa
{ }
>
!
1
/
}
?
it and a ..!
Y
I:
1
!
Hot!
The Commons Ifufficient power allow
Honour from none I tooke, on none beftowd,
Thoſe who in power or wealth the reſt outſbin'd.
In bounds of moderation I confin'd ;
To either part I was a firme deffence,~
And neither did allow prebeminence.
a
.
to 1
1
4
•
A
mai..
་
**
*
Hither *Seneca alluding faith,Solon founded Athens upon equall
right and * Juftine be carried bimfelfe with fuch temper between the com-
mons and the Senate, that he attracted equall favour from both, he ſuffe-
* In Theophraft. red no man (faith * Æneus Gazeus) to have a peculiar law¸but made
all men fubject to the fame.
* Plut.
2
:
1
*He likewife (continues Plutarch)conſtituted the court of the
Areopagus, confifting of the yearely Archons, whereof himſelfe
(being the chiefe) was ones perceiving the people to be much
exalted and enboldened by the remiffion of their debts, he or-
dained a fecond Court of Judicature,felecting out of each tribe
(which were in all foure) a hundred perfons, who ſhould re-
folve upon all decrees before they were reported to the peoples
nor fhould any thing be brought to them, untill it had firſt paft
the Senate: the fupreame Senate he appointed Judge and pre-
ferver of the lawes, conceiving the City would be leffe apt to
float up and downe, and the people become more fetled, rely
ing upon theſe two Courts,as on twp Anchors thus the greater
part of writers make Solon inftitutor of the Gourt of Areopagus,
* De Offic. 1. 1. (of whom alfo is *Cicero) whichfeems to be confirmed, in that Draco
never mentions the Areopagites,but in criminall caufes alwaies
names the Epheta; but the eighth law of the thirtieth table of
Solon hath theſe words, Those who were branded with infamy before
Solon was Archon, let them be restored to their fame, except fuch as were
condemned by the Areopagites or by the Epheta, &c. And it is certaine,
that the Court of Areopagus was long before Solons time, untill then
confifting promiscuously of fuch perfons as were eminent for Nobility power,
or riches, but Solon reformed it, ordaining none ſhould be thereof but fuch
as bad first undergone the office of Archon, See Meurfius Areop. cap.3.
*Pollux faith,that Solan ordained a thousand men to judge all accu-
* Schol. Areftor. fations ;. * Demetrius Phalereus, that be constituted the Demarci firft
called Nauclariter aur glad in
* Lib. 8. cap.6.
* 3
in Nub.
}
pelnus).ford, 14 Saugs
༢༧།
·
}
}
CHAP.
SOLON
41
*
•
HA
•
•
"
}
CHAP. VI.
His Lawes.
f T
:
+
* Annal.3.
Aving thus difpofed the common-wealth, and Courts of
Judicature, hein the next place applyed himſelfe to ma-
king lawes, which he performed fo excellently, that he is gene-
rally remembered under that notion, which Minos of Creet,
and Lycurgus of Lacedæmon, whofe lawes thofe of Solon exceeded,
(as Tacitus faith, both in exquifiteneffe and number: * of how much
greater esteem they were then all before them, may be computed from this * Man. Balao-
that they were the last, and continued alwaies in the Citty: They, for whom log in protreptr.
they were made, thought them more illuftrious then their publick orna ad doctr.
ments, which tranfcended thofe of all other Cities more impregnable then
their Tower, which they accounted the strongest of all upon earth, and
far better then those things wherein they gloried moft: *nor were they
of leffeefteem among forraign nations, infomuch that the Ro
mans * agreeing concerning lawes in generall, but differing about the. * Liv. lib. 3
law-giver, fent Embaladours to Athens, Sp. Pofthumius Albus, A.
Manlius, P. Sulpitius Camerinus, commanding them to tranfcribe
汰
​the renowned lawes of Solon; which transferred out of the books of Aurel. Vid.de
4
* Lib. 22.
Solon the Dicemviri expounded in the twelve Tables. Hence * Amme-vir. illuft.c.21.
anuse Marcellinus faith that Solon afsifted by the fentences of the Egyp
tian Prieſts, baring with juft moderation framed lawés, added alfo to the
Roman ftate the greatest foundation.
,
Of his lawes, theſe have been preſerved by Plutarch, and
others.
* If any man were beaten, burt, or violently treated, whosoever had the
means and will, might fue the offendour. Thus (faith Plutarch)he * Plut.
wifely brought the Citizens to a mutuall fence of one anothers
hurts, as if done to a limb of their own body.
* Of infamous perfons, let all ſuch as were infamous before the go-
vernment of Solon, be restored to their fame excepting whosoever were
condemned by the Epheta, or in the Prytaneum by the Magistra és, ba-
nijked for murder, theft, or aspiring to tyrannie. This was the eight
Law of the thirteenth Table. There were two kinds of infamy
by the leffer a man was degraded and made uncapableof all ho
nouror office in the common-wealth; by the greater he and
his children were lyable to be killed by any man, and he not to
be queftioned for it.
frit.
*
797.
* Plui
*Of his lawes,thofe feem moſt fingular and paradoxall,which“ Plut.
declare him infamous, who in a fedition takes neither
part:
it is cited out of Aristotle by Agellius in theſe words: If through +Lib.2.cap. 12.
difcord and diſſention, any fedition and difference dividea he people into
two factions, whereupon with exasperated minds both parties take up
armes and fight; be, who at that time, and'apon that occaſion of civill
M
difcord
42
SOLO M
* Plut.
*
diſcord ſhall not engage himselfe on either fide, but folitary and ſeparated
from the common evill of the City withdraw himselfe, let him be deprived
of houſe, country and goods by banishment. He would not that any
one faving himſelfe harmleffe, fhould be infenfible of the com-
mon calamity, or boaſt himſelfe to have no fhare in the publick
griefs but that inſtantly applying himselfe to the better and ju-
fter fide, he should intereft himfelfe in the common danger,
and affift, rather then out of all hazard, expect which fide
ſhould get the better. When we did read (faith Agellius) this law
of Solon, a perfon indued with fingular wifdome, at firft were-
mained in great fufpence and admiration, enquiring for what
reafon he judged thofe worthie of punishment, who withdrew
themſelves from fedition and civill war; then one whofe fight
pierced more deeply into the ufe and meaning of the law, af-
firmed, the intent thereof was not to encreaſe, but appeaſe ſe-
ditions and fo indeed it is, for if all good perfons, who in the
beginning are too few to reftrain a fedition, fhould not deterre
the diſtracted raging people, but dividing themſelves, adhere
to either fide, it would follow, that they being feparated as
partakers of both factions, the parties might be temper'd and
govern'd by them, as being perfons of greateſt authority; by
which means they might reftore them to peace, and reconcile
them, governing and moderating that fide whereof they are,
and defiring much rather the adverfe party fhould be preferved
**ad attle. 10. then deftroyed. * Cicero citing this law,averreth the punishment
to have been capitall, perhaps underſtanding infamy here of
the more fevere kind,
1.
Abfurd & ridiculous (faith Plutarch) feemeth that Law which
alloweth an inheritrix, if he who poffeffeth her by law as her Lord and
Master be impotent, to admit any of hex husbands neereft kindred. But
fome averre it is juft, as to thofe, who though they are impo-
tent, yet will marry rich heires for their mony, and by the
priviledge of law wrong natures for when they fee it lawful for
the heir to admit whom the pleafeth, either they will refrain
from ſuch marriages, or undergoethem with the reproach of
avarice and diſhonefty: It is well ordered alfo, that the may not
admit any one, but only whom the will of her husbands kin-
dred, whereby the iffue may be of his family and race. Hither
likewiſe it tends, that the Bride be faut, up in a room with the Bride-
* In pracept. groom, and eat a Quince with him. (Intimating, according to Plu-
tarchs interpretation, that the firft grace of her lips and voyce
fhould be agreeable and fweet) and that he who marrieth an heir,
be obliged to vifit her thrice a month at the least: For though they have
not children, this argues a refpect due to a chaft wife, and pre-
vents or reconciles unkindneffe and diffention.
* Plut.
conjugial.
+
Thoſe words of the former law, He who poffefseth her by law as
her. Lord and Maſter, have reference to another Law ofhis,
men-
༤
SOLON
AB
mentioned by *Diodorus Siculus,that the next of kin to anheir migby ⋆ Lib. 12.
by law require her in marriage, and she likewise might require him but
was next of kin who was obliged to marry her, though never so poor
pay goo Drachis for her dowry. Hereto *Ference alludes.
·
#
1
؟
or.10
* Hec. A&t 1.
treadora Seen.2.
¿ The Law commands an heir to marry with
¿ Her Husbands next of kin, andhim totakeber.
་ ་
And to the putting her off without a dowry of 500 drachms,
(that is five mine)* elſewhere.
+
Thoagh 1 beinjur'd thus, yet rather then
L'le be contentious, or bound ftill to hear thre;
Since foe's my kinfwoman, take hence with hèr
*
...
}
J
•* Phorm•a&.2.
Scen. 3.
The Dober the law enjoynts mṛ, kèrṛ sfive pounds nouvel
().
5
$
}
!
*
* In all other marriages he forbad dewties, ordaining that ⋆ Plut.
a Bride should bring with ber ko more then three gowns, and fome Night
boaf bold fluffe, offmall valen,the particulars whereof were exprefs
fed, as * Pollax ſeemes to imply for he would not that marriage fhould
be mercenary or sendible, but that the man and woman ſhould babi* 1.12. 15.
for issue, love, and friendſhip. Hither * Ifidor alludes, amongſt the *Lib. 3. Epift:
Athenians legall marriage was ſaid to be contracted, in reſpect 243.
ofiffie.
Leptin.
* Phas
•
<
That Law of his alfo was commended, as * Demofibeæes and * Orat. in
Phaarth attelt, which forbad to revile the dead, bet no makakt
wdle any dead perſon, though provoked by the revitings of his children. * Plat:
*To eſteem the deceafed holy is pious, to fpare the abfent juft,
to take away the eternity of hatred eivill.
S* He fotbad tovevile any living perfon av facredſolémudrodis. Courts
of Judicature, and publick ſpettacles, upon penalty of three draakonsso
be paid to the reviled perfon, two more to the common treefary,
To moderate anger no where he accounted rude and diforders
ly, every where difficult, to fome impoffible. Aid muſt be
accommodated to what is poffible intending to pumiſk fonit
few, to advantage not many to no purpoſe, biziban 's mont
*His law concerning teftaments is much approved; for be-* Plut... : *
fore, no man had power to make a will, but his goods and lades
continued in the family ofthe deceafed perfonsoon thaduk
laufull for him that had no children to give his iftate to whom he pleaſed.
he preferred friendſhip before kindred, and favdut before ne
ceffity, and ordered, that wealth fhould, beatdhe diſfps full of
him in whofe hands it was yet he peralised noc chis rafhly, or
abfolutely, but conditionally! If he were wrought upon by firter
nefs, potions, bondage, or the blandifoments of wwifes fully hoove.
med it all one whether a man be feduced by indirect means yor
violently conſtrained, thus comparing deceit with force, and
pleaſure
44
SOLON.
pleaſure with pain, as being of equall power to put a man out
"Orat.in Lept. of his right mind. This Law is mentioned likewife by *Demo-
sthenes:
* De leg. lib.2.
* Plut.
1
*He alſo limited the vifits, mournings, and feaſts of women,
by a law which curbed their former licentioufneffe. Her who
went abroad, he permitted not to carry with her above three gonnes, nor
more meat and drink then might be bought with an obolus, nor a basket
above a cubit in bigneffe, nor to travell by night, unleſſe in a chariot, and
with torch-light: He forbad them to tear their cheeks to procure mourn-
ing and lamentation, at the funeralls of those, to whom they have no re-
lation. He forbad to facrifice an Ox at funeralls, and to bury more then
three garments with the dead bodysnot to approach the monuments of ftran-
gers unleffe at their exequies. Of which (faith Plutarch) our lawes
are full:*Cicero alfo affirmes, that the lawes of the twelve Ta-
bles for contracting the pomp of funerals, and concerning
mourning, are transferred from thoſe of Solon, who (as Phalere-
ws.writes Jaffoon as funeralls began to be folemnifed with pomp
and lamentation, took them away: which Law the Decemviri put
into the tenth table, almoſt in the very fame words, for that
of 3 neighbourhoods and moſt of the reft are Solons, that of
mourning in his expreffe words, Let not women fear their cheeks
nor make lamentation at a funerall. A
C
1 4
"
Confidering that the City grew very populous, many re-
curring thither from all parts of Attica, for liberty and fecurity,
that the country was for themoft part barren and bad, that
fuch as trade by fea import nothing for thoſe, that have not
wherewith to batter or exchange with them, he addicted the
Citizens to arts, and made a law, that the ſon ſhould not be obliged
to maintain his father, if he had not brought him up to a trade ( mentis
* Prafat. lib.6. oned alfoby Vitruvius, *Galen, * Theophylact, and others and
commanded the court of Areopagus..to examine by what gain every
man maintained kimfelfe, and to puniſh idle perfans, whom he made liable
to the action of every many and at be third conviction puniſhed, wish
infamy. This laws Heradotus, and Piodorus Siculus affirmę to
have been in ufe amongst the Egyptians, made by Amafis,and
from them divided by Salon to the Athenians
* Exhort. Virai.
ad artes.
* Epift. 7.
* Lib. 7.
* Lib. I.
* Plut.
4
*
C
* Yet more ſevere wasthat. mentioned by Heraclides of Pontus,
which disengaged the fons of concubines from maintaining their fathers.
He who tranfgreffeth the bounds of marriage, profeffeth he
doth it not out of defire of iffue, but for pleaſure, and therefore
already háth his reward and can expect to have no further tye
thofe he begets, whofe birth is their ſhame.
Moft incongruous feem thofe laws of salam which concern
women, for he permitted that, whofoever funprifed an adulterer
*Lyfas in Orat. (with the wife or *concubine of any) might kill him, (or exact
mony of him)be that raviſhed a free moman was fined 100. Drachmes
be that plaid the pandor, 20(* Eſchines faith to die) except to fuch
* Plut.
de cade Era-
rufth.
* Orat. in
Timarch.
upon
1 !.!
>
women
SOLON:
45
women as were common. He alſo forbad any man to give his fifter or
daughter to that profeſſion, unleffe himselfe first furprise her with a
man. This(faith Plutarch) feemes abfurd, to puniſh the ſame of
fence fometimes feverely with death, fometimes with a pecu-
niary mul&, unleffe, becauſe at that time mony was very rare
in Athens,the ſcarcity thereof aggravated the puniſhment.
*
*He affigned five hundred drachmes to the victor of the Ifthmian Pluc.
games, a hundred to the Vitor of the Olympick: attefted alfo by La-
ertius, who faith, he contracted the rewards of the Athletas,
judging them dangerous victors, and that they were crowned
rather againſt, then for their country.
*Whofover brought a bee-wolfe was to receive five drachms, for a bee *. Plut.
wolfe ones according to Demetreus Phalereus, this being the price
of a fheep, that of an Ox. It is customary with the Athenians,
that ſuch as have grounds fitter for paſture then plowing, make
war with the wolves.
*For afmuch as there is fuch ſcarcity of Rivers, Lakes, and * Plut.
Springs in the country, that they are conſtrained to dig wells,
he made a Law, where there was a common well within a Hippicon,
they ſhould make use of it. (A Hippicon is the diſtance of foure
furlongs) they that lived further off fhould procure water of their own,
and if when they have digged ten fathom deep, they find not any, they
might be allowed to fill`a pitcher of fix gallons twice a day at their neigh-
bours well.
ted
* Theſe exact rules he prefcribed for planting: whofoever plan-
dany young Tree in his ground, ſhould fet it five foot diftant from his * Plut.
neighbours, who a Fig-tree or Olive-tree, nine: Becauſe the roots
of theſe ſpread far, nor is their neighbourhood harmleſſe
to all, but fucks away the nouriſhment, and to fome their blatt
is prejudiciall.
*
* Plut.
*whof ever diggeth any hole or ditch must make it fo far diftant from his
neighbours, as it is deep. Theſe are confirmed by Caius,adding 3 *Lib.4. ad leg.
whosoever makes a hedge to divide himselfe from his neighbour, must not 12. tab.
exceed his own bounds; if a wall he muſt leave the ſpace of a foot,if a houſe;
two feet, if a well, a fathom:
whosoever placeth a hive of bees, fhould obferve the distance of thirtie
feet, from those that were before placed by his neighbour.
* He commanded the Archons to curfe him who exported any thing
ove of the Country, or that he ſhould pay a hundred Drachmes to the pub- * Plut.
like treasury, whereby they are not to be rejected, who ſay,that of
old the exportation of figgs was prohibited, and that he, who
difcover'd exporter,was called a Sycophant.
* He made a law concerning fuch as fhould be hurt by a dog,
wherein he ordained, the dog that bit to be bound in a chaine foure
cubits long.
* Plus.
*This law concerning Denization is difficult, That none fhould* Plut.
be made free of the City except fuch as were banished for ever out of their
oxne Country, or came to Athens with their whole families to exercise fome
N
trade;
>
ร
46
SOLON
* Plut:
Laert.
* Orat.in
Timarch.
* Laert.
trade's this he did not to drive away forraigners, but to invite
them to Athens by certainty of admittance into the City,
conceiving fuch would be faithfull, thoſe out of neceffity, theſe
out of good-will,
**Likewife to be feafted in the publike hall was the peculiar
inftitution of Solon, which he called C, not permitting
the fame perſon to eat there frequently: but if he who were in-
vited, would not accept of it, he was puniſhed, conceiving this
a contempt of the publique honour,that an inordinate appetite.
Hitherto Plutarch: theſe following are recited by Laertius:
* If anyone maintain-not his Parents, let him be infamous, as likewiſe
be that devours his patrimony. Hither* Afchines alludes; in the
fourth place with whom hath he to do? If any man by prodi-
gality hath confumed his patrimony or hereditary goods; for
he conceived, he who had ordered his own family ill, would in
the fame manner take care of the common-wealth; neither did
the law-giver imagine it poffible, that the fame perfon ſhould
be privately wicked, and publickly good, or that it were fitting
fuch a one ſhould go up into the chair, who took more care to
frame an oration, then to compofe his life.
* He forbad fuch as haunted common women to plead; confirmed by
* In Fimarch. Æfchines. In the third place with whom hath he to do? If
any man (faith he) be a haunter of common women, or procure
mony by fuch means; for he conceived, fuch a one as fold his
own fame for mony, would eafily fell the bufineffe of the Itate.
* In Androt. And* Demofthenes, it is worth inquiry and confideration, Athe-
nions, how great care, Solon, the author of this law, had in the
common-wealth in all thoſe which he made, and how particu-
larly folicitous he was herein above all other things, which as
it is evident by many other lawes, fo alfo by this, which forbids
thoſe qui se prostituerunt, either to plead or judge in publick.
* Laert.
* Menexen.
*
>
*He augmented the rewards of fuch as fhould die in war,
whofe fons he ordered to be brought up and inftructed at the publick
*In Panathen. charge. Aristides, thou alone of all mea didft ordain thefe
three things by law, that fuch as died for their country ſhould,
be annually praiſed publickly at their fepulchers, their children,
till grown men,maintained at the publick charge,then fent back
to their fathers houſe with compleat armes likewife that infirm
Gitizens ſhould be maintain'd at the publick charge.*Plato adds
that the ſame indulgence was allowed to the parents; you know
the care of the common wealth, which in the lawes concerning
the children and parents of fuch as died in the war, tommands
the Supream Magistrate to take care, that the parents of those that died
in the war, above all other Citizens ſhould not receive any injury. The
ſtate brings up the children alfo: Hereby, faith Laertius, they
became eager of fame and honour in war, as Polyzelus, as Cyne-
girus, as all thofe in the Marathonian fight: to whom may be ad-
ed Harmodius, Ariftogiton, Miltiades, and infinite others.
"
t
* Let
SOLON
47
* Laert.
* Let not a guardian marry the mather of his ward, nor let not any
one be ward to him, who, if he die, ſhall inherit his eftates confirm'd by * In Hermog:
*Syrianus, *Marcellinus,and others, who adde, that the fame law * In Hermog.
forbad the ward to marry her guardians fon.
* Let not a graver keep the impression of any feal after he hath fold it.
* If any man put out the eye of another, who had but one, he shall lofe
both his own.
* Laert.
* Laert.
Ef- *Orat in
Timarch.
*
*
* Orat. in
His law concerning theft, Laertius expreffeth thus ; what thou
laidft not down, take not up, otherwise the punishment death. * RÆS
chines addes, if they confeffed themfelves guilty: others affirm
the puniſhment was only to pay double the value, of whomis
* Agellius and * Hermogenes, who affirme, the law made that Lib. 11.c.18,
diftinction betwixt facriledge and theft, punishing the firſt Partit:felt.4.
with death, the latter with double reftitution. * Demofthenes Timocr
cleers this, reciting this law exactly in thefe words, If any man
Steal in the day time above fiftie drachms, he may be carried to the eleven
officers, if he fteal any thing by night, it ſhall be lawfull for any to kill
him, or in the purſuit to wound him, and to carry him to the eleven officers.
Wolfoever is convict effuch offences, as are liable to chaines, fhall not be
capable of giving bail for his theft, but his puniſhment ſhall be death,
and if any one steal out of the Lyceum, or the Academy or Cynofarges,
agarment or a ſmall veffell of wine, or any other thing of little value.
ar fame vessell out of the Gymnafia, or havens, he shall be puniſhed with
death; but if any man ſhall be convict privately of theft, it shall be lawfull
for him to pay a double value, and it shall be also at the pleasure of the
convictor, befides payment of mony, to put him in chaines fue dates, and
as many nights, fo as all men may fee him bound. *Even thoſe who*
ftole dung, were by Solon's law liable to punishment,
*That if an Archon were taken drunk, he ſhould be puniſht with
death.
A
To thofe recited by Laertius, adde thefe collected from o-
thers.
X
·
#
•
Schol. Ari-
ftoph. ad equites.
Laert.
*
*
Efchin. Qrat.
He allowed brothers & fifters by the fame father to marry, & prohibited
only brothers & fifters of the fame venter; Whereas contrariwiſe(ſaith
*Philo)the Lacedæmonian law-giver allowed theſe, and pro- lib. 2.
* De leg. Spece
hibited thoſe. Hence *Cornelius Nepos affirmes, Cimon married In Pram.
his fifter Elpinice, invited, not more by love, then the Athenian in Cimonis vitâ
cuftom, which allowes to marry a fifter by the fame father lo
*He writ according to the manner of the antients, feverally in Timarch.
concerning the difcipline of Matrons, for a moman takewin A-
dultery be permitted not to weare ornaments, sor to come into publick
Temples, left by her preſence ſhe ſhould corrupt made st women; if ſhe came
into a temple, or adorned her felfe, he commanded every one toread her
garments, to tear off her ornaments, and to beat her, but mosta kill, or
maim hers By this means depriving fuch a woman of all honour
and giving her a life more bitter then death. This is alfo don-
firmed by * Demofthenes, who addes, if any man ſurpriſe an Adul * in Nearam.
terer
1
48
SOLON.
{
*Demofth.Orat.
in Macartat.
*Cicer.de leg.2.
» Elian. var.
terer, it ſhall not be lawfull for him who took them to have the woman in
marriage, if he continue to keep her as his wife, let him be infa-
mous*.
}
* Let the dead bodie be laid out within the house, according as he gave
order, and the day following before Sun-rife carried forth; whilft the body
is carrying to the grave, let the men go before, the women follow; it shall
not be lawfull for any woman to enter upon the goods of the dead, and to
follow the body to the grave, under threefcore years of age, excepting thofe
within the degree of cofens, nor shall any woman enter upon the goods of
the deceased after the body is carried forth, excepting these who are within
the degree of cofens.
* Concerning fepulchers, he faith no more, then that no man
fball demolish them, or bring any new thing into them; and he shall be
puniſhed, whosoever violates, caft's down,or breaks any tomb, monument,
or columne.
*
If any one light upon the dead body of a man unburied, let him throw
hift.2: 42.6c. earth upon it.
5. 14.
*Demoſt.in
Lipton.
*
3.24.
*whosoever shall diflike a received Law, let him first accufe it, then
if it be abrogated, fubstitute auother: The manner whereof is largely
expreffed by Demofthens.
>
*Declam. 18. He ordained (according to *Libanius) that Children ſhould be
Pyrrh. Hipp. obliged to perform all due offices to their parents. *Sextus faith, he made
a Law of indemnity, whereby he allowed any man to kill his
fon; but *Dionyfius Halicarnaffæus affirmes, he permitted them to
turn their children out of dores, and to difenherit them, but
nothing more.
*
Lib. 2.
* Efchin. in
Crefiph.
* Demofth.Orat.
in Timocr.
* Athenaus.de-
ipn.lib. 15.
*Efchin. in
Crefiph.
* He ordained that all fuch as declined to be engaged in war, or for-
fook the Army, or was a Comard, fhould have all one punishment, to be
driven out of the bounds of the forum, not permitted to wear a garland,
or to enter into publick Temples.
* If any one be feized on for having abuſed his parents,or forſaken his
colours,or being forbidden by law,bath gone into places where he ought not,
let the eleven officers take and bind him, and carry him into the Heliaa,
it ſhall be lawfull for any one that will to accufe him, and if he be caft, it
fhall be at the judgment of the Helicato impose what puniſhment or fine
they should think fit,if a fine,let him be kept in fetters till it be paid. 1
*He permitted not a man to fell unguents,as being an effeminate
office.
1'}
* As concerning Orators, he ordered, that the Eldeft of the citi
zens should goe up firft into the pleaders chaire modestly without tumult
and perturbation to move, he out of experience ſhould conceive beft for the
commonwealth; then that every Citizen according to his age should fe
verally andin order declare his judgement.
*Liban.declam...
13:
*Stob. 112.
*He ordered that a Citizen of Athens could be tried no where
but at Athens.
>
*He commanded that no young man ſhould beare the office of a Magi-
ftrate,nor be admitted to counsell,though he were eſteemed exceeding wife.
3
For
SOLON:
49
* For the common people he ordained flow puniſhments, for* Demost. in
Magiſtrates and Rulers of the people fodaine, conceiving thofe Ariftogit.
might be puniſhed at any time, but that the correction of thefe
would admit no delay.
* As for the Gods and their worship, hee decreed nothing,* Maxim. Tyr.
nor againſt Parricides, anfwering thoſe who queftioned him 39.
about it, he did not thinke any could be fo wicked.
*
CHAP. VII.
Of the Axes and Cyrbes, Senators Oath, and other
inftitutions of Solon.
*Th
*
*
pro S. Rofc.
Amer. Laert.
*
plur.
* Agyll. 2. 12.
Plut. Etymol.
*
Hefe Lawes he ratified for a hundred yeares; They were*carved
in different tables; *: Thofe which concerned private
actions, in oblong quadrangular tables of wood, with cafes,
which reached from the ground rand turned about upon a pin
like a wheele, whence they were called "Azores, placed firſt in the Pollux. 8.10.
tower,then brought into the Prytanæum that al might fee them,
where there were fome remaines of them in Plutarch's time.
Thoſe which concerned * publike orders and facrifices,in * tri- * Suid.
angular tables of ſtone called wigs, either from * Cyrbus who* Ammon, de
tooke the accompt of every mans eftate,ortaúta xugasñvau toïç differ voc.
Yesµœ‚ọx d'ò + sỡ xxspadas, or from the Corybantes, to whom the Schol.Ariftot.
invention thereof is by ſome aſcribed. Theſe were placed in in Ares.
the Porticus regia; * Both the Axes and Cyrbes were written after Didym. apud.
the fame manner as oxen to turne in ploughing ( Bes¿gendör ypápeır ) Harp.& Suid.
whence Demofthenes calls that law the loweſt which beginneth
on the left fide.
*
•
* The Senate tooke one common oath to make good the lawes of Solon
for abundred yeares, each of the Thefmothetæ fworne in the Forum at the
Criers ftone,if he violated them to dedicate a golden ftatue of equall weight
with himselfe a: Delphi.
* Suid.
*
* Blud.
Some particulars of the oath impofed by Solon mentioned by
feverall Authors (as, not to abrogate his lawes, by Plutarch, to ad-
mit no young man to be judge, by Stobaus to heare impartially both the* Serm.112.
plaintiffe and defendant, by Demofthenes ;) argue it to bee the fame
which the fame * Author delivers in theſe words.
*
"I will declare my opinion according to the lawes of the
"Athenians, and five hundred Senators. By no affiſtance from
"me ſhall Tyranny or oligarchy bee admitted, will ne-
CC
ver fide with him who hath corrupted the people or intends,
« or indevors it. I will never fuffer any new tables or any divi
"fion of thofe already received, or a parity of lands or goods. I
"will never call home any banished or confined perfon, I will
"confent that he be expelled the City who denies theſe lawes
"decreed by the Senate, confirmed by the peoples I will never
O
"permit
* Orat. de co-
růní.
* Demist.
3
50
SOLON
cc
ત
permit any to be injured fwil never conftitute any Magiftrate
before he hath given account of his laft Magiftracy. I will ne
"ver permit the fame man to be chofen twice in one yeare, or
at once to hold two offices. I will neither take,nor fuffer any
« to take bribes or rewards. I am thirty yeares old, I will heare
"impartially both plaintiffe and defendant, & condemne with-
"out excufe thofe that deferve it. I ſweare by Jove,by Neptune
"and by Ceres, may they deſtroy me, my houſe and children,if I
"obferve not all theſe particulars. Hence perhaps it is that
* Hefychius affimes Solon in his lawes to have ordained an oath
by three God's.
rgok Jadı. *
* Laert.
* Plut:
* The clouds,
ált. 4. fcen. 2.
* Laert.
* Athen, deipn.
13.
Confidering the irregularity of moneths, and the courſe of
the Moone, which agreed not alwaies with the rifing and ſetting
of the Sun, but fome times overtooke and went paſt him in one
day, he called that day the mi, last and first, attributing that
part which precedes the conjunction to the laſt moneth,the rest
to the beginning of the next. Thus he taught the Athenians to ac
commodate the reckoning of their dayes to the motion of the Moone: * and
was (as it appeares) the firſt who underſtood rightly that of
Homér.
when one moneth ended and the next began:
The day following he called Numia, The new moone: from the
twentieth day to the thirtieth he reckon'd not by addition but
by ſubſtraction, in reſpect of the moones decreaſe of this fee
* Aristophanes.
* He ordered the verfes of Homer to be recited fucceffively,
that where the firft ended the next ſhould begin; whence Diu-
chides faith, he illuftrated Homer more then Pifftratus (by whom
the Rhapsodies were first collected) the principall verfes were
They who inhabit Athens, &c.
* He firft tollerated common Curtefans, and with the money
*Seat. Empiric they paid to the State erected a Temple to Venus mardviuos.
*Hee firft taught Souldiers to march by the found of Fifes
and Harpes, obferving a kinde of meaſure in their pace.
adverf Mathem.
6.
Laert.
* Plut.
CHAP. VIII.
}
1
How he entertained Anacharfis, his Travells to Ægypt,
Cyprus, Miletus, Delphi, Corinth, and Creet.
*
135
J
*TN the forty feventh Olympiad(according to *Soficrates) Ana»
charfis came to Athenss Eucrates being Archon, he went im-
mediately to the houfe of Solon, and knocking at the doore,
faid he was a ffranger defirous of his friendship and Hofpitali
ty: Solon anſwered, it is better to contra&t friendſhip at homes then you
that
SOLON
51
that are at home» ( replies Anacharfis) make me your friend and guest.
Salon admiring his acuteneffe, entertained him kindly, and kept
him fometime with him, whilft he was, imployed about pub
lick affairs, and ordering his lawess, which Anacharfis under-
ftanding, fmiled, that he undertook to curb the injuſtice and
covetoufneffe of Citizens by written ordinances, nothing dif-
fering from cobwebs, holding faft the weak and poor, whilſt the
powerfull and rich break through them; whereto Solon anſwe-
red, that men stand fast to thofe covenants, which it is not convenient
for either party to break: Hegave the Citizens fuch lawes, as it was
evident to all, that to keep, were better then to tranfgreffe ;
but the event agreed more with the conjecture of Anacharfis,
then the expectation of Solon.
*After his lawes were promulgated, fome or other comming
daily to him." either to praife, or difpraife them, or to advife
him to put in or out what foever came into their minds, the
greater part to have the meaning explained, queſtioning how
every thing was to be underſtood, and intreating him to unfold
the fence; he (confidering, that not to fatisfie them, would ar-
gue pride, to fatisfie them would make him lyable to cenfure)
determined to avoid ambiguities, importunities, and occafions
of blame;(for as hefaid
In things that are not fmall
'Tis hard to fing to all.)
Colouring his travail with being Maſter of a Ship, and
having obtained leave of the Athenians to be abſent ten years,
he put to fea, hoping in that time his lawes would become fa-
miliar to them.
*The first place of his arrivall was Egypt, where he dwelt,
as himselfe faith,
At Nilus mouth, neer the Canobian fare,
He ſtudied Philoſophy awhile with Pfenophis, of Heliopolis,
and sónches of Sais, the moſt learned of thofe Priests, by whom,
Plato affirmes, he was taught the Atlantick language, which he
afterward began to explain in verfe; when he queſtioned them
in antiquities, the elder ſaid to him, Solon, Solon, you Greeks are
alwares children there is not one Greek anoldman,
*
*
Plut,
Plut.
*Thence he went to Cyprus, where he was much favoured * Plut.
by Pocprus one of the Kings of that country, who had a little
Town built by Demophoon, fon of Thefeus, upon the River Clari-
us, in a ftrong place, but rugged and barren: Solan perfwading
him,there lying a pleaſant plain underneath it, to transferre the
Town thither, making it more fpacious and delightfull: Solon
being prefent at the doing hereof, took care it might be peopled,
and affifted the King to contrive it, as well for health as
ftrength
52
SOLON.
Laert.
ſtrength; whereupon many came into Philocyprus, whom other
Kings æmulated; for this reafon he afcribed the honour there-
ofunto Solon naming the Citie (which before was called Æpea)
from him, soli. This foundation he mentions in his Elegies, ad-
dreffing his ſpeech to Philocyprus.
Maift thou in Cyprus long as King abide,
And ore this people and this Town prefide 3
In a fleet vefjell from this haven may
Cythera crownd with violets me convey.
Her kind aſpect and happineſſe may ſhe
Grant to this Town, a fafe return to me.
He vifited Thales alfo at Miletus, whofe impofture towards
him(related already in Plutarchs words) receive from Tzetzes.
Solon's friend Thales lead a fingle life,
By Solon often mov'd to take a wife;
Thefe a Milefian (Thales fo contriv'd)
Meeting, pretends from Athens late ariv'd:
Solon asks curiouſly what newes was there ;
One that's abroad, faith he, hath loft his heir,
The Cittie waited on his obfequies.
was it not Solon's fon, Solon replies?
To this the ftranger(as fuborn'd)affents:
He with torn hair in cries his passion vents;
Whom Thales (tenderly embracing leave
This grief, faith he, I did thee but deceive;
Tis for thefe reafons Marriage 1 decline,
which can deject so great a foule as thine.
Whether it belong to this deceit, or to a real lofs* Diofco-
* Serm. 121. rides, and * Stobaus report, that weeping for the death of his
Son, one told him, but this helps nothing, he anſwered, and
therefore I weep.
* Laert.
*
# 1
* At Delphi he met with the reft of the wife men, and the
year following at Corinth, by Perianders invitation, which was
as Plutarch implies, long before Pijiftratus came to raign 3 nor
doth * Dion Chryfoftom intend the contrary, though fo interpre-
*1 Meurfus. ted by a learned perfon,his words importing only this; Solon
fled not the Tyranny of Periander, though he did that of Pififtratus.
That he went alſo to Creet (perhaps to vifit Epimenides) is e-
vident, from an * Epiſtle of Thales.
Orat. 37.
* ad Pherecyd•
*
>
CHAP.
70
SOLON.
53
མ་
CHAP. IX.
The attribute of wife conferred on him: his morall
*Ween
Sentences.
Hen Damafius (the ſecond) was Archon, (in the yeare * Laert:
of the 49. Olympiad) all the feven received the attri-
bute of wife: of theſe was Solon,upon whom (* Themiftius faith) * Orat.4.
it was conferr❜d as an honorable title full of dignity: *Plutarch * Vit.Soi.
avers that "all of them (except Thales) were fo called from their
❝ skill in civill affaires. And againe, In Philofophy Solon
"chiefly affected (as did likewiſe moſt of the wife men) that
"part of morality which concernes politicks; * and ſpeaking
CC
of Mnefiphilus," he was not (faith he Jan orator of thofe Philo- * Vit. Themift.
fophers who are called naturall, but embraced that wifedome
which teacheth government of a State, and prudence in pub-
CC
વ lique actions, which he retained as a Sect delivered by fuccef-
'fion from Solon. Whence *Macrobius inſtanceth Solon, as “skil-
CC
full in that kind of learning which draweth Philoſophy dee-* Somn.Scip.
per, and eſtabliſheth a ſtate.
Hereto may bee added his morall learning, for which
(though Socrates reduced it firſt to a Science, and was thereupon
honored as the inventor thereof)the feven were fo famous, that
fome affirme the title of wife was given them only for excelling
others in a laudable courſe of life, and comprehending fome
morall rules in fhort fentences; of theſe they had three forts,
Apothegme's, Precepts and 'Aſµíva.
་
Of his Apothegmes' Laertius recites thefe, Speech is the Ì-
"mage of Actions He is a King who hath power. Lawes are
"like cobwebs which entangle the leffer fort, the greater breake
"through Thofe who are in favour with Princes reſemble
CC counters ufed in cafting accompts, which fometimes ſtand for
"a great number, fometimes for a leffer; fo thofe are fome-
"times honored,fometimes caft downe. Being demanded how
men might be brought to doe no wrong, if, faith he they who
"have received none, and thofe who are wronged be alike
concern'd: Satiety comes of riches, contumely of Satiety.
ce
J
2.17.
*Plu:arch and others, thefe; "He conceived that City to be * Vit.Sol.
"beſt govern'd, where the people as eagerly profecute wrongs
*
"done to others as to themſelves. Being demanded how a * Sympos. Sept:
"City might be beft ordered,he anſwered if the Citizens obey'd Sapi.
"the Magiftrates, the Magiftrates the lawes hee affirmed that
CC
King and Tyrant ſhould become moſt glorious, who would
"convert his Monarchy to Democracy. He efteemed that Fa-
"mily beft, wherein wealth is gotten not unjustly, kept not un-
"faithfully, expended not with repentance.
P
* He
1
1
54
SOLON
* Arift. Ethic.
10.8.
* Cicer.Epift.
15.ad Brut.
*Val. Max.7.2.
* Stob.Serm.34
* Hee defined "the happie thofe who are competently
"furnished with outward things, act honeftly, and live tempe-
❝rately; which definition Aristotle approves.
* He faid, “a commonwealth confifts of two things, reward
and punifhment.
1
J
**Seeing one of his friends much grieved, he carried him to
"the Tower, and defired him to view all the buildings below,
"which obferving, the other to have done, now faith he, think
"with your felfe, how many forrowes have heretofore and doe
at preſent dwell under thofe roofes, and ſhall in future ages:
"and forbeare to be troubled at the inconveniencies of morta-
lity as they were only yours. He faid alſo, that if all men ſhould
"bring their misfortunes together in one place,every one would
carry his owne home againe,rather then take an equall ſhare
"out
out of the common ſtock.
CC
* "Being in drinking, demanded by Periander, whether hee
"were filent through want of difcourfe, or through folly, an-
cc
* Stob.Serm.41€ ſwered, no fool can be filent amidſt his cups. * He ſaid, that
City was beſt ordered, wherein the good were rewarded, the
"bad puniſhed.
*Johan.Salisb.
policr. 8.14.
Orat.in Ti-
emocrat.
* Laert.
*"He ſaid, a man ought to fear nothing, but that his end
"exclude not Philofophy.
* Demofthenes recites a difcourfe which he uſed to the Judges,
in accufing one who had moved a pernicious law,to this effect;
"It is a Law generally received in all Citties, that he who
"makes falfe mony fhould be put to death. Then he demanded
"of the Judges, whether that Law feemed to them juſt and
"commendable, whereunto they affenting, he added, that he
"conceived mony to be uſed amongſt Citizens, in refpect of
"private contracts; but that lawes were the mony of the com-
"mon-wealth: therefore Judges ought to punish thofe, who
"embased the mony of the comon-wealth much more fevere
"ly, then thoſe who embafe that of private perfons: and that
"they might better underſtand it to be a farregreater offence
"to corrupt lawes, then adulterate coyne, he added, that many
"Citties ufe mony of filver allaid with braffe or lead, without
prejudice to themſelves; but whofoever fhould ufe lawes
"fo adulterated, could not eſcape ruine and death.
any
* Mimnermus writing thus,
From trouble and difeafes free,
At threescore years let death take me.
He reproved him, faying,
By my advice, that wiſh extend,
Nor for his counfell fleight thy friend.
Alter thy Song, and let it be,
At fourefcore years les de ask take me.
His
1
SOLON.
55
૩.
CC
5
His morall precepts are thus delivered by * Demetrius Phale-
reus, fome whereof are cited by Laertius. "Nothing too much
Sit not as judge, if thou doft, the condemned will efteem thee
an enemy. Fly pleaſure, for it brings forth forrow. Obſerve
"honeſty in thy converfation more frictly then an oath. Seal
"words with filence, filence with opportunity. Lie not, but
ſpeak the truth. Confider on ſerious things. Say not ought
is juſter then thy Parents. Procure not friends in haſt, nor
"procur'd, part with in haft. By learning to obey, you ſhall
“know how to command. What forfeiture you impoſe on o-
"thers, undergoe your felfe. Adviſe not Citizens what is moſt
"pleaſant, but what is beft. Be not arrogant. Converſe not with
"wicked perfons. Confult the Gods. Cherish thy friend. Re-
"verence thy Parents. Make reaſon thy guid. What thou ſeeſt
"Speak not. What thou knoweſt conceal. Be mild to thoſe that
belong to thee. Conjecture hidden things from apparent.
1
*
Stob. ferm. 3.
Strom. I.
His particular ſentence according to Didymus and Laertius* Clem. Alex.
was, Nothing too much3 according to auſonius, Know thyselfe, who
afcribes theſe alſo to him;
Him I dare happy call whofe end i fee,
Match with thy like, unequalls not agree.
By fortune guided, none to honour raise
A friend in private, chide, in publick praises
Honours atchiev'd created far exceed;
If fates be fure, what helps it to take heed?
Andif unfure, there is of fear leffe need.
>
Of his dava Laertius mentions thefe.
; }
Of every man be carefall, left he bear...
Afword conceald within his breast, acleer
[
?
&
1
Alpert, a double tongue, a mind severe, da'n
-
}
...
+
4
CHAP. X.vn to team'
XVI
How be oppofed Pififirátus, and s
reprehended Theſpis.
↓
{
>
slo:
*During the abfence of Solon, the former diffention broke* P.
forth again in the City: Lycurgus was head of the country
men, Megacles of the Maritimes, Fififtratus of the Townsmen,
who were moft violent againſt the rich; Solon's lawes were ſtill
obferved in the City, but the people aimed at novelty and
change, not as thinking it moſt juſt, but in hopes to be Maſters
of other mens goods, and co fuppreffe the adverſe party. šolon,
whilft things ftood thus, returned to Athens, where he was
much
56 !
SOLON.
much reverenced and honoured by all, but could not ſpeak or
act in publick, through the weakneffe of his body and ſpirits,
yet privately taking every one of the Commanders apart, he
endeavoured to reconcile their differences, wherein Pififtratus
feemed the moſt ready to be perfwaded, with whom he had a
very antient friendſhip, grounded afwell upon their kindred,
as upon the good qualities of Pififtratus, then whom (as Solonu-
fed to fay there could not be a perfon of more worth,if he were
cured of his ambition.
Blat:
* Laert.
* Pluta
* About this time (according to Plutarch) which was in the
fiftieth Olympiad, Thefpis began to prefent Tragedies (which
Suidas erroneouſly accounts ten Olympiads latter,as is obferved
by Meurfius) the people were much taken with the novelty of
the thing, for as yet there were no contentions therein. Solon
naturally defirous to hear and learn, and by reafon of his age
indulging more to eaſe and pleaſure,feaſting and mufick,wentto
fee Thefpis himself act,as was then the manner; the Play ended,
he went to Thefpis, and asked him, if he were not aſhamed to
fpeak fo many lies before fo great an auditory? Thefpis anfwe-
red, it was no fhame to act or fay fuch things in jeft. Solon ſtri-
king the ground hard with his ſtaffe, replyed, but in a ſhort
time, we who approve this kind of jeft fhall ufe it in earneſt,
in our contracts and tranfactions. *In fine,he abfolutely forbad him
to teach or act tragedies, conceiving their falfity unprofitable, whereto he
difsimulated the deceit of Pififtratus, who foon after, having
wounded himſelfe, came into the Forum in a Chariot, preten-
ding to have been ſo uſed by his enemies in the behalfe of the
common-wealth, and inflamed the people with much rage.
Solon comming near to him, fon of Hippocrates (faith he) you
act Homers Vlyffes ill in ufing the fame means to deceive the
Citizens, wherewith he(whipping himſelf deluded the enemie.
Immediately the people flocked in to defend Pififtratus Arifto
mov'd he might be allowed a ſtanding guard of fiftie men: Solon
roſe up to oppoſe it, ufing fpeeches, the effect whereof, he af-
terwards thus expreſt in verfe.
1
If evillyour impieties befall, H
Gods not the Author of those mischiefs call,
Your felves the causes, have given power to thoſe,
who in requitall, fervitude impofe.
Lion whom the footsteps of the fox pursues di a
whofe fouls deceit and vanity endues i
The mans Smooth tongue and speech you only heeds
But never penetrate into the deeds i
}
J
''
*
་
C
י ז'
He alſo foretold them the aimes of Pifftratus, in an elegy to
this effect.
1
ا
*
Vapours
*
SOLON
57
Vapours condens'dingender hail and fnow,
Andthunder doth from radiant lightning flow.
The fea is troubled by the raging wind,
when not difturb'd by that, nothing more kind.
A Citty by great perfons is orethrown,
And taught beneath a Monarchy to groan.
But feeing the poorer fort much addicted to Pififtratus, and
tumultuous, the richer afraid, confulting their fafetie by flight,
he retired, faying, Athenians, I am wifer then fome, valianter
then others, wifer then thoſe who underſtand not the deceit
of Pififtratus, valianter then thoſe, who underſtand it, yet hold
their peace, through fear. The Senate being of the fame faction
with Pifftratus, faid he was mad, whereto he anſwered,
•
A little time will to the people cleer
My madneſſe,when 'th’midst truth ſhall appear.
*
The people having granted Pifistratus his requeſt concerning
aguard, queſtion'd not the number of them, but conniv'd fo
long at his preffing and maintaining as many fouldiers as he
pleaſed, that at laſt he poſſeſt himſelfe of the Tower; where-
upon the Citty being in a tumult, Megacles, with the reſt of
the Alcmaonida fled. Solon now very old, and deſtitute of thoſe
that might back him, went into the Forum, *armed with a ſpear Laert.
and fhield, and made an oration to the people, partly accufing
them offolly and cowardife, partly inciting them not to for-
fake their libertie, ufing this celebrious ſpeech, "It had been
far eaſier to have fuppreft this tyranny in the grouth,but much
more noble to cut it offnow it is at the height. No man da-
ring to hear him, he went home, and taking his armes, fet them
in the ſtreet before his door (Laertius faith, before the Magazin)
ſaying, "I have helped my Country and the Law as much as
"lay in mejor as Laertius," O Country,I have affifted thee both
"in word and deed. Plutarch addes, that from that time he li.
ved retired, addicted to his ſtudy; and told by many the Ty-
rant would put him to death, and demanded wherein he con-
fided fo much, he anſwered, in his age: but Laertius affirmes
(which feemes truer) that affoon as he had laid down his armes, * Lib. 17º cap.
he forfook the Country:and*Agellius,that in the raign of Scovius 21.
Tullius, Pifiſtratus was Tyrant of Athens, Solon going firft away
into voluntary exile.
CHAP.
1
58
SOLON
Solonath
}
1
CHA P. XI.
How be travelled to Lydia, and Cilicia,
Olon at his departure from Athens received invitations from
many; by Thules defired to come to Miletus, by Bias, to Priene,
by Epimenides, to Creet, by Cleobulus to Lindus, as is evident from
their feverall letters to that effect: even Pifftratus preffed him
to return home by this Epiftle.
CC
Ce
N
{
Pififtratus to Solön.
Either am I the only perfon of the Greeks, nor am I
"without right to the Kingdome I poffeffe, as being
"defcended from Codrus: that which the Athenians having
"fworn to give to Codrus and his heirs, took away, I have re-
" covered; no otherwife do I offend either God or man; I take
care that the common-wealth bé governed according to the
"lawes you ordained for the Athenians, and that better then
*by a Democratie: Ifuffer none to do wrong, neither do I
enjoy any priviledges of a Tyrant, more then honour and
"dignity, fuch rewards only as were conferr'd upon the antient
Kings; every man paies the tenth of his eſtate, not to me, but
"to the maintenance of publick facrifices, or other charges of
"the common-wealth, or againſt time of war. You I blame not
"for diſcovering my intents, you did it more in love to the
"ftate, then in hate to me; befides, you knew not what go-
«vernment I meant to eſtabliſh, which if you had, perhaps you
would have brooked my rule, and not banifht your felfe;
"returne therefore home, and believe me without an oath:
« Solon fhall never receive any difpleaſure from Pififtratus, you
"know my very enemies have not, and if you will vouch-
"fafe to be of my friends, you fhall be of the firft, for I never
"faw any thing in you deceitfull or falfe; if otherwife, you
"will live with the Athenians, ufe your freedome, only deprive
not your felfe of your country for my fake.
C'e
CC
Solon returned this anſwer.
I
Solon to Pififtratus.
Beleeve I fhall not fuffer any harm by you, for before you
CC were Tyrant, I was your friend, and at prefent am no
more your enemie, then any other Athenian who diflikes
"Tyrannie: whether it be better they be governed by a ſingle
"perſon, or by a Democratie, let both parties determine. I
pro-
SOLON
59
re
pronounce you the beft of Tyrants; but to returne to 4-
**ct thens I think not fitting, left I incur blame, who fetled an e-
quality in the Athenian common-wealth, and would not ac-
cept of the Tyranny; by returning, I ſhall comply with thy
" actions.
Cræfus alfo fent to invite him, to whom he thus anſwered.
Solon to Crafus.
Love your humanity towards us, and by Pallas, but that I
affect above all things to live under a Democratie, I ſhould
"much fooner chooſe to live in your Kingdome, then at 4-
"thens, whilſt Pifftratus rules there by forces but it is moft plea-
fing to me to live where all things are juſt and equall; yet will
"I come over to you, being defirous to become your gueſt.
<<
CC
Selon upon this invitation went to Sandys, where Crafus (faith
Herodotus) received him kindly: after the third or fourth day
the Officers at Crafus appointment lead him into the treaſu-
ries, to ſhew him all their greatneffe and riches; when he had
beheld all, Crœfus ſpoke thus unto him. “Athenian gueſt, be-
"cauſe we have heard much fame of your wifdome and expe-
«rience, having out of love to Philofophy travelled into many
"Countries, I have a defire to enquire of you if ever you faw
"any man whom you could call moft happy. This he deman-
ded, hoping himſelfe to be eſteemed fuch. Solon nothing flatte-
ring him, anfwered according to the truth, faying,
"Ö King,
«Tellus the Athenian. At which ſpeech Crafus wondering.
« Why do you judge Tellus the moſt happy? Becauſe (replied
"Solon) in a well ordered ftate, he had children honeſt and
good, and faw every one of thofe have children all living;
"thus having paffed his life as well as is poffible for man,
"ended it gloriouſly: a fight happening between the Athenians
"and their neighbours in Eleufis,he came in to their fuccour,and
"and putting the enemy to flight, died nobly; the Athenians
buried him in the place where he fell, with much honour.
Whilſt Solon recounted the happineffe of Tellus, Cræfus being
mov'd, demanded to whom he affign'd the next place,
making no queftion but himselfe ſhould be named a fecond.
"Clectis (faith he) and Bito, they were Argives by birth,
they had fufficient wherewithall to maintain themſelves;
and withall, fo great ftrength of body, that both were
alike victors in the publick games, of whom it is thus
"reported; the Argives celebrating the feaſtivall of Juno, it
was neceffary their Mother fhould be drawn to the Tem
ple by a pair of Oxen, there being no Oxen in the field
"ready, there young men, ftreitned in time, underwent
.CC
cc
T
he
the
1
60
SOLON.
1
"the yoke, and drew the chariot of their Mother fortie five
❝ ſtadia, till they came to the Temple; when they had ſo done,
in the fight of all the people, they obtain'd the happieſt end
"of their daies, whereby the God declared it better for a man
"to die then to live;the Argive, preffing about them, the men
"applauding the piety of the Sons, the Women the happineſſe
"of the Mother, the Mother her felfe infinitely joyed with the
"action, and the glory thereof, ftanding before the image, pray-
«ed the Goddeffe to give her fons, Cleobis and Bito the beſt thing
"that could happen to man; after this prayer, having facri-
❝ficed and feafted, they lay down to fleep in the Temple, and
<< never waked more, but fo ended their daies: their Images (as
" of moſt excellent perfons) were made by the Argives, and fet
" up at Delphi. Theſe Solon ranked in the fecond degree. Here-
"at Crafus growing angry; ſtranger (faid he ) doth our happi-
"neffe feem ſo defpicable, that you will not rank us equall
"with private perfons? He answered, do you enquire Cræfus
"concerning human affairs of me, who know, that divine pro-
«dence is ſevere and full of alteration? In proceffe of time we
"fee many things we would not, we fuffer many things we
"would not; let us propofe feventy yeers, as the term of mans
life, which yeares confiſt of twenty five thousand and two
<hundred daies, befides the additionall month, if we make one
<c year longer then another by that Month, to make the time
« accord the additionall months, belonging to thofe feventy
years, will be thirty five, the daies of thofe months a thou-
« fand and fiftie, whereof one is not in all things like another :
«fo that every man, O Græfus, is miferable! you appear to me
Cc very rich, and are King over many, but the queſtion you de-
"mand I cannot refolve, untill I hear you have ended
"your daies happily; he who hath much wealth is not happier,
<< then he who gets his living from day to day, unleffe fortune
" continuing all thofe good things to him, grant that he die
<< well. There are many men very rich, yet unfortunate, many
« of moderate eſtates, fortunate, of whom, he who abounds in
"wealth, and isnot happy, exceeds the fortunate only in two
"things, the other him in many; the rich is more able to fatisfie
<< his defires, and to overcome great injuries; yet the fortunate
« excells him, he cannot indeed inflict hurt on others, and fa-
<<tisfie his own defires, his good fortune debarres him of theſe :
"but he is free from ills, healthfull, happy in his children,
"and beautifull, if to this a man dies well, that is he whom you
<< feek, who deferves to be called happy; before death he can-
"not be ſtil❜d happy, but fortunate; yet for one man to obtain
"all this is impoffible, as one country cannot furniſh it felfe
"with all things, fome it hath, others it wants, that which
"hath moſt is beft; fo in men, no one is perfect, what one hath,
"the
SOLON.
6*
the other wants ; he who hath conftantly moft, and at laſt
"quietly departs this life, in opinion, O King, deferves to bear
"that name. In every thing we muſt have regard to the end,
"whether it tends for many, to whom God difpenceth all good
"fortunes, he at laft utterly fubverts. This ftory is related by
Plutarch, alfo mentioned by Laertius, who addes, that "Crafus
"being magnificently adorned and ſeated on his Throne, asked
«him, whether he had ever seen any thing more glorious? who anfwe-
"red, Cocks, Pheasants,& Peacocks,who are much more beautiful in their
naturall fiower.*Solon after this diſcourſe withCrafus,not ſoothing * Herodsi,
him, or making any efteem of him, was difmiffed, and ac-
counted unwife, for neglecting the preſent good in regard to
the future. * Æfope, the writter of fables was at that time at
Sardis, fent for thither by Crafus, with whom he was much in
favour; he was grieved to fee Solon fo unthankfully diſmiſt, and
faid to him, Solon, we muſt either tell Kings nothing at all, or
what may pleaſe them. No, ſaith Solon, either nothing at all, or
what is beft for them. Thus was Solon much defpifed by Crafus.
* "Afterwards Crafus being taken prifoner by Cyrus was at
"his command fettered and fet upon a great pile of wood to be
"burned: as he was in this poſture,it came into his minde what
CC
CC
૬
Plut
* Herad
Solon had divinely faid to him,that no living man is happy; as
"foone as he remembred thoſe words, he fell into a great de-
"fection of Spirit,and fighing deeply,named Solon thrice, which
Cyrus hearing, commanded the interpreters to aske upon
"whom he called, they went to him and asked, he was filent,
at laſt preffing him further he anſwered, upon him who I defire
above all wealth, might have spoken with all tyrants; not underſtan-
ing, after much preffure and importunity, he told them, Solon
an Athenian came long fince to him, and bekolding all his wealth, valu-
ed it at nothing moreover that all which he told him bad come to paffe, nor
didit mare belong to him then to all mankind, especially to those who think
themselves happy. "Whilft Crafus faid this, the fire began to kin-
dle, and the outward parts thereof to be feized by the flame.
Cyrus being informed by an interpreter of all that Cræfus faid,
«began to relent, knowing himfelfe to be but a man, who de
"livered another man, nothing inferiour to him in wealth, to
"be burned alive, fearing to be puniſhed for that act, and con-
"fidering that nothing was certain in human affairs, he com-
"manded the fire to be inftantly quenched, and Crafus, and
"thoſe that were with him to be brought off, *whom ever
"after as long as he lived, he had in efteem. Thus Solon gained * Plxt.
praife, that of two Kings, his fpeech preſerved one, and inſtru-
cted the other.
CC
cc
Plutarch relates this done in the former ten years travail of
Solon, upon the finishing of his lawes, whence he maketh an A-
pology for the incongruity thereof, with the rules of Chrono-
R
logy,
62
SOLON.
*Plut.
*De longavis.
* Plant.
logy, which had leffe needed, if with Laertius, he had placed it
after Pififtratus his ufurpation of the tyranny.
Laertius faith, he went from hence to Cilicia, and built there
a Gitty, called after him Soleis, whither he brought alſo ſome
few Athenians, whofe language growing corrupt by that of
the country, they were faid to folaæcife; of this is the Etymolo-
gift doubtleffe to be underftood, who derives creukel mò cénar
κιλικίων (fo read we, not ἀπὸ Σόλωνος καλιός This is alfo attefted by
Suidas, as a diſtinct relation from that of Cyprus, in confirmation
whereof Laertius addes, the Cilicians were called Solenfes, the
Cyprians Solii.
*
*
CHAP. XII.
His death.
&
J
Eraclides affirmes, Solon lived long after Pififtratus began
Lucian that his life extended to a hundred
to raign;
years; with whom thofe beft agree, who fay (as Suidas relates)
he lived in the fiftie fix Olympiads * but according to Phanias,
Pıfiftratus took the Tyranny upon him, when Comiaswas Archon; and
Solon died, Hegeftratus being Archon, who fucceeded Comias, which
was in the first year of the fiftie fift Olympiad. If this latter opinion
had not every where taken place of the other, the difagreement
betwixt the time of Solon's death, and Cræfus raign had not been
urged by many, as an argument againſt the ſtory of their mee
ting.
He dyed (according to Laertius) aged eighty years (being, as
*Var.hift.8.16.* Elian faith, very decrepit in Cyprus, (as is likewife atteſted by
* Lib. s. cap.3. Valerius Maximus, and*Suidas) and left order with his friends
* Laert.
that they ſhould carry his bones toSalamis,& there cauſing them
to be burnt, ſcatter the aſhes all over the country; which ſtory
Plutarch (though he counts it fabulous) acknowledgeth to be
atteſted by many Authors of credit, particularly Ariftotle.
Laertius confirms it by the teſtimony of Cratinus, who makes
him ſpeak thus;
#
u
The Island I inhabit, fomn
As fame reports, in Ajax Town:
*
;
That defire of knowledge which he ufually profeft continu-
* Val. Max.8.7. ed with him to his end, confirmed the laſt day of his life
his friends fitting about him, and falling into fome diſcourſe,
heraiſed his weary head, and being demanded why he did fo
he answered, that when I have learnt that, whatsoever it be, whereon
you difpute, I may die. *His brothers fon finging an ode of Sappho
he delighted therewith, bád him teach him it, and being de-
* Steb. 29.
manded
SOLON
63
manded why, that, faid he, I may learn whilst I depart out of this
life.
After his death, the Athenians erected his ſtatue in braſſe,
before the checker'd cloiſter'd * in the forum: Another was ⋆ Paufan. Attic.
fet up at Salamis, hiding (as Demofthenes and Efchines defcribe it) * Demofth. in
the hand within the garment, in the fame habit wherein heufed Ariftog. 2. Eli-
an, var. hift, 8.
to make ſpeeches to the Athenians; perhaps the fame that carri- 16.
ed this infcription,
Fam'd Salamis, the Perfian pride caft down,
And gave to Solon birth, the lawes renown.
Laertius beſtowes this Epigram upon him.
H
1
A forraign Cyprian fire burn'd Solon, yet
Salamiskeeps his bones, their aſhes wheat ;
His Soul to heaven mounts with his lawes, fo light
A burthen, they not clog, but help his flight.
་
•
CHAP. XIII.
His writings.
4:4
ļ
excellency both in Rhetorick and Poetry is atteſted by
many: Cicero," Before Solan's time, no man is recorded * In Bruto.
for eloquence. And again," Lycurgus and Solon we place in the De orat.lib.t.
"number of the eloquent. * Dion, Chryfoftome, Ariftides, Lycurgus,
5
* Orat. 21.
* Solon, Epaminondas, and if there be any other in the fame kind,
❝ought to be eſteemed Philofophers in the common-wealth
"or Oratours, according to ingenious true Rhetorick, * Ari-* Orat. Plat. ză
Stides, "Solonis faid to have fung thofe things which concern
"the Megarenfes, but neither his Lawes nor Orations, which
"ſometimes he made for the rich to the commons, fometimes
"for the commons to the rich, did he fing or compriſe in verfe,
"but ufed a rhetoricall form, excellently demonftrating in all
"thefe, that he deferved to be eſteemed an Oratour and a
"Wife-man, having attained both thoſe titles and faculties.
As to Poetry, Plutarch averres," he addicted himſelfe thereto
"from the beginning, not in ferious matters, but ludicrous,
"ufed(as it feemes) for his exerciſe and paſtime; afterwards he
"included many Philofophicall fentences in verfe, and many
"affaires of ftate, not in relation to hiftory, but to vindicate
"his own actions, fometimes alfo to correct and reprove the
"Athenians. Plato faith, that at the Apaturian feaſt, the
'boyes uſed to repeat his poems; and that if he had applyed In Timeo.
"himfelfe to nothing but Poetry as others did, and had finiſhed
"the hiſtory he brought out of Egypt, and had not been con-
τε
*
"ſtrain-
*
I. Crit.
64
SOLON.
* Eclig. di&t.
Attic.
* In Orat. wgi
HOLLOW.
ſtrained by ſeditions and other diſtractions to lay aſide that
ક ſtudy, neither Hefiod, Homer, nor any of the Poets would have
"been more famous.
* Attic.
περί κόσμου.
Of his writings in Profe, we muft with Laertius name in the
firſt place his
Lawes, of which already.
Orations to the people.
His Poems are cited under that generall title by * Phrynicus ›
their particular ſubjects and titles theſe.
Exhortations to himselfe, mentioned by Laertius,* Ariftides, and
Suidas.
Elegies:
Salamis, of which Chap.2.
Of the Athenian common-wealth, which Laertius affirmes to have
extended to two thouſand verfes, according to * Paufanias, and
* Philo, Elegiack.
Iambicks, mentioned by Lartius, cited by Athenaus and Ari-
Stides.
Epodes, mentioned by Laertius.
Elegies to King Cypranor, cited by the author of Aratus,his life.
Adquiva, cited by Laertius.
Some (faith Plutarch) affirme, he began to reduce his own
Lawes into verſe.
The laſt work he undertook was concerning the Atlantick
fpeech or fable, which beginning late, he was deterred by the
greatneffe of the work, as Plutarch faith, and prevented by
death.
>
Befides thoſe Epiſtles already alledged, theſe are preſerved
alſo by Laertius.
Solon to Periander.
You fend me word, there are many who plot againſt you;
"if you ſhould put them all to death, it would advan-
"tage you nothings fome one there may be of thofe, whom you
fufpect not, who plotts againſt you, either fearing himſelfe, or
"difdaining you, or defirous to ingratiate himſelfe with the
re
..
City, though you have done him no injury; it is beft, if you
"would be free from jealoufie, to acquit your felfe of the cauſe,
"but if you will continue in Tyranny, take care to provide a
"greater ſtrength of ſtrangers then is in your own City; fo fhall
"you need to fear no man, nor to put any to death.
Solon
SOLON
65
A
હ
Solon to Epimenides.
•
iv
८
Either are my lawes likely to benefit the Athenians long,
"nor have you advantaged the City by luftration; for
divine right and law-givers cannot alone benefit Cities; it
"importeth much of what mind they are who lead the com-
"mon people; divine rights and lawes,if they direct them well,
are profitable, if they direct them ill, profit nothing; neither
"are thofe lawes I gave in any better condition; they who had
charge of the common-wealth, not preventing Pfiftratus his
"ufurpation of the tyranny, loft the City, of which, when I
«foretold them, I could not be believeds the Athenians would
"rather credit his flatteries, then my truth; wherefore laying
"down my armes before the Magazin, I faid, that I was wifer
"then thoſe who did not fee Piiftratus aimed at the Tyranny;
"and ftouter then thoſe who durft not refift him: they repu-
❝ted solon a mad man. Laftly, I made this profeffion, O coun-
try! behold Solon ready to vindicate thee in word and deed:
"they again eſteem'd me mad. Thus I beeing the only perfon
"that oppos'd Pififtratus, I came away from them; let them
'guard him with their armes if they pleafes for know (dear
"friend) the man came very cunningly by the Kingdome, he
"complyed at firft with the Democratie, afterwards wounding
"himfelfe, came into Elica, crying out, he had received thoſe
shurts from his enemies, and required a guard of foure hun-
"dred young men, which they (not harkening to me) granted;
"theſe carried halberds: after this, he diffolved the popular
government; truly I laboured in vain to free the poorer fort
"from mercenary flavery, when they all now ferve one Pififtra-
CC
%c
ectus.
·
Such fragments of his Poems as have been hitherto prefer-
ved are thus collected..
-1
་ །
Out of his Elegies.
Spruns from Mnemofyne and Joves great line,
Pierian Mufes, to my prayer encline,
Grant that my life and actions may call down
Blessings from heaven, and raife on earth renown:
Sweet to my friends, and bitter to my foes,
To these my fight bring terror, joy to thófe.
Riches I wish, not riches that are plac't
In unjuſt means, for vengeance comes at last.
Riches difpenc'd by heavens more bounteous hand,
A base on which we may unfbaken ftand.
But that which men by injuries obtain,
That
66
SOLON
1
t
{{
That which by arts and deeds unjuſt they gain
Comes flowly, swiftly by reveng d parſued,
And miferie like a close spark include,
which foon to à devouring flame dilates,
wrong is a weak foundation for eftates.
Jove doth the end of every thing ſurvey •
As fodain vernall blasts chafe clouds away.
Ranfack the bottom of the roaring main,
Then swiftly overrun the fertile plain,
Ruffling the wealthy ears; at laft they rife
To Joves high fedt, a calm then fmooths the skies.
The Sun's rich luftre mildly gilds the green
Enamell of the meads, no clouds are feen,
Such is Joves heavie anger diffring far
From men, whofe every trifle leads to war :
They are not bid for ever, who offend
In fecret, judgment finds them in the end.
Some in the act are punisht, others late,
Even he who thinks he hath deluded fate;
At laſt reſents it in just miferies,
which Nephewes for their ancestors chaftife.
We think it fares alike with good and bad's
Glory and felfe-conceit our fancies glad
•
Till fuffering comes, then their griev'd ſpirits bleed,
who did before their foules with wain hope feed.
He whom incurable difeafes feize,
Sooths his deluded thoughts, with hopes of eafe.
The coward's valiant in his own esteem,
And to themselves, faire the deformed feem.
They who want means, by poverty oppreft
Beleeve themſelves of full eftates poffeft.
All is attempted, fome new feas explore
To bring home riches from a forraign Shore:
Seas, on whose boisterous back fecur d they ride
And in the mercy of the winds confide:
Others to crooked ploughes their Oxen yoke,
And Autumn with their plants and fetts provoke.
Some Vulcan's and Minerva's arts admire,
Andby their hands, their livelyhoods acquire.
Others the fair Olympian muſes trace
Andlovely learning studiously embrace.
One by Apollo is prophetick made,
Andtells what mischiefs others fhall invade :
With him the Gods converfe, but all the skill
In birds or victimes cannot hinder ill.
Some to Peonian knowledge are inclin'd,
Nor is the power of fimples unconfin'd.
3
4
The
SOLON.
The smallest hurts fometimes increase and rage
More then all art of phyfick can afwage,
Sometimes the fury of the worst difeafe,
The hand by gentle stroking will appeafe.
Thus good or bad arives as fates defign
Man cannot what the Gods difpenc'd decline.
All actions are uncertain, no man knowes
when he begins a work, how it shall close.
Some, who their buſineſſe weigh with prudent care,
Oft of the iſſue intercepted are:
whilst others who have rafhly ought defign'd,
An end fuccefsfull of their labours find.
There is no bound to those who wealth acquire
For they who are poffeft of most, defire
As much again, and who can all content,
Even those full bleſſings which the Gods have lent,
Man variously to his own harm applies,
whom Jove by means as various doth chaftice.
OK
Again.
Ur City never can fubverted be
By Jove, or any other Deities
For Pallas eye furveyes with pious care
The wals, which by her hand protected are :
Yet the inhabitants of this great Town,
Fondly inclin'd to wealth, will throw it downs
And those unjust great persons who are bent
Others to wrong, themſelves to diſcontent ;
For their infatiate fancies have not power
Tenjoy the sweetneffe of the inftant howers
But by all wicked means, intent on gain,
From hallowed, nor from publick things refrain.
Riches by theft and cozenage to poffeffe,
The facred bounds of justice they tranfgreffe.
who filent fees the prefent, knowes the past,
And will revenge theſe injuries at laft:
Caufing a cureles's rupture in the ftate,
And all our liberties ſhall captivate.
Roufe war from his long flumber, who the flower
Of all our youths fhall bloodily devour.
For Cities which injuriously oppofe
Their friends, are foon invaded by their foes.
These are the common evills; of the poor
Many transported to a forraign fhore,
To bondage there, and fetters fhall be fold.
*
{
1
Each
68
SOLON
[
3
Each private houſe thus fhares the publick fatég
Nor can exclude it with a bar'd-up gate;
For fcaling furiously the higher walls,
1
}
1
On those whom beds or corners hides, it falls,
My foule, Athenians, prompts me to relate
what miferies upon injustice wait:
But juftice all things orderly defignes,
And in ftriat fetters the unjust confines.
what's foure, fhe Sweetens, and allaies what cloyes.
Wrong ſhe repells, ill in the grouth deftroyes,
Softens the ftubborn, the unjust reformes,
And in the ftate calmes all feditious formes:
Bitter difsention by her raign fuppreft,
who wifely governes all things for the beft.
Another.
Oman is blessed, bad is every one
No
That feeles the warmth of the all-feeing Sun.
Another.
Et me not die unpitti'd, every friend
LE
with fighes and tears my latest hower attend.
•
1
+
J
CHI.
1
CHILO.
69
*
CHILON.
4
CHAP. I.
Chilon his life.
HILON was a Lacedæmonian, fon of Dama-
getus, corruptly termed in *Stobaus, Page 6. He
was eminent amongſt the Greeks for two pre-
dictions.
* Laert.
* Serm. 28.
The firſt to Hippocrates, * to whom (being a *Herodot.lib.1.
private perfon) hapned a great prodigie at the Olym- Laert.
pick games: having prepared an offering, and filled a Cauldron with fleſh
and water, it boiled over without fire: This portent Chilon (accidentally
prefent) beholding, advised him that he bould not take a wife by whom he
might have iſſue, that if he had one, he ſhould put her away, andif.aſon,
turn him out of dores: Hippocrates not following this advice, brought
up his fon Pifftratus, who in the fedition of the Maritimes and country-
men at Athens,thofe led by Megacles, theſe by Lycurgus, stirred up a
third faction, and gained the tyranny.
1
* He was much renowwed alfo for his prediction concerning Cythera * Laert.
a Lacedæmonian Iſland; examining the Scituation thereof, would to
God (faid be)it had never been; or fince it is, it might be swallowed up by
the fea, and wifely did he forefee. Damaratus, a Lacedæmonian exile,
counselled, Xerxes to feize upon that Ifland, which advice if he had ſol-
lowed, would have ruined all Greece. His words(according to *He-* Lib. 7. 235:
rodotus) were theſe. You may effect your defires,if you fend three hundred
ſhips to the Lacedæmonian coast; there lies an Ifland, named Cythera,
of which Chilon, a person of greatest wisdome amongst us, faid, it were
better for the Lacedemonians that it were under water then above: he, it
feemes, expected from it fome fuch thing as I am now going to declare
not that he forefan your Navy,but doubting any in the fame kind, Let your
men iſſue out of this Ifland upon the Lacedæmonians, to strike them into
terror. Afterwards, in the time of the Peloponefian war, Nicias* Laert
taking the Ifland, placed ſome Athenians therein, who much
infeſted the Lacedæmonians.
*
Laertius faith, that he was old in the fifty two Olympiad, at what time
Æfop flouriſh'd: that he was Ephorus in the fiftie fixt. (Cafaubon reads
the fiftie five) but Pamphila (continueth Laertius ) faith in the fixt.
He was firft Ephorus, when Euthydemus was Archon, as Soficrates
alfo affirmes, and first appointed the Ephori to be joyned with Kings, which
Satyrusfaith, was the inftitution of Lycurgus. Hence it is doubtfull
T
whether
70
CHILON
ux
whether Chilon was Ephorus in the fixt Olympiad, or in the
fiftie fixt; the latter is more probable, in as much as he bore
that office when Euthydemus was Archon at Athens which was
in the fiftiet Olympiad, as appeares by the Marmor Arundeli-
anum, where for E is corriptly read, rendred
Archonte populo. But it is likewife true,that the Ephori were firſt
created about the fixt Olympiad, when Polydorus and Theopompus
were Kings of Lacedæmon a hundred and thirty yeares after
Lycurgus, as Plutarch (in his life) affirmes,from which time there
were five annuall Ephori chofen in heredemon, whereof the
firft is called us, becauſe the year had its denomination
* Plut.vit. Ly- from him: the firſt of the first election was Elatus; Chilon in
the fiftie fixt Olympiad was the first of the five of his year;
which might perhaps give the occafion of the miſtake to them,
who take him to be the firft of that inftitution, of whom is *sta.
liger.
Cur.
* In Eufeb. p.
67:
* Laert.
* Laert.
*
*
}
*How he behav'd himself in this office,may be gathered from
his ſpeech to his brother, difpleafed that himselfe was not Ephorus at
the fame time: "Ican bear injuries, faith be, you cannot.
હ
CC
CG
*
He was ſo juſt in all his actions, that in his old age he pro-
feffed, he never had done any thing contrary to the confcience.
of an upright man, only that ofone thing he was doubtfull ha
ving given fentence againſt his friend according to law, he ad-
vifed his friend to appeal from him (his Judge) fo to preferve
* Lib. 1.cap 3: both his friend and the law: Agellius relates it thus When
"his life drew towards an end, ready to be feized by death, he
"ſpoke thus to his friends about him:, My words and actions
in this long tearm of years, have been (almoſt all fuch as I
"need not repent of, which perhaps you alfo know; truly even
"at this time I am certain, I never committed any thing, the
remembrance whereofbegets any trouble in me, unleffe this
one thing only, which whether it were done amiffe or not, I
e am uncertain: I fat with two others as Judge upon the life of
"my friend; the law was fuch, as the perfon muft of neceffity
"be condemned; fo that either my friend muft lofe his life, or
"fome deceit be uſed towards the Law: revolving many things
"in my mind for relief of a condition fo defpeate, I conceived
"that which I put in practiſe to be of all other the moſt eaſie
"to be born: Silently I condemned him, and perfwaded thoſe
"others who judged to abfolve him: Thus preferved (in fa
great a bufineffe) the dutie both of a judge and friend; but
"from that act I receive this trouble, that I fear it is not free
"from perfidioufneffe and guilt, in the ſame bufineffe, at the
"fame time, and in a publick affair, to perfwade others, contra
ry to what was in my own judgment beſt.
CC
66
CHAP.
CHILON.
71
Orad
KONTEYS
[[]
C
CHAP. If
His morall ſentences, precepts, and verfes.
his Apothegmes, thefe are remembered by Laertius; he
faid, providence of future things collected by reafon is the vertue
of aman. Being demanded wherein the learned differ from the unlearn-
ed? he answered in a good hope? what is hard? to conceal fecfets, to dif.
pofe of leafure well, and to be able to bear an injury.
* Being invited to a fealt by Periander, (with the rest of the *Plutarch.
wife-men,) he would not promiſe to come before he knew simpos.fept.Sap
what other company would be there, faying, a man is neceffita-
ted to brook an all companion in a ſhip at fea, or in a tent in a camp; but
to mix indifférently with all sorts of people at a feaſt is indifcretion. Up-
on the fame occafion Plutarch recites thefe fentences of his; A
Prince must not think upon any transitory mortall things, but only upon
the eternall, and immortall. That common-wealth is best where the people
minde the Law, more then the Lawyers. A family must resemble as much
as poſſible a Citty governed by a King. * Hearing a man say he had no ene-
mie, he asked him if he had any friendsconceiving love and bate neceffarily * Plut, de ani-
mufe fallow one another.
จ
DOIT
१
ma.
Hismorall precepts are thus delivered by Demetrius Phalereus. * Stob. ferm.
Know thy felfes Speak not much in thy drink, for thou wilt tranfgreffe. 28.
(or as Laertius rule thy tongue, efpecially ara feaft Threaten
not free perfons, for it is not just. (Laertius, threaten none, for that
is like a woman Speak not ill of thy neighbour, if thou dost thou shalt
hear what will trouble thee. Go flowly to the feasts of thy friends, Swiftly to
their misfortunes.(Laertius,go more readily to a friend in adverfity
then in profperity.) Celebrate marriage frugally. Speak well of the
dead. Reverence thy elder (Laertius, honourage) Hate him who is in-
quifitive into the bufineffe of others. Preferre loffe before unjust gain (for
that (addes Laertias)brings grief but once, this for ever) Deride
not the unfortunate. If thou art strong, behave thy felfe mildely, that thou
maift rather be refpected then fear'd' Laertius, of thy neighbours.
Learn to) Order thy houfe well. Let not thy tongue run before thý mind.
Bridle thy anger. Covet not impossibilities. In the way hasten not forward.
Shake not thy hand (Laertius, in difcourfe) for it is like a mad-man..
Obey the Lames. Be reconcited to those who have wrong'd you, but revenge
contumelies. To which Laertius addes thefe, To preferve thy felfe.
Not to hate divination, make use of quietneffe!
*
t
Pliny ſpeaking of authority, faith, that men ranked Chilon a- * Lib. 7. cap.
mongſt Oracles, confecrating three precepts of his at Delphi, in golden 32.
letters, which are thefe: Every man to know himfelfe, and to defire no. bing
too much the companion of anothers mony and strife is mifery.
*He only kept within boundsthe two moft fierce affections,
of the foule, Love, and Hate, ſaying, Love with fuch limitation, as
if hereafter you might chance to hate: hate fo farre, as that perhaps you
might hereafter love.
Aufo-
Agell
CHILON.
72
* Laert.
* Laert.
* Lib.7.cap.32
• Laert.
ť
Aufonius afcribes to him the effect of theſe verſes.
Me, may the mean not fear, nor great deſpiſe,
Have death and health alike before thy eyes...
The benefits thou givest, remember never,
Of those thou dost receive, be mindfull ever,
Learn of thy felfe and friend t'orecome croſſe fate,
Age youth resembling, is a light eftate
Youth, age reſembling, is a greater weight.
His particular fentence was, To a furety, loffe is near.
Ofhis Aquíva, Laertius mentions this, as moſt eminent.
Gold's worth we by the touchstone find,
Gold is the touchflone of the mind.
*He asked fop what Jupiter was doing, who anſwered,
pulling down the high, and raifing the low.
CHAP. III.
His death,and writings.
E died (according to * Hermippus ) at Piſa, embracing his
fon, victor in the Olympick games, of the cæftus, the
weakneſſe of his age overcome with exceffe of joy; all who
were prefent at that great affembly attended on his funeralls
asis affirmed by * Pliny and Laertius, who hath this Epigram up-
on him,
To thee illuftrious Pollux thanks I pay,
That Chilons fon the Olive bore away.
The father died ore-joy'd his child to fee
So crown'd: a happy death! fuch befall me:
Upon his ſtatue, this infcription.
The birth of Chilon warlick Sparta grac'd,
who of the feven, in the first rank was plac' d.
>
*He was ſhort in fpeech, whence Aristagoras calls that man-
* Lud. Sept. fap. ner of fpeaking Chilonian: *Aufonius alfo alludes hereto in the
Lud.Sept•Sap.
fpeech he makes under his name.
* Laert.
*He writ Elegies extending almoſt to two hundred verſes :
there is likewiſe an Epiftle of his extant to this effect.
CC
Ou
Chilon to Periander.
You fend me word of an expedition you are preparing a-
"gainſt forraigners, intending to go in perfon with your
"Army: a monarch, I think, hath little fafetie, even at home.
"That Tyrant I eſteem happy who dies at home a naturall
<death.
PIT.
-
&
PITTACVS
73
*
t
PITTACVS.
.
CHAP. I
Pittacus his life.
Suid.
ITT ACUS was of Mitelene (thechief City* Laert. &
of Lesbos fon of Caicus, or (rather) Hyri ha- *So the vatican
ſon
dius, a Thracian, his Mother a Leſbian, born M. S. of Sui-
in the thirtie two Olympiad.
* Suid.
das, better
then the printed
Laertius faith, he flouriſhed in the fortię editions, which
two Olympiad; *at that time he gave tefti- read nai,
mony of his great courage and love to his
Country, in killing ( affifted by the brethren of Alçaus the Po-
et) Melanchrus, tyrant of Lefbes and Mitelene.
,
* Laert.
* Herod.§. 94.
*
* Strab.lib.13.
*Pittacus grown eminent by this action, was by the Mitele-
næans made Generall, and * fent with a fleet against the Abenians, Strab.
with whom they had a long conteſt concerning the Achillæan
fields the ground of their difference this: *Pififtratus took Sige-
um by force from the Miteleans, and fetled there (as King) Hegefiftra-
tus his naturall Son, by an Argive woman, who kept it, not without
much difpute; for betwixt the Mitelenæans and Athenians there was a
long war, thofe fallying out of the_Achillean Town, theſe out of Siga-
um: thofe lay claim to the Town, as built by Archeanaites of,
Mitelene, of the ftones of old Troy (for the Leſbians challenged
the greateſt part of Troas as their hereditary right, where they
had built many houſes, fome, faith Strabo, ftanding at this day
others demoliſhed)* these oppoſed their claim, alledging the Eolians Herod.conti-
had no more right to this Ilian country, then themselves or any other of
the Greeks, who affifted Menelaus in the recovery of Hellen. The* Strab. Laert.
Athenians fent thither as Generall Phryno, a tall robuſt perſon,
who had been victor in all the Olympick exerciſes; perhaps the
fame whom Eufebius names in the thirtie fix Olympiad. Pitta-
cus having been severall times worsted in ba tl, at last challenged
Phryno to fingle combat, and met him, being armed with the 1.eapons
of a fiſherman, hiding a net under his l ield, wherewith catching Phryno
Suddenly, he flew him with his trident and i'agger, and by bus deab re-
covered the field. From this ftratagem of Pittacus, was derived the
like kind of fighting amongſt the Roman gladiatours, called
Retiarii( deſcribed by* Lipfius) as is exprefly obferved by Polyenus ⋆ Saturnal.
and Festus.
*
* But this war ended not fo; untill at laſt both parties refer-
U
red
Rues.
* Strab. Laert.
*
*
*In Retiario:
Strab. Laert.
74
PITT ACUS
* Herod. S. 95:
* Strab.
* Laert.
3. 14.
* Val.Max.6.5
14.
*
*
red themſelves to Periander, choofing him Umpire; he awar-
ded that each ſide ſhould keep what they were in poffefſion of
whereby Sigeum fell to the Athenians. Demetrius angues Ti-
mæus of falfhood, for affirming Periander built Achilleum (4mall
town, where was the tomb of Achilles) in oppofit to the Athenians,
of Ilian stones, and thereby to have aided Pittacus: but neither was it
built of fuch ſtones(ſaith Strabo ) nor was Periander the founder: how
could he be chofen arbitratour,whoſe actions had declared him an enemie ?
* Hereupon Pittacus was highly honoured by the Mitelena-
Ariftot.polit. ans, who (* being infested by banished perfons, under the leading of
Antimenides, and Atcæus the Poet)* either in obligation to his
*Plut.amator, merit, or confidence in his equity, by their free votes (though
* Ariftot. pol· 3. Alcæus denie it) inſtated him in the Tyrannies with many accla-
mations of praife, and a great concourfe of people (as is manifeft from
* Plut. de ma- Alc&us, who for that reafon reprehends them.) * They alfo with
ligd. Herod. generall confent offered him great gifts, and bad him take of
that field which he recovered from the Citizens as much as he
would. He darting his fpear, demanded only ſo much as that
had paffed over, which he dedicated to Apollo, called (even to
the time of Plutarch, and Laertius) the Pittacean field: Soficrates
averres, he took part of it for himſelfe, faying, the halfe was
more then the whole:* Thus he diverted his mind from the gift, con-
ceiving it not fitting to diminish the glory of the vertue, by the greatneſſe
of the reward.
Laert. Suid.
* Laert.
* Val. Max.6.5
* Val Max.4.1 •
*De legib. 2.
* Polit. 2. 12.
*
Being poffeft of this power, hefbewed the moderation wherewith his
breast was furniſhed, towards Alcæus the Poet, who had behaved himselfe
pertinaciously against him, with bitter hate and fcurrilous wit(whereof
fee many inftances in Laertius) Pittacus only inform'd him how able
he was to oppreffe him.
*
During his government, he made many Lawes, one whereof
is mentioned by *Cicero, forbidding any man to go to the funerall of
fuch as he was not of kin to. Another by Aristotle, that whosoever
being drunk, ſhould ſtrike any man, ſhould pay double as much as if he
had been fober; or as Laertius delivers it, whofoever offended, being
drunk, fhould pay a double forfeit; which he did to reftrain the Mi-
telenæans from drunkenneffe, becauſe their Iſland abounded
in wine. His ufuall exercife, even whilft he was King, (asCle.
archus affirmes) was to grind corn, eſteeming it a healthfull ex-
erciſe, much commending a mill, that in fo little room, it affor-
ded exerciſe to many. There was a fong, *called for that reaſon
* Plut.Sympos, smuvaror, of which Thales *affirmes he heard a fhe-flave in Lesbos-
Sept. fap. fing the beginning as the ground, which was thus.
Pollux.
Grind, grind my Mill amain,
For Pittacus the Lesbian King
To grind doth not diſdain.
Being
PITT ACUS.
75
Being well in years, he was conſtrained to take upon himſelf
the leading of an Army, whereupon he ſaid, it is hard to be good's
which * Simonides mentions, faying,
Hard to be truly honeft, this
The Pittaceian fentence is.
Plato alfo remembers it in his Protagoras (where Simonides re-
proves Pittacus for faying, it is hard to continue good, which
heaffirmes tobe cafie, but to become good, hard; wherein he
differs from Laertius his expreffion of it.
* Wence corre&
Suidas, who
faith Simon.
*He continued in the government of the Kingdom ten years, * Laert.
* Valerius Maximus faith, only as long as the war with the Athenians * 6. 5.
concerning Sigeum lafted, but afterwards affoon as peace was obtained
by victory (having in this time fetled the affairs of the common-
wealth) he laid it down, notwithstanding the Mitelengans cried out to
the contrary, left he ſhould continue Lord of the Citizens longer then the
neceffities of the Kingdome required, and lived ten years after a pri-
vate perfon.
He went to Sardis at what time (as fome fay, though others apply it to
Bias Crofus having made the Grecians in Afia tributary, had given
order for the building of a Navy to invade the Iflanders: as foon as he
came thither, Cræefus asked him what newes from Greece? He by his
anfwer, diverted the King from going forward with his building fhips:
the Iſlanders, faith he, have bought a world of horses, intending an
expedition against Sardis; and Croefus thinking he had spoken truth,
answered, I wiſh the Gods would put it in their minds to come against the
Lydians on horfe-bad, he replyed, it is not without reafon, great King,
that you wish and hope to catch the Islanders on horse-back in the conti
nents and what think you the Iflanders wish more, then ( hearing
your preparation to set out a Navie against them) that they may catch the
Lydians upon the Sea, and revenge the cause of those inland Grecians
whom you have reduc'd to fervitude. Crofus much delighted with this
Speech, and diffwaded (for it feemed to him he spoke very ingeniously)
from building a Navy, gave it over, and contracted amity with the Ionian
Inlands.
CHAP. II,
His morall ſentences, precepts, and verſes.
Fhis Apothegmes,Laertius recites theſe. The Gods themselves
cannot refift neceffity. Power showes the man. Being on a time de-
manded what is beft,he answered, to do the prefent well. To Croefus, who
asked which was the greatest government, that of various (wood faith he)
meaning the Law, (carved) in wooden tables. To a Phocæan, who faid,
I muſt ſeek an honeſt man: though you ſeek much, (ſaith be) yem ſhall not
find
* Herod. 1. 27:
76
PITT ACVS.
*
Sap.
w
Sympos. Sept.
* Athen. deipn.
. ib.10.
* Laert.
ร
find him. To fome who demanded what was most pleafing, be answered,
Time. He faid it was the part of wife men to foreſee inconveniencies and
prevent them before they came, of valiant men to order them well when they
come.
Add theſe from * Plutarch, That Prince is happy, who can make
his fubje&t afraid, not of him, but for him. That commonwealth is beft or-
dered,where the wicked have no command, and the good have.That houfe is
beſt ordered, nhich needs nothing either of ornament or neceffity.
* From.ving.
» Stov. 28.
*He counfelled Periander to fhun drunkenneffe and exceffe
in feaſting, leaſt he ſhould be known to be what he was,not what
he feemed.
To a young man asking his advice concerning marriage,
what directions he gave, is thus expreft by Callimachus.
K
、、;
An Acarnean stranger Pittacus
Hyrrhadius fon of Lesbos queftion'd thus ;
Father a double match is offered mes
>
The birth and meanes of one with mine agree
The other far exceeds me, which is best?
By your advice my aime ſhall be addreſt.
Lifting his staffe (his ages fole defence)
He poynting faid, go fetch advice from thence,
(There he efpi'd fome boyes by chance at play
As they were whipping topps along the way)
Follow their steps faith he. when nigh he drew,
He heard them fay, an equall take to you 3
By which direction guided, he forfook
The richer fortune, and the equall took ;
Be you (as he) by this wife counfell lead,
And take an equall to your Mariage bed.
Whither Eschylus (as is obſerv'd by his Scholiaft) alluded
faying,
wife, truly wife was he
who first fententiouslie
His judgement thus expreft,
An equall match is best.
His Moral precepts are thus collected by* Demetrius Phalereus.
"Know opportunity; What thou intendeft,fpeake not before
"thou dost it, for being fruftrate of thy hope, thou will be de
"rided. Uſe thy friends. What thou tak'ft ill in thy neigh-
"bour, doe not thy felfe. Reproach not the unhappie, for the
"hand of God is on them. Reftore what is committed to thy
truſt. Beare with thy neighbour. Love thy neighbour. Re-
"proach not thy friend, though he recede from thee a little; nor
"wiſh well to thy enemy, it is againſt reafon. It is hard to fore-
cc
>
« ſea
PITT ACUS.
77
<< fee the future, what is paſt is certaine, what is to come ob-
"fcure. The earth is faithfull, the fea faithleffe; Gaine infati-
"able. Acquire, honeſty, Seeke Obfequioufneffe, Love Difci-
* pline, Temperance, Prudence, Truth, Faith, Experience,
"Dexterity, Society, Diligence, Oeconomy and Piety.
¿
Aufonius cites theſe as his;
None know to speak who know not to refraine,
One goodmans praiſe 'fore many ill mens gaine.
He's mad who envies in the happy, pride
Or grief in the unhappie doth deride.
who makes a law must not that law tranfgreffe,
Purchase all friends thou canst in happineſe,
And to the fewest trust in thy diftreffe..
* Of his A Souva, theſe were moſt celebrious,
who bath a quiver and a bow.
Against a wicked man ſhould go
Whofe doubtfull tongue never expreft.
The faithlelle meaning of his breast.
His particular fentence was, Know opportunity.
CHAP. III.
His Death; Brother, Wife, Son, Writings.
*
» Laeris
*
* Longer.
Elived to a full age, above feventy yeares, or(following Laert.
to
the accompt of Suidas for his birth) eighty. Lucian ex-
ceeds, who reckons him amongſt thoſe who lived 100. yeares;
for he * dyed when Ariftomenes was Archon,in the third yeare of* Laert:
the 52.Olympiad, upon his Monument this Epitaph,
Weepe citizens as facred Lesbos weeps
For Pittacus this Tombe his afbes keeps.
He had a brother who dying without iffue, his eſtate de-
volved to Pittacus; whereupon refufing the wealth Croefus
fferd him, hefaid, he had more by halfe then he defired.
He married a wife of birth higher then himſelf, fiſter to Draco
on of Penthilus; fhe behaved her ſelf imperiously towards him,
whereof Plutarch gives this inftance; Having invited fome friends,
t1
She came in and overthrew the table; he ſeeing his guests troubled faid,* De anim.
Each of you hath fome misfortune, he is happiest who hath no more then tranquil.
CC
this. Laertius faith, the advice he gave concerning equall marri-
age (chap. 2.) was out of a refentment of his own troubles.
X
* He
f
78
S
PITT ACVS:
* Laert.
* Laert.
* He had a fon named Tyrrheus, who at Cuma fitting in a Barbers
Jhop (as was afed amongst the antients by fuch as loved to
difcourfe of newes) was cafually killed by a brafier with a blow of a hat-
chet; The Gumeans tooke the offendor and fent him to Pittacus, He
being informed of the accident, fet him at liberty faying pardon is better
then penitence.
Of his writings Laertius mentions
Ativa, already cited,
Elegies amounting to boo verfes.
Of lames in profe; directed to his own Countrymen.
Epiftles of which this is preferved;
Pittacus to Crœfus.
"You command me to come to Lydia to behold your wealth ;
"without fight whereof I can eafily beleeve the fon of Alyattes,
"to be the richeſt of Kings, and therefore need not in that re-
fpect go to Sardis; for I want not gold, but have enough even
"for my friendsalfo; yet I will come to you to enjoy your con-
"verſation as a Gueſt.
* There was another Pittacus called the Leffer, a Lawgiver i
mentioned by Phavorinus and Demetrius.
BIAS
+
P
gan, B
•
BIAS.
79
*
esvietu.
1
?
་་་ ་
C
-
1
•
B
BIAS
CHAP. I.
Bias bis life.
cusia 1
"
IAS was of Priene, fone of Tutamis; fomne
affirm he was rich, others, that he had no
eſtate, but lived as an inmate. Satyrus ran-
keth him firft of the feven wife-mens the
occafion whereby that title was conferred
on him, was this; he redeemed fomecap-
tive Meſſenian virgins, brought them up
as his daughters, gave them portions, and fo fent them back to
their Parents: a Tripod being afterwards found at Athen's (as
was related in the life of Thales, the place only different with
this infcription in gold, To the wife. Theſe virgins (as Satyrus
affirmes) or (as Phanoditas) their father came into the congrega-
tion, and pronounced Bias wife, declaring what he had done for
them; hereupon the Tripod was fent to him, which Bias be-
holding, averred Apollo to be the most wife, and would not ac-
cept it; fome affirm he dedicated it to Hercules at Thebes, as be-
ing defcended from the Theban Colony, fent to Priene.
}
* Laert.
That he made good this attribute, there are many inftances
* Alyattes befieging Priene, Bias turned out of the Town two ex-* Laert.
ceeding fat mules, which coming to the camp, Crafus wondered
The indireia?
to fee *their plenty extended to the very beafts, and defirous. Laert mixer
of reconcilement, fent a meffenger to them. Bias caufing many riadia.
heaps of fand to be made, and covered over with wheat, fhew-T avõr
ed them to the meffenger; whereof Alyattes informed, was more read evenriar.
eager of peace then before, and fent immediately to defire Bias
to come to him; but I (anfwered he) with Allyattes may feed on
onyons, meaning to weeps
*
Some afcribe it to Bras, the diverfion of Crafus his expedi- * Herod 2.7:
tion againſt the Greek Iflands, by others imputed to Pittacus.
related in his life.
*Cyrus having taken Crafus, fent an Army againſt the Greci-
ans; the Ionians much troubled, affembled at the Panionium
where Bias gave them wife advice, which had they followed
(faith Herodotus ) they might have been the happieſt of all the
Greeks: He counſelled them to joyne together in one fleet, to
faile to Sardinia, and there build one City common to all the
>
Foni-
*Herod. 1.170.
80
BIAS
*Val. Max.7.2.
*Plut. conv.
Sept. Sap.
* Plut. ibid.
Ionians; whereby they might preferve themſelves from bon-
dage, happy in poffeffing an Ifland far greater then all the reſt,
and commanding them ; but if they continued in Ionia, there
was no apparent hop eof liberty. This advice was juſtified, the
Ionians being fubdued.
* Bias ( his country Priene invaded by enemies, all, whom the
crue Ity of war fuffered to escape flying away laden with the most precious
of their wealth) being demanded why be carried none of his goods with
him. I(faith be) carry my goods with me: He bore them (addes Valerius
Maximus) in his breast, not to be seen by the eye, but prifed by the foul;
encloſed in the narrow dwelling of the mind, not to be demolished by
mortall hands, preſent with those who are setled, and not forfaking ſuch
as flie.
*He refufed not the amity of Kings, (as Thales did) particu-
larly, that of Amafis, King of Egypt, who fent him a victim,
commanding him to take from it the best and worst part. Bias
fent him the tongue, for which ingenuity, he was much ad-
mired.
* Another queſtion of Amafis he refolved, whilſt he was at
Corinth (invited thither with the reſt of the wife-men by Peri-
ander) where Niloxenus brought him this letter.
Amafis King of Egypt faith thus to Bias, wifeft of the Greeks:
the King of Ethiopia contendeth with me for preheminence in wiſdome 3.
mafter din other things,be in conclufion requires an abfurdftrange thing,
that I drink up the feas this propofition if i refolve, Ifhall have many
of his Townes and Citties; if I refolve not, I must lose all those which are
about Elephantina. Ponder it, and fend Niloxenus back with all
Speeds what ever we can do for your friends and Country, fhall not be wan-
ting.
r
હ
Having read the Letter, Bias with a ſhort paufe, recollecting,
himſelfe, and having whiſpered to Cleobubus who fat next him.
"What (faith he) Naucratites, Amafis, who commands fo many
men, and poffeffeth fo excellent a Country, will he, for a few
"obfcure contemptible villages, drink up the fea? Bias (faith,
"Niloxenus fmiling) confider, as if he meant to do it, how it,
"might be effected. Bid the Æthiopian (replyed Bias) withold
"the rivers from running into the fea, untill he hath drunk off
"that which is now feas for the impofition concernes that only
" which is fuch at prefent, not what ſhall be hereafter. Niloxenus.
embraced him with joy, the reſt applauding his folution.
}
CHAP.
BIAS.
81
GHAP. II.
be His morall fentences, precepts, and verſes.
་་
Home
}
Is Apothegmes are thus delivered by Laertius and o-
thers. He is unfortunate, who cannot bear misfortune. It is a
difeafe of the mind to defire fuch things as cannot be obtained, and to be
unmindfall of the miseries of others. To one that asked what is hard, he
answered, to bear couragiously a change to the worse. Being at fea in com-
pany with wicked, who, a storm drifing, called upon the Gods hold your
peace, faith be, left they know you are here. To awicked man enquiring
what was piety, he was filent, the other asking the reason of his filence •
I answer not faith he, because you enquire after that which nothing con-
cernes you. Being demanded what is feet to mankind,be answered, Hope.
It is better to decide a difference betwixt our enemies then friends, for
one of the friends will certainly become an enemie, one of the enemies, a
friend. Being asked what a man did with delight, he answered, gain by
labour. we should fo live,as though our life would be both long and hort.
So love, as if hereafter we might hate, converfing in friendſhip with cau-
tion, remembring that it may poffibly convert to enmity.
*
To one demanding whether he ſhould take a wife; she must be (faith * Agel. 5. 11.
be either fair or fouls if fair, she will be common, if foule, a pennance.
י
* That Tyrant ſhall gain most glory, who first himselfe obeyes the lawes * Blut.
ofhis country: That common-wealth is beft ordered, wherein every man
fears the Law more then a Tyrant. That family is beft ordered, where the
Mafter behaves himselfe voluntarily within dores, as he doth without by
constraint of the Law.
vain
* Those who buſie themſelves in vain knowledge, reſemble an Owle
which feeth only in the night, but is blind in the light ; fo is their mind
Sharp-fighted in vanity, dark at the approach of true light.
T
Aufonius hath thefe under his name.
t
>
1
what is our chiefeft good? a conscience free,
Our greatest ill? mans, mans worst enemie.
Poor? th'avaricious. Rich? who nought defires.
A wifes beft dower? the fame chaft life acquires.
Chaft? She of whom report dare fpeak no ill.
wife? who hath power to hurt, but wants the will.
A fool? who wants the power, and yet would kill.
$
"A
do
His morall precepts, according to * Demetrius Phalereus theſe.
"Moſt men are evill,. (* His particular fentence) Before you
"any thing, behold your face in a glaffe; if it feem handfome,
"do handfome things; if deformed, fuply the defects of nature.
66 Pra-
Y
Stob. ferm. 28
*Stob ferm.28.
* Lae't.
82
BIASA
* Laert.
* Laert.
* Laert. Δημό
Νικος οι Αλει
xos
CC
«Practiſe honeſty. Undertake deliberately, but having once
begun, go through. Abhor to ſpeak haftily. [Laert. It is mad-
"neffe ] left thou fin, for repentance followes. Be neither fim-
"ple nor fubtle. Admit not imprudence. Love prudence. Eve-
"ry where profeffe there are Gods: Weigh what is to be done.
"Hear much. Speak feaſonably. If poor, reprove not the rich,
"unleſs great advantage may ariſe thereby Praiſenot an unwor-
"thy perfon for his wealth. Acquire by perfwafion, not by vi-
"olence. When thou doft good, impute it not to thy felfe, but
to the Gods. In thy youth, gain wealth, in thy age wifdome.
[oras Laertius, from thy youth to thy age, gain wifdome, for
"it will be more fure to thee, then all other poffeffions Pre-
" ferve in thy actions remembrance; in opportunity, cautions
in thy manners, ingenuity; in labour, patiences in fear, wari-
"neffe; in wealth, loves in difcourfe, perfwafions in filence, a
"decorum; in fentence, juftice; in boldneffe, fortitude; in
"action, power; in glory, eminences in thy nature, generoſity.
* Of his Adour theſe were moſt eſteemed.
CC
*
And
HE
$
To all the City where thou liv't be kind,
They who most favour ſhow, most favour find:
But pride is often with deftruction joyn'd.
1
Strength is a gift, which natures hand beftones.
Rhetorick and policy the wife foule knowes,
Riches a prefent that from fortune flowes.
CHAP. III.
His death, and writings.
蓝
​་
1
E was much addicted to pleading, very earneſt therein,
but alwaies employed in juſt cauſes; which * Demodicus
- the Alerian implies,faying, If thou chance to be a Judge, give fentence
elos: perhaps it on the Prienean fides and Hipponax, to plead a caufe better then Bias
Should be in the Prienean. And in that manner he died, being very old, as he
μόδοκος ὁ Λέ
was pleading, having ended his fpeech, he repofed his head in
the bofom of his fifters fon; his adverſary having ended his de-
fence; the Judges gave fentence on Bias his fide; the Court dif
miſt he was found dead in his Nephews bofome: the City
beſtowed a magnificent monument upon him, with this in-
ſcription;
elos
1
Bias
1
1
}
BI AS.
83
Bias of Prienean fam'd defcent
Lies here, Ionia's greatest ornament.
They alſo dedicated a Temple to him, called the Tuta-
mian:
Laertius beſtowes upon him this Epigram.
Bias lies hidden here, whom Hermes lead
Toth grave, when age had snow'd upon his head.
His head, which(pleading for his friend) enclind
Upon his Nephew to long fleep refign'd.
He writ concerning Ionia, by what means it might be moſt
happy (perhaps that counfell already mentioned) two
thouſand verſes.
+
}
ARODOBAD
CLEOBVLVS.
CLEOBVLE
85
!
CLEOBVLVS.
CHAP. I.
爨
​Cleobulus his life, death, and writings.
LEOBULUS was of Lindus,(a City of Rhodes)* Laert.
or according to Duris, ofCaria, fon of Evago-
gas, lineally defcended from Herculess excel-.
lent both in wifdome, outward beauty, and
* ftrength beyond all thofe of his time; learned
in the Philofophy of the Egyptians. That he
was Tyrant of Lindus,is manifeft from * Plutarch. * He re-edified * De & delph.
the Temple of Minerva, founded by Danaus.
+
Suid.
He had a daughter *whom he named Eumetis, but was called Plut. conviv.
commonly from her father Cleobulina the compofed verfes and fept. Sap.
riddles, in Hexameters, famous for her wifdome and acute-
neffe in thofe riddles, fome of her queftions having fpread as
far as Egypt, which the uſed jocularly, like dice upon occafions,
only contefting with fuch as provoked her; fhe was alſo indu-
ed with an admirable height of mind,' and a wit both Politick,
and full of humanity, caufing her father to govern his people
with more mildneffe. Cratinus, alfo mentions her in a Comedy
named from her Cleobula, often cited by Athenæus.
*He died full of years, which extended to ſeventy, his tomb * Laert.
carried this infcription,
wife Cleobulus death, the Lindian fhore,
To which his birth was owing, doth deplore.
*
*He compofed Verfes and Riddles to the number of three Laert.
thouſand, of which was this Riddle concerning the Year, (by
Suidas afcribed to his daughter Cleobulina.)
One fire, twelve fons, from every one a race
Of thirty daughters with a double face:
Their looks are black and white fucceſſively i
Immortall they are all, and yet all die.
<
*Some affert him the Author of this Epigram upon Midas ( not Ho-
mer, who, as they account, lived long before Midas, though Herodotus
otherwife.)
Laert.
-
N
f
86
* Laert.
☛
Plut. Sympos.
fept. Sap.
* Stob.ferm.28
* Laert.
CLEOBVLVS.
A brazen virgin stretcht on Mida's tomb
To laft whilst water runs, and Trees ſhall bloom ;
whilſt Sun and Moon dart their ſucceſſive beams
And the rough fea Supplied by gentle (tams.
I dwell upon this difmal ſepulcher,
To tell all those that paffe, Midas lies here.
A
There is likewiſe extant under his name this Epiſtle.
Cleobulus to Solon einde alte
You have many friends and a habitation every where;
"but I dare affirme, Lindus would be moſt pleaſing to
"Solon, being governed by a Democracys an Ifland where there
" is no fear of Pififtratus, thither your friends will come to you
" from all parts.
C
*
་
&
} }
СНАР. II.
"
His morall (entences, precepts, and verses.
OF
F his morall fayings are theſe. Employ thy felfe in fomething
excellent. Be not vain and ungratefull. Bestow your daughters
Virgins in years, Matronsin difcretion: implying, that the Virgins alfo
ſhould be inftructed, which the Greeks uſed not, the Romans
brought them up in the liberall fciences. Do.good to your friend that
be may be more your friend, your enemy that he may become your friends
for we ſhould beware of the calumny of friends, of the treachery of nemies
when any man goeth forth, let him confider what he is to do, when he
returnes, examine what he hath done.
* A Prince may be happy, if he truft none that are about him. That
common-wealth is beft ordered, wherein the Citizens fear reproach more
then Law. That family is best, wherein more love then fear the Mafter.
His precepts thus collected by * Demetrius Phalereus, Amean is
beft. (*His particular fentence) To reverence thy father is dutie. Take
care of thy bodie and foul. Hear willingly, but truft not hastily, or as
Laertius, 'tis better to love to hear, then to love to fpeak.) It is
better to know many things, (Laertius, to love knowledge) then to be
ignorant of all. Teach your tongue to speak well. It is proper to vertue,
and contrary to vice, to hate injuftice. (Laertius, be a friend to ver-
tue, a ſtranger to vice.) Preferve thy pietie. Advife thy country-men
what is beft. Govern thy tongue. (Laertius, pleaſure.) Do nothing by
violence. Inftruct thy children. Pray to fortune. Forgoe enmitie. The
Enemy to thy conntry, efteem thy own. Fight not, nor be kind to thy wife
in the prefence of others, one argues folly, the other madneffe, Corect not
your fervants when they are drunk, it showes as if you were drunk your
felfe.
CLEOBVLVS.
87
felfe. Marry with your equall, for by matching into a higher family, you
procure Maſters, not kinfmen. Laugh not in compliance with him who
derides others," for you will be hated by thofe he derides. Rich, be not ex-
alted; poor, be not dejected: (Laertius addes, learn to bear the chan-
ges of fortune.
Aufonius aſcribes theſe to him,
The more is in thy power, defire the leffe ;
Not to be envi'dis unhappinelle.
None long in his impieties can thrive,
In others much, nought in thy felfe forgive.
All men would spare the good, the bad caft down,
We ſhare not in our ancestor renown:
But their inglorious actions often own.
Of his diva theſe were moſt noted.
By ignorence most deeds are fwaid,
In many Specious words arraid;
But all things shall by time be weigh'd.
* Laert.
?
PERIANDER
ि
ப்பாட்ட
PERIANDER
89
*
}
;... ( ; ;
PERIANDER.
}
1
}
CHAP. I.
?
The Country, Ancestors,and Parents of Periander.
Eriander was fonne of Cypfelus Tyrant of Co-* Laert.
rinh, his mother Cratea, his Anceſtors the He-
raclide, (* deſcended from Hercules and Iar-* Herod. 1. 7.
dana Jraigned Kings of Lydia five hundred five
yeares, the fon continually fucceeding the.
father for two and twenty generations. The
originall of Cypfelus,and the manner of hisob-
taining the Kingdome receive thus from * Herodotus.
When Corinth was governed by an Oligarchy, inhabited by
the Bacchiade, who never would marry out of their own family
one of them (called Amphion) had a lame daughter (by name
Labda) whom when none of the Bacchiade would take to wife,
Eetion married (fon of Echeirates of the Betrean tribe, but des
fcended afar off from Lapithe and Cenis) having no children,
he confulted the Delphian Oracle about it; as foone as he en-
tred, the Propheteffe ipake thus to him.
}
Eetion none will thee though great refpect
Aftone from Labdas fruitfull wombe expect,
which shall the people crafb, Corinth correct.
''
{
?
4
This Oracle to Eetion agreed with another delivered to the
Bacchiade (though by them not underſtood) to this effect.
J.
71
A Lyon by an Eagle ſhall be laid
Upon a rock, fierce,making all afraid.
Corinthians,what I fay confider well,
who in tall Corinth and Pirene dwell.
•
+
The Bacchiada who could not comprehend the meaning of
this Oracle, when they heard that to Ection, underſtood their
owne by the affinity it had with the other, and thereupon fe-
cretly defign'd amongſt themſelves to kill Eetions child. His
wife being delivered, they fent ten men of their owne to the
tribe wherein Eetion dwelt, that they ſhould murder the Infant}
when they came to Petra to Eetions houfe, they demanded the
child. Labda (not knowing their intent,but thinking they came
A a
to
* Lib. §. 92€
90
PERIANDER:
to congratulate with the Father,) brings her fonne, and gives
him into the hands of one of them: they had agreed (upon the
way that he into whofe hands the child were delivered ſhould
dam out its braines againſt the ground, but by diving provi
dence, the child ſmiling upon him to whom Labda had given it,
he was moved therewith to fuch compaffion, that he could not
finde in his heart to kill it, but delivered it to another, heto a
third,untill at laſt it paſt through the hands of all the ten; None
of them having power to kill it,they reſtored it to the mother.
Then going forth and ſtanding before the doore, they began to
finde fault with one another, but chiefly with him who tooke
the child firſt, for not performing the agreement; after fome
debate, they agreed to goe in all and bee equall fharers in the
murther, but it was decreed that Eetions child fhould bee the
oppreffour of Corinth, for Labda ftanding at the doore heard all
their difcourfe, and fearing left their mindes changing, they
fhould murther it, carried away the child, and hid it in a mea-
fure of corne (called Cypfela) a place which the conceived they
could never ſearch if they returned, and fo it fell out: They
came back and fought all about; when they could not finde
him, they agreed amongſt themſelves to tell thoſe who ſent
them, they had done what they required, and returning home,
did fo. Eetions fon growing up was called Cypfelus from the dan-
ger he had eſcaped in the corne-meaſures when he came to mans
eftate, he confulted with the Delphian Oracle, and received a
doubtfull anſwer, in confidence whereof he attempted Corinth
and tooke it, the Oracle was this,
"
Happy is Cypfelus, who to my fane
This vifit makes; he Corinth's crowne fhall gain z
He and his Sons (but not their fons) ſhall raign.
Being poffeft of the Kingdome, he perfecuted the Corinthians,
depriving many of their eftates,more (by far) of their lives; ha-
ving reigned thirty yeares, he dyed and was fucceeded by his
Son Periander, whofe reigne compleated this Tyranny, which
laſted according to* Aristotle 73. yeares and fixe moneths: So
that Cypfelus began to reigne in the fecond yeare of the thirtieth
Olympiad.
}
CHAP.
}
PERIANDER.
91
•
4.
i...
}
an yd Jon
CHAP. H.
1
The time of his birth, his raign,and the change
•
of his difpofition
}
*
:
+
1
Eriander by computation from his death, which, according
to Laertius was in the eightieth year of his age, the laſt of the
fortie eight Olympiad was born in the laſt year of the twenty
ninth Olympiad. His raign (according to Ariftot les account, la-
fting fortie foure years) begun in the fourth year of the thirty
feventh Olympiad. Suidas faith, he fucceeded in the Kingdome,
*as being his fathers eldeſt fon, which Plutarch calls, adifeafe
hereditary to him, flouriſhed in the thirtie eight Olympiad.
1
* Politic. 5.
*Excerpt.Nicol.
* Conviv. fept.
*
* Barthen. era-
*He was at firft ofa mild gentle difpofition, but afterwards Damale. Suid.
grew very rigid upon this occafion. His mother, whilft he was fap.
very young, kept him much in her company, when he grew Laert. fuid.
more in years, fell in love with him with time, her paffion en- tic. cap. 17.
creafed to fuch extremity, that ſhe could no longer fuppreffe it ;
affuming confidence, fhe told her fon, there was a beautifull
Lady fallen in love with him, and adviſed him not to flight her
affection. He anfwer'd, he would not tranfgreffe law and ver-
tue, by touching a married woman. His mother preffed him
with intreaties; at laſt he confented; the appointed a night, ad-
vifing him not to have any light in his chamber,nor to conſtrain
the Lady to speak, but to excufe her for modeftie's fake. Peri-
ander engaged himſelf to do all the directed. She,attired as rich-
ly as fhe could,went to his chamber, and departed again before
day-break: on the morrow fhe enquired if he were pleaſed, and
if the Lady fhould come again to him. Periander ſaid, it was
his chiefeft defire, and that he affected her exceffively. From
that time ſhe viſited her ſon often: he, at laſt, was moved with
a great curiofity to know who ſhe was, and folicited his mother
very importunately that he might have fome difcourfe and ac-
quaintance with her, feeing he was fo much taken with love
of her, affirming it was unreaſonable, he ſhould be denyed the
fight of one, with whom he had fo often a neerer acquaintance.
His mother affirm'd it could not be done, in reſpect to the mo-
defty of the Lady. Hereupon he gave one of his fervants order
to hide a light in his chamber: fhe came as the uſed, and when
fhe was afleep, Periander rofe, took the light, and feeing it was
his mother, was about to have killed her, but with-held by
fome genius or apparition, forebore: From that time forward
he was troubled in mind, grew cruell, and killed many of his
Tubjects. His mother, much accufing her unhappy genius, flew
her felfe. Laertius faith, they were both confcious hereof,
JA
and
92
PERIANDER.
* Herod.
* Laert.
* Sept. Sap.
conviv.
* Laert.
* Suid.
and that being diſcovered, he grew cruell to euery one.
24
* In the beginning of his raign, he was much more mercifull
then his father, but keeping correfpondence by meffengers
with Thrafibulus Tyrant of Miletus (to whom in times paft he
had been a gueſt, before he arived to the government) he be-
came at laſt much more bloody then his father. He ſent an ex-
preffe to Thrafibulus, to know what courſe he ſhould take to ſet-
tle himſelfe, and to govern the Citty in the beſt manner. Thra-
fibulus led the meffenger out of town, and as they walked to-
gether in a corn field, queftion'd him concerning his comming
from Corinth, and in the mean time lopped off all the heads of
corn that grew higher then the reſt, and threw them away; in
this manner he went over the whole field, not ſpeaking one
word to the meffenger, and fo fent him home; where being
returned, Periander greedily enquired what inſtructions he had
brought; he anſwered, Thrafibulus had given him none, and that
he wondered he would fend him to a mad man, who deſtroy-
ed his own goods. Periander enquired what Thrafibulus did,' and
immediately apprehended that he adviſed him to put the moſt
eminent in the City to death. Laertius recites a Letter to that
effect, which if not,fuppofitions muſt have been ſent at another
time after this meffenger departed.
Thrafibulus to Periander.
} /
A 10
- Gave your meſſenger no answer, but carying him into a field of Corn
lopped off with my stick fuch ears as grew higher then the rest, whilft be
followed me; if you enquire, he will relate all to you that he hath heard or
feen: Do you fo likewife, if you mean to fettle your felfe in the government,
take off the heads of the chiefeft Citizens, whether your profelfed enemies
or others. A Tyrant muſt ſuſpect every friend.
>
*
Though Plutarch deny he followed this advice, Herodotus
averres that from thence forward Periander exerciſed all
cruelty upon his fubjects, diſpatching thofe that had
eſcaped the rigour and perfecutions of his father. He firſt ap-
pointed a guard of Halberdiers to fecure his perfon,*which con-
fifted of three hundred, and converted the government to a Ty-
* Excert.Nicol. rannie (* through his cruelty and violence) He forbad the Ci-
Damafcen, and tizens to keep any fervants, or to be idle, alwaies finding fome
employment for them: If any man fat in the Forum, he was
fined, for he feared left they ſhould plot againſt him. The Ci-
tizens being defirous to live vases he would not fuffer them,
* He was alwaies in war, being of a martiall diſpoſition. He
made ſhips with three banks of Oares, which he uſed in both
feas. *He attempted to dig the Ifthmus off from the continent.
Suidas from
him.
* Laert.
* Suid.
* Laert.
* Lib. 1. 20.
Of his friendſhip and correfpondence with Thrafibulus, * He-
rodotus gives another inſtance, affirming he ſent to inform him
of
BERIBNDER.
93
A
of the Oracles anfwer to Alyattes King of Lydia, concerning the
re-edifying of the Temple of Minerva, and adviſed him to pro-
vide before-hand for his own fecurity.
*
*He made adow, if he were victor in the chariot-race at the Laert
Olympick games, to erect a ſtatue of gold: He chanced to be
victorious, and wanting gold, beholding upon a feſtivall of
that country the women richly adorned, he took off all their
ornaments, and fo fent them home.
لحمد لله
P
1
ท
,}
蓄
​CHAP. III.
Of his being placed in the number of the fever Sages.
His fentences and writings.
conv.
Eriander (faith * Plutarch) being become a Tyrant by a he-
* Sept.fap.
reditary diſeaſe derived to him by his father, endeavoured
to purge himfélfe thereof as much as poffible, by using the
found converfation of good perfons, and invited wife-men to
come to him; *to which purpoſe he fent this Epiftle to thoſe of
Greece, at ſuch time as they met at Delphi.
"
<
Periander to the wife men.
1
1.G
Give Pythian and Apollo many thanks that you being met together y
there will also by may letters be brought to Corinth, I will entertain you
as you well know very kindly. I here that last yeer you met at the Lydian
Kings in Sardis: delay not now to come to me, Tyrant of Corinth, for
the Corinthians will look kindly upon you, if you come to the houſe of Pe-
riander.
Upon this invitation they went to him, not ſeven, but twice
as many of whom was Diocles, Perianders friend, in whoſe name,
Plutarch makes a large deſcription of their entertainment, which
was not in the City, but at the Port Lecheon, in a great hall,
appropriated to folemn feaſts, joyning to the Temple of Venus,
to whom he had not facrificed fince the unhappy death of his
mother untill that time, the particulars of the feaft, by reaſon
of the largeneffe of the difcourfe, we referre to Plutarch.
* Laeri.
He was alſo himſelfe put into the number of theſe wiſemen,
who, *Plutarch faith, were originally but five, but that after-
wards Cleobulus Tyrant of Lindus, and Periander Tyrant of Co- * De Delph.
rinth, who had neither vertue nor wifdome, by the greatneſſe
of their power, the multitude of their friends, and the obliga-
tions they conferred upon thofe that adhered to them, forced
a reputation, and thruft themſelves violently into the ufurped
name of wife-men; to which end, they ſpread abroad fentences
and remarkable ſayings throughout all Greee, the very ſame
Bb
which
94
PERIANDER
* Suid.
* Protagor.
* Laert.
conu
which others had faid before, whereat the other firſt fages were
much difpleaſed, yet would not difcover or convince their
vanity, nor have any publick controverfie about that title
with perfons of fo much wealth and power, but meeting toge-
ther at Delphi, after fome private debate, they confecrated there
the Letter & the fift in the Alphabet, and in numeration, to te-
ftifie to the God of that Temple they were no more then five,
and that they rejected and excluded from their company, the
fixt and the feventh, as having no right thereto.
Of thoſe * who excluded him out of the number of the feven,
fome (as* Plato) fubftitute in his roome Myfo:*others fay there
were two of this name, cozens, one the Tyrant, the other of
Ambracia;but Aristotle and others,affert him of Corinth to be the
wiſe,which attribute feems conferred upon him,not in reſpect to
his actions, but morall fayings and writings, which were theſe.
Do nothing for gain, that is proper to trades-men. They who will rule
Safely, muſt be guarded with love,not armes. Being demanded why he con-
tinued King, becauſe (faith he )it is dangerous willingly to refrain, or un-
willingly to be depofed.
* When the other fix had given their opinions concerning
* Plut. Sept. Sap. Tyranny (at the feaft to which he invited them) he being de-
fired to adde his, anſwered with a troubled countenance, E-
nough hath been faid to deterre any man of found judgment from rule.
When they had in like manner declared their opinions, con-
cerning a common-wealth, he added, the reſult of all which
had been faid, commended that Democracy most, which came neereft an
Aristocracy.
Stob. 28:
* Stob. ibid.
* Laert:
* Being demanded what was the greatest in the least, he answered, a
goodmindin a human body.
*
His precepts (according to Demetrius Phalereus) were theſe,
Confideration is all * which was his particular ſentence) Quiet is
good, temerity dangerous. Gain fordid, the accufation of nature. A demo-
cracy is better then a Tyrannie. Pleafures are mortall, vertues immortall.
In good fortune be moderate, in bad prudent. It is better to die then to
want. Study to be worthy of your Parents. Be praised living, beatified
dead. To your friends in profperity and adverfitie be the fame. What thou
haft promiſed amiffe, perform not. [Laert. Keep thy word.] Betray
not fecrets. So reproach, as if thou shouldft ere long be a friend. Ufe new
diet, but old lawes. Punish those who have finned: reftrain those that are
about to fin. Conceal thy misfortune that it may not glad thy enemies.
Aufonius afcribes theſe to him.
Pleaſure and profit never disagree.
As more folicitous, more happy be.
'Tis ill to wiſh, but worfe to fear to die,
With what neceſſity enjoynes, comply.
If thou art fear'dof many, many fear.
Be
}
鲞
​PERIANDER.
Be not exaltedwhen thy fortunes cleer
Nor be dejected if a storm appear.
*He writ two thouſand verfes of morall inftructions.
CHAP. IIII.
The Story of Arion.
During the feaft we mentioned (by Plutarchs account) or ra-
ther according to Eufebius, in the fortieth Olympiad, there
happened a ſtrange accident, which becauſe Herodotus calls
it a miracle fhewed to Periander)we ſhall relate in his words.
95
* Laert.
lius who tran-
Arion the moſt famous Lutinift of that time, having lived * Lib. 1.
a long time with Periander, took a voyage to Italy and Sicily, there See also Agel-
having gotten together much wealth, he defigned to return to
Corinth: at Tarentum he hired a Corinthian veſſell, confiding above Plutarch, Lu-
flates this of
any in Corinthians; they, when they were at Sea, plotted to caft cian, and others
Arion over-board, that they might be Maſters of his wealth
which he underſtanding, offered to give them all fo they would
fave his life; they refufing, bad him lay violent hands upon
himfelfe, if he would be buried in his own Country, other-
wife to leap immediately into the fea. Arion reduced to this
extremity, intreated them to give him leave to put on his
richeſt ornaments, and ſo ſtanding upon the poop of the ſhip,
to play a tune, promifing, affoon as he had done, to deliver
himfelfe into their hands. The men moved with a great defire
to hear the moſt excellent Lutiniſt in the world, retired from
the poop to the middle of the ſhip: he puts on his beſt orna-
ments, and ſtanding upon the poop, began that tune which
they call the morning hymne, affoon as he had ended it, he
threw himſelfe into the Sea, with his ornaments and Lute i
the ſhip failed on to Corinth. It is reported a Dolphin took
him upon his back, and caryed him to Tenarus, where he lan-
ded, and took ſhipping again for corinth; he arived there in the
fame habit, and related all that paſſed; which Periander not
beleeving, committed him to clofe cuftody, not permitting
him to go any whither, and in the mean time fent for the Ma-
riners; when they came, he asked them newes of Arion: They
anſwered, he was very well in Italy, and that they left him fafe
at Tarentum: immediately Arion appeared, attired, as when he
he leaped out of the ſhip, whereat they were fo confounded,
they could not fay any thing in their own defence. This is at-
teſted both by the Corinthians and Leſbians. At Tenarus there
is a little Image given as an offering of a man fitting upon a
Dolphins back: that Periander caufed fuch a one to be made, is
evident from this Epigram of Bianor.·
This
96
PERIANDER
* Laert.
* Athen.Deipn.
* Edert.
* Herod. s.
* Suid.
* Herod. lib.3.
49.
*H
This ftatue of Arion ore the main
1
·
Sailing upon a Dolphin's back was carv’d
Perianders order. See, men flain
By cruell men, by fiſhes kind preferv'd.
CHAP. V.
Of his Wife.
y
Is wife was named Lyfis, by him called Meliffa, daughter
to Procleus, Tyrant of Epidaurus and Eristhenea, the daugh-
ter of Ariftacrates, by the fifter of Ariftomedes, which perfons
ruled over the greateſt part of Arcadia. He fell in love with
her, ſeeing her in a Peloponneffian dreffe, in her petticote,
without a gown, giving drink to her fathers workmen : *Long
after he kil❜d her in his fury, big with child, with a ſtool, or a
blow of his foot, being wrought upon by the accufations of his
concubines, whom he afterward burned.
ven;
?
*He fent one day to Threfpotos upon the River Acheron, to en-
quire by Necromancy concerning a depofitum. Meliffa appear-
ing, faid, ſhe would not tell them in what place it was laid, be-
cauſe ſhe was cold and naked, the clothes wherein the was bu-
ried doing her no good, for they were not burned, confirming
the truth whereof by Perianders puting bread into a cold o-
which anſwer carried to Periander, made good the fufpi-
tion that (through exceffe of love) vonggo Mexion syn. Hereupon
he caufed proclamation to be made that all the Corinthian wo-
men fhould come to Juno's Temple to celebrate a feſtivall, àt-
tyred in their richeft ornaments, when they came, having pla-
ced a guard of fouldiers in ambuſh, he ſtriped them all, with-
out any diſtinction (free women and fervants) of their clothes,
which he carried to Meliſſas grave, and having praid, burn'd
them to her: This done, he fent meffengers to enquire the ſe-
cond time, to whom Meliſſa's Ghoſt appeared, and told them
where the depofitum was laid.
*
HEC
CHAP. VI,
Of his Children.
}
+
Ee had by Meliffa two fons Cypfalus and Lycophron the
younger ingenious, the elder a foole; he had likewife a
daughter; his elder fonne at the time of his mothers death was
eighteen yeares old,the younger ſeventeen. Theſe their Grand-
father by the mothers fide Procleus (Tyrant of Epidaurus), fent
for over to him, and loved them much as in reaſon he ought,
being the children of his owne daughter; when he was to fend
them
PERIANDER.
97
them back, he ſaid to them, doe you know children who flew
your mother? the elder tooke no heede to that ſpeech, but Ly-
cophron the younger was fo troubled at it, that when he came to
Corinth, he neither ſpoke to his father, nor would make him any
anfwer,looking upon him as the murderer of his mother,where-
at Periander at length became fo incenſed, that he turned him
out of doores. He being gone, Periander queftioned the Elder
what diſcourſe, his Grandfather had with him; hee related to
him how kindly he uſed him, but told nothing of that which
Prosleus had faid to them at their departure, for he had not taken
any notice of it; Periander faid, it was not poffible but that hee
fhould fay fomething more, and preffed him more ftrictly at
laft he calling it to mind,told him this alfo, which Periander re-
fenting, and not willing to uſe his fon more mildly, fent to the
people with whom he lived in his ejection, forbidding them to
receive him into any of their houſes. Turned out of that wher-
in he was, he fought to goe into another, but was denied; Peri-
ander having threatned thoſe that ſhould entertaine him, and
commanded all to drive him away: expelled thence, he went
to another of his acquaintance, who knowing him the fonne of
Periander entertained him though with feare: at length Perian-
der proclaimed that whofoever received him into their houſe,or
ſpoke to him, ſhould pay what fine to Apollo, he ſhould im-
poſe: from that time none durft venture to entertaine him or
Ipeake to him; nor would he himſelfe make tryall of a thing
which he knew to be deſperate, but paffed his time in the com-
mon walkes: Foure dayes after, Periander ſeeing him poore
and extenuated with fafting, tooke compaffion of him, and lay-
ing aſide his anger,drew nigh to him and faid, "Son which is bet-
"ter, to undergoe what you now fuffer, or by obeying your
"father to enjoy my wealth and kingdome? you being my
"and next heire to the Kingdome of fruitful Corinth, have made
"choice of the life of a Vagabond, angerly oppoſing him whom
<< you ought not to oppofesif any unhappineffe befell in thoſe
things whereof you fufpect me, it befell me, and I have fo
much the greater fhare therein, in being the inftrument
"thereof; heare how much better it is to be envied then to bee
pittied,and what it is to be angry with our parents or betters.
In theſe words Periander reproved his fon, who made him no
other anſwer then "That he ought to pay a fine to the God for
"ſpeaking to him. Periander perceiving the evill of his fonne
to be incurable, removed him out of his fight, and fending him
by ſhip to Corcyra, of which he was allo Tyrant: having thus
diſpoſed of him, he made war with his father in Law Procleus
as the chiefe cauſe of all that happened. Laertius mentions an
Epiſtle which he ſent him to this effect.
CC
GC
r
fon
Periander.
98
PERIANDER.
Periander to Procleus.
>
Wee committed unwillingly that crimé upon your Daughter, but you
if willingly, you alienate my Sons minde from me, you doe unjustly, there-
fore either foften his minde towards me, or I shall revenge this injury 3. I
have satisfied your daughter by burning in her honour the garments of all
* Herod. ibid. the women of Corinth.
* Herad. ibid.
•
* In fine hetooke Epidaurus and Proclus therein, whom he pre-
ferved alive.
* In proceffe of time Periander growing old, and knowing
himfelfe to bee no longer fit for the charge of the common-
wealth, fent to Corcyra to invite Lycophron to the government of
the Kingdomes conceiving his eldeſt fon uncapeable of that of
fice by reaſon of his ftupidity. Lycophron would not vouchsafe
ſo much as to ſpeake to the meffenger. Periander (affectionate
to him) fent the ſecond time his fons fifter, his owne daughter,
hoping he would be fooner perfwaded by her; fhee comming
faid to him, "Brother, had you rather the Kingdome fhould
"fall into the hands of others, and our fathers houſe be diſper-
"fed then goe home and have it your felfe? returne to your
ર owne houſe, injure your felfe no longer; obftinacy is an un-
"happy inheritance: cure not one evill with another; many
"prefer compliance before juſtice, many in purſuit of their mo
"thers right lofe their fathers Kingdome: a Kingdome is a
"flippery thing, coveted by many, our father is old and feeble,
give not your owne goods to others: thus fhe pleaded to him
as her father had inſtructed her; he anſwered he would never
come to Corinth whilft his father lived there: which as foone as
Periander underſtood, he fent a meffenger the third time, to let
him know, hee would remove to Corcyra, and to command him
to come to Corinth to take the government upon him; to this
the fonne affented. Periander prepared for Corcyra, his fonne for
Corinth: the people of Corcyra informed hereof, that Periander
might not come into their country, kill'd his fon in revenge of
which fact Periander fent three hundred boyes of the chiefe of
the Corcyreans to Sardis to Allyates King of Lydia there to be guelt,
the Corinthians who had charge of them, were driven upon Sa-
mos, the Samians underſtanding to what end they were ſent to
Sardis, adviſed them to take Sanctuary in the Temple of Diana,
and would not fuffer them as being fuppliants to bee pulled
away:The Corinthians not permitting any food to be given them,
the Samians celebrated a feſtivall, which is obferved (faith He-
rodotus) at this day; when night was come, the company of
youths and maides danced whilft the children were praying,
and in their dance having made cakes of meale and honey
flung them amongſt the children, whereby they were ſuſtained
alive,this they did ſo long till the Samians who had charge of the
children
>
PERIANDER
99
children, were faine to goe away and leave them; then the Sa-
mians conveyed the children home to Corcyra. *Antenor and Dio-* Plutarch.de
malign.Herodot
nyfius affirme the Gnidians came to Samos with a fleet, drove away
Perianders Guard from the Temple, and carried the children to
Corcyra; for which reaſon the Corcyreans allowed the Gnidians
many honours and immunities, which they gave not (even)
to the Samians.
*
CHAP. 7.
His Death.
Xceffive melancholy (amidſt theſe croffes) occafioned his * Laert.
death,in the laſt yeare of the 48 Olympiad,the eightieth of
his age, being defirous none ſhould know where he was buried,
he thus contriv'd it. He commanded two men to goe to a cer-
taine place at night, and to kill whom they first met, and bury
him. After them he fent fower to kill & bury the two; after the
fower, more: They obeyed his order, the firſt killed him. The
Corinthians erected for him an empty monument with this in-
ſcription.
Periander lies within Corinthian Ground,
For power and wifedome above all renownd.
Laertius bath this Epigram upon him.
At whatfoere fhall happen be not fad :
Alike for all that God difpenfeth glad.
VVife Periander did through griefe expire,
Becauſe events not joyndwith his defire.
SOSIADES.
(101) }
1
4
SOSIADES
His collection of
The precepts of the feven Sophifts:
Ollow God. Obey the law. worship the Gods. Reverence
thy Parents. Suffer for justice. Understand what
thou learneft. Know what thou heareft. Know thy
felfe. About to marry, choofe opportunity. Confider
mort all things. when thou art a gueft, acknowledge
it. Respect Hofpitality: Command thy felfe. Relieve
thy friends. Govern thy anger. Exercife prudence.
Honour providence. ufe not swearing. Love friendship. Apply thy felfe
to difcipline. Purſue glory. Emulate wifdome. Speak well of that which is
good. Disparage none.Praife vertue.Do what is juft.Be kind to thy friends.
Revenge upon thy enemies. Pradiſe generosity. Abstain from evill. Be
generall. Keep what is thine. Refrain from what belongs to others. Speak
words of good omen. Hear all things. Gratifie thy friend. Nothing too
much.Husband time. Regard the future. Hate injury. Have refpe&t to thy
Servants. Inftruct thy children. If thou haft ought, gratifie others.Fear de-
ceit. Speak well of all. Be a lover of wisdome. Judge according to equity.
what thou knoweft, do. Abstain from blood-fhed. wish things poffible. Con-
verfe with the wife. Examin wits.what thou haft received,re store. Diftruft
none. Make ufe of art. Defer not what thou intendeft to give. Esteem
benefits. Envy none Guard thy felfe. Approve hope. Hate calumny. Poffeffe
justly. Reverence the good. Acknowledge thy Judge. Be moderate in
wedlock. Refpe&t fortune. Fly engagements for any. Converse with all.
Make uſe of thy like. Regulate fumptuoufneffe.Enjoy what thou poffeffest.
Exercife modesty. Return benefits.Pray for profperity. Love fortune. Hear-
ing fee. Aim at things that may be acquired. Hate diffention. Abhor re-
proach.Curb thy tongue. Repell injury.Determine equally.Make use of thy
wealth. Examine without corruption. Blame the prefent. Speak knowing.
Use no violence. Live pleasantly. Converfe mildly. Go through thy un-
dertakings fearleffe. Be benign to all. Confide not in thy children. Govern
thy tongue. Do well to thy felfe. Be affable. Answer feaſonably. Labour
with equity. Do that whereof thou shalt not repent. when thou haft finned,
be penitent. Confine thy eye. Counfell profitably. Perfe& quickly. Preferve
amity. Be gratefull. Obferve concord, Declare no fecret. Fear what is more
powerfull. Purfue what is profitable, wait for opportunity. Diffolve enmi-
ties. Expect age. Boaft not of strength. ufe to speak well. Fly hatred.
Uſetoſpeak
D d
Pof-
* Stab. 28.
(105)
AL
Poffeffe wealth justly. Forfake not glory. Hate malice. Be not weary of
learning. Hazard thy felfe prudently. what thou joyeft in, quit not. Ad-
mire Oracles. Love those thou maintaineft. Blame not the abfent. Reve-
rence thy elders. Teach thofe that are younger. Confide not in melth.
Stand in aw of thy felfe. Begin no injury. Crownthy Ancestors. Die for thy
country. Oppugne not life. Deride not the dead. Condole with the unhappy.
Gratifie without damage. Be not troubled upon every occafion. Let thy
children be by a free-woman. Promise none. wrong not the dead, Suffer
as mortall. Truſt not fortune. Be in childhood modeft, in youth
temperate, in manhoodjuſts in old age, prudent.
Die untroubled.
''
'
t
شن
} {
3
}
AUSONIE
>
(103)
AUSONII LUDUS
T
feptem Sapientum.
The Prologue.
He ſeven wiſe-men, (that name times paſt apply'd
To them, nor hath pofteritie deny'd)
Themſelves this day unto your view prefent.
Why dost thou bluſh Gown'd Roman? diſcontent
That fuch grave men ſhould on the ſtage be brought!
Is't fhame to us? 'twas none to Athens thought:
Whofe Councell-Chamber was their Theater.
True; here for bufineffe feverall places are
Affign'd, the Cirque for meetings, Courts to take´
Enrolements, Forums in which pleas to make :
But in old Athens,and all Greece was known
No other place for bufineffe but this one. [viz,the Theater
Which latter Luxury in Rome did raife.
>
The Edile heretofore did build for plaies
A Scaffold-ſtage, no work of Carved ftone;
So Gallius and Murena, 'tis well known.
But after, when great Mennot fparing Coft
Thought it the higheſt glory they could boaft,
To build for Playes a Scene more eminent,
The Theater grew to this vaft extent;
Which Pompey, Balbus, Cæfar did enlarge;
Vying which ſhould exceed for ſtate and charge.
But to what end all this? we came not here
To tell you who firſt built the Theater,
Forum, or City Gates, but t'ufher in
Grave fages, who by Gods approv'd have been.
Such as in pleaſing and inſtructive verſe,
Their own judicious fentences rehearſe,
Known to the learned, and perhaps to you:
But if your Me m'ries cannot well renue
Things ſpoke ſo long finces the Comedian ſhall,
Who better then I knowes them, tell you all.
;
1
Enter
ན
(104)
Enter Comedian.
Thenian Solon, Fame fings, wrot at Delphis
ATH
Träsi otauròy; whoſe fenſe Know thy felfe, is:
But this to Spartan Chilon moft affign.
Some queſtion Chilon, whether this be thine,
Τελὶς ὁρῶν μακρα βία, The clofe
Of a long life regard: but moſt fuppofe
That Solon this to Lydian Crafus fpake.
From Lesbian Pittacus this motto take,
Tlyvore wier; that's Know time: But he
By Kady here means opportunity.
Oi grñço! xoxod, Bias, did proceed
From thee; that is, Most men are ill. Take heed
You not miſtake him; for by ill men here
He means the ignorant: The next you hear
Is Perianders MEN THEO đã 3
That is, Thought's All in All; a Thoughtfull Man!
But Lyndian Cleobulus does proteſt
Aesor Mírpor; Mean in All is best.
Thales, ký túc, đã si Năm cries.
Upon a Surety prefent damage lies.
But this, 'for thoſe who gain by it, to tell,
May'chance diſpleaſe: Now Solon comes farewell. Exit.
Li
Enter Solon.
O! Solon in his Greeks dreffe treads the ſtage,
To whom (as of the feven the greateſt Sage)
Fame gave the prize of wiſdome from the refts
But fame is not of Cenfure the ſtrict Teft.
Nor firſt nor laſt I take my felfe to be,
For there's no order in Equalitie.
Well did the Delphick Prophet fport with him
Who ask'd, which firft of the Wife-men might ſeem,
Saying; if on a Globe their names he writ,
None firſt or loweft he ſhould find in it.
From midſt of that learn'd Round come I; that fo
What once I ſpake to Crefus, All here now
Might take as ſpoken to themſelves; 'tis this:
Οραν Τελος μακρά βίν which is
Mark the end of a long lifes till when forbear
To fay, theſe wretched, or thofe happy are:
For All till then are in a doubtfull ftate,
The proofe of this wee'l in few words relate.
Crœfus
(105)
Crafus the King or Tyrant (chooſe you which)
Of Lydia, happy thought, and ſtrangely rich;
Who to his Gods did gold-wall'd Temples build,
Invites me ore, I to his fummons yeeld.
His royall fummons went to Lydia,
Willing his fubjects by our means might find
Their King improv'd, and better'd in his mind.
He asks me whom I thought the happieſt Man?
I faid Telana, the Athenian,
Who his life nobly for his Country gave;
He piſhes at it, will another have.
I told him then Aglaus, who the Bounds
Nere paſt in all his life of his own grounds.
Smiling, he faies, what think you then of Me
Efteem'd the happyeft in the whole world? We
Reply'd, his End could only make that known,
He takes this ill: I, willing to be gon,
Kiſſe his hand, and ſo leave him: For ſome ends
Meantime, 'gainſt Perfia he a war intends 3
And all things ready, does in perfon go.
How ſpeeds? he's vanquish'd, Prifoner to his foe,
And ready now to yeeld his lateſt breath,
(For by the Victor he was doom'd to death)
Upon the funerall Pile, rounded with Flames
And fmoake, he thus with a loud voice exclaimes
O Solon! Solon! now I plainly fee
Th'art a true Prophet! Thrice thus naming me
Mov'd with which words, Cyrus, (the Conquerour)
Commands the Fire be quencht, which, by a fhower
OfRain then falling, happily was laid.
Thence to the King, by a choice Guard convay'd,
And queſtion'd who that Solon was? and why
He call❜d ſo on his Name? He, for reply,
In Order all declares: Pitty at this
The Heart of Cyrus moves; and Crœfus is
Receiv'd to grace, who in a Princely Port
Liv'd after, honor'd in the Perſian Court.
Both Kings approv'd, and prais'd Me, but what I
Said then to one, let each man here apply
Asfpoke t'himfelfe, 'twas for that end Icame.
Farewell: your liking let your hands proclaim.
[Exit.
E e
Enter
(106)
Enter Chilon.
Y Hips with fitting, Eyes with feeing ake,
Expecting when Solon an End would make.
How little and how long your Atticks prate!
Scarce in three-hundred lines one word of weight,
Or a grave ſentence, how he lookt on me
At going off ---Now Spartan Chilon fee!
Who with Laconian Brevity commends
To you the Knowledge of your felves,kind Friends!
Traσeaufoy carv'd in a Delphos Fane.
'Tis a hard work, but recompenc'd with Gain.
Try your own ſtrength; examine what 'tis you
Have done already,what you ought to do.
All Duties of our life, as Modeftie,
Honour and Conftancie included be
In this, and glory, which we yet deſpiſe.
Farewell, your claps I not refpect nor prize.
I
Enter Cleobulus.
Cleobulus, though my Native Seat
Be a ſmall Ifle, am Author of a great
And glorious Sentence; Mirpo desov
A man is beft: You Sirs that fit upon
The fourteen middle Benches next unto
Th'Orchestra, beſt may judge if this be true.
Your Nodd fhowes your affent: We thank you; but
We ſhall proceed in Order: Was it not
One Afer (who a man of your own Glime is):
That faid once in this place, ut ne quid Nimis?
And hither does our Media, aime.
The Dorick and the Latine mean the fame.
In fpeaking being filent, or in fleep,
In good Turns, or in bad, a mean ſtill keep,
In ſtudy, or what ever you intend.
I've faid, and that I mean, I keep here end.
I'M
Enter Thales.
↑
M Thales, who maintain (as Pindar fings)
Water to be the beſt and firſt of things.
To whom by Phœbus Mandate, fiſhers brought
Agolden Tripod, which they fishing caught,
By him as preſent to the wifeft meant,
Which I refus❜d, and unto others fent
1
A
?
[Exit,
[Exit.
+ C
"
- { â
<
In
1
4
{
↓
(107)
In knowledge my fuperiors as I thought.
From one to th'other of the Sages brought
By them again return'd, to me it came,
Who to Apollo confecrate the fame.
For Since to feek the wifeft, he enjoyn'd,
I Judge no man but God by that defign'd.
Now on the ſtage (as thofe before) I come
T'affert the truth of my own Axiom.
Perhaps by fome t'may be offenfive thought:
But not by thoſe by fad experience taught.
B'yſvæ æáşesi d'am, fay we.
Be Surety, and be fure a lofer be.
•
A thouſand Inftances I could produce
To prove Repentance is the only uſe
That can be made of it, but that we here
Examples by their Names to cite, forbear.
Make your own Application, and conceive
The Damage, Men by this fole act receive.
Nor this our good intention take amiffe,
You that like, clap, you thất diflike it, hiffe.
Enter Bias.
I
Am Prianean Bias, who once taught
Ơi mrsonandi, That most men are naught.
I wiſh't had been unfpoke; for Truth gains Hate,
But by bad men I mean illiterate,
And thoſe who barbaroufly all Lawes confound,
Religion, Juſtice; for within this Round
I fee none but are good: believe all thoſe
Whom I proclaim for bad amongſt your Foes:
Yet there is none fo partially apply'd
To favour Vice,but with the good will fide:
Whether he truly befuch, or would fain
Ofa good man the Reputation gain:
The hated name of an ill man all ſhun.
Then (meft good Men) your praife, and I ha' done.
Enter Pittacus.
M Pittacus, who once this Maxime penn’d,
Tiyvale That's, time apprehend.
But by Time we meant Time in Seaſon, as
In tempore veni is your Roman Phraſe.
And your own Comick Poet Terence, he,
Chief ofall things makes opportunity,
Where Dromo comes unto Antiphila.
1
}
Ith
毒
​(108)
I'th nick of Time; confider what I fay,
And mark how great an inconvenience
Moſt fuffer through this want of providence.
But now 'tis more then time we ſhould be gon;
Farewell, and give your Aprobation.
Enter Periander.
Ow on the Stage fee Periander move!
No
[Exit.
He who once faid, and what he ſaid will prove
Mexóm Ti nav. Thought is all in all.
Μελέτη το παν
Since him a perfect Agent we may call,
Who firſt confiders what he undergoes ;
For we ſhould ſtill forecaſt, as Terence fhowes,
Th'event of bufineffe, whether good or bad,
E'r w'undertake it: where may beſt be had
Conveniency for planting, where to build,
When to wage War, and when to pitch a Field:
Nor inconfiderately take in hand
T
Or great, or ſmall Things, for that makes a ſtand
In the free progreffe of all new defignes;
In which there's nothing policy enjoynes
Like confultation; hence we fee it cleer,
Who uſe it not, by chance, not counſell ſteer,
But I retire, whilſt you with better Fate
Imploy your Thoughts how to uphold your State:
ANACHAR
109
1
ANACHARSIS.
CHAP. I.
Anacharfis his life and writings.
Hofe Nations(faith*Herodotus)which border upon the
Euxine Sea, are of all moſt illiterate, the Scythians* Lib. 4, 46:
onely excepted; we can alledge nothing relating to
learning of any people within the compass of that Sea,
neither know we any perfon learned but the Scythi-
;*
*
ans Anacharfis Amongst thefe,notwithftan- Strab. lib. 7.
ding the roughneffe of their education, (for
they fed upon mares milke and dwelt in wagons)were some who far exceed-
ed all in justice.
*
of
* Plut. conviv.
Sept. Sap.
*
Elian, var.
hift. lib. 5.
Herod. 4. 46.
Laert.
Lucian,
*
*
♣
Scyth -
Such was Anacharfis,*ſon of Gnurus brother of Gadovides King of * Laert.
Scythiazhis mother a Grecian by which meanes he had the advantage of two
languages, but was owner of no other houſe then the cuffome of
that country allow'd,a Chariot, whence he compared his dwel-
ling to that of the fun,carri'd in that manner round the heavens.
*The Scythians never travell beyond their own confines, but
Anacharfis as a perfon endued with more then ordinary wife.
dome extended his journey further, being fent by the King
Scythia to Greece, * He came to Athens in the first yeare of the 47.
Olympiad, Eucrates being Archon: and firft met with Toxaris
one of his owne country,by whom, as the moſt compendious
way to take a ſurvey of Athens and Greece,he was addreſt to Solon:
how Solon received and entertained him is already related in
his life: he inſtructed him in the beſt diſciplines, recommended
him to the favour of nobleſt perfons, and fought all means of
giving him reſpect and honour. Anacharfis admired his wif
dome, continually followed him, in a fhort ſpace learnt all
things of him, and was kindly received by every one for his
fake; being (as Theoxenus atteſts) the only ſtranger whom they
incorporated into their City.
* Strab. lib. 7.
*
*
*Thus was he much honoured by the Grecians for his per-
fection, wiſdome, temperance, wherein he excelled many of
their Philofophers, whereupon they conferred the attribute
of wife upon him, fome accompting him one of the feven: Peri-*
ander invited him with the reft to Corinths the feaft is largely de-
ſcribed by Plutarch: There Anacharfis carrying with him Chaplets
of Flowers, Ivy,and Laurell, drunk,as the Scythians uſe,to great
F f
exceffe,
Clem. Alex.
Strom. 1.
Clem. Alex:
Strom. S.
Elian. lib. 2.
110
AN ACHARSIS.
10.
* Athen. deipn. exceſſe, * and required the prize of drinking to be given him,
becauſe he was firſt drunk: In a race (faith he ) he wins, who
comes first at the Poft, in drinking, he who comes first to the end deferves
the reward.
* Herod. 4. 76.
* Having seen much of the world, and improved his knowledge, he re-
turned to Scythia (as Lucian conjectures, not untill Solon were
dead) As he failed along the Hellefpont, he put in at Cyricum, and
finding the people celebrating a feftivall to the Mother of the Gods, with
much splendor and munificences he made a vow, if he got fafe home, to fa-
crifice in the fame manner as he hadfeen thofe of Cyricum, and to inſti-
tute a Vigill. When he came into Scythia, he withdrew himselfe privately
to Hylæa, near the Achillean courſe, a place abounding with Trees
and performed the Rites of the Goddeffe with a Timbrell and Cymball
* Clem. Alex. *about his Neck Scythian efpying him, carried word to Saulius the
admonit adgent. King, who went immediately thither, and being an eye-witneſſe thereof,
ibid. fhot him through with an Arrow (to punish his effeminacy, and
*Herodot, con- prevent the infection thereof in others) * And now if any en-
* Clem. Aleu.
tinues.
ὑπὸ
* For Uno Tö
ἀδελφι φῶν,
quire concerning Anacharfis, the Scythians deny they knew him, becauſe
he travelled into Greece, and affected the customes of that Country. As I
aminformed by Timnes, tutor of Spargapithes, he was uncle to Inda-
thyrfus, King of Scythia, fon of Gnurus, fon of Lycus, fon of Spar-
gapithes: Now Anacharfis being of this family, it is manifeft he was
lain by his brother, (that his brother was King of Scythia,and flew
read at him, is confirmed by Laertius, though he differ in the name)
for Indathyrfus was fon of Saulius, Saulius was he who flew Anachar-
fis, and confequently is the fame whom Laertius calls Cadovides,
adding, ſome report that he hot him in hunting; for being addicted to the
Greek cuftomes, and endeavouring to alter the lawes of Scythia; whereupon
Anacharfis. he dying, faid, he returned fafe out of Greece, guarded by his own wif-
dome, but was flain at home by the envy of others. Upon him Laertius
hath this Epigram,
Spargapithes.
Lycus.
Gnurus.
I.
I.
I.
Saulius, or
Caduida.
I.
Indathyrfus.
* Laert.
Plut. conviv.
Sept.fap.
* Laert.
From travell Anacharfis came at last,
And Scythia in a Grecian mould would caft:
whilst he was teaching how, by the furprize
Of a wing'd arrow carried to the skies.
*There were many ftatues erected in honour of him by the
Grecians, upon which was writ, radonyaspòs didoíar nga He was
temperate and skilfull in many things, he freely and largely dif
courſed of the manner of diet & medicine, which the Scythians
ufed in curing the fick. *From the plain freedome he uſed in
fpeech, aroſe a Proverb, The Scythian phrafe. He writ eight hun-
dred verſes of orders for the Scythians and Greeks, concerning
frugall living, and martiall affairs. There are alfo two Epiftles
of his extant.
Ana-
ANACHARSIS.
111
K
Anacharfis to Crafus.
Ing of the Lydians, I came into Greece to be informed of their
manners and ftudies; I need not mony, it is enough if I can return
into Scythia bettered: but will come to Sardys, because I highly esteem
your far our.
Anacharfis to Hanno, bealth.
* Cic. Tufcul.
quaft. s.
*Mrapparell is a Scythian rug, my booes the bardneſſe of my feet," Clem, Alex.
περίβλημα,
this frag-
earth, my fauce hunger; I feed on milk, cheese, and
ment, doubtleſſe
fiefb: you may come to me as to one that's contented: but thofe gifts which out of the fame
you so much esteem, bestow either on your Citizens, or the immortall Gods. Epiftle, Euod
* Heis faid to have invented tinder, *the anchor, and the
Potters wheele; but this latter is by Strabo evinc'd cleerly to be
falfe, becauſe mentioned by Homer, who lived long before him,
Anacharfis being in the time of Crafus.
(
CHAP. II.
His Apophthegmes.
*
χλαίνα δειπ
voy, yára, TU
Strab. lib. 7.
*
·
* Laert.Suid.
* Suidas.
Is apothegmes are thefe, Hefaid avine bare three grapes,* Laert:
the first of pleasure, the fecond of drunkenneffe, the third of repen•
tance. He wondered, that amongst the Greeks, Artists contended, and
they who were no Artifts determined. Being demanded by what meanes a
man might be brought not to love wine, he said, by fetting before his
eyes
the unseemly actions of drunken perfons. He wondered the Grecians who
puniſhed injuries by law, rewarded the Athlete at publick exerciſes for
beating one another. Being told a fhip is four inches thick, fo far from
death faid he are they who fail. He faid oile was a receip: procuring mad-
neffe, because the Athlete, the move they were annointed therewith, the
more fierce they were against one another. How comes it, ſaid he, that
they who forbid lying, themselves lye openly, when they put off th. ir wares?
He wondered that the Greeks in the beginning of afeaft drunk in little
cups, and when they were full in great. Being demanded (by Arda-* Plut. conviv.
lus) whether there were any Flutes in Scythia, he answered, not so much Sept. Sap. Strab.
as vines (which * Aristotle calls a demonſtration 7, by the re- Analyt. poff.
mote cauſe) * Ardalus adding, are there not Gods amongst the Scythi-1. 13.
ans? yes, replyed he, which understand all languages. Being asked
what fkip was fafeft, he answered, that which is in the Haven. He affirm'd
the most remarkable thing he had feen among the Grecians to be this, that
they left the smoak upon the mountains, and carried the wood into their
Cities. Being demanded whether the number of the dead or of the living
were greatest, amongst which, faith he, do you account those who are at fea?
To an Athenian, nho reproached him for being a Scythian, my country,
*
*
(Saith
*
15.
Plute conviv,
Sept. Sap.
*
Laert.
112
AN ACHARSIS.
* Herod. 4. 46.
(faith he is a disgrace to me, but you are a disgrace to your country. Be-
ing demanded what in man is both good and bad, he answered the tongue.
He affirm'dit is better to have one friend worth much, then many worth
nothing. He faid the Forum was the proper place for cheating and unjuft
gain. To a young man who reproached him at a feast, youth, faith be, if at
thefe yeeres you cannot bear wine, when you grow old, you will not be able
to bear water.
* when he returned to Scythia, he told the King who sent him, the
Greeks were bufied in all kinds of wisdome, except the Lacedæmonians
who only knew how to give and receive prudently.
* He faid the Greeks made no other use of mony but to accompt with it.
* Plut. de pro- * At a publick affembly in Athens, be faid, he wondered why in the Greek
fest.virtut.fent.
* Plut. vit.Sol. convocations, wife men propounded buſineſſe, and fooles determined it.
* That Prince is happy who is wife. That City is beft, wherein (all things
elfe being equall)vertue hath the better condition, vice the worse.
* Plut. conv.
Sept. Sap.
* Stob. ferm.
16.
you
*To one who, as they were drinking, faid, beholding his wife, Anacharfis,
have married one who is nothing handsome: I am (answered be) of
that opinion alfozbut put less water in my wine,that I may make her hand-
Come.
Relating the qualities of the Vine to the King of Scythia, and ſhow-
ing him fome flips thereof, he added, and by this time it would have
Athen. deipn. reached into Scythia, if the Greeks did not every yeer cut off its branches.
* At a feast, fuch being fent for, as might procure mirth, he alone fmiled
not; afterwards, an Ape being brought in, he laughed, faying, that beast
is ridiculous by nature, man by art and study.
lib. 10.
* Athen. deipn.
lib. 10.
* Athen. deipn.
lib. 14.
whilft he flept, he used κατέχειν τῇ μὲν λαι, τα αιδοία· τῇ δεξιᾷ από το τόμα,
* Clem. Alex. implying, that a man ought to take great care to govern both, but that it is
harder to restrain our pleasure then our tongue. He faid that to him all the
*clem.from. 1. Grecians were Scythians.
Strom. lib. 5.
MYSON:
'11 üz
3
MYSON.
M
SO Nwas (according to Hermippus) ſon of * Laert.
Stremon, born at Chene, a Village either of
Oetæa, or Lacedæmonia, his father A Tyrant.
Anacharfis demanding of the Oracle, if any
were wiſer, was anſwered(as was in the life
of Thales mentioned of Chilon)
Oetaan Myfon I declare
wifer then those who wife st are.
His curiofity encreafing by this anfwer, he went to the vil-
lage, and finding him fitting a plow-fhare to the plow, faid,
Myfo, it is not yet time to plow: But it is (anfwered he to
prepare. Others affirme the Oracle called him Etean, about
which there is much difference: Parmenides faith, that Etea is a
Lacedæmonian Village, whereof Myfon was. Soficrates, that he
was Oetean by his father, Chenean by his mother.Euthyphron,that
he was a Cretan, Etea a Gity of Creet. Anaxilaus an Arcadian.
Hipponax mentions him in theſe words, And Myfo, whom Apollo
declared wifest of all men. Ariftomenus affirmes, he was of the fame
humor as Timon and Apemantus, a Man-hater. He retired from
Lacedæmon into the defert, and was there furprized all alone.
fmiling; being demanded why he ſmiled, no man being pre
fent, he anſwered, for that reafon. Ariftoxenus faith, he was of
no account, becauſe not of the City, but of an obfcure village;
whence fome afcribe his fayings to Pififtratus, but others reckon
him one of the feaven; Plato puts him in the room of Periander.
heſaid, we muſt not ſeek things from words, but words from things
things were not made for words, but words for things. He dyed 97.
years old.
Gg
EPIMENIDES
EPIMENIDES.
114
Pimenides is by all acknowledged a Cretan
(though contrary to the cuſtome of that place
he wore long haire;) but in the Town where
he was borne they agree not. Laertius follow-
ing the greater part of writers faith it was
* Cnofsus, Strabo, Phaftus. There is no leffe diffe-
rence about the names of his Parents3 fome call
his father Phaftius,or Phaftus, others Dofiades, his Mother Blafta,
others Agafiarchus Apollonius, Bolus, Laertius, and Suidas, name
* One of these Plutarch Balta, a fuppofed Nymph.
4 Val. Max. 8.
13.
names perhaps
is corrupt.
* Apollon. hist.
com. cap. I.
Plin 7.$2.
Laert.
*De ling.lat. 6.
* An feni fit
*
a
*
It is reported, that when he was a youth, being fent by his
father and brethren to their field to fetch home a ſheep to the
City, tir'd with the heat and travell in fearch thereof, he with-
drew himſelfe at noon(or as Apollonius, at night) from the com-
mon way into a private Cave, where he flept (according to
*Theopompus fiftie feven years,according to Varro, *Plutarch, and
Tertullian, fiftie, * Paufanas fortie, in which intervall of time,
moſt of his kindred died; at the end hereof awaking, he betook
himſelfe again to the ſearch of his fheep, thinking it the fame,
or the next day to that wherein he lay down, and that he had
* de anima. 46 flept but a little while; not finding it, he returned to the field
number in Sui- where he faw all things changed, and a ſtranger in poffeffion
das feems falſe, thereof: thence to the City much amazed; going into his own
Vatican appen- houfe, they queſtion'd who he was; at laſt he met with his
dix of adages ; younger brother, now grown old, by whom he was informed
one hath 6. the of all that paffed, and the time of his abfence. Plutarch faith, he
* Plin. 7. 52. waked an old man; *Pliny and Laertius, that he grew old in as
many daies as he had flept yeers: * fome affirme he flept not,
but retired a while, employing himſelfe in cutting up roots.
冲
​gerenda refp.
* anima.
* Attic. the
as alfo in the
other 7.
* Laert.Suid.
• Apollon.
* Laert.
* Laert.
* Suid.
* Laert:
* Strab.
Many (other) wonders are reported of him; *fome fay, he
received food of the Nymphs, which he kept in an Oxes hoofe,
and took thereof a little every day, requiring no other fufte-
nance, never being feen to eat: *he often counterfeited refur-
rection from death to lifeshis *foule going out of his body when-
foever he pleafed, and returning again.
* He is reported the firſt that luftrated houſes and fields
*which he performed by verfe. To this end the Athenians in
the fortie fixt Olympiad, vifited with a Plague, and command-
ed by the Oracle to luftrate the City, ſent Nicias, ſon of Nice-
ratus
EPIMENIDES
115
ratus with a fhip to Creet, to defire Epimenides to come to them,
which he did, and there contracted acquaintance with Solon,
whom he privately inftructed, fetting him in the way of ma-
king Lawes. He reduced the divine rites to a leffer charge; he
moderated the mournings ofthe Citizens, he added ſome fa-
crifices to the ceremonies of funeralls, taking away barbarous
cuftomes which the women uſed upon thoſe occafions: and
(which was of greateſt concernment) by propitiations, procu-
rations, and offerings, he luftrated and expiated the City, ren-
dring the people more obfequious to juſtice and unity, *and
ftaied the Peftilence in this manner: He took ſheep, black and
white, and brought them into the Areopagus; there he let them
looſe, to go whither they would, giving order to thoſe who
followed them, that whenfoever any of them lay down, they
ſhould facrifice in that place to the proper Deitie, whereby the
Plague ceaſed. Hence it is, that at this day, (ſaith Laertius ) are
to be ſeen in many Athenian Villages, nameleffe Altars, monu-
ments of that expiation.Some affirm he imputed it to the Cylo-
nian impiety (of which already in the life of Solon)and affwaged
it, by putting to death two young men, Cratinus and Ctefibius.
*He is fuppofed firft to have built Temples; one he erected
in Athens to the Eumenides;another he intended to confecrate
to the Nymphs, but a voice from Heaven was heard in theſe
words, Epimenides, not to the Nymphs, but to Jupiter.
* Laert.
* Laert:
* Beholding the haven Munychia, he faid to thoſe who ſtood * Plut, vit, Śels
by, how blind is man to the future! The Athenians would tear
this haven in pieces with their teeth, if they forefaw how much
it will infeft the City: This he foretold many yeeres before it
came to paffe, which was in the ſecond yeer of the 114 Olym-
piad, when Antipater puta gariſon of Macedonians into the
Munychia.
The Athenians being affraid of the Perfian Navy, he told
them, it would not invade them for many yeers, and when it
did, the Perſians ſhould not effect the leaſt of their hopes, but
depart home with greater loffe to themſelves then they had
given their adverfaries: which was fulfilled in the fights at Ma
rathon and Salamis.
He foretold the Lacedæmonians, (and Cretans alſo) the o-
verthrow they ſhould receive by the Arcadians, which happen-
ed when Euricrates and Archidamus raigned in Lacedemon.
*
*
* Plut. Sel.
Thefe predictions (for which the Grecians eſteemed him * Laert.
(* divine) beloved of the Gods, & put him in the number of* Plat.
their Sophifts; the *Cretans, (whofe Prophet he is filed by Laert.
*Saint Paul)facrificed to him as a God) were either not known,* Tit. 1.
or not credited by Aristotle, who averres, he uſed not to Pro-
phecy of future things, but only fuch as were paſt and ob-
Icure.
For
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in Original
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Volume
118
EPIMENIDES.
For his luftration of the City and other things he was much
honoured by the Athenians who offered him many gifts, would
have rewarded him with a Talent, and appointed a fhip to
tranſport him back to Creet; he refufed their gift and money,
nor would accept of any thing but a little branch of ſacred Ó
live, out of the Tower, wherewith (having procured a league
betwixt the Cnoffians and Athenians) he returned home; and
foon after died * 157. years old, or according to others 1 50,
Phlegon, Plin. the Cretans fay he wanted but one of 300. Xenophanes affirmes
1.52. he heard him when he was 1 54 years of age. His body the Lace-
1. citing demonians kept by direction of the Oracle. It was taken up ma
ny years after, marked all over with Characters, whence arofe
a proverb, concerning abftrufe things, theskin of Epi-
menides; He called himſelf. Eacus, others named him Cures,
* Laert. citing
* Apollon Hist.
com.
Phlegon. Suid·
* Suid.
*
*
He was a great Poet, and writ many things in verſe; the
fubjects of his writings were thefe,
Initations, Luftrations, and other obfcure matters in verſe.
The generation and Theogony of the Curetes and Corybantes, 5000,
verfes
The building of Argo,and expedition of Jaſon to Golchos, 6500,
verſes.
Of facrifices, in profe
Of the Cretan Common-wealth,
Of Minos and Rhadamanthus.
* D. Hieronym. *Of Oracles and refponfes, out of which Saint Paul cites this verfe,
in Epiftol. ad
Titam. See the
place.
* Tit. II 2.
* Laert:
Keñſes dei Laŭçan, nana' Inela, zasiges åpjai.
The Cretans are alwaies liers, evill beasts flow bellies.
There is extant under his name ( faith Laertius) an Epiſtle
to Solon concerning the orders of Government given by Miños to
theCretans: which Demetrius conceives of later date,not written
in the Cretan but Athenian languages but I have met with ano-
ther to this effect;
Beve
Epimenides to Solon.
in-
e of comfort friend; for if Pifitratus were ruler of Athenians
ured to fervitude and void of diſcipline, his way perhaps might cons
tinue for ever. But now he subjects not bafe people, but fuch as are mind-
full of Sólons inftructions, who afhamed of their bondage will not brook
his Tyranny. And though he should fettle himself in the government un-
moveable, yet I hope it will not devolve to his childrens for it is hardfor
free perfons, brought up under excellent lawes, to fuffer bondage. As for
you, wander not, but come to Greet to me, where you will find no oppref
five Monarch. If intravailing up and down you should light upon some
of his friends, I fear you may fuffer fome mischief..
*There were two more of this name, one a Genealogift: the
other writ in theDorick dialect concerning Rhodes,
PHE-
119
PHERECYDES
Herecydes was of Syrus (one of the Cyclades near
Delus ) fon of Badys, or as others, Babis; born ac-
cording to Suidas in the 46. Olympiad; heli-
ved in the time of Alyattes King of Lydias con-
temporary with the feven Sophifts by fome
accompted one of them. Laertius faith, he was
in the fifty ninth Olympiad, * Cicero in the* Tufc.quaft, 1.
time of Servius Tullus.
There are who affirm he heard Pittacus others fay he had no
Mafter, but procured and ſtudied by himſelf the abftrufe books
of the Phoenicians.
*
* Laert.
* Laeti.
Many ſtrange things are related of him; *In Syrusbeing * Apollon. hift.
thirsty, he required water of one of his Scholers, which (be- comment.cap.5.
ing drawn out of a well) he drank, and thereupon declared"
there would be an Earthquake within three daies in that Ifland;
which happening as he foretold, gained him much credit:
though afcribed by Cicero not to a divine but naturall caufe.
*
Laert.
Again, going to Juno's Temple in Janus, he beheld a fhip" Apollon.ibid
with full fail entring the Harbour, he ſaid to thofe that were
prefent, it would never come into the Haven, whilft he was
Ipeaking, a ftorm arofe and the fhip funk in their fight.
*Going by Mellana to Olympia, he advifed Perilaus,at whofe * Laert.
houfe he lay, to remove thence with all his Family; which hee
obey'd not: Meffana was foon after taken.
*He bad the Lacedæmonians not to eſteem gold or filver.Hér-
cules having fo commanded him in a dream;who appeared like-
wife to the Kings, and bad them obey Pherecydes: this fome
afcribe to Pythagoras,
*
*
*
Laert.
Achil.Tat.
He held opinions contrary to Thales, but agreed with him,
inthat of water, that it is principle of all things. Hee faid the fag.in Art.
Gods called a Table wes. He firft afferted the immortality Cicer. Tafe.
of the foul, according to fome. Tzetzes affirms he was Mafter qu 1.
to Thales, but that fuits with their times: That he in ſtructed *Chiliad.
Pythagoras is generally acknowledg'd.
*
The manner of his death is varioufly related.
Hermippus
faith, in a war betwixt the Ephefians & Magnetians, he defirous
the Ephefians might be victors, demanded of one prefent,
whence he was, who answered of Ephefus: draw me then, faith
he by the leggs into the Magneſian Territory, and bid your
country men, after they have gained the battle, bury me. I am
134 Phevecides
H
!
L
* Laert.
120
PHERECT DES.
* Elian.4.28.
fee alfa 5.2.
{
1
*
Pherecydes. This meffage he delivered; they overcame the Mag-
nefians and finding Pherecydes dead, buried him honourably:
ſome affirm he went to Delphi and threw himſelf from the Cory-
cean Mountain; But the more generall opinion is that he died
moft miferably, his whole body eaten up with lice (Pliny faith,
with Serpents which broke out of his skin) whereby
when his face became deform'd, he avoided and refuſed the fight
of his acquaintance; when any one came to vifit him (as Pytha-
goras did) and demanded how he did, he putting out his fin-
ger at the key hole, confumed by his diſeaſe ſhowed them the
condition of his whole body: Saying xeline, the skin fhoweth:
which words the Philofophers take in an ill fenfe: The Delians
affirm the God of that place fent this diſeaſe to him out of an-
ger, becauſe he boaſted much of his own wifdom to his diſci-
ples, faying if he ſhould never facrifice to any God, he ſhould
lead a life no leffe pleaſant then thofe that offered hecatombs.
Pythagoras buried him; his tomb carried this infcription,
Of wisdom I compriſe the utmoſt bound;
who further would be satisfied, muſt ſound
Pythagoras, of Greeks the most renown'd.
Some affirm he was the firſt that writ in profe, which others
afcribe to Cadmus: He writ
*
Heptamuchos or Thocrafia; perhaps the fame with his
•Theology,ten books containing the origine and fucceffion of the
Gods (if not miſtaken for the Theogony of the younger There-
cydes) an obfcure dark work, the allegories whereof Ifidore cited
by Clemens Alexandrinus conceives taken from the prophecy of
Cham.
Concerning this Book there is extant an Epiftle under the
name of Pherecydes, but may well be fufpected to be spurious,
WED
१
Pherecydes to Thales.
Ell may you die when ever your fat all hower arrives; as foon as
I received your letter I fell sick, was overrun with lice, and had
a feavours whereupon I gave order to my fervants, that as foon as I were
buried they ſhould carry the Book to yous if you with the rest of the wife men
approve it, publiſh its if you approve it not publiſh it not for me it doth not
pleafe, there is no certainty in it: whatsoever the Theologist faith, you
muft understand otherwife; for I write in fables. Conftrain'd by my dif-
eafe, I have not admitted of any Physician or friend, but when they came
to the door and asked how it was with me, putting my finger out at the key.
hole, I fhewed them how deſperately ill I was,and bespoke them to come on
the morrow to the funeral of Pherecy des.
There was another of this name of the fame Mand, an Aftro
loger: there are more mentioned by Suidas.
FINIS.
THE
HISTORY
OF
PHILOSOPHY.
The Second Part.
Containing the fonick Philofophers.
D
LONDON,
Printed for Humphrey Mofeley, and are to be fold at his Shop
at the Princes Armes in St. Pauls Church-yard, and bý
Thomas Dring, at the George in Fleetſtreet neere
a
Cliffords Inne. 455.
I
ANAXIMANDER
CHAP. I.
Of his life.
Hiloſophy had a twofold beginning, one * Laert. praf.
from Anaximander, another from Py-
thagoras. Anaximander was Diſciple to
Thales; whence that Philofophy was called
Jonick; Thales being an Jonian, for he was
of Miletus. Pythagoras was Difciple to Phere.
cydes; that king of Philofophy called, from
the place where he taught, Italick. Thales was fucceeded by A-
naximander, Anaximander by Anaximenes, Anaximenes by Anax-
agoras, Anaxagoras by Arceolans, in whom (as Plutarch, Laertius
and others affirm) it ended, Socrates (the ſcholer of Archelans )
introducing Morality.
*
*
* Suid.
*
Anaximander a Mileſian, Gountryman, companion and Cic. acad..
* Kinſman of Thales was his Difciple alſo, and fucceffor in quat.4.
the propagation of his Doctrine; fon of Praxiades (corruptly Strab.lib.1.6
called by fome Praxidamus) born the third year of the 42 O-4.
lympiad. * He flouriſhed moſt in the time of Polycrates Tyrant A
of Samos.
*
* Clem. Alex:
Strom. x
* Laert.
*
* He demonſtrated the compendium of Geometry; *being suid.
next Homer the firſt Maſter ofthat ſcience; hee firſt ſet forth a* Strab. lib. x.
Geographick table, of which Laertius is to be underſtood who
affirms, he defigned the circumference of the Sea and land.
*
* In the 50. Olympiad he found out the obliquity of the * Plin.2.8.
Zodiack, that is faith Pliny )he opened the gates of things. Hein.* Lgèrt.
vented the Gnomon,& fet up the firſt in an open place at Lacede
mon.
*He found out the Equinoctiall Solftices and Horologies;* Suid.
*He framed Horofcopes to denote the Tropicks and Equinoxes;* Laert.
whence * Salmafius conceives the uſe of his diall was onely to Plinian. Ex-
delineate the Tropick and Æquinoctiall points, that they did cit.
not ferve to diſtinguiſh the hours or twelve parts of the day,
he proveth, becauſe the very name we in that fence or the
divifion of the day into twelve equall parts, was not known a
long time after.
*He adviſed the Lacedæmonians to quit their City and Cicer.divinats
houſes, and to lie armed in the open field, foretelling an Earth-
an Earth- Plin.2.79.
quake which threw down the whole City, and tore away piece
of the Mountain Taygetus.
I i
As
2
ANAXIMANDER.
1
* Laert:
* Suid.
Acad. quaft. 4.
* As he fung,the boyes uſed to deride him, whereupon hee
faid, we muſt learn to fing better for the boyes.
Of his Auditors are remembred Anaximenes and Parmenides.
Of his writings theſe.
Tee quotes, of Nature. This treatiſe perhaps Laertius meanes
who faith he digeſted his opinions into Commentaries, which
Book fell into the hands of Apollodor the Athenian.
I'й's meiosⒸ.
Περὶ τῶν ἀπλανῶν.
ائل
Of the Sphear, with other things.
{
He was according to Apollodorus 64 years old the ſecond yeare
of the 58. Olympiad, and died foon after.
2.
CHAP. 2
Of his Opinions.
+
Se&. 1. That Infinity is the principle of all things.
To
*
*
3
Hales ( faith * Cicero) who held that all things confift of mater,
could not perfwade his Countryman and Companion Anaximan-
der thereto, for he afferted That infinity is that whereof all things were
* De plac. phil. made; or (according to Plutarch, Laertius, and Juſtine Martyr)
that it is the principle and element of things (for thefe two he con-
founded,as was obferv'd of his Master Thales) but not declared
what this infinity is, whether Air, water, Earth, or any other body, for
which condemned by Plutarch.
1.3.
* Paran.ad
Grac.
* Laert.
* Symplic.in
Days.1.2.
phif.1.5.
*Plut.plac.
phil.1.3.
* Laert.
* Cap.6.
* Cicer. Acad.
quaf.4.
*
*
That it is one, infinite in magnitude (not number) whence
*Aristotle reprehends him for imagining contrarieties can pro-
ceed from the fame principle.*That it is for that reafon infinite that
it may not fail.
*That the parts thereof are changed; the whole is immutable (* Sym»
plicius faith moveable) * That out of it all things proceed, andre-
Plut.plac.phil. folve into it.
1.3.
Iuft.Mart.paran
* De nat. deor.
1.
That there are infinite worlds generated which corrupt into that
whereof they were generated.
Se&t. 2. Of the Heavens.
*
Is opinion (according to * Cicero) was, that the Gods are na-
tive (having a beginning) rifing and fetting by long intervalls,
* plac.phil.1.7. and that there are innumerable worlds: This Plutarch and Stobæus
apply to the Heavens and Stars. But how can we (addes Cicero)
understand a God that is not eternall. * That Heaven confifts of cold
and heat mixed.
* Stob.
* That
ANAXIMANDER:
3
*
That the ftarrs are globous inftances' confifting of air full of
fire, refpiring flames at fome certain part: moved by the circles and
Sphears wherein they inhere ; which affertion Ariftotle borrowed from
bence.
That the Sun is feated highest, the moon next, then the fixed ftarres
and Planets.
*
* Stob.
* Stob.
*
That the circle of the Sun is 28. times (Theodoret faith 27.) Plut. plac.
phil.2.20.
greater then the earth, having a hollow circle about it like a Chariot
wheel, full of fires in one part whereof there is a mouth, at which the fire* Plut plac.
is feen as out of the hole of a flute, which is the Sun equall in bigneſſe Phil. 2. 23:
*
* Laert.
with the Earth.
*That the cauſe of the Sunn's Eclipfe is the ſtopping that hole in the Plut.plac.phil.
midft, out of which the fire illues.
.24.Stob.
* Plut.plac.
* That the circle of the Moon is 29. times greater then the Earth, phil.2.25.
like a Chariot wheel, having a hollow orbe in the midft full of fire (like * Plut.plac.
the Sun) and oblique,breathing fire out at one part as out of a tunnel. phil.2.29.
* That the Eclipfe of the Moon happens according to her converfions, Stob.
* Blut, plac.
when the mouth out of which the fire iffueth, is stopped.
* That the Mooon hath a light of her own: but very thin; * that ſhe * Laert.
fbineth in the light he borroweth from the Suns which two affertions* As a learned
are ſo far from being inconſiſtent, that it is the common
nion* both are true.
*
*
Se&. 3. Of Meteors.
phil.2.28.
perfon concei-
opi-ves,upen those
words of Laert.
* See Eraſm.
Reinholdus ith
Theoricas pur-
bachii pag.164
Hat wind is a fluxion of the air, when the moſt ſubtle and *Plut.plac.phil.
liquid parts thereof are either ſtirr'd or refolved by the Sun.
TH
3.7.
Stob.
* That Thunders, lightnings, prefters, and whirlewinds are caused Plut. plac phil.
by the wind enclosed in a thick cloud, which by reafon of its lightneſſe 3.3.
breaketh forth violently; the rupture of the cloud maketh a crack'; and
the divulfion by reason of the blackneffe caufeth a flashing light. * Seneca Nat.quaff. 2.18
more expreffely, He afcribed all to wind. Thunder (faith he) is the
found of a breaking cloud: why unequall? becauſe the breakings are un-
equall, why doth it thunder in a clear day? Because even then the wind
breaks through the thick and dry air. Why fometimes doth it thunder and
not lighten? Because the thinner and weaker Spirit is able to make a
flame but not a found. what is lightning? The agitation of the air fewe-
ring it felf and ruſhing down, diſcloſing a faint fire. What is Thunder?
The motion of a piercing thick Spirit.
*Sen.nat.quaft.
* All things are fo ordered,that fome influence defcend from the Æther
upon inferiour things; fo fire founds, forced upon cold clouds: when 1.19.
it breaks them it ſhines; the fewer flames beget lightnings, the greater,
thunder: a great part, the rest was altered from its naturall kind by his
exceffive heat.
* That the first creatures were bred in humidity, and encloſed within Plut.plac. phils -
Sharp thorny barks, but as they grew older they became dryer,and at last the
bark being broken round about them,they lived fome little time after it.
ANAXIMENES.
5
ANAXIMENES
CHAP. I.
His life.
*
*
Naximenes was a Mileſian, Son of Euriftratus, Zaert.
* friend, * Diſciple and * fuceffour to A- Simplic.
naximander. According to Eufebius he flou- * cic.acad.
rifh'd in the fecond year of the 56.Olympi-Suid.
quest.plin.z.jÔ
ad.Suidas faith he liv'd in the 55.Olympiad
at the taking of Sardys, when Cyrus over-
threw Crafus. So that the acompt of * Apol- * Laert.
lodorus, (who affirms he was born in the 63. Olympiad ) is cor-
rupt. He heard alfo, as fome affirm, Parmenides. He ufed the Jo-
nick Dialect, plain and incompofed.*Pliny calls him the inven-
tour of Gnomonicks;but perhaps it is a miſtake for Anaximander.* Lib. 2.
Of his auditors were Anaxagoras and Diogenes Apolloniates.
Theſe two Epiſtles of his are preſerved by Laertius.
TH
› Anaximenes to Pythagoras.
Hales having lived happily even to old age, ended his daies un-
fortunately. One night going out of his houfe as he uſed) with his
maid to contemplate t be ftarrs, gazing and not taking heed to the place,
helighted upon a precipice and fell down. This was the fate of the Mileft-
an Aftronomer. But let us who were his Auditors, preferve the memory
of the perfon, and our fons and auditors after us. Let us Hill retain
his fayings, and begin all our difcourfes with Thales.
You
Anaximenes to Pythagoras.
Ou are more adviſed then we, who leaving Samos for Crotona live
there in quiet, the Æacides prove injurious to others, and the Mi-
lefians want not Tyrants of their own choofing. The King of Media is
likewiſe terrible to us, but would not be ſo ſhould we pay him tribute.
The Jonians are refolved to war with the Medes for the general liberty,&
K k
if
:6
CANAXIMENES.
Plut de plac.
Justin Mar-
tyr paran.
1.3. phil.
Cic. de nat,
déor. I.
if they fight we have no hope of fafety. How then can Anaximenes
perplexed with fear of death and flavery apply bis mind to celeftial Spe-
culations. But you are coveted by the Crotonians, and all Italians; Au-
ditors come to you as far as from Sicily!.
CHAP. II.
His opinions
ZAMA
Se&t. 1. That the Air is the principle of all things.
He
HE
that
E held that the Air is the principle of the Universe, of
I which all things are engendred, and into which they refolve Our
foules by which we live are air; fo spirit and air contain in being all the
-worlds for ſpirit and air are two names fignifying one thing.
That the air is God, begotten, immenfe, infinite, ever in motion 3
*Cic.acad.quaft!* but_that thoſe things' which arife out of it are finite. First is be
gotten, earth water, fire, then of these all things. That the air is God
underſtands of the faculties penetrating through the
Elements of bodies.
* Plut. plac.
phil.2.11.
* Plut. plac.
phil.2.23.
* Laert.
*Plut.plac.phil.
2. 19.
*Plut.plac.phil.
2. 19.
*Plut.plac.phil.
2.24.
Plut.
Plut.plac.phil.
2.19.
Plut plac. phil.
3.4.
Stob.
Plut. de plac.
phil.3.5.
}
•
*
d
་་
•
Sect. 2. Of the Heavens.
1
Hat the outward fuperficies of Heaven is earthly.
¿
J'...
ง
That the ftarrs are of a fiery substance, invifible earthly bo-
dies intermixt with thems that they are inherent, as nailes in Chryftall.
That they are forced back by the thick refifting air
*
not above (or under ) but about the earth.
* That the fun is flat as a plate, of fiery fubftance.
* and move
That the fignes of fummer and winter come not by the moon, but by
the fun onely.
*
That the fun is eclipfed when the mouth out of which iffueth his
heat is clofed.
1
!!!
That the Moon is likewife of a fiery nature.
That the Moon is eclipsed when the mouth out of which iſſueth ber
beat, is closed.
T
Se&. 3. Of Meteors.
4
'Hat the clouds are made by condensation of air, rain by conden-
fation of the clouds, out of which it is squeezed; fnow of rain con-
geal'din falling, and hail of the fame contracted by a cold wind.
Concerning Thunder, lightning, &c. to the affertion of A-
naximander he added the compariſon of the Sea, which being bro-
ken with Oares ſhineth.
That the rainbow is made by reflection of the Sunns beams upon a
thick
ANAXIMENES
7
thick cloud, which, not able to pierce it, are refracted upon
it.
That Earthquakes proceed from the rarity and dryneffe of the Earth, Plutarch.deplac
one being caus' d by exceſſive heat, the other by exceceſſive cold. Further 3 15.
explained by * Ariftotle thus; He held that the Earth, as well when + Meteoriz. 7.
it is moist as when it is dry, breaketh, and by these great pieces thereof Senec.nar.
which uſe to falll upon it,is fhaken: Hence it is that Earthquakes happen quast.6.10.
either in droughts or great raines by droughts it is broken, and by great
Showers exceffively moistned parts likewife in funder.
He called the contraction and condensation of matter, cold; the lax- Plutarch. de
ation and rarity thereof, heat: whence a man breaths out of his mouth primo. frig,
both hot and cold; his breath comprest by his lips, and condens'd
is cold; but breathed forth with an open mouth
is hot by reason of the rarity.
08800080
ANAXAGORAS.
ANAXAGORAS.
୨
ANAXAGORAS.
نیئے
CHAP. I.
1
Anaxagoras Country, time, and ftudy of Philofophy.
*
*
Naxagoras was of Clazomena, fon of Hegefibu- Laert.
lus or Eubulus, born in the 70th. Olympiad
according to Apollodoras; in the first yeare
hereof; Eminent for his noble birth and
wealthy fortunes, but more for his magna-
*
1
*
nimous contempt of them, * Hee left his + Plut. contra
lands and patrimony, (faith Cicero,) to ufar. Lyfand.
learn and obtain the divine delight of Tufc.quaft.5.
Philofophy:and converted himfelfe from civill affairs to the *De orator.3.
knowledge of things. Suidas affirms he left his grounds to theep
and Camells to be eaten up; and therefore Apollonius Tyaneas
faid, he read Philofophy to beaſts rather then to men. * Plátò, * Hipp. mai.
derides him for quitting his eftate; Laertius reports he
affign'd it to his friends; whereupon being by them
accuſed of improvidence; why (anfwered he) do not you take care
of it? To one who reproved him as taking no care of his Coun-
try, wrong me not, faid he, my greatest care is my Country, pointing
to the Heavens. To another asking for what end he was born Laert.
he answered, to contempla e the Sun, Moon and Heavens. In fine,
he withdrew himſelf to contemplation of naturall Philoſophy
not regarding civill affairs. In this ftudy Anaximenes was his Cicer. de Na.
Mafter from whom he received his learning.
{
*
*In the twentieth year of his age the firſt of the 75. Olym-
piad, Colliades being Archon (whom Laertius corruptly calls
Callias) at the time of Xerxes expedition into Greece he went to
Athens to ſtudy Philofophy, where he continued thirty yeares,
and was honored with the title of Nes the Mind, as being the
firſt that added that principle to matter, ſo Amon.
where dwells fam'd Anaxagoras, the mind,
* For he that agent first to matter joyn'd.
which things confused orderly defign'd,
*
deor. I.
* Laert.
* Laert. per-
haps in N
rão Qulậs
LI
CHAP.
10
ANAX AGORAS.
1
CHAP. II.
Of his opinions.
1
Se&t. 1. Of the first principles, and beginning of things.
НЕ
* Plut. plac. E held that the materiall principle of all things is one and ma-
phil. 1.3.
ny (quiopiedi) parts infinite, fimilar, and contrary, continuous to
*Arift.phys.3.4
*Arift. phyf.3.7. the touch, fustaining themselves, not contain'd by any other. His
grounds thefe: First, becauſe, according to the common rule
of naturall Philofophers, of nothing proceeds nothing, it is not
poffible any thing can be made of that which is not; or that
which hatha being can be reſolved into that which hath none.
Secondly, becauſe contraries are made mutually of each other,
therefore they were in each other before; for if it be neceffary,
that whatſoever is made, be made of that which is, or is not,
but that it ſhould be made of that which is not impoſſible,
wherein all agree, that ever diſcourfed upon nature, it followes
neceffarily, that they be made of things that are, and are with-
in thefe very things, though by reafon of their ſmallneffe, not
difcernable by us: Hence is it that they fay, every thing is
mist with every things becauſe they fee any thing made of any
thing: but things feem different, and are called diverfe in re-
ſpect to one another, by reaſon that the multitude of infinites
which are within aboundeth in the miftion; for the whole is
neither quite white nor black, fleſh nor bone, but every thing
feemeth to be of the nature of that whereof it hath moſt of
fimple nouriſhment, as bread, water, and the like, are bred the
hair, veines, arteries, nerves, bones, and other parts of the bo-
dy, all things are therefore in this food, as nerves, bones, and
the like, difcernable by reaſon, though not by fenfe: Of theſe
Atomes the whole world confifteth, as gold of grains; theſe
homogeneall parts are the matter of all things his opinion is
thus expreft by* Lucretius:
Plus.
Laert.
* Lib. 1.
C
er.
J
Next Anaxagoras we must pursue,
And his Homoiomeria'revzem ;
*
A term that's no where mention'd but among
The Greeks; too copious for our narrow tongue :
Tet may the fenfe be in more words arraid;
The principle of all things, entrailes made
Offmallest entrails, bone of smallest bone,
Blood of fmall fanguine drops reduc'd to one ;
Gold offmall graines, earth of fmall fands compacted,
Small drops to water,Sparks to fire contracted i
The like in every thing fuppos'd, yet he
*
Nature
ANAXAGORAS.
11
Nature afferted from all vacuum free 3
1
And held that each corporeall being might
Be fubdivided into infinite.
•
det. 8.2.
That God is an infinite felfe, moving mind, that this di- * Lallan fals.
vine* infinite mind, not incloſed in any body, is the efficient * Cic.net.degr.
cauſe of all things; out of the infinite matter confifting of fimi- * August. cir.
lar parts, every thing being made according to its fpecies by
the divine minde, who, when all things were at firſt con-
fuſedly mingled together, came and reduced them to order.
T
Sc& 2. Of the Heavens.
I.
Hat the higher parts of the world are full of fire, the power that is Ariftot.Mes,
there he called ether, and that properly, faith Aristotle, for ¹. 3.
the body, which is continually in quick motion, is conceived
to be divine by nature, for that reafon called æther, none of
thoſe that are here below being of that kind.
That "the ambient æther being of a fiery nature by the* Plut. plac.
"fwiftneffe of its motion, fnatcheth up ftones from the earth, phil.2.13.
which being ſet on fire,become ſtarres, *all carried from Eaſt * Plut. plac.
ડ
" to Weſt.
phil.2.16.
Plut, plac.
That *↔ the Starres are impelled by the condenfation of
"the aire about the Poles, which the Sun makes more ſtrong phil.2.23.
by compreffing.
That "the ftarres are earthly, and that after the firſt ſecreti- Acbil.Tat. iſag
"on of the Elements, the fire feparating it felfe, drew fome in Arat.
parts of the earth to its own nature, and made them like
"fire: Whereupon he farther affirmed
CC
piąc.
ert. Achil. Tat.
Ifag.in Arat.
*Plut.plac.phil.
2.21.
*
* The Sun is a burning plate or ſtone, many times bigger* Plut. plac.
"then Peloponnefus, whofe converfion is made by the repulfe phil. 2. 20. Le-
"of the Northern aire, which he, by compreffing, makes more
ftrong.
*That "the Moon is a dark body, enlightned by the Sun, Plut, place
"habitable, having plaines, hills and waters; that the me- phil.2.25.
"quality in her face proceeds from a mixture, cold and earth-*Plut plac.phil.
"ly, for there is darkneffe mixt with her fiery nature, whence 2.30. Laert.
"the is called a ſtar of falfe light. *Plato faith, that the Moon
was occaſion of diſhonour to him, becauſe he affumed the ori
ginall of this opinion of her borrowing light to himfelfe,where-
as it was much more antient.
*
* In Cratylo.
Meteor, 1. 8.
That the milky way is the fhadow of the earth upon that * Plut.plac.phil.
"part of heaven, when the Sun, being underneath, enlightens 3.1.
"not all:* Or as driftotle, that "the Milkie way is the light of
"fome ſtarres, for the Sun being under the earth, looks not
❝upon ſome ſtarres, the light of thofe on whom he looks is not
"feen, being ſwallowed up in his; the proper light. of thofe
" which
12
ANAXAGOR AS.
Arist. Meteor.
1.6.
* Laert.
6C
which are hindred by the earth from the Suns illumination,
"is the Galaxy; Laertius faith," he held the Galaxy to be the re-
"flection of the light of the Sun.
T
Cô
Sect: 3 Of Meteors.
Hat Comets are the co-apparition of wandring ftarres,
which approach ſo near each other, as that they feem to
touch one another: Or as Laertius; "the concourfe of Planets,
emitting flames.
That "falling ſtarres are ſhot down from the æther, as fpar-
"kles, and therefore foon extinguiſhed.
That "Thunder is the Collifion of Clouds,lightning their
Plut. plac. phil. cc mutuall attrition: Oras Plutarch; "the cold falling upon the
"hot, or the ætheriall, upon the aeriall, the noife which it
3.3.
Plut. plac. phil.
3. 5.
*
*
Lacrt.
makes is Thunder: of the blackneffe of the cloud is caufed
lightning, ofthe greatneffe of the light Thunderbolts, of the
"more corporeall fire whirle-winds, of the more cloudy Pre-
«fters.
That "lightning diftills from the æther; and that "from
"that great heat of Heaven many things fall down, which the
"clouds preſerve a long time encloſed.
c
That the Rain-bow is a refraction of the Suns light upon
"a thick dark cloud, oppofite to him as a looking glaffe; by
the fame reaſon (faith he) appeared chiefly in Pontus, two, or
more Suns.
That "winds proceed from extenuation of the aire, by the
"Sun.
That
cc
Arift. Meteor.
2. 7.Plut. plac:
Earth quakes are cauſed by the air or æther, which
phil.3. 15. Se- "being of its own nature apt to afcend, when it gets into the
nec.nat.quaft.6. cc veines and cavernes of the earth finding difficulty in
"the getting out, caufeth that ſhaking; for the upper parts
Cic. Acad.
quast. 4.
i
+
c
& of the earth contract themſelves by the benefit of rain, Na-
ture having made the whole body thereof alike, laxe and
fpungy, the parts, as in a Ball, fuperiour, and inferiour, the
"fuperiour, that which is inhabited by us, the inferiour, the
other: This wind getting into the inferiour parts, breaks the
❝condenfed aire, with the fame force as we fee clouds broken,
"when, upon the collifion of them, and motion of the agitated
"aire, fire breaks forth: this aire falls upon that which is next,
ſeeking to get out, and tears in pieces whatſoever it meets,
"untill through thofen arrow paffages, it either finds a way to
Heaven, or forceth one: which Laertius obfcurely expreffeth
the repulfion of the air upon the earth.
CC
That Snow is not white, but black, nor did it ſeem white
"to him, becauſe he knew the water whereof it is congealed to
"beblack...
•
彝
​Sect.
ANAXAGORAS..
13!
T
Sect 4. Of the Earth.
Hat" the begining of motion proceeding from the mind, Laert.
the heavie bodies obtained the loweſt place, as the
earth; the light the higheft, as the fire's thofe betwixt both,
the middle, as the aire and water: thus the fea fubfifts upon
"the fuperficies of the earth, which is flat, the humidity being
"rarified by the Sun.
That" the primitive humidity being diffuſed, as a pool was
Plut.plac. phil.
"burned by the motion of the Sun about it, and the unctuous 3. 16.
" part bring exhaled, the remainder became falt.
That" affoon as the world was made, and living creatures Plut.plac. phil.
"produced out of the world, the world enclined of it felfe to. 2.8.
"wards the fouth, according to divine providence; that fome
"parts thereof might be habitable, others not habitable, by
" reafon of the extremities of heat and cold.
હર
t
,
i.
Plut.plac.phil.
1. 17.
That "the miftion of the Elements is by appofition.
That" the inundation of Nilus is cauſed by the fnow of Æ-
thiopia, which is diffolved in fummer, and congealed in win- 4. 1.
ter.
?
T
Sect 5. Of living Creatures.
Plut.plac. phil.
I.
Hat Creatures were first generated of humidity,calidity, Laert.
and earthly matter, afterwards mutually of one another,
"males on the right fide, females on the left.
That "the foule is that which moveth, that it is aeriall, *plu,plac phil.
" and hath a body of the nature of aire.
4. I.
*That there is a death of the foule likewife, which is fepata-plut plac.phil.
❝tion from the body.
That all Animalls have active reaſon.
*That ſleep is an action of the body, not of the foul.
5.24.
* Plut.plac.phil.
-5.25.
*
* That in the hand of man conſiſts all his skill.
* That "the voice is made by the wind, hitting againſt firm Plut.de amo-
refifting air, returning the counter-blow to our ears, which re frat.
"is the manner whereby alſo the repercuffion of the air is
"formed, called Eccho.
That the Gall is the caufe of acute difeafes, which over- Arift.
"flowing, is difperfed into the lungs, veines, and coſts.
•
1
t
M m
CHAP.
}
, 1
14
ANAXAGORAS.
Vit.Lyfand.
Meteor.1.7.
¿
a
Suid
CHAP. III.
His predictions.
Uidas faith, he foretold many things: of thoſe, two inſtances
Conely have been hitherto preferved. The firſt thus related
by Pliny, The Grecians celebrate Anaxagoras of the Clozomenian,
and for foretelling by his learning and Science in the fecond yeare of the
78. Olympiad, on what day aftone would fall from the Sun, which hap-
pen'd in the day time in a part of Thrace at the river Agos which ſtone is
at this day ſhewne about the bigneffe of a beame of an aduft colour, a Comet
alſo burning in those nights.
* Plutarch adds,that it was in his time not onely fhewen, but
reverenced by the Peloponnefians. Eufebius reckons the fall of
this ſtone upon the fourth yeare of the 78. Olympiad, which is
two yeares after Pliny accompts of the prediction. Silenus cited
by Laertius, faith, it fell when Dimylus was Archon, which if it be
to be red Dyphilus (for the other name is not to be found neere
theſe times) will be the first yeare of the 84 Olympiad. But the
marble at Arundell Houfe (graven about the 1 29.Olympiadto be
preferred before any other chronologicall accompt) exprefsly
names the fall upon the 4th yeare upon the 77. Olympiad, when
Theagenides was Archon, two yeares before. Pliny faith it was
foretold. It was beleeved to have portended (as Plutarch teſti-
fies) the great defeat given to the Athenians by Lyfander at the
river Agos 62. yeares after, viz. the fourth yeare of the 39. O-
lympiad.
CC
I
Of the wonder * Aristotle gives a very flight accompt, affir-
ming it was a ſtone ſnatched up by the wind, and fell in the
"day time, a Comet happening in thofe nights, which is difpro-
*Vit. Lyfand. ved by *Plutarch, who hath this large difcourfe upon it: "It is
"faid that Anaxagoras did prognofticate that one of the bodies
"included the Heavens it should be loofed by fhaking, & fall to
દ
the ground, the Stars are not in place where they were firft cre-
"ated, they are heavie bodies, of the nature of ftone, fhining by
reflection of the ather, being drawn up by force, & kept there
"by theviolence of that circular motion, as at the beginning in
"the firſt feparation of things, cold & heavie they were reftrai-
"ned. There is another opinion more probable which faith,
"thoſe which we call falling ſtarres are not fluxions of the x-
"ther extinguiſht in the aire almoſt as ſoon as lighted, nor in-
"flammations or combuſtions of any part of the aire,which by
"it ſpreadeth upwards, but they are cœleftiall bodies failing
"of their retention by the ordinary courfe of heaven throwne
"dówne, not upon the habitable earth,but into the Sea, which
"is the cauſe we doe not fee them; yet the affertion of Anax-
હર
agoras
ANAXAGOR AS:
15
CC
CC
agoras is confirmed by Damachus, who writeth in his book of
Religion, that5. daies together before this ftone fell, they
"faw a great body of fire in the Air like a cloud enflamed,
"which tarried not in one place, but went and came uncer-
"tainly removing, from the driving whereof iffued flaſhes of
"fire that fell in many places like falling ftarrs; when this great
* body of fire fell in that part of the Earth, the Inhabitants em-
"boldned, came to the place to fee what it was,and found no
"appearance of fire but a great ftone on the ground, nothing,in
"compariſon of that body of fire. Herein Damachus had need
"of favourable hearers: But if what he faith be true, he confu-
"feth thofe Arguments who maintain it was a piece of a Rock
"by the force of a boiftrous wind torn from the top of a Moun-
"tain,and carried in the air fo long as this whirlwind continu-
ed, but ſo ſoon as that was laid, the ſtone fell immediately 5
"unleffe this lightning body which appeared fo many daies
"was fire indeed, which coming to diffolve, and to be put out
"did beget this violent ftorm of force to tear off the ſtone,and
"caft it down.
cc
* Senec, nat.
This it is likely * Charimander meant, who in his book of Co-
mets faith, Anaxagoras obferved in the Heavens a great unac- quat.7.5.
cuſtomed light of the greatneffe of a huge pillar, and that it
fhined for many daies.
*
The other memorable prediction of Anaxagoras was of a + Suid.
ftorm, which hee fignified by going to the Olympick games,
when the weather was fair in a fhaggy gown, the rain powring
down all the Græcians (faith Elian) faw and gloried, that hes
knew more divinely then according to humane Nature.
CHAP. IV.
His Scholers and Anditors.
THefe are remembred as his Scholars and Auditors.
*
* Pericles Son of Xantippus being inftructed by Anaxagoras, * Cicer.
could eaſily reduce the exercife of his mind from fecret obftru-
five things to publick popular cauſes.* Pericles much eſteemed plut: vis.
him, was by him inftructed in natural Philofophy,and befides o- Pericl.
ther virtues. fre'd from fuperftitious fears arifing from ignorance
ofphyficall cauſes; whereof there is this inftance;the head of a
Ram with but one horn being brought to Pericles, was by the
Southfayers interpreted prodigious: Anaxagaras opening it,
fhowed that the brain filled not its naturall place, but contract-
ed by degrees in an ovall form toward that part where the
horn grew. Afterwards Anaxagoras neglected and decrepit
with age in a melancholy refentment thereof lay down and co-
ver'd his face, refolving to ſtarve himſelf, which Pericles hea-
ring,
:16
? AN AX AGORAS.
ting, came immediately to him bewailing, not Anaxagoras, büt
himſelf, who ſhould lofe fo excellent a Counſellor: Anaxago-
ras uncovering his face faid, They, Pericles, who would ufe a
Lamp, muft apply it with oil.
}
Archelays Son of Apollodorus was Difciple to Anaxagoras,and,as
Laertius affirms, called the naturall Philofopher for firſt bring-
ing that kind of learning to Athens, but how that confiſts with
his relation to Anaxagoras, who, as he acknowledgeth, ſtudied
naturall Philoſophy thirty years in Athens, Cafaubone juſtly
* His words queſtions.
Αναξαγορά το
•
:
(because never Euripides, as the writer of his life affirms, fon of Mnefar-
Published) these chus,born at the firſt time of Xerxes's expedition into Greece,the
διήκεσε π ſame day that the Grecians overthrew the Perfians, was firſt a
Ke Painter, then an Auditor of Anaxagoras; but feeing him perfe-
Tevcuted for his opinions, laftly converted himſelf to Tragick
Αναξαγορά, poery.
αν
δών υποςάντα
Siap on
δόγματα:
Laert.
Socrates, Son of Sophronifcus, was according to Ariftoxenus an
Auditor of Anaxagoras till he left the City, and thereupon ap-
plyed himſelf to Archelaus, which Porphyrius reckons above the
17th. year of his age,or rather the ninteenth.
Democritus alſo is by fome affirmed,being younger then Anax-
agoras forty years,to have applyed himſelf to him, but Laertius
affirms he could not endure Democritus,& fhunn'd his converſa-
tiòn; Phavorinus likewiſe atteſts,that becauſe he would not ad-
mit him, Democritus profefs'd himſelf his Enemy, and denyed his
opinions of the Sun and Moon,but faid they were ancient, and
that he ſtole them, as likewiſe his deſcription of the world, and
affertion concerning the mind
Metrodorus of Lampfacum is likew ife mentioned by Laertius as
friend to Anaxagoras..
1
L
CHAP. V.
Of his triall, Death ſentences and writings.
Fhistryal faith Laertius there are feveral reports.Sotion in
his treatiſe of the fucceffion of Philofophers faith,he was
accufed by Cleon of impiety,for afferting the Sun to be a burning
plate, but being defended by Pericles his Scholar, hee was fined
five Talents and baniſh'd.
Satyrus,that he was cited to the Court by Thucydides, who was
of the contrary faction of Pericles, accufed not onely of impie-
ty,but of holding intelligence with the Perfians, and in his ab-
fence condemned to death; when news was brought him at the
Cic.Tufc. queft. fame time both of the death of his Sons, which (according tó
Alian) were two,all that he had,and his own condemnation of
*Varr.hift.3. thelatter he faid,Nature long fince condemned both them & me
3. Plut.de ira
cohib.
to
ANAXAGORAS,
17
*
to death; of his * Sons (with a calm look)* You tell me nothing Plut. confol.
ad Apolion.
new or unexpected; I knew that I beget them mortall, which fome a- Simplic. in
ſcribe to Solon, others to Xenophon, Demetrius Phalereus faith, hee Epictet.
buried them with his own hands.
*
* Val. Max. 5.
10.
*Hermippus,he was imprifon'd to be put to death, but Peri- * Laert.
cles appearing before the Judges, asked if they knew any thing
in his life that they could accuſe, to which they anſwered no-
thing, but Lfaith he,am his difciple, then be not tranſported by
Calumnies to kill the man, but believe me and fet him at liber-
ty, fo he was diſmiſſed, but not able to brook the diſgrace, hee
kill'd himſelf.
Hieronymus faith, that Pericles brought him into the Court Laert.
in poor garments extenuated with fickneffe, an object fitter for
compaffion then Juftice. And thus much faith Laertius of his
Tryall.
Suidas,that he was caft into Priſon by the Athenians for in-
troducing a new opinion concerning God, and banish'd the Ci-
ty, though Pericles undertook to plead his caufe, and that going
to Lampfacum he there ftary'd himſelf to death.
Jofephus, that the Athenians believing the Sun to be God,
which he affirm'd to be without fenfe and Knowledge,hee was
by the votes of a few of them condemned to death.
But if we credit * Plutarch,he was neither condemned nor ac- Vit. Pericks
cufed but by Pericles, who fear'd the Ordinance of Diopithes,
*
•
which cited thoſe that held prophane or fublime Opinionis
fent out of the City. Yet elfe-where hee confeffeth he was * Defuperftit
accuſed.
*
*
His departure from Athens, being 30. years after his coming
thither, falls the third year of the 82. Olimpiad the 63. of his
age. Thence he went to Lampfacum, where he continued the
reft of his age, which extended to 22.years more,fo little mind-
full of Athens, or of his Country, as to one,who told him that
he was deprived of the Athenians, he answered, no, but they
of me; and to his friends, who when hee fell fick,asked,if heè cicTufe,
would be carried to Clazomone his Country, no faid he, there is quest. 1.
no need, the way to the grave is alike every where. * Before he plut, inftruct.
died the Magiſtrates of the City asked him,if he would they polit.
fhould do any thing for him, hee anſwered, that his onely re-
queft was that the boyes might have leave to play yearly on
that day of the month, whereon he died; which cuftom (faith
Laertius) is continued to this time. Thoſe of Lampfacum buried
him magnificently with this Epitaph.
Here lies,who through the trueft paths did paffe
O'th world Celestiall, Anaxagoras.;
Ælian mentions two altars erected to him, one inſeribed to
N n
the
*
18
TANAXAGOR AS.
1
* Alian.
* Laert.
* Lacrt.
*}Laert.
* Laert.
* Stob.
* Phys.1.5.
Flut.Georg.
* Hip.mai.
*
Lib.z.
*De exful.
Laert.
the mind, the other to truth; Laertius concludes his life with
this Epigram.
Fam'd Anaxagoras the Sun defin'd
A burning plate, for which to die defign'd,
Sav'd by his Scholar Pericles; But he
* Abandon'd life to feek Philofophie,
"
>
*Heis obferved never to have been ſeen either to laugh or
fmile.
* Being demanded if the Mountains of Lampfacum would in
time become Sea, he anſwered, yes,if time fail not firſt.
*Beholding the tomb of Maufolus,he ſaid, a fumptuous Mo-
nument was a fign the fubftance was turned into ftone..
*He firſt affirmed the poefy of Homer to confift of virtue and
Juſtice, to which Metrodorus added, that the Poet was skil
full in naturall Philofophy.
* He conceived that there are two leffons of death, the time
before our birth,and fleep.
Laertius and Clemens Alexandrinus affert him firft of the Philo-
ſophers that put forth a Book. He writ
Of Natural Philofophy,out of which Ariftotle cites thefe fragments,
All these things were together: which was the beginning of the
book: and, To be fuch is to be changed. Plato this, The mind is the
difpofer and caufe of all things. Athenæus this, what is commonly
called the milk of the hen, is the white of the egge. * Plato cenfures the
book as not uſing the mind at all, nor affiging any caufe of
the order of things,but aeriall, ætheriall and aquatick Natures,
and the like incredible things for cauſes.
The quadrature of the Circle: which treatiſe* Plutarch faith hee
compofed during his impriſonment.
*There were three more of the fame name; the firſt an Ora-
tour, follower of Ifocrates: the fecond a ſtatuary, mentioned by
Antigonus; the laſt a Grammarian, Scholar toŻenodotus:
'
*
ARCHE
1
19
ARCHELA VS.
*
Rchelaus was either an Athenian, or a Milefi-
an; his Father Apollodorus, or according to
ſome, Mylon;he was Scholer to Anaxagoras,
Maſter to Socrates. He firſt transferr'd natu-
rall Philoſophy out of Jonia to Athens,
(But how that can be, when Anaxagoras
his Maſter taught there thirty years, Cafau
bone juſtly queſtions) and therefore was called the Natural Phi-
lofopher: in him naturall Philoſophy ended, Socrates his Scholer
introducing morality; but hee feemeth alſo to have touched
morall Philofophy, for he treated of lawes, of things honeſt
and jufts from whom Socrates receiving his learning, becauſe he
increaſed it, is therefore thought to have invented it; wheras
as Gaffendus obferves, morall Philofophy was far more antient,
that being the principle ground of the attribute of wife con-
ferred upon the Seven
the Seven, whoſe learning lay chiefly that way:
but Socrates is called the Author thereof, becauſe he firſt redu-
ced it to a ſcience, Archelaus afferted
Laert.
*
That the principles of all things are twofold, one incorporeall, the + Stob;
mind, ( not maker of the world the other corporeall, infinite in number,
and diſſimilar * which is the air, and its rarefaction and condenſation, Plut. plac. phil.
whereof one is fire, the other water.
That the Univerſe is infinite.
That the causes of generation are twos heat and cold.
That the starrs are burning iron plates.
That the Sun is the greatest of stars.
That the Sea is made by percolation of the hollow parts of the Earth.
That living Creatures are generated of flime or warm Earth, emit-
ting a milky kind of flime like the chile; that this humid matter being
diffolved by the fire, that of it which fettles into a fiery ſubſtance is earth
that which evaporates is air.
1.3.
That the winds getting into the hollow places of the Earth, filling all ⋆ Sen. Nat.quaf?•
the spaces, the air condenfed as much as possible, the wind that comes next 6.12:
preſſeth the firft, forcing and diſturbing it by frequent impulfions. This
wind feeking a room through the narrow places, endeavoureth to break
priſon, whereby it happens the wind strugling for paffage, that the earth
is moved.
Of the definition of the Voice, by Plutarch attributed to Anaxa
goras, Laertius makes Archelaus the Author, defcribing it a per-
cussion of the air.
That what is juft, or diſhoneft is "defined by Law, not by Nature.
*Theſe five, Anaximander, Anaximenes Thales, Anaxagoras, Arche- * Plut. Laertò
laus, by continuall defent fucceding one another, compleat
the Ionick fect;
FINIS.
19
THE
HISTORY
OF
PHILOSOPHY.
The Third Part.
Containing the Socratick Philofophers.
LONDON,
Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and Thomas Dring, and are to be
fold at their ſhops at the Princes Armes in St. Pauls Church-yard,
and at the George in Fleetftreet neere Cliffords Inne. 1 6 5 5.
}
سارا
SOCRATES.
いい
​SOCRATES
# F
·
CHAP. I.
I
Sperates, his Country, Parents, and time of birth.
*
A
{
Ocrates was by Country an Athenian, borne at
Alopece, a towne, according to Suidas and Pha- Laert.
vorinus,belonging to the Antiochian tribe. This
was one of thofe fmall villages fcattered
through Attica, before Thefeus reduc'd the
people into the walls of a City, which not-
withſtanding his decree, were not deſerted,
*
* Laert. Plat.
*
but continued and preferved by their Inhabitants.
His Parents were very meanes *Sophronifcus (an Athenian) Theat. Alcib.
his Father, a ftatuary, or carver of Images in ftone, Phangreta Liban.
his mother aMidwife,a woman of a bold,generous & quick fpi- Laert. NS-
Eods. Val. Max.
rit,as is implyd by the character* Plato gives her though wrefted are..
by * Athenæus) of which profeffions of his Parents,he is *obfer-* Theater.
ved to have been ſo farre from being afham'd, that hee often Dips. S
tookeoccaſion to mention them.
marmorarius.
* 5.
*Liban. Apol.
*
*
*Apollodorus, Laertius and Suidas affirme he was borne in the
fourth yeare of the 77. Olympiad,which may likewiſe be col-
lected from the marble at arundel House, which faith,be dyed when
Laches was Archon, and reckons 70. yeares of his life, which was
compleat,becauſe* Plato ſayes i ßunxóra, and from * Deme-
trius Phalereus (who was himſelfe archon the fourth yeare ofthe
117. Olympiad,) who faith, he ayed the first yeare of the 95. Plym
piad, when he had lived 76 yeares, the 70. yeare inclufively
upwards, is the fourth of the 77 Olympiad, when Apfephion,
Cor,as fome call him Aphepfion)was Archon, of whofe name in
* Diodorus Siculus no more is left then, which ſhould be* Lib. 11.
gior; but hath been incuriouſly alter'd into, which Archont. 7.
* Dialog. de
if* Meurfius had obferyed, he had not corrected Laertius with-fcript. Soer.
out caufe, nor he and Allatius follow'd the mistake of Sca-
liger (whom they terme Anonymus) in placing Abepfion in the
fourth yeare of the 74. Olympiad.
*
*
* Laert:
The day of Socrates birth, was according to Apollodorus, the
fixt of the month Thargelion, memorable (faith Laertius) for the
birth of Diana according to the traditions of the Delians; upon
which day the Athenians did yearely luſtrate the irCity. Many
other good fortunes happening to the A.henians upon this day
are recorded by Elian. The day following, viz. the feventh* Var. hist. 2.
*
Oo 2
of
SOCRATES.
*
of this month was the birthday of Plato,both which were kept
* Porphyr.vit.
Plut.
with much folemnity by the Greek Philofophers (even to
Sympos.8.1. the time of Platinus) as is affirmed by Plutarch, who thereupon
*
obferves it as the effect rather of Providence, then of chance,
that their birth-daies fhould be fo near, and that of the Mafter
precede the Scholer's.
To accommodate this time with our accompt, is neither ea-
fie nor certain, yet in refpect it may give fome fatisfaction by
way of conjecture, we fhall found it upon thefe hypotheſes,ta-
king that order of months which Petavius gives.
1. That after the Olympiads the beginning of the Grecian
year was alwaies on the firft of Hecatombeon, and Olympick
games on the 15th.
2. That the Neomenia of Hecatombeon, did (at leaſt in the
times wherein we enquire) never precede the folftice, being
then about the Calends,or pridie Calendarum Julij,they fuppofing
them in octavis fignorum, it did not precede the ninth of Luly.
This postulatum, though it be doubly queftion'd by Petavius,
yet none of his Argumen ts pretend beyond Meton's time.
3. That upon that fuppofition, if Scaliger hath rightly order'd
the Neomenia in his Olympick period (againſt which Petavius
brings no one fufficient Argument) and confequently the reft,
the Olympick period doth certainly exhibit the Neomenia of
Hecatombaon. It is true that Petavius difputes the period of 76
years, as having never been uſed till Calippus his time, but we
take it here onely proleptically, as the Julian year, to which
we would accomodate it.
4. That this being after Solon's time,the Civill year was Luna-
ry (and confifted of months, which were alternately of 29.and
30. daies, ) at Athens, though diverſe places of Greece, eſpecially
the more remote from thence, did not for a long time after part
with their tricenary months.
Theſe things fuppofed the fixt of Thargelion, (will according
to the Julian accompt taken proleptically) fall upon Tueſday
the twentieth of May: according to the Gregorian, upon
Tueſday the thirtieth of May, in the year of the Julian period,
4247. before the Incarnation 467. years,the fourth year of the
77. Olympiad, at what time Socrates was born.
CHAP.
SOCRATES.
3
1 }
!!
CHAP. II.
}
His firft Education.
* Plat
was
*
*
Lutarch faith, that as foon as he was born, Sophronifcus his De Gen. Secr.
Father confulting the Oracle, was by it advis'd to fuffer
his Son to do what hee pleas'd, never compelling him to doe
what he difliked, nor diverting him from that whereto he was
enclined; to give thanks for him by Sacrifice to Jupiter Agoraus
and the Muſes; to be no further follicitous for him, he had one
guide of his life within him,better then five hundred maſters.
Buthis Father not obſervant of the Oracle's direction, apply'd
him to his own trade of carving Statues,contrary to his inclina-
tion, whereupon * fome have argu'd him of difobedience, re- Ariftoxenus
porting that often times, when his Father bad him work, he re-
fufed, and went away following his own will.
His Father dying, left him (according to * Libanius) four
fcore mine, which being entruſted with a friend for im-
provement, they mifcarried. This loffe(though it were of all
his ſtock,and he thereby reduc'd to incredible poverty)Socrates
paſt over with filence, but was thereupon neceffitated to con-
tinue his trade for ordinary fubfiftence. *This Suidas intimates Laert.
when he faith he was firft a Statuary. * Duris, * Paufanias, and* Lib. 9.
the* Scholiaft of Aristophanes affirm three ftatues of the Graces* In nub.
cloathed, (for fo they were moft antiently made, not naked).
apud Theodoret.
de Grac. affect.
cur lib.12.
*
*
Apol. Soc.
fet
up before the entrance into the Tower at Athens, were his
work. Paufanias implieth as much of a ftatue of Mercury in the
fame place; which * Pliny ſeems not to have underſtood, who
* 36.50
faith, they were made by a certain perfon named Socrates, but
not the painter. Hence Timon,
From these the fluent ftatuary came
Honour'd through Greece, who did against the name
Of Oratour abufively declaim.
But being naturally averfe from this profeffion, hee onely
follow'd it when neceffity enforc'd him: Aristoxenus faith, he
wrought for money, and laid up what he got till it came to a
little ftock, which being ſpent, hee betook himſelf again to the
fame courſe.
Theſe intermiffions of his Trade were beſtowed upon Phi-
lofophy; whereunto he was naturally addicted, which being
obſerved by Crito a rich Philofopher of Athens, *hee took him * Laert.
from his ſhop, being much in love with his candor and ingenu-
ity, and inſtructed, or rather gave him the means, to be in-
ſtructed by others; taking fo much care of him, that he never Grit.
fuffer'd
*
PP
* Laert, vit.
4
SOCRATES.
hift.z.Plut.de
util, virtut.
* Plutarch.
fuffer'd him to want neceffaries. And though his poverty were
*Elian.var. at first fo great as to be brought by * fome into a Proverb, yet
he became at laſt,as * Demetrius affirms, Maſter of a houſe, and
fourſcore mine,which Crito put out to intereft: But his mind
comparat.vit. (faith * Libanius) was raised far above his fortune, and more to the
Ariftid, & Ca-
advantage of his Country's not aiming at wealth,or the acquifition there-
of by fordid arts, be confidered that of all things which man can call his,
the foul is the chief; That he onely is truly happy who purifies that from
vice, That the onely means, conducing thereto is wisdom, in pursuit
whereof be neglecteth all other waies of profit and pleasure.
ton.
* Apolog.
* Laert.
* Cic. Tuſc.
quast. 5.
* Laert.
* Plut.
* Plat.Men.
TH
CHAP. I.
His Mafter.
was*
"HE firft Mafter of Socrates was Anaxagoras, whereby a-
mongſt other circumftances it is demonftrable, that the
accompt of Laertius is corrupt, Anaxagoras not dying in the 78.
but 88. Olympiad.
Ariftoneus faith, that as foon as Anaxagoras left the City,he ap-
plyed himſelf to * Archelaus, which according to Porphyrins was
in the 17. year of his age. Of him he was much belov'd, and
travell'd with him to Samos, to Pytho, and to the Iftmus.
*
He was Scholar likewife to Damon, whom Plato calls a moft
pleafing teacher of Mufick, and all other things that he would
teach himſelf, to young men. Damon was Scholar to Agathocles,
Maſter to Pericles, Clinias and others; intimate with Prodicus. He
was baniſh'd by the unjuft Oftracifm of the Athenians for his
excellence in Mufick.
*
He heard alſo (* as he acknowledgeth) Prodicus the Sophiſt
a Cian, whom Eufebius rankes in the 86. Olympiad, contempo-
rary with Gorgias, Hippias, and Hippocrates the Phyſician.
To thefe adde Diotyma and Afpafia, women excellently learn-
ed, the firſt ſuppos'd to have been infpir'd with a propheticall
fpirit. By her hee affirmeth that he was inftructed concerning
love, by corporeall Beauty to find out that of the foul of the
Angelicall minds of God. See Plato's Phædrus, and that long dif
courfe in his Sympoſium upon this fubject, which Socrates con-
feffeth to be owing to her.
Afpafia was a famous Mileſian woman, not onely excellent
her felf in Rhetorick, but brought many Scholers to great per-
* Plar. menex. fection in it, of whom were Pericles the Athenian, and (*as
himſelf acknowledgeth) Socrates.
* Maxim. Tyr.
* Plat. Theater.
* Schol. A-
riftoph.in Nub,
* Epist. 9.22.
* Of Euenus he learn'd Poetry,of Ichomachus, Husbandry, of
Theodorus Geometry.
*Aristagoras a Melian, is named likewife as his Mafter.
Laſt in his Catalogue is Connus, * nobilifsimus fidicen, as Cice-
ro
SOCRATES.
5
1.10.
rotermes him, which art Socrates learn'd of him in his* old * Quintil.
age,
*for which the boyes derided Connus, and called him the * Plat. Euthyd
old mans Maſter.,
T
CHAP. IV.
Of his School, and manner of Teaching.
Hat Socrates had a proper School,may be argu'd from *A-
ristophanes, who derides fome particulars in it, and calls * Nub.
it his Phrontifterium.
*Plato and Phedrus mention as places frequented by him
and his Auditors, the Academy, Lycæum, and a pleasant meadow * Phadr.
without the City on the fide of the Rruer Iliffus, where grew a very fair * Epist. Socratit.
plane-tree. Thence according to the fable, Boreas fratch'd away Orî-
thia,to whom three furlongs from thence there was a Temple and another
to Diana.
*
* Xenophon affirms he was continually abroad,that in the morning be
vifited the places of publick walking and exercises when it was full, the Memor. x.
Forum; and the rest of the day he fought out the most populous meetings,
where be disputed openly for every one to hear that would.
*
*
He did not onely teach, faith Plutarch when the benches were pre-
par'd, and himself in the Chair, or in fet hours of reading and difcourfe Virum fett.
or appointments of walking with his friends, but even when he played, eer.vefp.
when be eat or drank, when he was in the campor market, finally when he
}
was in priſon, thus he made every place a fchool of vertue..
His manner of teaching was anfwerable to his opinion,
that the foul præexiftent to the body, in her firft feparate con-
dition, endewed with perfect knowledge, by immerſion into
matter, became ftupified, and in a manner loft, untill awak-
ned by difcourfe from fenfible objects; whereby by degrees the
recovers her firſt knowledge, for this reafon he taught onely
by Irony and Induction: the first* Quintilian defines an.abfolute
diffimulation of the will more apparent then confeft, fo as in that, the* Lib.9.cap. 2.
words are different from the words, in this, the fenfe from the speech,
whileft the whole confirmation of the even the whole life
Seems to carry an Irony, fuch was the life of Socrates, who
was for that reafon called; that is, one that perfonates an un-
learned man, and is an admirer of others as wife. In this Irony faith" De orat.z.
Cicero ) and diffimulation be far exceeded all men in pleafantneffe&
Urbanity; it is a very elegant,fweet and facete kind of fpeech,acate with
gravity, accommodated with Rhetorick words, and pleaſant ſpeeches;*
detracted from himself in difpute, and attributed more to thofe hee meant
to confute, so that when he faid, or thought another thing, he freely used
that diffimulation which the Greeks call Irony, which Annius alfo faith,
was in Africanus.
*
4
* Cicer. Acad.
He
quaft.4.
Induction is by * Cicero defin'd a manner of Hiſcourfe, which gaines De invent, I«
the affent of him with whom it is held to things not doubtfull, by which
affents
6
SOCRATES:
affents it caufeth that he yeeld to a doubtfull thing, by reafon of the like-
neffe it hath to those things whereunto he affented: this kind of speech
Socrates moft ufed, because he would not himselfe ufe any argument of
perfwafion, but rather chofe to work fomething out of that which he
granted him with whom he disputed, which he, by reafon of that which he
already yeelded unto, must neceffarily approve; of which he gives a large
* Plat, Lach. Example in Plato's Meno. Thus, whofoever difputed with him of what
* Liban. Apol. Subject foever (*his end being only to promote vertue) was at last
brought round about to give an account of his life past and prefent, where-
into being once entered, he never gave him over till he had fufficiently
examined those things, and never let them go (* Proteus like ) till they
* Plat. Euthy- came at last to themselves.
phr.
* Plat.Theater.
Platon. I.
For this reafon * he uſed to ſay, his fkill had fome affinity
Plutarch.quaft. with that of his mother, he being like a Midwife, though bar-
ren (as he modeftly affirms) in himſelfe, endeavoured with a
particular gift in affifting others, to bring forth what they had
within themſelves; and this was one reaſon why he refuſed
to take mony, affirming, that he knew nothing himſelfe, and
that he was never Maſter to a any.
* Schol. Ari-
ftoph. in nub.
p. 1.29.
* Plat. Apol.
Xenoph.
*Laert. vit.
Plat.
Theſe diſputes of Socrates were committed to writing by his
*Laert: vit. Schollers, wherein Xenophon gave example to the reft, in do-
ing it firft, as alfo with moſt punctualneffe, as Plato with moſt
liberty, intermixing fo much of his own, as it is not eaſie to
diftinguish the Mafter from the Scholar; *whence Socrates hea-
ring him recite his Lyfis, faid, how many things doth this
young man feign of me? And *Xenophon denying Socrates ever
difputed of heaven, or of naturall causes, or the other difciplines which
the Greeks call μanual faith, hey, who aſcribe ſuch diſſerta ions to him,
lye falfely, wherein (as Agellius obferves) he intends Plato, in whofe
*
books Socrates difcourfeth of Naturall Philoſophy, Muſick, and Geome-
* Epift. ad
Æſchin.
* 14.3°
L
try.
.
•
:
CHAP. V.
r
10.36.
* Theodoret.
Of his Philofophy.
Hislor. eccles. Dorphyrius (who was fo abufive, as
(who was fo abufive, as * Nicephorus obferves, that
hetraduced Socrates with no leffe bitterneſſe, then as ifhe
endeavoured to outdoe his accufers, Anytus and Melitus) af-
firmes; * He was ingenious in nothing, unlearned in all, ſcarce able to
write, which when upon any occafion he did, it was to derision, and that
it he could read no better then aftammering schoole-boy: To which we
fhall oppofe thefe Authorities: Xenophon who attefts he was
excellent in all kinds of learning, inftanceth in Arithmetick,
Geometry, and Aftrology; Plato, in Naturall Philofophy; Ido-
meneus, in Rhetorick; Laertius, in Medicine; In a word, Cicero
averres, that by the testimony of learned men, and the judgment of all
1
Greece,
SOCRATES.
7
Greece, as well in wisdome, acuteneffe, politeneffe, and fubtlety, as in
eloquence, varietie, and copioufnelle, to wha foever part he gave himſelfe,
he was without exception Prince of all.
* Xen. mem. I.
Having fearched into all kinds of Science, he obſerved theſe
inconveniences and imperfections: *Firſt, That it was impro-
per to leave thoſe affaires which concern mankind, to enquire pag. 710.
into things without us. Secondly, That theſe things are above
the reach of man, whence are occafioned all difputes and op
pofitions, fome acknowledging no God, others worshipping
ítocks and ftones, fome afferting one fimple being, others in-
finite; fome that all things are moved, others, that all things
are immovable. And Thirdly, that theſe things, if attained,
could not be practifed, for he who contemplating divine myſte-
ries, enquires by what neceffity things were made, cannot
himſelfe make any thing, or upon occaſion produce winds, wa-
ters, ſeaſons, or the like.
4.
Thus eſteeming fpeculative knowledge as far only as it con-
duceth to practice, he cut off in all ſciences what he concei-
ved of leaft ufe: In Arithmetick, he approved only as much as
was neceſſary (* Plato inſtanceth in Merchandiſe and Tacticks) * Xenoph.mem.
but to proceed to ufeleffe operations, he difallowed. In Geome-Deleg.
try he allowed that part which teacheth meaſuring, as no leffe
eafie then uſefull; but to proceed to infinite propofitions
and demonſtrations he difallowed, as wholly unprofitable. In
Aftrology be approved the knowledge of the Starres, and obſer-
vation of the night, months, and feafons, as being eafily learn-
ed, and very beneficiall in Navigation, and to thofe who hunt
by night; but to examine the difference of fphears, diſtance
of ſtarres from the earth, and their circles, he diffwaded as
ufeleffe.
1
* Laert.
* Finally, noting how little adi antige fpeculation brought to the life
and conversation of mankind, be reduced her to action. He first, faith
* Cicero, called Philofophy away from things involved by nature in fe-
crecy, aherein, untill his time, all Philofophers had been employed, and Acad. quæft.1.
brought her to common life, to enquire of vertues and vices, good and
evill.
Man, who was the ſole ſubject of his Philoſophy, having a
twofold relation of divine fpeculation, and human converfa-
tion, his Doctrines were in the former refpect Metaphyficall, in .
the latter Morall.
Q9
+
Sect.
8
SOCRATES.
Plat, Phad.
Plutarch. plac.
phil. 1. 3.
Plat. Phad
*Xen.memor.\.
*Xen.memor.1:
page 711.
* Xen mèmor.4,
Se&t. 1. Metaphyficks.
į
Is Metaphyficall opinions are thus collected and abridged
out of Plato, Xenophon, Plutarch, and others:
"Philofophy is the way to true happineffe,the offices where-
"of are two, to contemplate God, and to abftract the ſoul from
"corporeali fenſe.
"There are three principles of all things, God, matter, and
“Ideas, Godis the univerfall intellect, matter the firft fubject of
generation and corruption; Idea an incorporeall fubſtance
❝ the intellect of God; God the intellect of the world.
CC
God is one τὸ ὂν αυτῶ ἔκαστον ἔχωσιν αὐτῷ τὸ καλον, αυτο το ζος per
"fect in himſelfe, giving the being, and well being of every
creature; what he is (faith he ) I know not, what he is not I
know.
cc
te
ес
*That" God,not chance, made the world, and all creatures,
"is demonftrable from the reaſonable difpofition of their
parts, as well for ufe as defence, from their care to preſerve
"themſelves, and continue their ſpecies, that he particularlý
regards man in his body, from the excellent upright form
"thereof, from the gift of fpeech, from allowance rds täväpe-
« Secuivis vas ouvexa's gi in his foule, from the excellency
"thereof above others; in both for divinations, predicting dan-
"gers; that he regards particulars, from his care of the
"whole fpecies; that he will reward fuch as pleaſe him, and
puniſh fuch as difpleaſe him from his power to do it, from
"the belief he hath imprinted in a man that he will do it;
"profeſt by the moft wife and civilized Cities and ages; that
"he at once feeth all things, from the inftances of the eye,
"which at once over-runs many miless and of the mind, which
"at once confidereth things done in the moſt diftant places.
e
"Finally, that he is fuch, and fo great, as that he at once fees
all, hears all, is every where, and orders all. This is the fum
of his diſcourſe with Ariftodemus, to which we may annex
what is cited under his name(if not miſtaken)by Stobaus,
CC
CC
Care, if by care ought may effected be,
If not, why car'ft thou, when God cares for thee?
* He held, that "the Gods knew all things, faid, done, or
filently defired.
*That "God takes care of all creatures, is demonftrable
"from the benefits he gives them of light, water, and fire, fea-
"fonable production of fruits of the earth; that he hath parti-
"cular care of man, from the nouriſhment of all plants and
ક creatures for mans fervice, from their fubjection to man
though
>
SOCRATES.
though they excuſed him never ſo much in ſtrength, from
the variety of mans fenfe, accommodated to the variety of
objects, for neceffity, ufe, and pleaſures from reafon, where-
"by he diſcourſed through reminifcence, from fenfible ob-
jects, from ſpeech, whereby he communicates all that he
knows, gives lawes,& governs ftates; that God,notwithſtan-
"ding he is invifible, hath a being from the inftances of his
"Minifters, inviſible alfo, as thunder and wind, from the foule
ἐσ of man which hath fomething with the divine nature in go-
"verning thoſe that cannot fee it. This is the effect of his dif
courſe with Ethidemus.
"The Soule is immortall, for what is alwaies moveable is Schol. Ariftoph.
" immortall; but that which moveth another, or is moved by in nub. p. 128.
"an other, hath a ceffation of motion and life.
હ
"The foule is præexiftent to the body, endued with know-
«ledge of eternall Ideas, which in her union to the body ſhe
“lofeth, as ftupified, untill awakened by diſcourſe from fen-
ċċ
fible objects. Thus is all her learning only reminiſcence, a re-
ές covery of her firſt knowledge.
"The body being compounded is diffolved by death, the Plat. Phadɩ
"foule being fimple, paffeth into another life, incapable of
ċċ corruption.
CC
The foules of men are divine, to whom, when they go out
"of the body, the way of their return to heaven is open,which Cic. de amicit.
"to the beſt and moſt juſt is the moſt expedite.
"The foules of the good after death, are in a happy eſtate › Plat. Phad.
"united to God in a bleſſed inacceffible places the bad,in con-
venient places, fuffer condign puniſhment; but to define
"what thoſe places are, is hominis vour sorros; whence being
"demanded what things were in the other world, he anfwe-
"red, neither was I ever there, nor ever did I fpeak with any
"that came from thence.
His m
Se&t. 2. Ethicks.
Is moralls, confider a man either as a fingle perfon, or as
the father of a family, or as a member of the common-
wealth; In the firſt reſpect are his Ethicks, wherein ſuch fen-
tences as have been preferved by Xenophon, Diogenes Laertius,
Stobaus, and others, are thus collected.
of vertue and vice.
Stob.Eth. 269.
E exhorted his friends to "Endeavour to be the moft Xen: mem, i;
• wife and beneficiall, becauſe, what wants reaſon, wantsp. 720.
"refpect, as the bodies of dead friends, and hair, nailes, and
He wants wants.%0.
the like, which are cut off and caft away.
" To
10
SOCRATES.
« Tobe employed is good and beneficiall, to be idle hurtfull
Xen mem. 1. P. " and evill: they that do good are imployed, they that ſpend
720.
Xen. mem. 3.
P. 778.
Xen, mem. 3.P.
779.
Xen. mem.3. p.
78.
Xen. mem. 3.P.
780.
* Clem. Alex.
Cicer.de offic. 3.
&
their time in vain recreations are idle.
"He that hath moft advantage by gifts of nature, as well as
"he that hath leaft, muſt learn and meditate on thoſe things
"wherein he would be excellent.
CC
He only is idle who might be better imployed.
"To do good, is the beft courſe of life, therein fortune hath
"fhare.
"They are beft, and beſt pleaſing to God, who do any thing,
" with any art or calling; who followeth none, is uſeleſſe to
"the publick, and hated of God.
* He taught every where, "that a juſt man and a happy
Strom. 2.417. « were all one, and ufed "to curfe him who firſt by opinion
"divided honefty and profit (which are coherent by Na-
de leg. 1. ture) as having done an impious act, for they are truly wicked
who ſeparate profitable and juft, which depends on law. The
Stoicks have followed him fofar,that whatſoever is honeft,the
fame they eſteem profitable.
Plut.de amicor.
p.
He asked Memnon, a Theffalian, who thought himſelfe ve-
multit cry learned, and that he had reached (as Empedocles faith) the
top of wiſdome, "what is vertue? He answered readily and
boldly, that "there is one vertue of a child, another of an old
"Man, one of a Man, another of a Woman, one of a Magi-
ſtrate, another of a private Perfon, one of a Maſter, another
"of a Servant. Very good,replies Socra.e: I ask for one vertue,
"and you give us a whole fwarms truly conceiving, that he
knew not one vertue, who named fo many.
Plut. de lib.
educ.
Laert.
Laert.
Laert.
Latrt.
* What maes
μικρὸν means,
is explained by
cc
CC
Being demanded by Gorgias If he accounted not the great
King of Perfia happy? I know not, anfwered he, how he is
"furniſhed with learning and vertue: as conceiving that true
happineſſe conſiſteth in theſe two, not in the frail gifts of for-
tune.
Euripides in his Auge faying of vertue; "It is beſt careleffely
to part with thefe; herofe up and went away, faying, "It was
"ridiculous to feek a loft fervant, or to fuffer vertue fo to go
away.
He ſaid, "he wondered at thoſe who carve Images of ſtone,
"that they take fuch care to make ftones refemble men, whilſt
"they neglect, and ſuffer themſelves to reſemble ſtones.
C:
Ariftotle, polit.cc
5.3.& phyfic.
5.4.
* clem. Alex. CC
from. 5.
1
He adviſed c young men to behold themſelves every day
in a glafs, that if they were beautifull, they might ſtudy to
deferve it;if deformed, to fupply or hide it by learning.
He faid, "to begin well is not a fmall thing, but depen-..
ding on a fmall moment.
×
*
He ſaid, " vertue was the beautie, vice the deformity of the
" foul.
* He
SÓC RATES.
ii
Stelieut.
He faid, outward beauty was a ſign of inward beauty, and * Nonn in Greg.
"therefore chofe fuch Auditors.
In that life of man as in an Image every part ought be Stob. Ech.ferm.
"beautifull.
"Incenſe to God, praife is due to good men.
I
Stob. I:
"Who are undeſervedly accufed ought to be defended, who Stob. 1.
"excell others in any good quality to be praiſed,
CC
"A Horfe is not known to be good by his furniture, bnt Stob. r:
qualities, a man by his mind, not wealth.
"It is not poffible to cover fire with a garment, finne with Stob. 37.
time.
Being demanded who live without perturbation? hee anſwered, Stob.46.
they who are conscious to themfelves of no ill.
Toone who demanded what Nobility is, he answered, a good Stob.218.
temper of foul and body.
T
Of affections, Love, Envy, Grief, Hope, &c.
Hat" two brothers God meant fhould be more helpfull Xenop. imem 2.
"to each other then two hands, feet,eyes, or whatſoever
"nature hath formed; doubtleffe becauſe if they love, they may
CC great diſtance mutually help one another is the ſcope of his
difcourfe with Characrates.
That "all things are good and fair to thoſe things where- Xen.mem.3.
" with they agree,
but ill and deformed in refpect of thofe
things with which they agree not,is the concluſion of his fe-
"cond difcourfe with Ariftippus.
"Envy is a grief, not at the adverfity of friends, nor the Xen. mem.3.
"profperity of Enemies, but at the profperity of friends; for
many are fo foolishly enclined as to maligne thoſe in good
"fortune, whom in misfortune they pittied.
"A fhip ought not to truft to one Anchor, nor life to one Stob 1.
« hope.…….
"To ground hopes on an ill opinion is to truſt a ſhip to a flight Steb.16.
"anchor.
"The beauty of fame is blafted by envy as by a fickneffe. Stob.139.
"Many adorn the tombes of thoſe, whom living, they perfe→ Stob.139.
"cuted with envy.
"Envy is the faw of the foul.
Stob.139-
"Nothing is pleaſant or unpleaſant, by nature but by Stob. 144.
«cuftom!®
"Unfeaſonable love is like hate.
Stob. 215.
Being demanded," what is grievous to the good, he anfwe- Stob.240.
"red, the profperity of the wicked.
Being demanded "how a man might live without trouble, Stob. 240.
"he anſwered, it was not poffible but that he who lives in a
c
City or a Family muſt fomtimes be afflicted.
Rr
cc Wicked
12
SOCRATES.
Stob. 25%.
Stob. 261.
Stob. 269.
Stob. 892.
Xen.mem.I. p.
7:9.
Xen, men 2.
Xen.mem.3.
Xen. mem. 3•
Xen. mem.3.
Xen. mem. 3.
Xen. mem. 4.
Cicer.
se
"Wicked hopes like ill guides deceive a man and lead him
into fin.
6.
“A woman cannot conceive without a man,nor a good hope
produce any benefit without labour.
CC
Winter had need of garments, old age of difingagement
« from grief.
Co
CC
"In life as in a Theater, wee fhould continue fo long as the
fight of things, and actions of lite feem delightfull.
66
The mad Thould be bound, the ignorant inftructed.
That "we ſhould endeavour to fhun the cenforious, and to
apply our felves to ſuch as are candid, that wee ſhould un-
"dertake onely fuch things as we can perform, and decline
"fuch as we cannot; that whenfoever we undertake any
"thing, we ſhould employ therein our utmoſt ſtudy and en-
CC deavour, is the ſum of his adviſe to Eutherus.
He ſaid," the office of a wife man is to difcern what is good
"and honeft, and to fhun that which is diſhoneſt.
"They who know what they ought to do, and do it not,are
"not wife and temperate, but fooles and ſtupid.
"Juſtice and every other virtue is wiſdom.
"Tobe ignorant of our felves, to feem to know thoſe things
"wherof we are ignorant,is next to madneſſe.
ક
દ
That "a pious perfon is rightly defined, fuch a one as knows
"what is lawfull as to the gods a juft, he that knowes what is
"lawfull as to men, that a man is wife as far as he knows, that
what is profitable is fair to that whereto it is profitable, that
"they who know how to uſe terrible things and dangerous
are valiant, the contrary timerous, is the fum of his diſcourſe
"with Euthydamus.
cc
cC
He conceived" the onely wiſdom of man to confiſt in not
thinking he underſtands thofe things which he doth not
"underſtand.
1
Senec. Epift. I. To one that complained he had not benefited himſelf by
travell, and not without reaſon faith he,becauſe thou dideft travell with
thy felf.
103.
Laert.
Stob. I.
Stob.28. 42.
Stob. 28.
Stob. 28.
CC
!
He affirmed "there is but one good thing, knowledge, one
ill, ignorance, but that riches and nobility had nothing in
"them of worth,but on the contrary all evills.
ce
"When a wife man openeth his mouth the virtues of his
are manifeſted as Images in a Temple...
·
"In navigation wee ought to be guided by the Pilot in the
"courfe of life by thofe of better judgement..
K...U
Being demanded what wisdom was, he answered, thể cảm -
poſure of the Soul, being demanded who were wife, they faith he,
who not easily erre.
"The fouls reaſon augmenteth it felf as in a play, the wifeſt
4
>
"" not
SOCRATES.
13
CC
not the richeſt ought to bear the prize.
"Fugitives fear though not purfued, fooles, though not in Stob. 32.
"adverfity are troubled.
Seeing a young man rich and unlearned, behold (faith he ) a Stob. 33.
golden flave.
"The luxurious is hardly cured in fickneffe, the fool in ad- Stob. 32.
«verſity.
"The coward ufeth armes againſt himself, the fool money, Stob. 32.
"Achilles armour fits not Ther files, nor the good habits of the Stob. 32.
"foul a fool.
Be not forward in ſpeech, for many times the tongue hath Stob. 87.
"cut off the head.
CC
.
In war, ſteel is better then gold, in life, wiſdom excelleth Stob.211:
wealth.
i ¿
Of Piety and Obedience.
;
}
That the greateſt of vices is ingratitude
Hat the greateſt of vices is ingratitude of obligations Xen,mem.z.
"that to Parents, that a diſobedient Son the Gods will
"not bleſſe; nor men love as doubting his return of either,
knowing he doth it not where fo much is due, is the fum of
"his difcourfe with Apiles
•
Our prayers fhould be for bleffings in generall, for God
"knows beſt what is good for us, our offerings proportioned to
"our abilities, for he confiders integrity,not munificence.
Xen.mem. 1.
722.4.804.
722.
He ſaid (with the Pythian Oracle) that "the Gods are to be Xen.mem. 1.
"worshipped according to the Law of the City where a man
"live, they who do otherwife, he thought fuperftitious and
“ vain.
*
"The beſt way of worshipping God, is to do what he com- Xen.mem.4.
"mands.
"Superftition is obedient to pride as its parents
803:
Stob. 43.
"A harſh Father like a fevere law, muft not withſtanding be Stob.193.
"obeyed, word.
1
J
"The reproof of a Father is a kind remedy; it brings more
+
eafe then pain.
'
2
T
A L
3
J
i
tob
་༢༧
Of fortitude and imbecillity.
Stob.201.
Hataman ought to inure himſelf to voluntary labour & Xen.mem, ko
fufferance, fo as what ſhall be impoſed by neceffity may
*appear in him not compulfive but free, that foft waies of li-
ving in pleafures beget no good conftitution of
"body, nor knowledge of the minds. That tolerance raiſeth us
"to high attempts is the effect of his difcourfe with Aristip-
CC
pus.
›
1
To
<
14
SOCRATES.
Xen.mem. 3.
* Xen. mem.3.
Plut.confol, ad
Apollon.
Stob.1.296.
Stob.5.
+ Stob.48.
* Stob. 49.
Stob. 269.
Ælian.var.hift.
Xen. mem. 1.
Xen. mem. I.
To one who was fearfull to go fo far on foot as Olympia, he de-
monstrated to make the journey feem eafie) that it was
no more then his daily walk within doors,if extended at length, would ea-
fily reach.
"he
*One that complained he was weary of a journey,
"reproved him for being more weary then his fervant that fol-
"lowed him laden.
ટ
He ſaid, "death reſembled either a deep fleep,or a long jour-
ney out of our Native Country, or an abfolute annihilation
"of foul and body, examining all which he affirmed, death to
"be in none of thoſe refpects evill; as to the firft,faith Plutarch,
"it is not ill with thofe that fleep, and wee eſteem that fleep
"ſweeteſt which is deepeſts as if we look on it as a journey, it is
"rather a bleffing, for thereby we are freed from the flavery
"and affections of the fleſh which poffeffe and infatuate the
"mind; in the laſt reſpect, it makes us infenfible of ill and pain,
as well as of good and pleaſure.
c
“A ſtatue ſtands firm on its baſe, a vertuous man on firm re-
"folutions.
"Voluntary labours are delighted with affurance of caſe;
*idleneffe, and tranfitory pleaſures beget neither a good con-
ftitution of body, nor any good habit in the Soule.
cc
*Being demanded "what is ftrength? he anſwered, the
"motion of the foul with the body.
CC
CC
Seeing the gates of Corinth ſtrongly barr'd, he asked, “ dwell
" women here?
ક
"An honeſt death, is better then a diſhoneft life.
He uſed to ſay, " liberty is fifter to floth, inftancing in the
"Indians and Perfians, both lazy; the Phrygians and Lydians
"very induſtrious, as being under fervitude.
He
Of Temperance, Continence, and Contentedneſſe.
hunal
Eadvifed" to fhun all occafions of incontinence, affirm-
"ing that fuch as converfed much with fair women
"could not eafily be continent.
"That "the fight and kiffes of the fair, infufe a poiſon more
"dangerous then that of Scorpions and Spiders, is the fum of
"his diſcourſe to Xenophon and Critobulus.
Xen, mem, 1. That" a free man ought not to entertain a ſervant addicted
"to pleaſures, that he which is flave to pleaſures, fhould pray
..
to the gods for better Mafters, is the conclufion of his dif
"courfe de continentia..
(C
Xen. mem. 1. That " happineffe confifts not in luxury and pride, that to
want nothing is divine, to want the leaſt next to divine, is the
the conclufion of his difcourfe with Antipho.
"He
SOCRATES.
15
"Headviſed fuch as could not easily abſtain at feaſts, to take Xen. mem. 3.
"heed of fuch things as perfwade thofe that are not hungry
"to eat, and thoſe that are not thirſty to drink, for they de-
"ſtroyed the appetite, the head, and the foul. He uſed to ſay
merrily," Circe turned men into Swine, by feaſting them with
« fuch meats, but that ulyffes, partly through Minerva's advice,
"partly through his own temperance, refraining from ſuch
"things, remained unchanged.
1
That "health of body ought diligently to be preferved, as Xen. mem. 3.
"that whereon all knowledge of the foule dependes. Is the
fumme of his difcourfe with Epigenes.
He adviſed one that complained, he took no delight in his
meat," to refrain from eating, whereby his diet would become
more pleaſant, cheap, and wholeſome.
Xen. mem. 3.
In the word vedas (to feaft) the particle eu implies," that Xen. mem. 3.
< we ſhould cat only fuch things as will not hurt the mind nor
"the body, and are eafie to be gotten.
That" only temperate perſons, that diſcern and chooſe the
"beſt things, refraining from the worſt; that by temperance
"men become the moſt excellent, and moft happy, fittest for
"difcourfe: is the fumme of his difcourfe with Euthidemus.
Xen. mem. 4.
Hearing one of his friends fay, "this Town is exceeding Plut. de anim.
"deer, Chiar wine cofts a Mina, purple three, a pint of honey tranquill.
<five Denaries; he carried him to the Meal-men, hear, faith
"he, a pint is fold for an obolus; it is cheap living in this
"Town: then to thofe that fold Olives, a Chanix two far-
"things; thence to the frippery, a Suit ten Drachmes: things
"are cheap in this Town.
He faid, "the hungry wanted no fauce, the thirſty no choice Laert.
«of wines.
ct
He commended "quiet and leaſure above all things.
Laert.
He faid, "they who buy early fruits at dear rates, believe Laert.
they will not come in their due ſeaſon.
Being asked what was a young mans vertue? he anſwered, Laert.
"to do nothing too much.
Seeing one eate broth very greedily, he faid, "Which of Laert.
"you here prefent uſeth bread for broth, and broth for bread?
«Öf which, ſee more at large, Xenophon his Memorab. Lib.
One faying, that it was a great matter to abſtain from what Ælian. var.
a man defires, he anfwered, but it is much a greater not to hiſt. 9.
❝ defire at all.
is
"A cleer fire becomes the chimney, ferenity the mind.
He faid, We cught not to feek pleaſures in others, but in
"our felves, the body being prediſpoſed according as it
ought.
Steb. 28.
Stob. 37.
He faid, "It is the property of God to need nothing, to need Stob. 37.
"leaſt, nigheſt to God.
Ss
Be-
16
SOCRATES.
Stob. 37.
Stob. 37.
Stob. 37:
Stob. 40:
Stob. 84.
Stob: 87.
Stob, 183.
Xen. mem. 1.
Xen, mem. 1.
Being demanded from what things we ought to refrain moſt,
he anſwered, «from fordid unjuſt pleaſures.
"Contentedneffe is like a fhort and pleaſant way, it hath
« much delight, little toile.
He that would ſee vertue as his Country, muſt paffe by
"pleafures, as Syrens.
Being demanded whom he thought richeft, he anſwered,
"him who is contented with leaft; for content is the riches of
"Nature.
D. Bafil hom.
24. de legand.
lib. gentil.
Stob. 28.
Stob. $4.
Stob. 55.
Stob. 77.
Stob. 78.
Steb. 230.
Stob. 230,
Stob. 231.
Being demanded what continence is, he anſwered, "govern-
"ment of corporeall pleaſures.
1
He faid, "the wicked live to eat, but the good eat to live.
“When a woman faith ſhe loveth thee, take heed of thoſe
"words, more then when the revileth thee.
HE
Of Liberality, Prodigality, and Covetouſneſſe.
Econceived, that "they who took mony of any, owned
"them for their Maſters in the meaneft degree of fervi-
❝tude.
That" wiſdome is proftituted as well as beauty, by taking
"mony for its that he who meets with an ingenious perfon,
"ought to acquaint him with all the good he can gratis,where-
"by he acquires a friend, and doth the part of a good member
"of the common-wealth; is the fumme of his ſecond diſcourſe
with Antipho.
He ſaid, ifa rich man be proud of his wealth, that "he could
"not praiſe him, till he knew how he would employ it.
"None can fafely manage a horfe without a bit, nor riches
" without reaſon.
He compared "covetous perfons to birds, one devoures
"what ever it meets till it choakes it felfe, the reſt falling upon
"what the firſt left, are one after another choaked alſo.
"The wealth of covetous perfons is like the Sun after he is
« fet, delights none.
cc
"He that gives to a rich man throwes water into the Sea
"The life of a covetous perfon is like the feafts made for
"the dead, he hath all, but enjoyes nothing.
He compared " the wealth of prodigalls to fig-trees, grow-
❝ing on a precipice, for thefe, none are the better, but Kites,
"and Crowes; for thoſe only harlots and flatterers.
4
Being demanded who were covetous, he anſwered, "fuch as
"feek after fordid gain, and neglect their neceffary friends.
"Wine changeth with the Veffell, riches follow the man-
"ners of the owner.
Of
1
¿SOCRATES.
17
To
Of Magnanimity, and Prick.
*
Oone angry for having faluted a map that returned not
his falutation; It is ridiculous, faith he, if you are not
angry with every one you meet of worfe fhape or form then
"your felf, to be angry with any for having leffe manners.
"Pride like an ill potter or ftatuary repreſents the forms of
things inverted,
h
"Wind puffes up empty bladders, opinion fooles.
To be exalted with good fortune, is to runne in a flippe-
cc ry way.
"T
Of Patience.
{
Xen. mem. 1.
Stob. 43.
Stob. 43.
Stob. 246.
Fun.
Here is leffe danger in drinking intemperately of trou- Plut. de his
"bled water, then with a troubled mind full of wrath, qui ferò a num:
before it be allayed and purified to fatisfie thy anger in the
"puniſhment of a kinfman or countryman.
ઠંડ
"If every one fhould bring his misfortunes into a publick Int. de con-
"ſtock to be ſhar'd alike amongst all men, the greater part offel. ad Apollon.
"thoſe that now complain fo much, would be contented and
cc
cc
CC
glad to keep their own.
"It is all one if a man being overcome in any gymnick Steb. 256.
ſports ſhould fue his adverſary, as for a man over maſter'd
by Fortune to accuſe her; not knowing upon what conditi-
"ons we entered into the contefts of life.
!
Of Veracity and Flattery.
14
te Here is no better way to glory then to endeavour to be
"good, as well as to feem fuch.
"The kindneffeof flatterers is chaſed away by adverfity.
*Xen.memor.I.
Stob. 64.
«Hunters take hares with hounds, many take fooles with Stob. 64.
"their own praiſes.
"Wolves reſemble dogs, and flatterers friends, but their Stob. 64.
"aimes are quite contrary.
"Flattery is like a painted armour, only for fhow, not ufe.
Stob. 64.
"Think not thofe faithfull who praiſe all thy words and Stob. 69.
"actions, but those who reprove thy faults.
"Suffer not a talker and flanderer, for he tells not thee any
"thing out of good will; but as he difcourfeth the fecrets of
"others, fo will he thine to others.
પ
"Good men muſt let the world fee that their manners are
more firme then an oath.
Stob. 71.
Stob. 114:
་
of
1
18
SOCRATES:
Plut. de fanit ce
tuend.
Stob. 37-
Stab. 69.
A
OfVrbanity and Converſation.
Little Hall, will ferve to dance in, and every place and
"poſture to ſpeak.
"Wind kindles fire, converfation Love.
"Freedome of diſcourſe like the ſeaſons of the year, is beſt
"in its proper time.
Stob. 134.
c
Stob. 296.
Xen mem.4.
Stob. 52.
Xen. mem. 2.
Xen. mem. 2.
Xen. mem. 2.
Xen. mem. 2.
Plut, de frat.
amore.
Laert.
Stob. 213.
Stob. 213.
CC
Its arrogance to ſpeak all, and to be unwilling to hear
any thing.
"Converſe at diſtance, and foftly with thoſe that are in
Authority.
TH
of Justice.
Hat "the Gods preſcribe juſt things by law, and that
juft and lawfull is to them the fame thing,is the fumme
of his difcourfe with Hippias.
CC
"They who convert goods ill gotten to good ufes in a com-
mon-wealth, do like thoſe who make religious uſe of ſacri-
"ledge.
Of Friendship.
THata difcreet vertuous friend is of all poffeffions the
"moft fertile,and ought chiefly to be regarded,is the ſcope
of his diſcourſe, de amicitia.
That "every man fhould examine himſelfe of what value
"he is to his friend, and endeavour to be of the moſt worth
"he can to him, is the effect of his diſcourſe with Antifibenes:
That "wicked men cannnot be friends, either amongſt
"themſelves, or with the good: That the way to pro-
cure friends is, firft, to endeavour to be good, wherein he
"would feem good; that all vertues may be augmented by
“ſtudy and learning, is the ſcope of his difcourfe with Critobu-
lus.
CC
That we ought to our utmoſt abilities to relieve the ne-
"ceffities of our friends, is the effect of his difcourfe with A-
riftarchus.
He faid, "he had rather have Darius to his friend, then his
"Daricks, a coyne ſo named from him.
He wondered that "every man kept an inventory of his
"goods, none of his friends.
ડ
}
They who violate friendſhip, though they escape the pu-
"niſhment of their friends, fhall not escape the vengeance of
"God.
CC
They who forſake their own brethren to ſeek out other
friends
SOCRATES.
17
< friends are like thoſe who let their own grounds lie fallow to
< till anothers.
.C
"Fear not a friend in adverſity.
Stob. 213.
"We eſteem not that corn beſt which growes on the fairest Stob. 218.
ground, but that which nourisheth beft, nor him a good per-
fon or friend who is of higheſt birth, but moſt noble in quali-
€ ties.
"Phyſicians muſt relieve the fick,friends the afflicted.
"Its pleaſant to grow old with a good friend and found
fenfe..
IN
Se&: 3. Oeconomicks.
N the fecond reſpect are his Oeconomicks, which he learned
of Ifchumachus, by Xenophon exprefly delivered in a treatiſe up-
on that ſubject, to which adde theſe few ſentences.
Stob.258.
Stob. 263.
min.
So" contrive the building of your houſe, as that thofe parts Xen mum. 3.
' which are towards the South may be higheft, that the winter
"Sunbe not excluded; thoſe towards the North loweft; that
"they may be leffe fubject to wind; In fine, foorder,it that a
man may live in every quarter thereof with moft delight and
"fafety:Pictures and colours take away more pleaſantneſs then
"they afford.
છંદ
To one who beat his ſervant for gluttonous, covetous, and Xen. mem. 3.
idle,he faid, did you at any time confider whether you deserve not more R. 7. 88. fee
to be beaten your felf?
more there.
Laert.
To one that asked his advice about taking a wife, whether you Stob 183.
do or do no faith he, you will repent it.
To others that asked his opinion concerning marriage, hee Stob 183.
ſaid, As fiſhes in a net would fain get out, and those without would
in, take heed young men it be not fo with you.
Men must obey the lawes of their Country, wives their husbands.
Se&t. 4. Politicks.
get
IN the 3d.refpect are his politicks, wch. Hefcbias Illuft, jus makes
3
to be the fame which Plato hath delivered under this name;;
where you may have them though difguifed with the language
and additions of Plato, to which may be annexed thofe fenten-
ces of his in that kind out of Xenophon,Stobaus, and others.
Stob. 193.
They who cannot upon occafion beufefull either to an Ar- xen.mem,
"my, a City, or a Common-wealth; yet have confidence of
"themſelves, ought, though never fo rich, to be under re-
« ftraint.
Antipho demanding how hee might make others skilfull in Xen.mem. 1.
"Politicks whileft himſelf medled not therein, although hee
"knew that he could manage them,which way faith hei Antipho,
Ti
CC
do`
1.
19
SOCRATES.
Xen. mem.3.
Xen.mem.3.
779.
"I do moſt act the bufineffe of the Common-wealth,if I practife
"it o nely, or if I endeavour to make many able to act therein.
CC
CG
"That place is fitteft for Temples and Altars which is
"moft open, and yet retired; for it is fittting that they who
pray fee, and no leffe fitting that they come thither pure.
"They are not Kings, who are in poffeffion of a Throne, or
come unjustly by it, but they who know how to govern.
Xenop. mem.4. A King is a ruler of willing Subjects according to the Lawes,
"a Tyrant is a ruler of fubjects againſt their will,not according
to the Lawes, but arbitrary; an Ariftocracy is that govern-
"ment wherein the Magiftrates are.
813.
Xen. mem. 4.
Laert.
Clem. Alex.
from.4.
Stob.141.
Stob.141.
Stob.141.
Stob. 141.
Stob.141.
* Sup.cap.2.
*
Apud. Athe-
næum.]
De divinat.
ib, 1:
CC
"The offices of a good Cittizen are in peace to enrich the
"Common-wealth, in War to fubdue the Enemies thereof, in
"Embaſſy to make friends of foes, infedition to appeaſe the
"people by eloquence.
"Ofcommon people he ſaid, they were as if a man fhould ex-
"cept againſt one piece of bad money, and except a great fum
"of the fame.
He ſaid, "the Law was not made for the good.
"Deferving perfons ought to bee fharers in the good fortunes
"of the Common-wealth.
Being demanded what City is strongeft? he ſaid, that which hath
good men.
Being demanded what City is beft ordered? he ſaid, that wherein.
the Magiftrates friendly agree.
Being demanded what City is beft? he faid, that wherein are propos
fed moft rewards for virtue.
Being demanded what City lives beft, he faid, that which liveth
according to law, and punisheth the unjust.
CHAP. VI.
Of his Damon.
*
Hat Socrates had an attendant fpirit (meant as Plutarch
conceives by the Oracles answer to his Father) which
diverted him from dangers, is impugned by Athenaeus, not
without much prejudice, which the bitterneffe of the diſcourſe
betraies, foules that are not candid, and think ill of the belt,
faith Origen, never refrain from Galumny, feeing that they
mock even the Genius of Socrates as a feigned thing. On the
contrary, we have the teftimony of Plato,Xenophon and * Antifthe-
nes contemporary with him, confirmed by Laertius, Plutarch
Maximus Tyrius, Dion Chryfoftomus, Cicero, Apuleius, by Fathers,
·Tertullian, Origen, Clemens Alexandrinus and others, whereof a
great many inftances (as Cicero faith) were collected by Anti-
pater: theſe onely preſerv'd by other Authors.
Theocri-
SOCRATES,
20
Socr.
Theocritus going to confult Euthyphron a Sootb-fayer, found him * Plut, de Gen.
viib much company walking in the streets, amongst whom were Simias
ind Socrates, who was very bufie, asking him many questions. In the
nidſt of his diſcourſe he made a fuddain ftop, and after fome pauſe, turned
ack and went down another (treet, calling out to the rest of the company
o return and follow him, as being warned by the Damon. The greater
art did fo, the rest went forward, on purpofe to confute the Damon, and
Irew along with them one Charillus that played on the flute; but in the
vay which was so narrow, as not to give them room to paffe by, they were
net and overturn'din the dirt by a great herd of fwines by repetition of
vhich accident, Charillus often afterwards defended the Damon.
Nor did the advice of this fpirituall attendant onely refpect
the good of Socrates, but extended to fuch friends as converfed
with him, whereof him felf gives theſe inſtances.
*Charmides Son of Glauco, going to exercife in the Nemean ⋆ Plato.Theag,
race, as he was difcourfing with Socrates, was by him upon notice of the Elian vaṛ.
hift. 8. 1.
voice diffuaded from going, to which he answered, that perhaps the voice
inely meant that he bould not get the victory, but, faid he, however I
ball advantage myself by exercising at this time, which faid, he went to
the Games; where he met with fome accident, which though it be not re-
lated, is acknowledg'dto have justified the counfell given him by the
Demon.
Tymarchus and Philemon Son of Philemonides having plotted* Plat. Theag.
together to murther Nicias, Son of Hircofcomander, were at the fame
time drinking with Socrates. Timarchus with intention to execute
what they had determin'd, offer'd to rife from the table, faying to Socra-
tes, well Socrates, drink you on, I will but step a little way andre-
turn immediately. Rife not faid Socrates, (hearing the Damon as foon
as ke Spake) for the Damon hath given me the accustomed fign;
whereupon be fate (till, prefently after he offer'd again to be gone; Socra-
tes hearing the voice withheld him. At laft, as Socrates was diverted
by fomething, and did not mind him, he stole away and committed the
murther, for which being brought to execution, his last words to his
brother Glitomachus were, that he was come to that untimely end for
not obeying Socrates.
Another time, feeing his friend Crito's eie ti'd up, he asked him cic. de divinat.
the reason, who answering, that as he walked in the field, one pulling 3.
a bough, it gave a jerk bagk, and hit him in the eye; Then you did not
take my advise, replies Socrates, for I call'd you back, making uſe,
as I have accustomed of divine prefage.
That it had likewiſe a great influence upon the foules of* Plat-Theag•
thoſe who converfed with him and liv'd with him, * he
alledgeth as examples Aristides Son of Lyfimachus, and Thucydi-
des Son of Meliffus. The firſt leaving Socrates to go to the wars,
loft, with his company, the habit of learning, which he ac-
knowledg'd to have gained, not by any verball inftructions, of ¸¸
which
22
SOCRATES.
* Plat.Theag.
which he had none from him, but by being neer him, ſeeing
him, and fitting in the fame room with him: The fecond as
eafily, by the fame means attained the ſame habit.
And not only to particular perfons, but to generall affairs
did theſe predictions extend: He foretold fome friends the de-
feat of the Athenian Army in Sicily, as is atteſted by Plutarch
and mentioned by himſelf in Plato, where he gives another fair
example, or rather tryall of the truth of the Demons predicti-
ons, ſpeaking of a bufineffe, whereof the event was at that time
doubtfull: *You will hear, faith he, from many in Sicily, to whom it is
known what I foretold concerning the destruction of the Army, and we
may now have an experiment if the Dæmon fpeak true. Samionus,fon
of Calus is gone in an expedition, the fign came to me: he goes with
Thrafylus to war against Ephefus and Jonia: my opinion is, that he
will either be flain, or at least, in much danger, I greatly fear the whole
defign. Theſe are his words in Plato, delivered as before, the
event of that action, which fell out according to his predicti-
* Xenoph. hift on; for *Thrafylus was repulfed, and beaten by the Ephefians,
the Athenians put to flight, with the loffe of foure hundred
men; of which Victory the Ephefians erected two trophies.
this was in the twentie one year of the Peloponnefian war.
Grac. I.
8.4.
2
We have alledg'd the univerfall confent of Authors, that
Socrates had fuch a ſpirituall attendant; yet is there ſome diſ-
agreement concerning the name,more concerning the nature of
it.
It is commonly named his Demon, by which title, he hims
felfe owned it: Plato fometimes calls it his Guardian, Apuleius
* De civ. dei. his God, becauſe ( faith Saint Augustine) the name of Dæmon at
laft grew odious. But we muſt obſerve, that he did not account it
a God, but fent from God, and in that fence affirmed the
fignes to come from God, to wit, by mediation of this fpirit.
This, beſides other places we may argue from his firſt Epiſtle,
where he ſpeaks of the fign it felfe; he ufeth the word Damon,
when of the adviſe, whereof that fign was the inftrument, he
names God. Thus are we to underſtand theſe, and all other
places of the fame nature in Plato, where socrates fpeaking of
the Damon faith, if it pleafe God, you shall learn much, and the fign
from God did not offer to stay me.
» Plutarch. de
gen. Socr.
As for the figne or manner of the prediction, fome affirme
it was by fneezing, either of himselfe or others; if any chancedto freeze
ftanding before him, behind him, or on his right hand, he went immedi-
ately about that which he intended; if on the left hand, he refrained or
defisted: if he fneezed himselfe before the enterprife, it was applaufive,
if in the action, diffwafive. There needs not much argument to
prove this opinion. If this fternutation proceeded either from
chance, or his naturall conftitution, it could not have that pro-
vident fupernaturall effect; if it proceeded from fome more ex-
cellent
SOC RATES.
23
cellent outward cauſe, we recurre to the Genius.
Others confine this prefcience within the foule of Socrates
himself, that he faid, his Genius advised him, they interpret it, as
we ufually fay, his mind gave him, or fo inclined him:. In this fenfe
indeed Damon is not ſeldome taken ; but this is inconſiſtent
with the defcription which Socrates gives of a voice and fignes,
ab exteriore, befides this knowledge is not above humane na-
ture.
}
Plutarch having exploded the opinion of Terpfion concerning
fneezing, conjectured firft, that it might be fome apparition;
but at laſt concludes, that it was his obſervation of fome inar-
culate unaccuſtomed found (or voice) conveighed to him by
fome extraordinary way, as we fee in dreams. This avoids
not the inconvenience of the former; if Socrates did firſt of him-
felfe interpret this found, it is the fame with the laſt opinion,
that his foule had a Prophetick inſpiration, if by any help, it
will come at laft to the Genius.
Some conceive it to be one of thofe fpirits which have the
particular care of men; which Maximus Tyrius, and Apuleius
defcribe in fuch manner, that they want only the name of a
good Angell.
But there want not thofe who give it that appellation :
*Lactantius having proved that God fends Angells to guard De Orig.error.
mankind, addes, and Socrates affirmed that there was a Dæmon 2.15.
conftantly neer him, which kept him company from a child, by whofe
beck and instruction he guided his life. Eufebius upon theſe words
of the Pfalmift, He hath given his Angells charge over thee, that In Pfal. 91.
they ſhould keep thee in all thy waies. we learn out of Scripture (faith
he) that every man hath a Guardian appointed him from above; and
Plato doubleth not to write in this manner: All foules having chofen
a condition of living, they proceed in order thereunto, being moved by
the Dæmon, which is proper to every one, and is fent along with them
to preferve them in this life, and to perfect those things whereof they
have made choice. And immediately after; You may beleeve, faith
he, that Socrates meant this, when he often affirmed that he was go-
verned by a Dæmon. More plainly * Eugubinus, The Dæmon of
Socrates, faith hẹ, mentioned fo often by Plato (feeing that Socrates
was a good man, and exhur ed all mento vertue, and by the Dæmon
was alwaies excited to that which was good) may perhaps not unjuſtly be
thought his Angell, as that which appeared to Balaam the Prophet,
and diverted him from his wickedneffe. But Ficinus exprefly; if you* Argum. ad
are not pleaſed, faith he, fpeaking of this fpirit, to call the familiar
guide of a man his fpirit, call it, if you please, his good Angell.
* De perenn.
philos. 25.
Apol. Soc.
The chiefeft argument of Collius, who oppofeth this opi- * De anim. pa-
nion, and endeavours to prove it was an evill fpirit, is, that gan. s. 14.
the Damon never diffwaded or diverted from vice, but only
from outward danger, whereas the contrary is evident enough
U u
from
24
SOCRATES
*
>
from the foregoing ftory of Timarchus and Philemon.
True it is, that the advice of the Demon was alwaies diffwa-
De divinat.1. five, never, as* Cicero faith, impulfive, often coercive. Apuleius
flatters Socrates with this reafon ; Socrates, faith he, as being a
man abfolute and perfect of himselfe, ready in all offices that concerned
him, never needed any exhorter, but sometimes a probibitour, if it hap
pened there were any danger in that which he went about, that being
forwarned he might take heed, and decline the undertaking for that
times which afterwards he might reaffume, or attempt fome other way.
CHAP. VII.
Eaert.
*Sympos.
*
I
His military Actions.
▲ A
T is obferved by many, that Socrates little affected travell,
his life being wholly fpent at home, faving when he went
out in military ſervice.
In the fecond year of the eighty fixt Olympiad broke forth
a war, the greateſt that ever happened ainongſt the Grecians,
betwixt the Lacedemonians and the Athenians, the occafions
and pretexts of it arifing from the controverfies of the Atheni
ans with the Corinthians, concerning Corcyra, and Polydea, both
which being revolted from the Athenians, to whom they had
been tributary, fought for aid from the Lacedaemonians, who fent
forces to the relief of Polidea.
In this war was Socrates thrice perfonally engaged; firft, at
the fiege of Polidea, in the year of the Olympiad, againſt
which the Athenians fent one thouſand fix hundred choice
men of armes, under the conduct of Phormis, who befieged it
from the Sea by his Gallyes, and on the land fide by a wall:
amongſt theſe were Socrates and Alcibiades: Laertius faith, they
were on the fea fide, and that there was no means to come on the land
*
fide further: Plato, that they ferted both a-foot, which difagrees
not with the others for there was not any fet battle during all
the time of the fiege, only fallies and fkirmiſhes. Here as Alci-
*
* Plut.Sympos. biades his comerade, attefts, Socrates outwent all fouldiers in har-
dineffe; and if at any time, faith he, as it often happens in war, the
provifions failed, there was none could bear he want of meat and drink
like him, yet on the other fide in times of feafting,he only feem'd to enjoy
them, and though of himselfe he would not drink, yet being invited, he
far out-drank all others, and which is strangest of all, never any man
faw him drunk. The exceffes of cold in the winter, which in that Country
are extraordinary, he as wonderfull endured, when the froft was ſo (harp,
that very few durft go out of their Tents, and those wrapping their legs
and thighes in skins and furrs, he went along with them, having no
more cloths then those he usually more. He walked bare footed upon th:
Ice with leffe tenderness e, then others in boos, to the wonder of the foul
ic
diers
SOCRATES.
25
{
Lib. 2. cap. I.
diers, who thought themſelves reproached by his hardineffe. His contem-
plative rapture at the fame time was no lefs worthy admiration; he fell
into a deep contemplation one morning, and continued all the while
fanding in the fame pisture, at noon it was taken notice of by the ſealdi-
ers, who told it from one to another, that Socrates had foodstata the
Same place all, that morning: In the evening fome Ionian foulders
wrapping themselves marm, came, and lay down by him in the opek
field, to watch it be would continue all night imibe ſame poſture, which
be did, untill the morning, and afsoon as the Sun arofe, faluted it, and
retir de Ofthefe kind of raptures Agellius faith he had many. We
muſt not omit how he behaved himſelf there in fight; *ſeeing * Plut. Symp.
his friend Alcibiades deeply engaged, and much wounded, he Athen. deipnos.
ſtepped before him, defended him and his armes from the ene citing Antifthe-
mic, and brought him fafely off. Nor was his modefty inferi
our to his love or courage, for whereas after the battle the
generalls were to beſtow an honourable reward upon him that
had fought beft, the Judges affigning it to Socrates, he declin'd
it, and by his earneft interceffion, procur'd that it might be
conferred upon Alcibiades.
nes.
The fecond action of Socrates was in the first year of the eighty
ninth Olympiad at Delium,a Town in Boetia, which theAthent
ans took. The Boetians (faith Thucydides) led by Pagondas,followed
them, & bid them battle, the left wing of the Boetians to the very middle
of the Army was overthrown by the Athenians, and fled to the other parts,
where they were yet in fight: but the right had the better of the Atheni
ans, and by little and little forced them to give ground, and followed
them from the very firft. Pagondas, whilst the left wing of his Army
was in diftreffe, fent wo companies of horse ficretly about the hall, where-
by that wing of the Athenians which was victorious, apprebending upon
their fudden appearing that they had been a fresh Army, was put into a
fright, and the whole Army of the Athenians, now doubly terrified by
this accident, and by the Thebans that continually won ground, and
broke their ranks, be:ook themfelves to flight, fome fled towards Deli-
um and the fea, others the Mountain Parnes, and others other waies,
as to each appeared hope of fafety. The Boetians, especially their barfe
and thofe Locrians that came in, after the enemy was defeated, followed
killing hem. Socrates in this engagement behaved himſelfe with
his accuſtomed valour (fo well, that * Laches confeffeth, if the* Apud Placer..
reft had fought like him, they had not loft the day) and care of
his friends; *for feeing Xenophon unhorſed in the flight,and thrown
down out the ground (himselfe likewife having had his horfe flain under Laert.
him ought on foo')be took him upon his ſhoulders,and carried him many
a ftadia, and defended him untill hey gave over the purfuit. And being
thus at the loffe of the day with other difperfed in flight (a-
mongſt whom was Laches the Archon, and Alcibiades) *in the * Plat.
constant flowneffe of his retreat expreffed a courage far above Lache's,
frequently looking back and round about, as greedy to be reveng'd of the
મેં
enemy,
* Strab. lib. 9.
25
SOCRATES:
!
enemy if any ſhould purſue them which was the means that brought him
off more fafely, for they who expreffe leaft fear in thrir retreat, are leffe
Subject to be affaulted,then fuch as repofe their confidence in flying.
*Plut.de da- *As they came to a way that was divided into two, Socrates made
mon.Socr. & aftand,and advis'd thoſe that were with him not to take that
Socrat. Epist. 1.
way which they were going into, along the Mountain Parne,
but the other by the way Retifte, for faith he, I heard the Da-
mons voice. The greater part were angry,as if he had trifled at a
time ſo ſerious;ſome tew were perfwaded to go along, amongſt
whom were Laches and Alcibiades, and got fafely home; the reft
were met by ſome horfemen, who returning from the purfuit,
fell upon them; they at first refifted,but at laſt encloſed by the
Enemy who exceeded them in number; they gave back, and
were in the end oppreft, and all killed except one, who by the
help of his ſhield getting away, brought the newes to Athens,
and Pyrilampes Son of Antiphon, who being wounded by a Jave-
lin, was taken Prifoner; and when hee heard by thofe that were
fent from Athens to Thebes to treat of peace, that Socrates & the
reft with him got fafe home; he openly profeft to the Thebans,
that Socrates had often called him and others of his company
back, who not following the advice of his Genius were
flain.
» Plat.Apol.
Laert.
* Thucyd. 4
* Var.hift.3.
*
*
The laſt military engagement was the fame year at Am-
phipolis, which was then taken by Brafidas the Lacedæmonian
Generall.
CHAP. IX.
How he carried himſelf in the Democracy & the Oligarchy.
Ocrates forbore to accept any office in the Common-wealth,
(except in his later years that of Senatour Jeither (as *E-
lian faith) becauſe hee faw the Athenian government,though
under the form of a democracy, was yet nearer to a Tyranny or
* Plat. Apol. Monarchy, or * as himſelf profeffeth. being diffwaded by his
* Plat. Apol.
Gorg.
* Chap. I.
1.p 711.
Genius from medling in publick affairs, which advice was his
preſervation,being too honeft to comply with the injuſtices of
the Common-wealth, and to oppoſe them was extreamly
dangerous, as he found experimentally in that ſhort time.
* He was choſen to the Senate for the Antiochian tribe, wher-
unto(*as we have faid) Alopece the Town were he was born be-
*Kenmemor. longed, and *in order thereto took the oath which Solon ap-
pointed to be given to every Senatour, to give fentence accor-
ding to the Lawes,not biaffed either by favour, hatred, or any
other pretext: In the third year of the 93.Olimpiad (*the pre-
heminence coming in courfe to the Antiochian tribe, and So-
crates thereupon becoming Preſident of the people, hee had
*Plat. Apol.
1
this
SOCRATES.
27
row.
*
>
*
this occafion of manifefting his conftancy. There happen'd a Xenoph.Hift.
Sea fight between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians Grec.i.
at Alinufa: The Athenian Commanders were ten; the Lacedæ-
monians Commander in chief, Callicratidis the Lacedæmoni-
ans were overthrown,their Admiral funk ;the Athenians went
back to Arginuse with the loffe of 25 fhips, and all the men in
them except fome few that efcaped to land; The ten Com-
manders order'd Theramenes and Thrafibulus (Captains of the
Galleyes) to look out after the veffells that were ſhipwrackt
which as they were going to do, a fuddain tempeft arofe and
hindred them Six of thefe Commanders returned to
Athens where they no fooner came, but upon the
but upon the account
they gave of the fight, the Senate committed them to prifon
Theramenes was their accufer, who urged that they might be
queſtion'd for not relieving thofe that were loft by fhipwrack
The Commanders jufty anfwer'd, that they had given order
for their relief, and that Theramenes and thrafibulus, on whom
that charge was impofed, were (if any) to be condemned; but
that they would not retort the fault on their accufers, for the
Tempeſt fufficiently excuſed them. This fatisfied the Senate
for that time, but at the next feaſt being the Apaturia, fome
friends of Theramenes, by his inſtigation fhaving their hair, and
putting on mourning apparell, pretending to be kinfmen of
thoſe that were drowned, came in that habit to the Senate, and
cauſing the charge againſt the ten Commanders to be renewed,
fo much incenfed the people, that they by menaces contrary to
all law enforced the Senate to condemn them. Socrates being
order'd to write the decree againſt them, avoided it by pre-
tending he could not write, and knew not the form, which oc
cafion'd laughter in the Senate (and perhaps that afperfion of
Porphyrius, that he was fcarce able to write, which when he did,
it was to derifion) but the true reafon is by Athenæus acknow-
ledg'd to be his conftant fortitude, in that he would not vio-
late the lawes of the Common-wealth contrary to the Qath he
had taken, to which he took more heed then to the violence * Xenoph.me-
wherewith he was threatned; For when the Senate proceeded mor. i.
to their condemnation,he* alone oppofed it with his fuffrage, I.dert 'Adrà
whereupon many Oratours prepared to accufe him, and the xa novos (per-
μόνον,
people cried out with loud clamours, that he might be brought has va
το ψηφίσατ
to anſwer for it: but he chofe rather to hazard himfelf for Law Twy fixa ses
and Juſtice, then through fear of impriſonment and death to .
confent to injuſtice, as the death of theſe men was afterwards
known to be, even to the Athenians themſelves: and was foon
after puniſhed in Theramenes by the like, wherein Socrates gave
the fame teftimony of his Courage upon this occafion.
Athens after a long war with the Lacedæmonians of 27.
years, being taken at laft by Lyfander, the Lacedæmonian Ge-
Xx
nerall
*
28
SOCRATES.
* Diod.Sic. lib
14.
:
nerall in the first year of the 94th Olympiad, there grew fome
debate concerning the alteration of the Government, from a
democracy to an Oligarchy; Theramenes ftood for the continu-
ance of the democracy, but being ovefwai'd by the power and
threats of Lyfander, yielded to the conftitution of thirty per-
fons, *by title Governours, in effect Tyrants, of which num-
ber was Theramenes (whom they took, in regard of his known
moderation and equity, to bridle the rapine and avarice of
others, ) Critias, (firfta friend, but now a great enemy to So-
crates for reproving his love of Buridamus) Charicles and others
whoſe names are fet down by Xenophansas are alfo their murders
unjuſt fequeftrations of lands, and confifcations of goods; They
began with puniſhment of the worst perfons, proceeded to the
richeſt, and ended with the beſt. Never (faith Seneca) was any
City more miferable; 1300. (Æſchines faith 1500. ) of the beſt
perfons they put to death without any legall trial,nor was their
fury thereby affwaged, but more exafperated; That City
where was the Areopagus,the moft religious Court of Judica-
ture, where the Senate and people like the Senate uſed to
affemble,was daily made a fad Colledge of Executioners,an un-
happy Court too narrow for the Tyrants without reſt from
oppreffion, without hope of liberty or remedy. All fled the City
but Socrates, who all this while ſet not his foot out of the gates; he was
continually amongst the people, comforted the lamenting Fa-
thers, encourag'd thofe that defpair'd of the ftate,reproached to
the rich, that had lived in fear to loſe their wealth, the late re-
pentance of their dangerous avarice, and to thofe that would
imitate him, gave great examples, whilft he walked free amidſt
the thirty oppreffours.
Theramenes oppofing this cruelty and injuſtice, was accuſed
by Critias for betraying the truft of the Common-wealth,
whereof he acquitted himſelf to the fatisfaction of the Senate ;
But Critias and his faction fearing he might overthrow the Oli-
garchy,feized upon him with a troop of fouldiers; Theramenes
run to the Altar, but being dragged from thence by the officers,
he behaved himselflike faith Diodorus the Diſciple of
Socrates; the people pittied him, but none of them durft offer
to help him, becaufe he was compaſs'd in by the fouldiers, ex-
cept Socrates and two of his companions, who ran to him and
endeavoured to reſcue him out of the handsof the officers; The-
ramenes defired them to forbear,teling them that he much loved
and commended their kindneffe and virtue, but that it would
be the greateſt misfortune he could have, if their love to him
fhould occafion their deaths; whereupon Socrates and his com-
panions feeing none come in to join with them in his aid, and
that the contrary party was too ftrong for them, gaveover:
Theramenes
SOCRATES:
29
Theramenes was carried to prifon, and there (being fentenced
to drink hemlock) died.
*
}
2.
Theſe outrages of the thirty Tyrants Socrates did not for-
bear to cenfure. Seeing many eminent perfons put to death, and the Elian.var.hift.
rich circumvented & betray'd to exceffive punishments he ford to Antift-
henes, doth it repent thee that we have done nothing in our whole lives
gre at remarkable as thofe Monarchs who are defcribed in Tragedies,
Atreus's, Thyeftes's Agamemnon's and Agifthus's? they are in
abuse playes bebeaded, teafted with their own flesh, and generally destroyed;
But no Puet was ever fo bold andimpudent as to bring a hog killed upon
the stage.
memor. I
To another who murmur'd'becauſe he was not looked upon fince they * Laeri
began to rule, are poa forry for it faid he? Hee faid likewiſe,* that at
were strange if a Neatherd who diminished and impoverished his herd, * Xeniph,
fhould not confeffe himself an ill Neatherd but more strange that one
who being fet over a City,made the Citizens worſe, and their number less,
Should not confeffe himſelf an ill Governour. This came to their know-
ledge, where, pon Critias and Charicles fent for him, and forbad him
firicily to teach or difcourfe with any of the young men. Soorates asked
them,if in acts of prohibition he might be permitted to question what hee
understood not, which they granting; Then (continues he) I am ready
to obey the Lawes, but left I tranfgreffe them through ignorance, I defire
to be informed, whether when you forbid me the act of speaking, this alt
be to be understood of things spoken rightly or not rightlys if of the first,
I must abstain from Speaking what is rights; if of the second, I must take
care to speak nothing but what is right; Hereupon Charicles being
difpleafed, faid, Since you understood not that Socrates, we command
you what is easier to be understood, that hence forward you speak not at
all with any of the young men; To take away all ambiguity reples Socra-
tes, that I may not exceed my limitation; let me know exprefly at what
years you call a man young: so long faith Charicles, as he is ancapas
ble of being Senatour, and bath not attained to the height of his judge-
men; you are not to ſpeak with any under thirtys May I not buy, anfwers
Socrates, of any under that age, nor ask them the price of any thing?
That you may, faith Charicles, but your custom is to ask questions of
things whichyou know very well; forbear thefe:and fhall I not then,replies
Socrates, make answer if any one ask me where Charicles dwells, or
where Critias is? To fuch questions faith Charicles you may. Tou
muft (continues Critias refrain from the artificers,whofe ears you have
fufficiently grated with your impertinent difcourfe; i must then abstain
(faith Socrates) from juftice, piety, and the likes Even from the very
Neatherds replies Charicles, which unleffe you do, take heed your head
come not ſhort home.
This ill will and jealoufie wch they had conceived againſt so-
crates was increaſed by the fecret departure of fome friends of
his out of the City, which was reported to be done by his con-
trivement, to give intelligence to the Thebans: nor was that
fufpicion
30
SOCRATES.
fufpicion without reafon, as is manifeft by his laſt Epiſtle:here-
upon they fűmon'd him into the Court, where fome complaints
were brought againſt him,of which having acquitted himſelfe,
they(to get a better caufe of quarrel againſt him)gave order to
him and four more to go to the Pyreum,and to apprehend Leon,
whom they meant to put to death, that they might poffeffe his
eſtate:ButSocrates refufed,adding,that he would never willing-
ly affift an unjuſt actswhereupon Charicles faid, doft thou think
Socrates to talk thus peremptorily,and not to ſuffer? A thouſand
ills,anfwered Socrates, but none fo grievous as to do unjustly.
Charicles made no reply, nor any of the reft; the other foure
went for Leon, Socrates directly to his houfe; but from thence
forward, the jealoufie they had of him was fo much encreaſed,
* Plat.Apol. that * if their power had not been foon diffolved, they would
have gone neer to have taken away his life.
* Brut:
*Liban. Apol.
Cic. But.
CHAP. XI.
His falling out with the Sophifts, and with Anytus.
TH
*
*
}
He Sophifts, Mafters of language in thofe imes, faith *Ci-
cero, (whereof were Gorgias of Leontium, Thrafymachus of
Chalcedon, Protagoras of Abdera, Prodicus a Cian, Hippias an
Elian, and many others) who profeft in arrogant words to teach,how an
inferiour caufe (Such was their phrafe) might by Speaking, be made
* Cic. Orator. Superiour, and uſed a ſweet fluent kind of Rhetorick, argute infen-
tences, loftie in words, fitter for oftentation then pleading, for the Schooles
and Academies, ra.her then the Forum) were fo highly efteem'd,
that wherefoever they came, they could perfwade the young men to
forfake all other converfation for theirs. Theſe Socrates oppofed,
and often by his fubtlety of difputing,refelling their principles with his
*Liban. Apol. accustomed interrogatories, demonftrated, that they were indeed much be-
neath the esteem they had gained, that they themselves understood nothing
of that which they undertook to teach others; he withdrew the young men
from their empty converſation: Thefe, who till then had been looked upon
as Angels for wit and Eloquence, be proved to be vain affecters of
words, ignorant of those things which they profest, and had more need to
give mony to be taught, then to take (as they uſed) mony for teaching.
The Athenians taken with thefe reproofs which Socrates gave them,
derided them, and excited their children to the study of folid vertue.
*
Another quarrell Socrates had of long continuance, for it was
the occafion of his death, but begun many years before, with
Anytus, an Oratour by profeffion, privately maintained and
enriched by Leather-fellers: He had put two of his fons to
Socrates to be taught, but not being pleaſed, that whilft they
in that way, they had not learned ſo much, as to be able
were
thereby
SOCRATES.
31
T
Socratic. Epift.
thereby to get their diving; he took them from Socrates, and put
them to that trade which himfelfe was afhamed to own;
wherewith Socrates, being much difpleafed in refpect of the two
youths, whofe ruine he prefaged, (and truly, for they fell af
terwards into debaucheries, which occafion'd it) fpared not
to reproach Anytys in difcourfing to his Schollars, telling them,
"That the Trade of dreffing Leather was not fit to be ſpoken 14.
"of amongst young men ; for they who benefit themſelves by
"any art, cheriſh and profeffe it, as Acumenus Phylick, Damon
and Connus Mufickieven any us whilſt his fons were his fchol-
lars, was not ashamed of that which they learn'd, though it
were not fufficient to maintain them by pleading; but for
himfelfe he gloryed that he walked invifible with Pluta's
Helmet, or Giges Ring, concealing from the people the true
CC means of his fubfiftence, which indeed was by dreffing Lea
ther, which was not juft, to be ashamed of the trade, and
not of the profits for he ought to owne this, or to diſclaim
that
cc
сс
CC
ce
C
* Var. hift.
* Schol. Ari-
• ftoph.
“Anytu (faith * Eian) to answer this reproach, ſtudied
all occafions and waies of revenge; but feared the Atheni-
ans,doubting if he fhould accufe Socrates, how they would
"take it, his name being in high efteem for many refpects:
"chiefly for oppofing the Sophifts, who neither taught nor
"knew any folid learning. He *advileth with Melitus,a young
"man, an Oratour, unknown to Socrates, defcribed by *Plato
with long plain hair,a high noſe, and a thin beard, one that Liban.
for a drachine might be bought into any thing, by whoſe coun-
fell "He begins,by making tryall in leffer things, to found
"how the Athenians would entertain a charge againſt his life;
"for to have accuſed him upon the very firſt, he conceived
"unfafe, as well for the reafon already mentioned, as left
"the friends and followers of Socrates fhould divert the anger
6.6
6c
*
of the Judges upon himſelfe, for falfely accufing a perſon fo
"far from being guilty of any wrong to the State, that he
was the only ornament thereof. To this end he fubbornęs
Aristophanes, a Comick Poet, whofe only bufineffe was to
"raife mirth, to bring Socrates upon the Stage, taxing him with
"crimes which moff men knew him free from, impertinent
"difcourfe, making an ill caufe by argument feem good, intro-
"ducing new and ſtrange deities, whilft himſelfe believed
"and reverenced none; hereby to infinuate an ill opinion of
« him, even into thoſe who most frequented him. Aristophanes
C: taking this Theme, interweaves it with much abufive mirth;
"the beſt of the Grecians was his ſubject, not Cleon the Lace.
demonians, the Thebans,or Pericles hinfelfe, but a perfon dear
to all the Gods, eſpecially Apollo. At firſt (by reafon of the
"novelty of the thing, the unufuall perfonating of Socrates
'cc.
દ્ર
Y Y
upon
*
* Ælian.
{
32
SOCRATES
ra
r
Be
CC
"upon the Stage the Athenians, who expected nothing leffe,
were truck with wonder: Then, (being naturally envious
apt to detract from the beſt perfons, not only of fuch as
bore office in the common-wealth, but any that were emi-
«nent for learning or vertue)they begun to be taken with the
de Clouds, (fo was the play named) and cried up the actour that
"perfonated Socrates with more applaufe, then ever any before,
giving him with many fhouts the victory, and fending word
to the Judgesthat they ſhould fet down no name but that of
Aristophanes. Socrates came feldome to the Theater, unleffe
" when Euripides contefted with any new Tragedian, there,
or in the Pyreum, then he went, for he affected the wiſdome,
goodneffe, and fweetneffe of his verfe; fometimes Alcibiades
and Critias would invite him to a Comedy, and in a manner
compell him; for he was fo far from efteeming Gomedians,
"that he contemned them, as lying, abufive, and unprofitables
"whereat they were much difpleaſed: Thefe (with other
"things fuggefted by Anytus and Melitas) were the ground of
Aristophanes his Comedy, who, it is likely, got a great f fumme
"of money by it, they being eager in profecution of their de
fign, and he prepared by want,and malice to receive their
« impreffion: In fine, the play got extraordinary credit, that
«of Cratinus being verified,
ક
Ca
ce
The Theater was then
Fill'd with malitious men.
ર
3
"It being at that time the feaft of Bacchus a multitude of
<< Grecians went to fee the play: Socrates, being perſonated on
"the Stage and often named, (nor was it much the Players
"fhould repreſent him, for the Potters frequently did it upon
"their ſtone-jugs) the ſtrangers that were prefent (not know-
"ing whom the Comedy abufed) raiſed a humme and whif
per, every one asking who that Socrates was? which he ob-
ferving (for he came not thither by chance, but becauſe he
knew himfelfe fhould be abuſed in the play, had chofen the
"moſt confpicuous feat in the Theater) to put the ſtrangers
out of doubt, he roſe up, and all the while the play lafted,
* Alian. var. «'continued in that pofture, (* laughing)* One that was pre-
* Plut. de edu- " fent asked him, if it did not vex him to fee himſelfe brought
upon the Stage? Not at all, anſwered he) me thinks I am at a
*Schol. Ariſtoph feaſt,where every one enjoyes me.*This comedy was firſt acted when
Ifarchus was Archon, Cratinus victor in the firſt year of the
eighty ninth Olympiad: Aristophanes being by fome reprehen-
ded for it, to vindicate himſelfe, caufed it to be acted again the
year following, Amintas being Archon, but with worfe order
then at firſt.
bist. 5.
cand. lib.
CC
Amip-
SOCRATES:
33
implfo (another comick Poet) derided him thus` in Lacrt.
•Tribonell digit
an Estoly od mor
t
4
Socrates, the best of few, the vaimost.
1
•
21 of many mens and art thou come amongst us ?!!
. Whene is phy gown? did not this great misfortune
Befallished by the leathensdreffer's help..
MA
A
I
•
A
D TO IT
J
:::
'
1
{
'
1
1.
CHAP. X.
1...
His Triall
VI. VI..
شده
+
་
Any years paft fince the first falling out betwixt Soerá-
Mes
Flat. Apul.
tes and Anytus, during which time one continued open- Liban. Apol.
ly reproving the other, fecretly undermining, untill at length
Anyrus feeing the time fute with his defign, procurd Melitušto
preferabill against him to the Senate, in thefe termés.
Melitas Son of Melitus, a Pythean, accefeth Socrates Son of So-
phronifcus an Alopecian. Socrates violates the Law, not believing
the dilies which this City beliveth, but introducing other new Gods. He
wiolates the law likewife in corrupting youth; the puniſhment
de ab vtr
This bill being preferr'd upon oath (Plato✨arsustía) Crito be- *
came bound to the Judges for his appearance at the day of tri-
all. * Soon after Anytus fent privately to him, deftring him to forbear
the mention of his Trade, and affuring him that he would thereupon
withdrawkis action; but Socrates return' d'him anſwer, that he would
never forbea, ſpeaking truth as long as he lived, that he would alïities
use the fame speeches concerning hung that his accufation was not of force
enough to make him refrain from Speaking those things which he thought
himſelf before obliged to ſay.
ત
See Suidas
upon that word.
* Liban. Apo!
Liban
P. 644.
* The intervall of time betwixt his accufation and triall, he * Xenoph. Apol:
imploi'd in his ufualPhilofophical exerciſes, not taking any care & memor.4.
to provide his defence, for which being obferv'd & queftioned
by Hermogenesfon of Hipponicus, "I provide apology enough
"faith he in confidering & purſuing the conftant courfe of try
"life; Hermogenes demanding how that could be becatife
"(faith he) I never did any unjuſt act, which I conceive the belt
"apologie: but we often fee Judges ( faith Hermogenes) over
"fwai'd by Rhetorick, to condemne the innocent and acquit
"the guilty: the truth is, (replyed Socrates) going about to
"make my apology, I was twice withheld by the Dæmon,
whereat Hermogenes wondring, is it ſtrange (continues here)
"that God fhould think it fit for me to dy at this time? hither-
"to no man hath lived more uprightly, which as it is now my
"greateſt comfort, fo it was the greatest delight to my felfe
and
34
SOCRATES.
* Cicer. de
Orat. I.
Laert.
* Plut.
• Edert.
* Plat. Apol.
CC
"and friends; if I live longer, I know I muftundergoe what
"is proper to old age, defects of hearing and fight, flownefle
❝ to apprehend,aptnefs to forget,how can I then be pleaſed to
"live longer and grow worfe:It is likely God in his love to mee
"hath ordained that I ſhould die in the moſt convenient age,
" and by the gentleft meanes, for if I die by fentence, I am al-
"lowed the benefit of the moſt eafie kind of death; I ſhall give
"my friends the leaſt trouble, I fhall doe nothing unfeemely
"before thoſe that are prefent,and fhall depart found in body
"and foule; is not this very defirable? God with much reaſon
"forbids me to make any defence; If I could effect it, I ſhould
ક onely ſtay longer to be taken away by the torment of diſeaſes
"and imperfections of age, which truly Hermogenes I defire not;
If when I give an accompt of my actions towards God and
"men,the Judges think fit to condemne me, I will rather chuſe
"to die then to beg of them a life worfe then death. Other friends
uſed the fame perfwafions to him with affurance of victory,
* Lycias an exccellent Oratour offered him an Oration, which
he had written in his defence, defiring him if he thought good
to make uſe of it at his tryall; Socrates perufed it, and told him,
"that it was a good one, but not fit for him. Lyfias asking how
"that could be? why (faith he) may not a garment or ſhooes
"be rich, yet not fit for me? if you fhould bring me Sicyoni-
an fhooes, I would not weare them though they were fit for my
feet, becauſe they are effeminate: he conceived the Oration to
be ingenious and eloquent, but not ftout and manly, for
though it were very bitter againſt the Judges,yet * was it more
rhetoricall then became a Philofopher.
*
The day of tryall being come,* Anytus, Lyco, and Melitus
pre-
pared to accufe him, one in behalfe of the people, the fecond
of the Oratours, the laft of the Poets: Melitus first went up into
the chaire proper for that purpoſe, and there ſpoke an Oration
which was in it felf mean enough, but withall deliver'd fo un-
happily and ſchool-boy-like, that ſometimes he was out with
fear, and turned about to be prompted like a player, enough
to beget laughter, even in thoſe that were moſt concern'd in
fo ferious a caufe: Part of the effect whereof feems to be the
fame which is thus by Xenophon difperfedly deliver'd,ſome par-
ticulars whereof are confirmed by Libanius.
"That Socrates perfwaded his auditors to contemn the re-
"ceived Lawes, faying, it was fit onely for fooles to bee
"govern❜d by a bean, (meaning the fuffrages of the Senate ſo
gather'd.)
"That he was intimately converfant with Critias and Alcibi-
"ades, one moſt covetous and violent in the Oligarchy,, the o-
"ther ambitious of Tyranny.
"That
SOCRATES:
35
૯
That he taught direfpect and obedience to Parents, telling
his fcholers hee would make them wifer then their Fathers
"and that it was lawfull for any one to bind his Father if hee
" were mad and for thofe that were the more wife to do as
" much to thofe that were leffe wife.
2
"That he taught alfo direfpect of all other kinf men, faying
"they were not usefull to the fick,or to the accuſed,the firſt be
❝ing in more need of a Phyſician, the latter of an Oratour;that
"the good will of unable friends was nothing worth: that one-
"ly the moſt knowing perfons were moft worthy of ho-
"nour, by which means he would arrogate all refpect to
"himſelf.
..
K
"That he ſelected out of the Poets fome ill places, and per-
"verted others that were not fo, to excite his friends to impi-
qus actions; as that of Hefiod,
There is no work purſuedſbame3
'Tis idleness hat merits blame.
"He expounded, as if the Poet meant all acts might be commit-
«ted for gain.
"That he often repeated and miſinterpreted tefe words of
"Homer, as if the Poet allowed the poor to be beaten.
t
when he a Prince or fome great perfon meets,
Such with fuft language kindly thus he greet:§
Happy above the reach of fear are you;
Sit down, and bid your followers do fotoo.
But of the lower fort when any speaks,
Forth theſe words with blows his anger breaks:
.
Be quietz to thy betters wretch fubmit 3
For action and advice alike unfit.
R
Melitus (his oration ended) came down; * next him came.* Liban. Apol.
Anytus with a long malicious fpeech, and laft of all Lyco with
all the artifice of Rhetorick concluded the accufation.
3
quæst. 1.
Socrates*would not (as wasthe cuſtom) procure an Ad-* Cic. Tuſc
vocate to plead for him; all the while his accufers were
ſpeaking, he ſeemed to employ his mind about nothing leffe
as foon as they had done,he went up into the chair, (*in which
action he obſerved that the Dæmon did not withhold him)and cic. de divi-
* *
with an angry fmile begun this unpremeditated anfwer,
not as a fuppliant or guilty perfon, but as if Maſter of the
Judges themſelves, with a free contumacy proceeding not
from pride, but the greatneffe of his mind.
*
*
nat. .
*
1.
* Socratic.
Epift. 14.
*
Plat.Apel.
* Cic. Tufc.
queft.
I.
"But I wonder firſt (Athenians) how Melitus came by Xenoph.
Zz
CC
EC this
36
SOCRATES.
"this knowledge, that (as he faith) I do not worfhip thofe
"Gods the City worſhips? Others have ſeen me (and fo might
de
Melitus if he had pleas'd) facrifice at common feftivalls on
σε the publick Altars How do I introduce new deities when I
"profeffe to be directed in all my actions by the voice of God?
"they who obſerve the notes of birds, or aniwers of men, are
"guided by the voice: none doubts of thunder whether it bee
loud or oraculous; Doth not the Prieſteffe on the Tripod con-
vey to us by voice what the God delivers to herŝand that
"he foreknowes events, communicating them to whom plea-
"feth him, all men (as well as I) believe and profeffe: others
"call thofe that foretell events, Augurs, Soothfayers and Divi-
«ners, I the Dæmon, and (I conceive) more religiouſly then
"they who afcribe a Divine power to birds: That I am no im-
"poftor, herein many can atteſt, who have asked my advice,
"and never found it fail. (Here there aroſe a murmur in the
Senate, fome not believing, others envying what he ſaid, that
he ſhould furpaffe them in fuch a particular favour of the de-
ity;) "Let fuch as are incredulous hear this alſo to confirm
"their opinion that I am not favour'd of the Gods; when Cha.
"rephon in the prefence of many witneffes queftion'd the Del-
“phian Oracle concerning me, Apollo answered, that no man
ઠંડ
was more free, more juft, or more wife; (here another mur-
mur arofe amongſt the Judges: he proceeded) "Yet the fame
"God faid more of Lycurgus the Lacedæmonian Lawgiver, that
"he knew not whether to call him a God or a man;me he com-
CC pared not with the Gods, though he gave me the priority a-
"mongſt men. But truft not the God herein, confider me ex-
"actly your felves; whom know you leffe a fervant to corpo-
"reall pleaſures? whom more free? I accept not either rewards
"or gifts? who more juſt then he who fo conformes himſelf to
"the preſent time, as he needs not the help of any other? who
" will fay he deferves not the title of wife, who fince he was
"able, never defifted to learn by enquiry all good poffible: and
"that I took not this pains in vain, is evident in that, many
“Citizens and ſtrangers ftudious of virtue, prefer my conver-
"fation above all others: what is the reafon that though all
"men know I have no wealth to requite them, fo many defire
to oblige me by gifts? that I require no return from any, yet
૯ engage ſo many
many? that when the City being befieged, every
one lamented his condition, I was no more mov'd then when
s'it was moſt flouriſhing? That whilft others lay out money on
"outward things to pleaſe themſelves, I furniſh my felf from
"within, my ſelf with things that pleaſe me better?If none can
"difprove what I have faid, deferve I not the commendati-
"ons both of Gods and men? and yet you Melitus pretend that
‹ with
65
CE
ૐ
SOCRATES.
37
સં
"with theſe inſtructions I corrupt youth; Every one
knowes what it is to corrupt youth; Can you name but
"one that I of religious have made impious, of modeft impu-
"dent, of frugal,prodigall, of ſober, debauch'd, of hardy effe-
minate, or the like? But I know thofe anfwer'd Melitus
"whom you have perfwaded to be more obedient to you then
<to their own Parents: That as far as concernes inftruction,re-
plied Socrates, I confeffe; this they know to be my proper
"care for their health men obey Phyficians before their Pa-
rents, in Law-ſuits Counſellors before their kindred; do you
not in war prefer the moſt experienced fouldiers to com-
"mand before your own allies? yes anſwers Melitus, 'tis fit we
" fhould; and do you think it reafon then, replies Socrates, if
"others are preferr'd for fuch things as they are excellent in,
that, becauſe in in the opinion of fome, I have an advantage
"beyond others in educating youth, which is the greateſt be-
"nefit amongſt men, I ought therefore to die? *
Anytus and
Melitus (faith he,addreffing himſelf to the Judges) may pro-
cure my death, hurt me they cannot : * To fear death is to Plut. de con-
"feem wife, and not to be fosfor it is to pretend to underſtand fel.ad Apol.
"that which we underſtand not; no man knows what death
is, whether it be not the greateſt happineſſe that can arrive
"to a man, and yet all fear, and fhun it as if they were fure it
"were the greateſt misfortune.
i
* Plut de
tranqu. anim.
This and more (faith Xenophon) was faid both by himſelfe
and his friends, but the Judges were fo little pleaſed with his
unuſuall manner of pleading, that * as Plato went up into the * Laert.
Chair and began a ſpeech in theſe words; Though I Athenians am
the youngest of those that come up in this place, they all cried out, of
hoje that go down, which he thereupon was conftrained todo,
and they proceeding to vote, Socrates was caft by 281. voices;
It was the cuſtom of Athens, as Cicero obferves, when any one
was caft, if the fault were not capitall, to impofe a pecuniary
mulct; when the Judges had voted in that manner, the guilty
perſon was asked the highest rate whereat he æftimated his
offence; The Judges willing to favour Socrates, propounded
that demand to him, Hee anſwered 25. (or as Eubulides faith,
100.)drachmes,nor would he fuffer* his friends,* Plato, Crito, Xenoph.
Critobulus, and Apollodorus (who defired him to æftimate it at* Plat Apéla
50. minæ, promifing to undertake thefum) to pay any thing
for him, faying, that to pay a penalty was to own an offence
and telling the Judges that ( for what he ſtood accuſed) hee
deſerved the higheſt honours and rewards, and daily ſuſte-
nance at the publick charge out of the Prytanæum, which was
the greateſt honour that was amongst the Græcians; with this
anfwer, the Iudges were fo exafperated, that t heycondemned
him to death by 80. votes more.
๑
The
38
SOCRATES.
*Xenoph. Apol.
* Confol. ad
Hel.
* Maxim. Tyr.
* Xenoph.
memor. 4.
* Plat. Phad.
* The ſentence being paft, he could not forbear fmiling,and
turning to his friends, faid thus, they who have fuborned
falſe witneſſes againſt me, and they who have born fuch tefti-
monies, are, doubtleffe conſcious to themſelves of great impi-
ety and injuſtice; but as for me, what ſhould more deject me
now then before I was condemned, being nothing the more
guilty: They could not prove I named any new Gods for Jupi-
tr, Juno, and the reft, or ſwore by fuch: How did I corrupt
young men by inuring them to fufferance and frugality? of ca-
pitall offences, as Sacriledge, Theft, and Treafon, my very
adverfaries acquit me; which makes me wonder how I come
to be condemned to dye; yet that I dye unjustly will not trou-
bleme, it is not a reproach to me, but to thoſe who condem-.
ned me; I am much fatisfied with the example of Palamedes
who fuffered death in the like manner; he is much more com-
mended then Vlyffes the procurer of his death; I know, both
future and paſt times will witneffe, I never hurt, or injur'd a-
ny, but on the contrary have advantaged all that converfed
with me to my utmoſt ability, communicating what good I
could, gratis. This faid, he went away, his carriage anfwera-
ble to his words, his eyes, geſture, and gate expreffing much
cheerfulneſſe.
Socr
*
CHAP. XI.
His impriſonment.
Ocrates (faith Seneca) with the fame refolved look, wherewith he
ingly oppos'd the thirty Tyrants, entered the prison, and took away
all ignominy from the place, which could not be a prifon whilst he was
there: Here (*being fettered by the eleven Officers)he con-
tinued *thirty daies after he was condemned upon this occaſi-
on:*The ſhip which carried Thefeus and fourteen more perfons
into Creets he vowed if they got ſafe home (as it fortuned they
did) to dedicate to Apollo, and to fend it every yeer with a
preſent to Delos which cuſtome the Athenians religiouſly ob-
ferved; before the folemnity, they uſed to luftrate their City,
and all condenmed perfons were reprieved till it returned
from Delos, which fometimes, the wind not ſerving, was a
long time. The Prieft of Apollo began the folemnity, by crown-
ing the Poop of the fhip, which happening the day before
Socrates was condemned, occafioned his lying in prifon fo long
after.
>
In this intervall he was vifited by his friends, with whom
he paſt the time in diſpute after his ufuall manner : he was of
ten folicited by them to an eſcape, fome of them offered to
carry him away by force, which he not only refuſed, but deri-
ded
1
SOCRATES.
39
*
ded, asking, if they knew any place out of Attica whither
death could not come? Crito, two daies before his death,came * Plat. Crit.
very early in the morning to him, to the fame purpoſe, having
by his frequent vifits and gifts gained fome intereſt in the
Jaylour, but finding him afleep, fat ftill by him, admiring in
the foundneffe of his fleep, the happy equality of his mindšaf-
foon as he waked, he told him,that he came to bring fad newes,
if not fuch to him, yet to all his friends, that the ſhip would
certainly be at home to morrow at furtheft (fome that came
from Sunium affirming they had left it there) but that in all
likelyhood it would come that day, and he ſhould dye the
next. In good timebe it, anſwered Socrates, but I do not be.
leeve it will come to day; for the day following I muſt dye, as
they fay, who have the power in their hands; but that I ſhall
not dye to morrow but the day after, I gueſſe by a dream I
had this night, that a woman very beautifull in a white gar-
ment, faluted me by my name, faying,
Thou, ce three daies are to'd,
Rich Pthya ſhalt behold.
The fame relation, according to Laertius, he made to Æfchi-
nes) This occafion Crito took to perfwade him to fave himfelfe,
which he preft with many arguments; "That his friends
"would be accufed of covetoufneffe, as more defirous to fpare
their wealth, then to redeem him; that it might be effected
with little trouble and expence to them who were provided
for it; that himſelfe was rich enough to do it, or if not, Simmi-
as, Cebes and others, would joyne with him; that he ought not
"voluntarily to thrust himfelfe into deftruction, when he
"might avoid it; that he ſhould leave his children in an un-
« certain mean eftate; that it would not be conftrued conftan-
сссу
cy but want of courage. Confider well theſe reaſons, ſaith
<he, or rather (for it is now no time to ſtand confidering )
"be perfwaded, what is to be done, muſt be done this night
"or it will be too late. Socrates answered, that his cheerfulĺ
"readineffe to relieve him was much to be efteemed, if agreea-
«ble to juſtice, otherwiſe, the leffe juft, the more blamable:
"that opinion and cenfure ought not to be regarded, but
"truth and equity; that wrong muſt not be requited with
wrong; that faith ſhould be kept more ftrictly with a City
" then with private perfons; that he had voluntarily fubjected
"himfelfe to the lawes of his Country, by living under their
"government, and to violate them at laft, were great
"injuftice that by breaking Prifon, he fhould not only draw
❝his friends into many inconveniences, but himſelfe alſo into
"many dangers, only to live and dye in exile; that in fuch a
A a a
" con-
40
SOCRATES.
» Laeri.
* Lib. 14.
* Memorab.
lib. 1.
"condition, he fhould be nothing more capable to bring up
his children well, but dying honeftly, his friends would take
"the more care of them. That whatfoever inconvenience might
enfue, nothing was to be preferred before juſtices that if he
"ſhould eſcape by treachery, the remainder of his life would
«be never the more happy, nor himselfe after death better en-
"tertain❜d in the next world. Theſe things (faith he } I hear
<like the Corybantian pipes, the found of theſe words makes
me deafe to every thing elfe; therefore whatever you ſhall
"fay to the contrary, will be to no purpofe; but if you have
any other bufineffe, fpeak. Crito anfwering, he had not any
"elfe, as for this then (concludes he) ſpeak no more of it, let us
"go the way which God points out to us.
T
CHAP. XII.
The time and manner of his death.
*
He time of Socrates death, is formerly touch'd; the Marble
at Arundell-Houfe faith, he died when Laches was Archon,
aged feventy yeers, which (according to Plato) were compleat,
for he faith inórra Demetrius Phalerius faith, he dyed
éw
the firft year of the nintie fifth Olympiad, having lived feven-
ty yeers. Diodorus Siculus averres, it was done in that yeare
Eaches being Archon.
*
Although there be not any thing in the Greek ſtory ſettled
by better authority, then the years of Socrates; Leo Allatius
with much confidence, and little reaſon, controverts the re-
ceived Chronology of his life and death, the occaſion is this;
the fourteenth of the Socratick Epiftles publifht by him, menti-
oneth an oration of Polycrates, as fpoken at the arraignment of
Socrates; but the Walls of Athens repaired by Conon fix years
after the death of Socrates, being ſpoken of in that Oration,
the Epiftle is thereby rendred fufpicious, the truth feems to
be this: After the death of Socrates, it became an ordinary
Theme in the Schooles of Rhetorick (which was at that time
much ſtudied at Athens) to ſpeak for and againſt Socrates: Poly-
crates, a Sophifter, to exercife his wit, wrote an invective: Lyfias,
a famous Öratour, who died about the ao Olympiad, had
written(as we have already faid) an Apologetick, which is by
the Scholiaft of Aristides cited in answer to Polycrates. Apologies
were in like manner written by Plato,* Xenophon, and (long af
ter by) Libanius 3 although Ifocrates admonished Polycrates of
certain errors in his Oration againſt Socrates, yet the Anachro-
nifm continued,for Chronology was not yet ftudied in Athens ;
and thence it is that Plato himſelf is in that refpect ſo much re-
prehended by Athenæus, Ariftides, Macrobius, and others: the
$
;
writer
SOC RATES,
4*
う
​writer of the Socraticall Epiſtle admits Polycrates as the accufer
at the triall, and the oration as then, and there ſpoken, ſo alſo
doth Hermippus whom Laertius cites to the fame effect; But
Fhaverinus a Critick of later times, when Chronology was more
exact, detects the errour by computation of times: Allatius will
by no means have the criticiſm of Phavoranus allowed,
and labours to introduce an uncertainty of the time to
the end hee may perfwade that Socates lived beyond the repa-
ration of the walls of Athens: the great Engine wherewith he
labours to demolish all that hath been afferted by the antients,
is the teſtimony of Juidas, who(I know not upon what autho-
rity) faith he lived 80. years: his ſmaller artillery are the
groundleffe emendation of Meurfius,and the mistake of Scaliger
before noted; the abfurd Metachronifm of the Chronicum Á.
texandrinum, which makes Socrates die in the 104th Olympiad,
and in the goth year of his age; the aniftoréfie of the unknown
writer of Ariftotles life, who fuppofeth him in the 17th, year
of his age to have heard Socrates three years, and which is moſt
ridiculous, the notorious anachroniſms of Plate muft ſervé
as irrefragable arguments to impugne the truth. With thefe
proofes in the fophifticall difguife of a Dialogue, hee endea-
vours to puzzle the unwary reader.
The manner of his death receive from Plato in the perſon of
Phado an Eye-witneffe; "Every day (faith he) I went with o-
«ther friends of his to vifit him; we met in the Court where he
GC
was tried, it being near the prifon; where we entertain'd our
"felves with difcourfe till the priſon was open'd, then went in
"unto him and fpent many times the whole day with him: Buc
*that day we met fooner then ordinary, for the evening be-
«fore as we came out of the Prifon, we heard the ship was
come from Delus, and thereupon we appointed to meet early
« the next morning at the uſuall place, where being come, the
* Porter came out to us, and told us that that we muſt ſtay a
« while before we could be admitted, for the eleven Officers
❝ were there taking off his fetters, having brought him word
"that he muſt die to day: not long after he came out again,and
<told us we might go in, where when we came, we found So-
<crates his fetters newly taken off, and Xantippe fitting by him
"with a child in her armes: She as foon as the faw us burſt
**forth into tears, and cried out ah, Socrates, this is the laſt time
«'thy friends fhall ever ſpeak to thee, or thou to them, crito
“(faith Socrates, addreffing himſelf to him) let fome body ca-
"ry her home; whereupon fome of Crito's fervants' lead her a-
way exclaiming, and beating her breft. Socrates who was fit-
"ting upon the bed, drew up his leg and rubb'd it, faying the
"whilft, How ſtrange a thing friends is that which men call
pleafure
42
SOCRATES.
CC
૬૮
pleaſure,how near a kin to pain to which it feem; fo contrary?
they arrive not indeed together, but hee that takes
"one,is immediately overtaken by the other, as if they were
"tied together: If Efop had obferv'd this, certainly hee would
" have made fome fable of it, as if God willing to compofe
"their difference, had joined them by the end,not being able to
"make them abfolutely one;fo that whofoever hath one, muſt
<ſtrait have the other alfo ; As it happens to me at this time,
"the pain my fetters even now gave me,is now turned to a kind
"of pleafure, and tickles me. You have opportunely (faid
Cebes) put me in mind to ask, why fince your impriſonment
"(which you never did before) you have writ Poems, a
" hymne to Apollo, and Æfops Fables render'd into verfe; ma-
"ny have queſtion'd me about it, particularly Euenus, if hee
"repeat this demand, what anſwer fhall I give him? Tell him
"Canfwers Socrates) that truly I did it not to to contend with
"him and his verſes, but to comply with a dream (which I
"have had more then once) enjoyning me to practiſe Muſick;
"" in obedience whereunto I first made verfes in honour of the
"God whoſe feaft this was; Then, conceiving it eſſentiall to a
"Poet to write fictions which of my felf, Iufe not,
"I made ufe of fome of Afp which I had in memory, as
they firft came into my fancy; Tell Euenus this, and bid him
"from me farewell, and if he be wife, follow me, for it ſeems
"I muſt go hence to day, the Athenians have fo order'd it.
"What is that faid Simmias which you bid Euemus do, I have
CC often converfed with him, but as far as I underſtand him, hee
"will not be at all ready to be rul'd by you; what, faith he, is he
"not a Philofopher ?he feem fo, anfwers Simmias, then he will
c
CC
{
,
(replyed Socrates) and fo will all who deferve that name;
"but perhaps he will not lay violent hands upon himſelf, that
"is not lawfull: and as he was ſpeaking thus, he fet down his
"leg again to the ground, and fitting fo, continued all the reſt
"of the difpute. Then Celes asking why, how it could be that
"it ſhould be prohibited to ones felf, yet that a Philofopher
"ought to defire to follow a dying perfon? he anſwered, men
"are the poffeffions of God, would you not be angry if your
"flave ſhould kill himſelf againſt your will, and if it were in
your power punish him? we muſt expect a fummons from
"God, an inevitable neceffity (fuch as I have at this time.) to
"take us hence. This is truth,replied Cebes, but what you affer-
«ted even now is inconfiftent with it; God taking care of us as
"his poffeffions, can a wife man defire to be out of his pro-
«tection? he cannot think to mend his condition by freeing
"himſelf from fo excellent a government; Socrates ſeemed much
"pleaſed with the fubtlety of Cebes, and turning to us faid, Ce-
«bes is alwaies inquifitive, nor will eaſily admit any thing; to
CC
me
SOCRATES,
43
ss
me faid Simmias what he hath ſaid ſeeems reaſon, how can
wife men endure, much leffe endeavour to part with thoſe
"that are ſo much better then themſelves but Cenes herein
"reflects upon you, who are fo ready to leaveus, and the
Gods whom you acknowledge good Governours; you fay
"well, an fwers Socrates, I fuppofe you would have me anſwer
flasina Court of Judicatures by all meanes faith Simmias; well
" then replies he, I will endeavour to defend my felfbettera.
"gainſt you then I did before the Judges: Truly did I not be-
Lieve I fhould go to juſt Gods, and to men better then any li-
❝ving, I were inexcufable for contemnning death; but I am fure
togo to the Gods, very good Mafters, and hope to meet with
"good men,and am of good courage, hoping that fomething of
* inap ſubſiſts after death,and that it is then much better with
“the good then with the bad.Here Crito interrupting him,told
"him that he who was to adminifter the poiſon,advis'd him to
fpeak little, & not heat himſelf with difpute,for it agreed not
"with that kind of poiſon, which ſome neglecting,had bin con-
"trained to take it two or three times: mind him not ſaid So-
crates, let him provide as much as may ferve twice or thrice
"if need be; Then he proceeded in a large difcourfe to declare
that the chief office of a Philofopher is to meditate on death;
therefore he ought not to fear the approach of its That as death
is the ſolution of the Soul from the Body, fo is it the office of a
Philofopher to free the foul from corporeall affections; That if
we underſtand the better, the more the foul is difengaged from
fenfe, we fhall underſtand moſt perfectly when the is wholly
freed from the body by death, which perfection of knowledge
is the fole end of Philofophy.
This part of the difcourfe ended, Cebes occafions the renew-
ing of it by the defiring him to prove the immortality of the
foule, which he doth firſt from the neceffary fucceffion of gene-
ration & corruption as contraries,the ground of the Pythagorean
tranfmigration; next from the Soules manner of reafoning,
which being only by reminiſcence argues it had a being before
the body (when it had perfect knowledge of thoſe Ideas which
upon occafion of fenfible objects it recovers) and confequently
fhall fubfift after it; much more is ſpoken by Plato under his
name, whereof almoſt all is manifeftly Plato's owne, nor is it
poffible to ſelect that which is not from the reſt; the conclufi-
on of his diſcourſe(as contracted by Cicero) was, "That there are Tufc. qua.
"two waies,and a twofold courfe of Soules when they goe out
"of the body: for ſuch as have defiled themſelves with hu-
"mane vices given over to pleaſures wherewith they are blin-
"ded, according as they are polluted with domeſtick fins, or
"have uſed inexpiable deceits to wrong the publike,take a by-
Bbb
way
Tuſc,
pag. 127.
4:4
SOCRATES A
* Plat.
ર
"}
1
way fecluded from the Counfell of the Gods: But they who
Have preſerved themſelves intiré & chaſt from the leaft con-
"tagion of their bodyies, having abwaies withdrawne; them-
« felves from them, and in humane flefh imitated the lives of
"Gods, find a ready way open for them, leading them to thofe
from whom they came and as fwans are (not without rea-
fon) facred to Apollo, because they feeme to have learnt di-
vination from him, whereby forefeeing the good that is in
« death they dye with fongs and delight, foought all good and
knowing perfons to doe: *Let every one therefore prepare
for this journey against the time that fate ſhall call him aways
«You Simmtas, Cebes and the reft here prefent shall goe at your
appointed hower, me fate now fummons (as the Tragedian
faith and perhaps it is time that I goe into the Bath, for I
think it beft to wash before I take the poifon, that I
"the women the labour of wafhing me when I am dead..
૯૬
σέ
ર
may fave
"When hee had made an end of ſpeaking, Crito asked him
"what directions he would leave concerning his Sonnes and
"other affaires, and if they could doe any thing that might bee
acceptable to him? I defire no more (faith he) then what I
have often told you, if you take care of your felves, whatfoe-
"ver you doe will be acceptable to me and mine, though you
« promiſe nothing, if you neglect your felves and vertue, you
"can doe nothing acceptable to us though you promiſe never
"ſo much; that answered Crito we ſhall obferve; but how will
"you be buried? as you think good faith he, if you can catch
« me, and that I give you not the flip, then with a ſmile apply-
"ing himselfe to us, I cannot perfwade Crito faith he, that I am
"any thing more then the carkaffe you will anon behold, and
"therefore he takes this care for my enterment it feems
< that what even now I told him that as foon as I have
"taken the poyſon I fhall go to the joyes of the bleffed, hath
"been to little purpoſe; He was my bail, bound to the Iudges
"for my appearance, you must now be my fureties to him that
"I am departed; let him not fay that Socrates is carried to the
grave, or laid underground, for know dear Cyitó fuch a
"miſtake were a wrong to my foul; be not dejected's tell the
"world my body onely is buried, and that after what manner
"thou pleaſeft. This faid, hee aroſe and retir'd into an inner
CC room, taking Crito with him, leaving us difcourfing upon
our own mifery, fhortly to be deprived like Orphans of fo
"dear a Father. After his bathing, came his wife and the other
"women of his Family with his Sons, two of them children,one
a youth; when he had taken order with theſe about his do-
meſtick affairs, hee difmift them and came out to
c
<εus.
rc It
SOCRATES.
45
t
-
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CC
}
"It was now Sun-fet (for he had ſtaid long within) when
the officer entred, and after a little paufe faid, I have not So.
crates obferv'd that carriage in you which I have found in o.
thers, but as I thought you the most generous, the mildeſt
*CC and beſt of all men that ever came into this place, ſo I now
fee you hate me, not for that whereof others are the caufe :
you know the meffage I bring, farewell bear what you cannot
remedy, with that he departed weeping, and fare thee well
"( faish Socrates ) I will: How civill is this man? I found him the
fame all the time of my imprifonment,hee would often vilit
"me, difcourfe with me, ufed me alwaiés curteoufly, and now
fee how kindly he weeps for me: but comé Crio, let us do as
"he bids us, if the poifon be ready let it be brought ins The Sun
"is yet fcarce fet anſwers Crito; others take it late after a plen-
"tifull fupper and full cups; make not fo much haft, there is
"time enough;he replies, they who do fo think they gain time,
" but what shall I gain by drinking it late, onely deceive my
"felf as covetous of life, and fparing of that which is no longer
"mine; pray let it be as I fay, Then Crito fent one of the atten-
dants, who immediately returned, and with him the man
that was to adminifter the poifon,bringing a cup in his hand,
to whom Socrates, prethee honeſt friend (for thou art well
"verft in theſe bulineffes what muft I do? nothing faid hee,
but as foon as you have drunk, walk till you find your leggs
"begin to fail? then lie down, and in fo faying, he gave him the
← Cups Socrates took it cheerfully, not changing either counte-
nance, or colour; and looking pleaſantly upon him, deman-
<ded whether he might fpill any of it in libation, who anſwe
red, he had made no more then would juft ferve; yet faith
"Socrates I may pray to God, and will that my paffage hence
may be happy, which I befeech him to grant, and in the ſame
inftant drank it off eafily without any diſturbance; many of
"us who till now had refrained from tears, when we faw him
put the cup to his mouth and drink off the poison, were not
"able to contain any longer which Socrates obferving,
friend (faith be) what mean you? for this reason I fent away the mo-
men left they fhould be fo unquiet I have heard we bould die with gre
"tulation and applauft, be quiet then and take it patiently; Thefe
"words made us with fhame fuppreffe our tears; when he had
"walked a while, perceiving his leggs to fail, he lay down on
"his back as the Executioner directed him; who looking on his
"feet pinched them hard, asking him if he felt it, he anſwered
"no;
nos he did the like to his leggs, and fhowing us how every
part fucceffively grew cold and ſtiffe, told us when that chil
neffe came at his heart he would die; not long after hee ſpake
"theſe his laft words, O Crito I owe Efculapius a Cock, pay it, neg-
વ
CC
ἐσ
Єc
CC
CC
6C
le&t
46
SOCRATES.
* Plut. de virt.
mer.
ટ
glect it not. It fhall be done, ſaid Crito; will you have any
thing elſe? He made no anſwer,lay ſtill a while, then ftretched
"himfelfe forth; with that the executioner uncovered him,
"his eyes were fet, Crito clofed them. This (faith Plato) was
"the end of the beſt, the wiſeſt, and moſt juſt of men: Aftory,
which Cicero profeffeth, he never read without tears.
#
Ariftotle faith, that a Magus comming from Syriato Athens,
not only reprehended Socrates for many things, but foretold
him alſo that he ſhould die a violent death. Laertius clofeth his
life with this Epigram,
HE
L
Drink Socrates with Jove, next whom enthron'd,
By Gods, and wiſdom's felfe as wifeft own'd.
Thee, the Athenians gave a pois nous draught,
But first the fame they from thy lips had quaft.
?
CHAP. XIIII.
What happened after his death.
1.
*
E was buried with tears and much folemnity (contrary
to his own direction) by his friends, amongst whom,
* the exceffive grief of Plato is obferved by Plutarch, and the
mourning habit of Ifocrates: As foon as they had performed
that laſt fervice, fearing the cruelty of the Tyrants, they ſtole
* Plut. vit, dec. out of the City, thegreater part to Megara to Euclid, where
they were kindly received, the reft to other parts.
Orat.
* Liban.
*
*Soon after, a Lacedemonian youth, who had never more
* Socrat. Epift. acquaintance with Socrates then what fame gave him, took a
journey to Athens,intending to become his difciple;being come
as far as the City-gates, & ready to enter,with joy to be fo neer
the end at which he aimed, inſtead of Socrates, he meets there
the newes of his death, whereat he was ſo troubled, that he
would not go within the City-gates, but enquiring the place
where he was buried, went thither, and breaks forth into a
paffionate diſcourſe, accompanyed with many tears, to the
encloſed dead body; when night was come, he fell afleep upon
the Sepulcher; the next morning, affectionately kiffing the
duft that lay upon it; and with much paffion taking leave of
the place, he returned to Megara.
Suidas tells a like ftory (for that there were more examples
then one in this kind, Libanius implies) of a Chian, named
Cyrfas, who comming to Athens to hear Socrates, went to his
Tomb,and ſlept there, to whom Socrates appeared in a dream
and difcourfed with him;with which only ſatisfaction he went
directly home again.
*Socrat. Epift. *By theſe accidents the Athenians were awakened into a
fenſe
SOCRATES.
47
{
ſenſe of their injuftice, confidering they were obnoxious to
the cenfure of the Lacedæmonians by extraordinary crimes'
whoſe children were fo affectionate to the Philofophers whom
they had murdered, as to take fuch long journeys to fee Socra-
tes, whom they would not keep when he was with them; here-
at they became fo exasperated, that they were ready to tear.
thoſe wicked men, that were the occafion of his death, peece-
meal with their teeth, the whole City cried out, they dif
claimed the act, and that the authors thereof ought to be
pur to death, Antifthenes furthered their rage by this means Laert. vit.
Some young men of Pontus invited to Athens by the fame of Socra- Antifth.
tes, met with Antifthenes, who carried them to Anytus, telling them,
he was much wiser then Socrates; whereupon those that were present,
with much indignation, turned Anytus out of the Cay: thence he
went to Heraclea, where fome fay the Citizens alfo expelled
*
+
*
•
him, others that they ftoned him to death: Mus was, by Themift.Orat.
the Athenians condemned,and put to death, others affirme Laert.
the like of all his accufers without tryall, Plutarch, that they Did Sic. 14.
fo much bared them, as they would not fuffer them to kindle fire at their Socratic. Epift.
houses, they would not answer them any qu ftion, they would not wash with one.
them, but threw away the mater they had touch'd, as impure, un ill ung
ble to brook this hatred, they hanged themselves.
In further teftimony of their penitence, they called home
his friends to their former liberty of meeting, they forbad
publick ſpectacles of games and wreſtling for a time, they
caufed his Statue, made in braffe by Lyfippus, to be fet up in
the Pompeum, and (a Plague enfuing, which they imputed to
the injuftice of this act ),they made an order, that no man
fhould mention Socrates publickly, or on the Theater, that fo
they might forget what they had done: Euripides (reſtrained
by this order from doing it directly) reproached them covertly
in a Tragedy, named Palamedes (in whom he alluded to Socra
tes) particularly in theſe verſes,
•
n.
A Philomele neer miſchiefe knew,
Is flain (alaffe) is flain by you.
1
J
1:
* De invid. &
* Taridir
αλγύν συν
Pandora. For
I
´¹y jurar ſeems to
have been fome
glolle to explain
andora. So
At which words, all the fpectators underſtanding they were
meant of Socrates, fell a weeping.
The death of this fole perfon (faith * Eunapius) brought a generall Callimach.
calamity upon the Citty; for it may easily be collected by computation fou on
of times, that from thence forward the Athenians did nothing confide- diders.
rable, but the Citty by degrees decayed, and with it all Greece.
Epigr." •♪
* In Ædes;'
Ccc
}
CHAP.
48
SOCRATES.
•
ร
* Plat. Phedr.
Theater.
* Schol. Ari-
Theater.
*Plat-Protagor.
* Plut. Phedr.
103.
*Xenoph. mem.
I.
* Plat. Sympos.
Ach
CHAP. XV.
Of his perſon and vertues.
*
瞥
​S to his perfon, he was very unhandfome, of a melan-
choly complexion, *bald, *a flat noſe, eyes fticking out,
floph. a fevere down-caft look, difficult in ſpeech, and *too concife,
Plat. Phadr. his language rough and careleffe, but more efficacious then all
the eloquence of Themistocles, Pericles, or any other; fo acute,
that he could maintain either fide in any queſtion, and there-
fore is reproached by Aristophanes, as having two languages,
whereof one was to defend wrong; fervent in difpute, often fo
tranſported, that he would beat himfelfe, and tear his beard,
to the derifion of the ſtanders by, which he took quietly:
Patient to be redargued; * fometimes he covered his face in
diſcourſe, that he might not be diverted by any object of fight:
* Sen. Epift. 1. * His conſtitution ftrong and hardy, which he preferved fuch,
by taking diligent care of his health; well bearing cold,
hunger, and upon occafions, exceffe of wine without diftur-
Laert. bance: *His habit the fame in winter as in fummer,having but
* Socrat.Epift. One garment a year; * no fhooes, his diet fparing. In fine, his
*
countenance promifed fo little, that Zopyrus a Phyfiognomiſt
*Plat. Phadr. who undertook to diſcover the difpofitions of men by their
quaft. 5. & de lookes, faid, he wasftupid, becaufe there were obſtructions
in his jugular parts; adding, he was given to women and ma-
ny
other vices; whereat Alcibiades and other friends of his
that were prefent, knowing him free from thofe imputations,
fell a laughing; but Socrates juftified his skill, anfwering, he
was by nature prone to thofe vices, but fuppreft his inclinati-
* Plat. conviv. Ons by reaſon, whence * Alcibiades ufed to fay, he refembled
*Schol. Ari- the image of Silenus (* as he did indeed in his countenance
ftoph. p.136. baldneffe, and flat-nofe) carved on the outfidé of little boxes
fitting, and playing on a Pipe, for as thoſe boxes within held
images of the Gods, fo was he adorned with chaltity's integri-
Adverty and all inward beauty, ravifhed as *Plutarch faith, with a
divine zeal to vertue, in all kinds whereof, Xenophon, Laertius,
and others, affert thefe inftances.
Liban.
* Cicer.Tufc.
fato.
* Xenoph.
*Pluge
colot. Lion
Apolog.
* Schol. Ari-
Roph.
'9
*He was fo wife that he never erredinjudging betwixt better and worſe,
nor thereto needed any orbers help: Yet he conftantly profeffed that
he only knew that he knew nothing; *for which reafon he was
by the Oracle of Apollo at Delphi, declared of all men the moſt
wife, in this manner to Charephon many witneffes being pre-
fent;
* wife Sophocles, mifer Euripides,
But wifeft of all men is Socrates.
Apollo
SOCRATES.
49
L
* Academ.
quafi. 1.
* Apollo (faith Cicero) conceiving the only wifdome of man-
kind to conſiſt in not thinking themfelves to know thoſe
things whereof they are ignorant. *This Oracle, though he Laert.
were nothing exalted with it himſelfe, procured him much
envy:
1.
* He was fo religious, that he never did any bing, without advifing Xen. membr.
firft with be Gods never was known to attempt or speak any impiety. 4. p. 818.
Hebare a reverence to the Gods,not human,but fuch as tran-Xen. mem. x.
fcended the greateſt fear: * Some fay it was out of his great.
reverence to the Divinity that he ufed to fwear by (* a Cock) Suid.
a Dog and a Plane-Tree (under which they uſed to fit) though ph.
it were interpreted Atheiſme.
* Plat. Philib.
*
* Schol.Ari-
* He was conftant,
conftant, and a lover of the publick good, as appears in his⋆ Laert.
acquitting the ten Captains, in his denying the thirty Tyrants to fetch
Leon in, his refusing to escape out of Prijon, andre proving fuch as
grieved for his death. Xantippe uſed to fay, that when the State
was oppreft with a thoufand miferies, he alwaies went abroadian. 9.
Cic. Tufc.quaft.
and came home with the fame look, (*never more cheerfull, 3. offic. 1.
or more troubled) for he bore a mind fmooth and cheerful Plin. 7. 19.
upon all occafions, far remote from grief, and above all fear :
In his declining age, falling fick, he was asked by one that
came to viſit him, how he did? Very well( faith he ) either
ways if I live, Thall have more æmulation, if I dy, more praife.
I
*
* Plut.
* He mas fo temperate, that he never preferred that which is pleafant Xenoph. mem.
before that which is wholfome. He never did eat more then appe-4.p. 81. 8.
tite which was his fauce) made delightfull; all drink was
pleafing to him, becaufe he never drank but when he was
thirty, and then with fuch temperate caution, that he
powred out the first draught of water upon the ground, and
if he were at any time invited to a feaft, he, which to others
is very difficult, with much eafe took care not to eate more
then confifted with his health, whereof he was very carefull, Xea. mem.x.
becauſe the exerciſes of the foule depend thereon; and in or- p.712.
der thereto, ufed to walk conftantly before meals; whereupon
being asked by one that obferved it, what he did? I get broth,
faith he, for my fupper. To this temperance it is imputed,
though Athens were often in his time vifited with the peftilence,
healone eſcaped it. /
*
* Alian. 13.
* Liban.
* Laert.
*He was fo fragall, that how little fo ever he had, it was alwaiese-ª Xenopb. me-
naugh, wanting the means to live fplendidly, he fought not mor.p.11.
anxioully how to acquire more, but how to accomodate his
manner of life to that which he had, *wherewith he was fo
contented, that he affirmed himfelfe to come neereft the Gods,
becauſe he wanted leaft. Seeing the great variety of things
expofed to fale, he would fay to himfelfe, how many things
there are that I need not; and often had in his mouth thefe
verfes,
Purple
·
SOCRATES:
50
Ælian. 9.
* Laert.
* Laert.
* Sence. de
benefic.5. 6.
* Antonin. vit.
lib. 11.
Elian. 9
» Laert.
* Stob. 71.
*Laert.
*lut. de educ,
liber.
!...
}
Purple, which Gold and Gem's adorn,
Is by Tragedians to be worn.
?
J
Alcibiades ambitiouſly munificent, fent him many great pre-
ſents; Xantippe admiring their value, defired him to accept
them: We (anſwered Socrates) will conteft in liberality with
Alcibiades, not accepting, by a kind of munificence what he
hath fent us.
*To the fame, who offered him a large plot of ground to
build a houſe upon : And ifI wanted fhoes, (faith he) would
you give me leather to make them? but deferve I not to be de-
rided if I accepted it?
*He flighted Archelaus, King of Macedonia, and Scopas, fon of
Cranonias, and Eurilocus, ſon of Larifeus, not accepting their
money, nor going to them. Archelons fending to him to
defire his company; He ſaid, he would not go to one, from
whom he ſhould receive benefits, which he could not equall
with returne. *To Perdicas, who demanded why he would not
come to him, he anſwered, left I die the moſt ignoble death ;
that is, left I receive a benefit I cannot requite.
Coming home late one night from a feaft, fome wild young
men knowing of his return, lay in wait for him, attired like
furies, with vizards and torches, whereby they uſed to affright
fuch as they met: Sorrates, affoon as he faw them, nothing trou-
bled, made a ſtand, and fell to queſtion them, according to
his ufuall manner, as if he had been in the Lyceum, or Academy.
He defpifed thofe that cavilled at him. *Being told, that ſuch a
one had reviled him behind his back: Let him beat me, faith
he, whilſt I am not by; and that another ſpoke ill of him: He
hath not yet learnt, faith he, to ſpeak well.
*
* Being kicked by an infolent young fellow, and feeing thofe
that were with him much incenſed, ready to purſue him; he
faid, what if an Affe kick me, would you have me kick again,
or fue him? but the fellow eſcaped not unpuniſhed, for every
one reproached him for this infolence, and called him the re-
viler, fo that at laft, for vexation, he hanged himſelfe.
Seneca de ira.3、Another ſtriking him a box on the ear, he ſaid no more
but that it was hard a man knew not when to go abroad with
a helmet.
D. Bafil.
Plut. de ira
cohib
Another fell upon him with much violence, which he en-
dured without the leaſt diſturbance, ſuffering him to ‘vent
his anger, which he did fo long,till he made his face all ſwelled
and bruifed.
?
Whenfoever he perceived himselfe to grow incenfed with
any of his friends,
{
•
t
T
Be-
>
SOCRATES.
51
*
.y?
Before the storm aroſe,
He to a harbour goes.
A
!
He uſed to moderate his voice, to look fmilingly and mode-
rately upon them, referving himſelfe untainted with paffion,
by recourfe to the contrary.
i
* He taught not fuch as converfed with him to be covetous, for he * Xenoph. me-
took no mony of his Schellars, thevein expreffing his own liberality.
*
*
mor. pag, 712.
* Hunger or want could never force him to flatter any. Yet was he* Laert.
very compleafant and facete in company: as he one day openly
at dinner reproved one of his friends fomething harshly, Plato
faid to him, had not this been better told in private? Socrates
immediately anſwered, and had not you done better,if you
had told me fo in private. Being demanded what country- » Plut, de
man he was? He answered, neither of Athens, nor Greece, exful.
but of the World. Sometimes he would feaſt in a fine Robe,
as Plato defcribes him, and when the time allowed, learned to
fing, faying, it was no fhame to learn any thing which one
knew not: Healfo danced every day, conceiving that exercife
healthfull; *nor was he afhamed to play with little children.
* He was fo juft, that he never in the leaft wronged any man, but on tranquil!.
the contrary, benefited all fuch as converſed with him, as much as he * Xenopb. me-
could.
-
* Senec, de
mor. 4. p. 818.
* His continence was invincible: He defpifed the beauty of Al-* Quintil.8. 4.
cibiades, derided Theodota and Calliste, two eminent Ćurtefans
of that time.
* He took great delight in the converfation of good mens to fuch he * Xen. memor.
communicated whaifoever he knew with them he ftudied the writings of 1. p. 731.
the antient wifemen, felecting what was good out of them (which con-
firmes what was faid before in the life of Solon, that morall
Philofophy was commenc'd by the Sophoi) and esteemed this mu-
tuall friendship which he contracted with them above all treasure.
*Towards this his outward endeavour was fo affected and Xenoph: mes
defired by them, as much as he affected and defired them.
H
CHAP. XVI.
His Wives and Children.
E had two wives, the first Xantippe, a Citizens daughter
of Athens, as Theodoret affirmes, who addes, that ſhe was
difhoneft before he married her, even with himſelfe, befides
others: Athenæus alfo faith, that after he was married, he lent
her to a friend, and that Alcibiades lay with her: But Ariftoxe-
nus and Porphyrius, from whom theſe afperfions are derived,
have been noted of too much malignity, to be of any autho-
rity.
Ddd
She
*
mor.2.p.752.
52
SOCRATES.
* 1. 17.
*
Laert.
* Laert.
* Laert.
* Lib. 2. 26.
cabib.
*
She was (according to the Character Agellius gives her)
curft, froward, chiding, and fcolding afwaies both day
and night, *and for that reafon he chofe her, as he profeft
to Antifthenes, from obferving, that they who would be excel-
Tent in horſe-manſhip, chofe the rougheft horſes, knowing; if
they are able to manage them, they may eafily rule others
He, defirous to uſe much converfation with men, took her to
wife; knowing, if he could bear with her, he might eafily con-
verfe with all men. To Alcibiades, who faid, her fcolding was
intollerable, he profeft it was nothing to him, being ufed to
it, like fuch as live in the continuall noife of a mill Befides,
faith he, cannot you endure the cackling of hens, but they,
anſwered Alcibiades, bring me Eggs and chickens, and my Pant
tippe, replies Socrates, children.
U
*
<
Of her impatience, and his fufferance, there are feverall in
ftances; one day before fome of his friends, The fell into the
ufuall extravagance of her paffion, whereupon he not anſwe-
ring any thing, went forth with them, but was no fooner out
of the doore, when the running up into the chamber, threw
down water upon his head, whereat turning to his friends,
did I not tell you,faith he,that after fo much thunder we ſhould
have rain.
) 1..3
$
Another time the pulled his Cloak off from his ſhoulders in
the open Forum; fome friends prefent counfelled him to beat
her: Yes, faith he, that whilft we two fight; you may all ſtand
by, and cry, Well done Socrates, to him Xantippe.
*
To ſome other ſtory in the fame kind, Antoninas alludes in
thefe words; how Socrates looked when he was fain to gira himselfe
with askin, Xantippe having taken his cloths away, and carried them
forth with her, and what he faid to his friends, who out of a modest re-
ſpectfulneſſe, went back, ſeeing him fo attiréd.
(*
Having brought Euthydemus from the Palæftræ to dine with
Flut. de ira him, Xantippe running to the table, angry, and fcolding, over-
turned its Euthydemus much troubled, rofe up, and would have
gone away, when Socrates did not: a Hen, faith he, the other
day did the very fame thing at your houfe, yet I was not angry
Elian var.
thereat.
ii.
Alcibiades having fent him a curious march-pane, Xantippe,
hift. 11. 12. furiouſly (as her manner was ) threw it out of the basket, and
trode upon it; whereat Socrates laughing, and ſhall not you ( faith
he) lose your bare in it.
Elian. 7. 10.
EF
Another time the offered to go to a publick fhow attired
Laert. 3.b undécentlys take heed, faith he, you be not rather the fpectacle
then the fpectatour.
Stob.
Stob. 183.
With reafon therefore he ſaid, I had three evills, Grammer,
Poefy, and an ill wifes two I have fhaken off, but my ill wife
I cannot.
1.
His
SOCRATES,
5130
His other wife was named Myrto *Niece to Lyfimarkus daughter * Theodores.
ild, not the juftas Laertius, and from himnes affum
but another of that name,the 3d,from him as is obſerved by at
the nuas, for the two daughters of Ariftides the juft, could not
but Be of great age before the 771 Olympiad, wherein Saccates
was born,long before, which time Ariftides died an old man in
Exile; for that Themistocles died the fecond year of the 77. O-
lympiad is certain..ands Amibus Probus affirms, Aristides
dyed four years before Themistocles was baniſhed Athens, here-
upon Plutarch more cautiofly calls hatte daughter, but
Niece of Ariftides.
*Some becaure Xantipps is manifeft from Plaid out ved
Him, believe he was firſt married to Mywo, but that he had both
thefe wives at the fame time, which is attefted by Demet Hes
Phal reus, Aristoxenas (to whom Atheneus faith, that Anistorle
gave the ground Callifthenes and Porphyrius: whence Aristipies
in his Epiftle to his daughter Myrto, advileth her to go to *Socratic. Epift
Athens, and'above all to honour Fantype and Myroy and to live
with them as he with Socrates..
*
The occaſion whereupon the Athenians,who from the tinfe of
Cecrops had ftrictly obſerved fingle marriage, allowed bigamy
in the time of Socrates was this; In the fecond year of the O
lympiad, and the third of the 88. Athens was vifited extréáthly
with the peftilence, which attended by war and famine, ocea
froned fo great a fcarcity of men, that they made an edi it
might be lawfull for any that would to take two wives, Eùripià
a s made uſe of this indulgence, and that Socrates alfo did fo, is
atteſted by Satyrus the peripatetick, and Hieronymus the Rho-
dian, who recorded the order; to which Athenaus imputes the
filence of the Comick Poets in this particular, who omitted no
grounds of reproach. Plutarch implies, that he took her out of
charity, for fhe was a widdow (*without any portion or dow* Laeri.
er) extreamly in want.
T
•
*Forphyrius reports, that when theſe two ( Xantippe and Myṛ- * Theodoret.
to quarrell'd, they would at laft fall both upon Socrates, and
beat him, becauſe he ftood by and never parted them, but
laughed as well when they fought with him,as with one ano-
ther.
By Xantippe hee had a fon named Lamprocles, who could not
brook her impatience fo well as his Father, and being vext by
her into diſobedience, was reclaimed by Socrates; Hee died
young,as may be gathered from Plutarch, who faith, Timarchus
of Charonea dying very young, defired earneſtly of Socrates that
he might be buried near his fon Lamprocles, who died but few
daies before, being his dear friend, and of the fame age. It ap
pears from Plato,that he had more fons by her, for in his Apolo-
gy he mentions three, two grown men, the other a child,
which
54
SOCRATES:
* De Oratore.
lib.3.
which feems to be the fame, brought by Xantippe to him in pri-
fon the day of his death, and as Plato defcribes it, held in her
lap.
By Myrto he had two fons, the eldeſt Sophronifcus, the young-
eſt Menedemus or Menexenus,though fome fay he had Menede-
mus by Xantippe.
W
CHAP. XVII.
His Scholers and Auditors.
*
7
Heras (faith Cicero)many (pringing from Socrates by reafon
that out of his feverall various difputes diffufed every where, one
laid hold of one thing, another of another; there were fome, as it were, fo
many feverall Families differing amongst themselves,much difjoyned and
difagreeing; yet all thefe Philofophers would be called, and conceived
themſelves to be Socraticks: of thefe were
Plato, from whom came Ariftotle and Xenocrates, the first taking
the name of Peripatetick, the other of Academick.
Antifthenes, who chiefly affected the patience and hardineffein So-
crates his difcourfe, from whom came firft the Cynicks, then the
Stoicks.
Ariftippus, who was more delighted with his more voluptuous difpu-
tations, from him sprung the Cyrenaick Philofophy.
Others there were who likewife called themfelves Socraticks, but their
fects by the strength and arguments of the former are broken and quite
extina: fuch were.
Phædo an Elean, who inftituted a particular fchool, from him called
Eliack, which afterwards was called Eretriack, from Menedemus
who taught at Eretria,from him Pyrrho,thence the Pyrrhonians.
Euclid of Megara, inftitutor of the Megarick school fo named from
him, from Clinomachus his Difciple called the Dialectick, ending in
Zeno the Cittiean, who introduced the Stoick.
The Heriflians are named alfo as a Scot that would be called Socra-
tick. To theſe recited by Cicero,Suidas addes.
Bryfo of Heraclea, who together with Euclid invented difpu-
tative logick.
Theodorus firnamed the Atheiſt, who invented a peculi-
ar fect called Theodorean, the opinion which hee taught was
*Stageia indifference.
Other Diſciples of Socrates there were,who followed his Phi-
lofophy, not appropriating out of it any particular fect, and
therefore moſt properly deſerve the title of Socraticks, fuch
are Crito, Charephon, Xenophon, Efchines, Simmias, Cebes, Glauco
and Terpfion.
e
The laſt kind of his auditours were thoſe who made no pro-
feffion of Philoſophy, of whom were
Critias
SOCRATES.
55
Critias and Alcibiades who afterwards proved the moſt
ambitious ſpirits of the Athenians, but it was diſcovered in nei-
ther whilſt they convers'd with Socrates, either that their youth
was not capable of expreffing that vice, or that they cunning-
ly complied (as Xenophon conjectures) with Socrates, in hopes
of being by his converfation enabled to manage their forward
defignes, which as foon as they attempted they left off their
friendſhip with Socrates, Critias fell from him and converted his
affection into hate, becauſe he reproved his love to Euthydemus3
Alcibiades naturally diffolute, was reclaim'd by Socrates and
continued fuch whilft he converſed with him; He was of form
fo exquifite as gave occafion to ſome to caluminate the friend-
fhip betwixt him and Socrates, to which effect Aristoxenus is
cited by Laeritus and Athenæus,and fome verfesof Afpafia by the
latter; his vindication we refer to Plato and Xenophon.
Of Socrates his inftructions to Alciliades there are thefe
inftances.
Plat. conviv.
* He told him that he was nothing of what a man ought to * Cicer. Tuſe.
be; that he had no advantage by the greatneffe of his birth a- quest.
bove an ordinary Porter, whereat Alcibiades much troubled Plutarch.
with tears, befought him to inſtruct him in virtue, and to re-
form his vices.
*Perceiving Alcibiades to be exceeding proud of his riches *lian. 3.18.
and lands; he fhowed him a Map of the world, and bad him
find Attica therein; which done, he defired that he would ſhow
him his own lands; he anſwered, they were not there. Do you
boft replies Socrates of that which you fee is no (confiderable)
part of the Earth?
* Alcibiades being by reafon of his youth baſhfull and fear-* Ælian. 2.1.
full to make an Oration to the people, Socrates thus encouraged
him, do you not eſteem (faith he) that ſhoomaker (naming
him) an inconfiderable fellow? Alcibiades affenting, and fo
likewife (continues he) that crier and that tent-maker? Alci-
biades granting this, doth not faith he, the Athenian Common-
wealth confift of theſe? if you contemn them ſingle, fear them
not in affembly. To theſe adde
* Macrob. Sa-
*The four fons of Grito the Philofopher; The eldeſt Critobu- * Laert. vit.
lus* exceeding handſom and rich, but by Socrates (who valued Crit.
his own eſtate at five minx) * demonſtrated to be poorer then turn.7.3.
himſelf.
The ſecond Hermogenes, whom falling into poverty, Socra- * Xenoph. mem.
tes perfwaded Diodorus his friend to entertain.
*
* Xenoph. mem.
The third Epigenes, * a young man of an infirm body whom * Xenoph.mem.
Socrates adviſed to ſtudy his own health, as that wherein con- 4.p. 785.
fifted the well-being and knowledge of his mind.
The youngeſt Crefippus.
Eee
Of
55
SOCRATES.
T
་
Te paris Of Poets, Euripides (as the writer of his life affirmes) and
ἐν τοῖς ρητορι Εuenus:
Kõis, Σoixpa
τος δὲ ἐν τοῖς ηθικοῖς καὶ φιλοσοφικούς.
*as dvays Of Oratous Lyfias, eminent in that kind * eafie to be under-
νωσκόμενον
lux ſtood, hard to be imitated; hee came to Athens in the fecond
(read uxor, year of the 82. Olympiad. Lyfis, whom of refractory he made
20 which effect pliant, and Ifocrates, of whom when very young Socrates prefa-
gee
ged great things. In the number of his Scholars and Auditors
Tov de èves were alfo
also Plutarch)
OxeDas Ĉ now
Teneguérois. Dion. Halicarn. in Critic.
* Plat. Apol.
*
774.
Laert.
* Adimantus and * Glauco fons to Arifto, brothers to Plato :
Xenop. mem. and Charmides fon of Glauco. Glauco before hee was 20.
3. p. 772. OP.
years old had taken upon him to be an Oratour, and aimed at
fome great office in the Common-wealth, not to be wrought
off from this fancy which made him every where appear ridi-
culous, untill adreft by fome friends to Socrates, who made him
acknowledge his own errour & ignorance of that which he had
undertaken. On the contrary his fon Glauco of excellent parts,
fit for any office in the Common-wealth, yet timeroufly fhun-
ning all publick affairs, was by Socrates induced to undertake
the Magiftracy.
* Plat. Apol.
* Plat.ibid.
* Xenoph.mem.
2.p.743.
* Plat. Apol.
* Plat. Apol.
a
* Nicoftraftus fon of Theodotides and his brother Theodotus.
* Eantodorus, and his brother Apollodoras.
Lyfanias, Father of Afchines.
}
* Charecrates, brother to Charephon,betwixt whom there was
great quarrel,but reconciled by Socrates.
*Paralus, fon of Demodocus whofe brother was Theages.
*Antipho a Cephifiean, Father of Epigenes: with whom hee
difcourfes of ſelf-ſufficience, teaching gratis, and of veracity in
* Memor. 1.p.* Xenophon.
729.731,732.
P. 725.
Eumares a Phliafian, and Xenomedes, an Athenian.
Befides theſe, there are with whom Socrates difcourfed and
inſtructed.
Xen. mem. I. * Ariftodemus firnamed the little, who would not facrifice,
pray,or uſe divination, but derided all fuch as did, was by So-
crates convinc'd.
Xen. mem. 2.
Xen. mem. 2.
Xen. mem. 2.
Xen. mem. 4.
* Ariftarchus troubled that he had a charge of kindred lying
upon him, by Socrates converted to a willing liberality towards
them.
}
Eutherus, who returning from travell, his lands taken away,
his Father having left him nothing, chofe rather to follow a
trade then to apply himſelf to friends; but diverted by Socrates.
Diodorus, whom Socrates perfwaded to take Hermogenes,
Euthydemus, who had collected many fentences of Poets and
Sophifts, thought he excelled all his equalls, and hoped no leffe
of
SOORATES.
57
of his fuperiours, was by Socrates conſtrained to acknowledge
his own errour and ignorance, and departed much troubled.
Hippias an Elean, with whom Socrates difcourſed of Xen. mem: 4.
Juſtice.
Nicomedes; Pericles and rates, with whom he difcourfed * Xenoph.
concerning the office of a General. Into the lift he infufed* Laert.
courage by ſhowing him the Cocks of Midas * bruſtling againſt eft quod gallinas
* WegÚNENDOU
Indicas facere
thofe of Callias.
* Theatetus difputing of knowledge, he diſmiſt, infpired
were with divine wiſdom.
• olles
as
it
videmus ali-
Euthyphron who intended to accufe his own Father,
diffwaded.
::::With Parrhäfius a paintên, Clito a Statuary, and Pistias an ar-
mourer; hee diſputes, inenophon concerning their feverall * mem,3.
-
hee
+
dsinszar, 1.
*
quando tumentes
& caudam
Pandentes.
* Plat.
Plat. Laert.
Laert.
arts.
› )..
•
11
f
{
CHAP.XVII.
>
Iginnin
ટ
His writings.play ulatorina
り​!
Hey who affirm that Socrates writ nothing (as Cicero, Plu
tarch,Dion Chryfoftom, Aristides, Origen, and others) mean
inreſpect to his Philofophy,in which kind he never wrote any
thing himſelf, but what he difcourfed was committed to wri-
ting by Xenophon, Plato and others of his Scholers. Hence the
works of Plato (particularly Phado,) went under the name of
Socrates, and are fo cited by Ariftotle; But that fome things were
written by Socrates himſelf, is evident from thoſe who
affirm.
*
*He writ together with Euripides, and aided him in making Leert.
Tragedies, whence Mnefilochus.
The Phrygians is Euripides new play.
But Socrates gave it the best aray.
And again, Euripides is fteer'd by Socrates and Callias.
ht
1
Now thou with pride and felf-conceit ore'flowest,
But all the caufe to Socrates thou oweft.
Hither refer wee that of *Cicero, who faith, when Euripides Tufc.queß.4.
made his play Oreftes, Socrates revoked the three firſt verſes. He
writ alſo
Some Fables of Efop in verfe, not very elegant, mentioned by
Plato, Plutarch, and Laertius, beginning thus:
To
58
SOCRATES.
3
}
* Leert. vit. '
Xenoph.
Laert. vit.
Aschin.
1
To those who dwelt in Corinth, Efopfaid
Vertue with vulgar wisdome be not weigh'd..
A Paan or hymne in honour of Apollo and Diana: One that went
under his name beginning thus.
Dalian Apollo, and thou fair
Diana, bail; immortall pair,
·
is by Dionyfidorus denyed to be his: This is mentioned alfo by
Plato, to which ſome adde
* The Encomium of Gryllus, fon of Xenophon, flain in the Man-
tinean fight, which the difagreement of times will not allow ;
mor certain it is he framed
* Dialogues, which he gave to Æfchines, ſeeing him in want,
that he might get mony by them; to theſe adde
Epiftles, fome whereof are publiſhed by Leo Allatius; that he
write more is implyed by Arrian and Athenæus
L
}
1
0.
*br.
bar 7.
Socrates
1
SOCRATES.
Socrates his Epiftles.
+
$
Epift. I.
*
د
59
ἀεὶ
TE,
You feem unacquainted with my refolutions, els you would
not have ſent the fecond time, and enlarged your offers;
but you believe Socrates, as well as the Sophifts, mercenary of
his counfell, *and that what I write before was not reall, but * Allatius
only to draw greater vertues from you: therefore now you pro- otherwiſe:
mife wonders, in confidence to oblige meby your many pre-
fents to quit my intereſt and commerce with the Athenians
and to come over with you: I think it moſt unbeféeming a
Philofopher to fell his advice, and extreamly contrary to my
practifes for ever fince by Gods command I firft entered into
Philofophy, I was never known to take any thing, but keep
my exercifes in publick, for every one to hear that will; I más ör,
neither lock the door when Fteach, as is reported of Pythagoras, uit. In this
nor go abroad to the multitude and exact money of the hearers, Jenge the words
are paffable So
as fome heretofore have done, and fome in our times yet do 3 is not the inter-
I have enough from within my felfe, fhould I accept of more pretation of
from others, I know not where to depofite it, nor whom to omnibus audi-
truft better then the givers themſelves, whoſe faith, if I endi etiam fi
ſuſpect, I ſhall be thought improvident to confide in, if honeft, nolint poteftate
I can receive from them, though I lay up nothing with them; conceive the
for they that would be faithfull keepers of mony, will not be words of Socra
unfaithfull prefervers of their own gratitude & they wil never
go about to defraud me of what they would have given, but
receiving that of me gratis, for which others take mony, they..
will * confider me when I want. In a word, iffriends, they Allatius ·
will, like you, impart of their own to us, if not friends, they
will feek to deprive us of what is ours.
*
*
Allatius, aque
tes were no
otherwise.
* This inter-
μ.
* For aisumu!,
reading ὡς
Befides, I have not leafure to hoard up mony, but wonder es v.
at them that ſay, they get riches for theirown fake, and
have a high opinion of themſelves for their means, who ne- pretation feemes
glect learning to addict themſelves to gain, and fo become ad- to be confirmed
mired for their riches, derided for their ignorance, eſteemed
by the particle
vai, before au
for all things except themſelves. But if we fo much abhorreres
to have recourſe to friends, * to depend on others to eat their traies
bread, how comes it that we are not afhamed to fuffer the fame reading
from mony? do we not know that theſe men are reſpected only *pi*.
for their wealth, and if fortune turne, they live in all difre-
ſpect? they are not fully contented when they are in eſteem
becauſe it is not for their own fakes, but in difeſteem are much
Fff
more
*
*
Allatius.
60
SOGRATES?
more difcontented, being themſelves the cauſe of their own
diſhonour.
*
Firſt, therefore you were miſtaken, if you did imagine Socra-
tes would do that for mony which he would not without, not
knowing that many occafions, but chiefly the neceffities of my
country detain me: wonder not that I fay I diſcharge my coun-
tries buſineſſe, being not imployed either in Army or Court,
every one ought to apply himſelfe to that which he is capable
of things above his reach he must leave to others, and per
form thofe that are within his compaffe: and in fuch Cities as
Tia T - this, not only counfellors or commanders for fea or land are
Surs requifite, but fome likewiſe, that may * admoniſh others in
Oches their offices; for it is nothing range, that they fall as it were,
which we may afleep, under the weight of their charge, and need a goad to
have fome light waken them: Over thefe God hath placed me, for which I be
Tea come, and not without cauſe, odious to them.
*d
GUY STEPON
έχουν τω ἀ
Sing-
μίν
iTiear; by
to finde perhaps
the true
ding, αλλά τα
rea-
-Koi rlu áirí-
67.
But he, in whom I moft confide, will not fuffer me tego,
he
urar-knowes better then my felfe what is good for me; when I re-
folved to come to thee, he with-held me, and when thou
Allarius fenteft the ſecond time, forbid me, I dare not diſobey him;
otherwife.
* Perhaps
Pindar taught this wifdome, faying, when God points out the be-
Davrasov. ginning of any work, it is the direct way to obtain vertue, the end glo-
θαυμαζον.
rious: The verfes are much to this purpoſe. Other Poets have
faid as much of the Gods, that what is undertaken with their
advice, fucceeds well, but what without God, is unprofitable
to the undertakers. The wifeft Cities of Greece confult the
Oracle of Delphi,, and as many as follow it have good fucceffe,
who do not moſt commonly receive prejudice.
+
Yet I not wonder, if you give no faith to what I deliver of
the Dæmon, for I have met with not a few alike incredulous;
moſt of thoſe that were in the Delian fight did not believe me;
I was then in armes, and fallied forth the City with the peo-
ple to skirmiſh, many of us were difperfed in flight, and as we
came to a certain way, the accustomed fign came upon me;
ſtopt, and faid, in my opinion, friends, we ſhould not go this
way, for I heard the Dæmons voice: the greater part were
angry, as if I had trifled at a time ſo ſerious; ſome few were
perfwaded to go along with me another way, and got ſafe
home; one that came from the others brought word they were
all flain, fome horſemen returning from the purfuit, had
fallen upon them, whom they at firft refifted, but being at
laft encloſed by them, who were more in number, they gave
back, and were in the end oppreffed and killed; he that
brought this newes was dangerously wounded, and efcaped
only by help of his fhield. I have alfo by inftructions from
God, foretold many events to particular perſons.
You offer part of your Kingdome, and invite me to it, not
A
as
SOCRATES.
61
asto a changed government, but to rule both your fubjects
and your felfe: but I confeffe, I have not learned to command,
and would no more undertake to rule, not knowing how then
to play at dice, having never been taught: And doubtleſſe
if other men were of the fame mind, there would be fewer
troubles in life; whereas now the confidence of fuch as are ig-
norant, undertaking things they do not underſtand, occafions
theſe many diſturbances: Hence is it, they make fortune greater
then the is, and by their own folly, increaſe her power. Beſides,
I am not ignorant, that a King ought to be more honoured
and admired then a private perfon, and as I would not un-
dertake to be a horfeman having no skill in Horſemanſhip,
but had much rather be a footman, though the charge be leffe
honourable: the fame is my opinion as touching Kings and
private perfons, nor puffed up by ambition will I defire more
glorious afflictions: they who invented the fable of Bellerophon
feemed to imply fomething to this purpofe, for he was oppreft
with misfortunes, not becauſe he fought to riſe higher in place,
but for aiming at things above him, and being thrown down
from his hopes, led the weft of his life poorly and ignominiouſ-
lys driven by mocks out of Cities into the Wilderneffe, and
fhunning path waies, not what we commonly call fo, but the
freedome wherewith every one orders his life. But let this be
taken how the Poets pleafe, my refolution you now hear a-duve Jox
gain, that Twill not change this place for that, conceiving this Others, dis.
fittelt for me: nor is God willing I fhould, who hath been ever
untill now, my counfellor and guide.
Epist. II.
*
Ou are not ignorant how great efteem we have of Chare-
場
​phon, who being chofen Ambaſſadour by the City to the
Peloponnefians, will perhaps come to yous a Philofopher is en-
tertained with ſmall trouble, but the journey is dangerous,
eſpecially, becauſe of the tumults that are there at this time
from which, if thou protect him,thou wilt preferve our friend,
and infinitely engage us.
Epift. III.
5
Neſo of Amphipolis was commended to me at Potidea, he is
now coming to Athens, being thrown out his houſe by
the people; for at prefent, affairs are much embroiled and
clouded there, but I believe within a little while they will cleer
up. In affifting you will oblige a deferving perfon, and benefit
both the Gities; Amphipolis, left by rebelling it incurre irreme
diable danger: Ours, left we, be involved in their troubles
as
}
των δοκών.
Pernaps dué-
VOVERVAL SCHET.
Οι έμμεσες
Joxar.
62
SOCRATES.
For Ningrare
· Sraßa-
'Ariar.
as at this prefent we are reduced almoſt to extremity for
Potidæa.
M
Epift. IIII.
Eeting with Critobulus, I perfwaded him to ftudy Philo-
ſophy, but I think he is of another mind, and more ad-
dicted to affairs of State, in which he intends to make choice
of the fittest method, and beſt inftructor for the moſt excellent
fojourne now in Athens, and with many of them we are inti-
mate. Thus much concerning him; as for us, Xantippe and the
children are well, and I continue to do, as when you were
with me.
Epist. V.
J
Readers Ehear you are at Thebes, and * Proxenus gone into Afia,
W
to take part with Cyruss whether your defignes will
Mir Thoi profper God knowes, they are here condemned by many,
for
As it is conceived unfit the Athenians ſhould affift Cyrus, through
whoſe means they were deprived of command by the Lacedæ-
monians, and fight for him, who fought againſt them. It is not
therefore ſtrange if the ftate being altered, fome be ready of
themſelves to accufe you of temporifing, and the better your
fucceffe is, the greater will be their calumnies; for I am well
acquainted with the difpofitions of fome of them: But fince
we have undertaken this, let us prove our felves honeft men,
and call to mind what we uſe to fay of vertue, accounting this
one of the beſt ſentences of the Poet Our Fathers houfe muſt
not be difcredited. Know therefore, that to war, theſe two
are requifite, Courage and Bounty, for this, we are loved of
our friends, for that, feared of our enemies, ofboth, thou haft
domeſtick precedents,
* Perhaps
Lykas.
•
Epift. VI.
1
に
​Have taken fuch care of your ſtrangers as you defired,& re-
taïned one to plead their caufe before the people, a friend
of ours, who profeft himfelfe the readier to undertake it, out of
his defire to ſerve thee.
As for that which you write in jeft concerning wealth, and
fuch as are ficitous for it, perhaps it is not unreaſonable..
Firſt, becauſe whilft others ftudy to berich, I choofe to live:
meanly. Then though I might receive many gifts and legacies
from living and dead friends; yet I freely diſclaim them, and
for a man thus enclined to be by others judged mad,is nothing
ſtrange: But we muft examine not this onely, but the reft of
肆
​our
I
ASOCRATES.
63
1
* For σωμάτων
• read gnuómar
our lifes and fince we difagree in theufe, no wonder that wee
differ in the acquifition of Riches, my diet is very ſparing
my habit the fame in winter as in fummer: Inever wear fhoes,
I am not taken with Popular applaufe, but with the ſtudy of
wiſdom and integrity. Butthey who are intemperate, Luxu-
rious in meat, not every year, but every day putting on new
apparell are tranfported with unlawfull delights, and as they
who lofe their naturall complexion have recourſe to paint.
So thefe lofing the true glory of virtue which every one ought
to have, flie to that which depends upon complaifance with o-
thers, courting vulgar applaufe with Largeffes and feafts.
Hence I fuppofe it comes, that they need much wealth; They
them felves cannot live upon a little, nor will others admit
them into their faciety, unleffe they receive a falary for com-
mending them.
+
·
•
But my life is well as to both thefe, I will not deny but in
fome things I may fail, I know that wifeft men prefer thofe,
moft men theſes Reflecting fomtimes within my felfe upon
God I find that he exceeds us, in that he hath need of
nothing it is the property of a moft excellent nature not to
want any thing, and to comprehend within himſelf all that he
enjoyes. Thus is he wiſer then others, who imitates the moſt,
wife and happier, who reſembles the moſt happy. If riches* Read and•
could do this, riches were to be preferr'd;but fince vertue only la
can obtain it, it were folly to forfake the reall good to purſue
the feeming. Hence I cannot eafily be perfwaded but that my
Condition is better then the rs. L
*
XEIV, Loc.
H
{u «
ye
θρωπινών a-
de
་
we
Y OYTUS
Jadav wegs-
απερερήται
TOY
dc.cer-
Asfor children,who as you lay ought to be provided for,themes of e-
* Perhaps
care that I take for them all men máy fee, I know but one now
ground of hapineffe, wiſdom. The fool who repofeth his trufts UN-
in gold, poffeffeth not that which he bath, and is withall ſo yadav -
much more miferable then others, in that they who areoppreft SERŃTO
with poverty may grow wife hereafter. But he out of an opi- cis U
racis
nion of his own happineffe:,' neglecting true gain corrupted
εἷς ἐτύχει ήδη
with plenty. Befides that he never yet obtained,mans effenti- apzvav -
allgood is depriv'd of hopethereof for the future.. Nor is it
poffible that fuch a man can go on fecurely to virtue, who is
entangled in the flatteries of thofe who are Mafters in all in-
firiating Arts, and in the Charins of pleaſures which glide in-
to the foul through every fenfe, and drive out all found and
wifejudgement. How then can hee chooſe but give his Chil-
to be uled for
dren occafion of folly rather then inftruction, who not only in Omers ev,
Tag å or Si w.
wordsbút actions.expreffeth that in theſe thingshe hath placed as vo
his hope, who not proving good, their fubfiftence fails, and they chofe,reading
diemiferably for want of foode Juftly punish'd for their idler immediately
neffex Parents are by Law enjoyned to bring up their children after for
till they are men. But you, perhapsfome Citizen may day to his MA
Ggg
*
tainly Allati-
- AS
fons
cannor
evince Tess dis
*
c. which I
δηλώσαντες
TI.
>
64
SOCRATES.
Sonnes greedy to inherit, fpare me not dying, and whilft you
live relie for maintenance upon me, though dead not aſhamed
to lead a life more lazy then deaths you expect that my for-
tunes ſhould extend to others even after my deceaſe, but your
own are not competent for your felves whileft you are yet a-
live. Such rough ſpeeches happily he will ufe to his Children,
taking the libery both of a Father and a Patriot.My fortunes in
the eſtimate of other men are mean, but in the effect nothing
inferior to the Rich. I will not leave my Children money,
but a more honorable heritage, diſcreet friends, whom as long
as they keep they can want as neceffaries, and if they uſe them
ill, doubtleſſe they would uſe their money worſe.
But if to you, who know the negligence of friends, I feem to
give ill advice; I anſwer, that all men are not alike affected to
their friends, for fome take care of them after they are dead,
and it is likely that ours are not of a neglectfull humour, but
pleas'd with the paſt advantage they have received by us, no
Ïeffe then with the prefent of a fhort benefit, the requitall is
fhorts laſting benefits produce a return equall to their profit,
and I foreſee that what is mine, will hereafter appear more
gracious to my friends, and therefore I exact no rewards of
them. I account nothing of equal value in exchange with Phi-
lofophy but friendship, nor like the Sophifts have I any diffi
dence of thoſe things that are mine, for being old they renew,
and in their decaying age * flourish, which makes them more
acceptable to the Difciples, and their Father more eſteemeds
*Living he obtains honour,dead is thought worthy of memory,
reading wear, and if he leave an Kinſman behind him, they will reſpect him
like his Nephewes and Brethren, and ſhow him all kindneſſe
as being allied to him by more then a Naturall affinity; Neither
if they would,can they neglect him in misfortunes, no more then
we can flight them, who are near to us in blood; for affinity in
foul forceth them to relieve the Son of the dead as if he were
their own brothers when they call to mind his Father whoſe
diſhonour they account their own.
Perhaps
avaJorrow.
So Allatius
Jeems to read.
For mei by
>
Now judge if I order my affairs ill, or take no care for my
Children, fo as when I die they fhall be deftitue of neceffaries, >
who leave them not wealth but fuch Guardians as will have a
care of them, and wealth No Hiftory makes mention of any
man that hath been made better by riches; A tried friend in this
is to be preferr'd before tried gold, that he is not beneficiall to
every one who defires him, but to thofe he lovse beſt.Nor doth
he ſupply onely the neceffities of life, but is ſerviceable as well
to the foul of him that hath him, and is moſt conducing to vir-
tue, without which nothing profiteth; but we will confider
more exactly upon theſe things when we meets thus much ſerve
as a curſory anſwer to your demand.
Epift.
SOCRATES.
65
{
Epift VII.
Wonder not at what you write, that you do ſuſpect the
Thirty continue the fame mind to us fince your departure,
which they had when you were here.As foon as you were gone,
they began to have a jealoufie of me, and there paft amongſt
them a murmure that thefe things were not done without So-
crates; within few daies they cited me to the Court, where
fome complaints were preferr'd againſt me, and when I defen-
ded my felf, they commanded me to go to the Pyræum to ap-
prehend Leon, their intention was to put him to death,that
they might enjoy his eſtate, and make me partner in their in-
juftices when I refuſed, and faid fomething to this effect that
I would never willingly ſubſcribe to an unjuſt a&; Charicles
was prefent, and inwardly vext, Socrates faith he, doft thou
think to talk thus peremptorily, and not fuffer ten thouſand
ills? Charicles, faid I, but none fo hainous as to do unjustly. Hee
anſwered not a word, nor any of the reſt, but ever fince they
have liked me the worſe.
As for you, fome that were then prefent, reported that your
affairs fucceed to your wish, that the Thebans in your exile
received you kindly,and will affift your return to their utmoſt.
Some were troubled at this news, and the more becauſe it
leffen'd their hopes of fupply from Lacedæmon, for they who
came along with the Ambaffadours, affirmed, that the Lacedæ-
monians were engaged in a great war, and the Ephori hearing
of thoſe troubles, were difcontented, and faid, that the Lace-
dæmonians had not intruſted with the City to fee it deſtroy'd;
* for if they would have done fo, it were moſt eafie for them
who had the Command, being withall inſtigated thereunto
by the Corinthians and Thebans, and that the City might be
better govern'd under an Oligarchy then a Democracy. If all
this be true, and your affairs fucceed as they report, there is
great liklyhood that upon you, coming in with the Thebans,
the Lacedæmonians not aiding theſe, all things here may be
eafily compofed. Befides, many of the Natives who now are
quiet through fear, if they perceived never fo little that you
were firme, will readily forfake this party, becauſe in this go-
vernment of the City, nothing is left them entire, but through
many
and continuall enormities all is in confufion; the greater
part is revolted as well as you, the reft if they had the leaft
encouragement from abroad would fuffer the fame that you
have. So that if no other, yet this example would manifeſt that
the
* Perhaps.
σφισι γω κρατή
ra, t
re-
co
66
SOCRATES.
the greateſt unhappineffe of Cities is the wickedneffe of their
Rulers, for they are fo blinded with ſelf intereſt that they will
not defift, though they fee all things go to ruine,but with what
they firſt troubled, think to ſettle affairs, continuing baniſh-
ments, fequeftrations, and unjuſt deaths; not confidering he is
an ill Phyſician who preſcribes for a Remedy the cauſe of the
diſeaſe. But thoſe are incurable; you fhall doe well to havea
care of your felf, for all that are here have but this hope
left,if you act wifely to be freed from a heavy and
grievous Tyranny.
*
>
:
J
1
5л
K
>
Clouds.
SOCRATES.
67
THE CLOVDS
>
of Ariſtophanes.
t
Added (not as a Comicall divertiſement for the
Reader, who can expect little in that kind from a fubject fo
antient, and particular, but ) as a neceffary Supplement
Streps.
to the life of Socrates.
A& I.
Scen, I.
Strepfiades, Phidippides, Servant.
PH, oh,
Great Jove, how long a night is this, how
endleffe !
Will't neer be day? I heard the Cock again,
Yet ftill my fervantsfnore; 'tis but of late
They durft do thus: *curfe o'this war that awes me,
And will not fuffer me to beat the Rogues.
My good Son ſleeps too, wrapt ore head and ears:
Well, let me try to bear them company;
Alaffe, I cannot, fo perplext and tortur'd
With charges, bills for Horfe-meat, intereſt:
All for this hopefull Son, who in's curl'd locks,
Aides matches, keeps his Coach,and dreames of Horfes,
Whilft I (unhappy!) feeth'unwelcome Moon
Bring on the Quarter day, and threaten uſe-mony.
Boy, fnuffe the light,bring my account-book hither,
That I may fumme my debts and intereſt:
Let's fee, twelve pound to Pafia; ha! twelve pound
To Pafia, how laid out? to buy Coppatia:
*
Would I had paid this eye for him.
Phid. Hold Philo,
You'r out of the way, begin again.
Strep. I this,
This is the mifery that ruines me;
His very fleeps are taken up with Horſes.
Phid, How many courfes will the manage hold.
Streps.Many a weary courfe thou leads thy Father:
But how much more owe I then this to Pafia?
Hhh
Three
+
* The Atheni•
ans in time of
war with the
Lacedemonians
made an Edi&,
that no
man
should beat his
Servants, left they
Should go over
to the
Schol.
enemy.
• Their horses
were named
from the marks
they had,if a K,
Coppatia; if an
an S, Sampho-
Tas. Schol.
68
SOCRATES.
#
Three pound t'Amynias for Chariot wheeles.
Phid. Go firrah, take that horſe and turn him out.
Streps. I thou haft turned me out of all my means,
Charges at Law will eat me up, my Creditors
Threaten to fue me to an execution.
Phid. Why do you wake all night, and toffe ſo Father?
Streps. I cannot fleep,the Scrivener doth fo bite me.
Phid. Yet let me reſt a little longer.
Streps. Do fo.
All theſe will one day light upon thy head,
Curs'd be the houre when I firft faw thy Mother,
I liv'd before moſt ſweetly in the Country,
Well ſtock't with Sheep and Bees, Olives and Grapes,
Till from the Megaclean houſe I took
This Neece of Megacles out of the City
>
Well faſhion'd, highly bred,and richly cloathed;
We married, as I faid, and lay together:
I fmelling ſtrong of Drugs and greafie Wool;
But the of Unguents, Crocus wanton Kiffes,
Of vain expence, dainties,and luxury;
I will not tell the idle life fhe led,
And yet ſhe ſpun that I have often told her,
*
*way, rear Showing this Coat, you fpin a fair thread woman.
Serv. Sir, all the Oyle ith' Lamp is wafted.
Streps. Ha?
τρυφάν και
σπαταλών.
Sch. MS.
Why didſt thou put in fuch a Drunken week?
If thou wert neer me I would beat thee.
Ser. Why Sir?
Becauſe the week is thicker then the oyl.
Streps.
Well, at laſt my good Wife and I betwixtus got.
At laft this Son; about his name we differ'd;
Shee'd have it fomething that belong'd to horſes,
Callippides, Xanthippus, or Charippus 3
I from his Grandfather) Phidonides..
Long time we wrangled thus, at laft agreed
He fhould be called Phidippides; this Son
1
*
She takes, and ſtroaking kindly,thus inftru&ts him,
« When thou art grown a man, frequent the City,
"Follow the faſhion, keep a Coach and Horfes,
"Like Megacles thy Uncle. No, faid I,
*Aftony craggy Go in a homely Coat, and drive thy Goats
place in Autica,
in fuch Goats "Into* Phelleus, as thy father doth.
delight most. But my advice prevailed fo little on him,
Soli. M. S:
1
That now he wafts my means in keeping horfes,
Which all this night I have been thinking how
To remedy, and now have found the way;
To which could I perſwade him, I were happy.
X
¿
1
+
1
<
!
Phidip-
SOCRATES,
ན
69
Phidippides, Phidippides
Phid. Your will Sir.
29%
Streps. Kiffe me, givethethy hand.
Phid. Here Sir.
Streps. Doft love me?
Phid. By Neptune God of Horſes.
Streps. Do not name
of
That God,for tis from him fprings all my forrow:
But if thou lov ft metruly, heartily
O fon be rura
Phid. In what should be rul'd?
Streps. Change without more delay thy courfe of life,
And do as I would have thee.
Phid. What is that?
Strepf. But wilt thou do it?
Phid. Yes by Bacchus will I.
Streps. Come hither then, feeft thou that little dore?
That is the Phronti therium of wife foules,
*
Oflearned men, that tell us Heaven's.an Oven,
And we the Coles incloſed in the wide arch:
They, if we give 'em but a little mony,
Will teach us gain all caufes, right or wrong.
Phid.Who can theſe be?
Streps. Their names I know not; good
They are, and bufied in continuall ſtudy.
Phid.Oh now I know the wretches that you mean,
The meager, wan, proud, bare-foot, begging fellowes,
Whofe evill Geniufs's are Socrates,
And Cherephon.
Streps. Peace, talk no more fo idly;
If you'l obey a father, let me fee you
Give ore your horfes, and turn one of thefe.
Phid. Not I,by Bacchus, no though you ſhould tempt me
With all * Leogoras his breed of Racers.
Streps. Dear fon be rul❜d and learn.
Phid. What fhould I learn?
*
Streps. 'Tis faid they have two tongues, and one of them
Able to prove any injuftice reafon;
Couldst thou but learn that language, we were made,
And might difpute our ſtubborn Creditours
Out of the debts I have incurr'd for thee;
They get not then a penny more then words.
Phid. I cannot do't, were I fo lean and Pale,
I durft not look a Jocky in the face.
Streps. By Ceres then you ſtay with me no longer,
You, nor your Coach-horfe, nor your Samphoras,
But
* 'Er @ MA-
νότι καθήμενοι
φροντίζεσι περ
ei Doar na?
μεγάλων
πραγμάτων.
Schol. M. S.
* äe1505 1*70*
Taipos. Schol.
M.S.
SOCRATES:
70
1
8.1
But all together pack out of my dores.
My Uncle Megacles will neither fee
Me nor my horfes want, ſo long I care not.
Scene 2.
Strepfiades, Scholar.
} {
Streps. But fay my prayers, and go my ſelf to ſchool
T
'Hough I have fail'd, i'l not give over thus,
To learn this Art: but how can I, by Age
Dull and forget full, reach fuch fubtleties?
Yet on I will, why ſhould I doubt? ho, friend.
Schol. A miſchief on you,who's that knocks at dore?
Streps. Strepfiades, Cecinnian 1 hado's Son.
Schol. 'Twas rudely done to knock fo hard, y'have made
My labouring brain miſcarry of a Notion.
Streps. Forgive me, I was bred far off ith' Country:
But pray what notion was't that prov'd abortive?
Schol. 'Tis lawfull to diſcover that tonone
But fellow-fcholars.
Streps. Then you may tell me,
For I come hither to be one of you.
1.
Schol.I will; fo will value't as a myſterie.
Socrates t'other day ask'd Charephon
How many of her feet a flea could leap,
For one by chance had bit Charephons eyebrow,
And leap'd from thence upon the head of Socrates.
Streps. How could he meaſure this?
schol. Moſt dexterously.
Both feet oth' flea he dipt in melting wax,
Which ſtrait congeals to fhooes; theſe he plucks off,
And with them moſt exactly meaſures it.
Streps. Great Jupiter,how fubtle are theſe wits!
Schol. If you ſhouldſt hear their other ſpeculations,
You would ſay ſo indeed.
Streps. Pray what was that?
Schol.This Charaphon the Sphettian ask'd him once,
If a Gnat founded from her mouth or tail.
Streps. And what ſaid he?
It had a ſtrait thin gut,
At end of it a bladder, into which
The air being forc'd, founded in breaking forth.
Streps. Then I perceive that a gnat's tail'sa Trumpet;
How bleft is this Anatomiſt of Gnats!
Sure he can hide himfelf from purblind juſtice,
That knows ſo well theſe dark inteſtine waies.
$
Exit.
ג
"
1
靠
​Why
1
SOCRATES.
71
Why ſhould we cry up Thales any longer?
Come open me your Phrontifterium,
And quickly let me fee this Socrates?
I long to learn, open the dore-- *○ Hercules
What ſtrange beaſts have we here!bilde
Schol. Why do you wonder?
Whom do they look like think you?
Streps, Like the poor
i..
*
Lacedæmonian Captives tane at Pylus:
*
Why look they fo intently on the ground?
Theſe ſeek out things that appertain to Earth!
}
Oh they ſeek leeks; trouble your felves no more friends,
For I know better where are good and great ones.
Schol. Come fet's go in.
Streps. Let's ſtay a while and talk with 'em.
Schol. No, no, they cannot long endure the air.
Streps. What's this, for Heavens fake ſay?
Schol. This is Aftronomy.
Streps. And this
Schol, Geometry.
Strop. But what is't good for?
Schol. To meaſure land:
Streps. Whát, arable or paſture?
Schol. No, the whole Earth.
Streps. A pretty jeft indeed.
That were a mighty help to husbandmen.
Schol. Here's all the world, and this is Athens.
Streps. How?
I'l ſcarce believe that, what's become oth' Judges?
Where the Cicynians my Countymen?
Schol. Heres this Eubeas fee how far'tis ftretch'd.
Streps. I, almoft ftretch'd in pieces betwixt us,
And Pericles; and where is Lacedæmon?
Schol. Here.
Strepss.'Tis too nigh us, why, with all your skill
Do you not help to thrust it farther off.
Schol. It is not poffible.
Streps. No? you will rue't then.
But what man's that hangs yonder in the basket?
Schol. That's he.
Streps. He, what he?
Schol. Socrates.
Streps. How, Socrates ?
Gall him.
Schol. Gall him your ſelf, I'm not at leaſure.
*
The School
difcovered, the
Schollars in fe-
verall poftures:
Socrates hang-
ing in a baf
ker.
* Suid, lib.
、
}
lii
Scene
72
SOCRATES
na hazrengs
Roan?
#
་
* The words of Streps. Ho
Silenus (whom
bled for defor-
mity) in Pin-
Scene 3.
Strepfiades, Socrates,
Socrates
Socr.* Why doft thou call me mortall?
Socrater refer- Streps.FirftI would gladly know what thou doft there?
Socr. I walk ith' aire,and gaze upon the Sun,
Streps. Why in a basket doft thou view the Gods,
Not from the ground?
dar.Schol.
Socr. I could not elevate
My thoughts to contemplation of thefe myfteries,
Unleffe my Intellect were thus fufpended,
Where my thin thoughts melt into air(their likeness)
Stood I upon the ground, I fhould find nothing,
Though I fought nere fo ftrictly up and down,
For the magnetick vertue of the Earth
Would draw away the humour of my brain,
Juft as we fee in noſe-ſmart.
Streps. How, hows that?
Doth the brain draw the humour out of nofe-fmart?
Come down ſweet Socrates,and teach me quickly
The knowledge of thoſe things for which I came.
Socr. What cameft thou for?
1
Streps. To learn the art of fpeaking,
With debts and ufury I'm torn in pieces
Toft up and down; forc'd to pawn all my goods:
Socr. On what occafion did you run in debt?
Streps. By horfes eaten into this conſumption;
And I would learn of you your other language
Which teacheth men to pay nothing: for which
By all the Gods i'l give you what you'l ask.
Socr. By all what Gods? we do not here allow
Thoſe Gods the City worſhips.
Streps. How then ſwear you,
By copper farthings like the Byzantines?
Socr. Wouldft thou be skilfull in divine affairs.
Streps. By Jove (if any fuch there be I would.
A
Y
Socr. You must be then acquainted with the Clouds,
Our reverend Goddeffes.
Streps. With all my heart.
Socr. Sit down upon this Couch then
Streps. Well.
So'r. Now take
This Garland.
Streps. Why a garland? alaffeSocrates,
De'e
SOCRATES.
73
1
D'ee mean (like Athamas) to facrifice me?
Socr. No, theſe are rites that every one performes
At his admiffion.
Streps. But what ſhall I gain by't?
Socr. Thou fhallt be made moſt voluble in ſpeech,
A very rattle, bolting words as fine
As flower.
Streps. Th'art right by Jove, I fhall be powderd,
Socr. filenceold man, and liſten to our prayer.
"Great King, unbounded air, whofe armes are hurld
"About the ſurface of this pendant world,
"Bright Æther, reverend Clouds, that from your Sphear
"Thunder and lightning dart, rife and appear.
Streps. Not yet, not yet, till I have wrapt my felfe
Clofe in my Cloak, left I be wet: twas ill
That I forgat to bring my Riding hood.
Socr. "Your power, great Clouds, make to this fuppliant
known
"Whether now ſeated on Olympus Throne,
..
"Or whether you your facred revells keep
"In the wide Gardens of your Sire the deep:
"Or of his flowing Chriſtall ſeaven-mouth'd Nile,
"In golden Ewers wantonly beguile :
‹‹ Or in Mauritian marfhes keep your Court;
"Or on the fnowy top of Mimas fport.
"Come, to our fervant vowes propitious be;
"Grace with your prefence our folemnitie.
"We humid fleeting Deities,
<< The bright unbounded clouds thus rife
"From our old Sire, the grumbling Flood,
"Above the talleſt hill or wood,
"To thoſe high watch-towers, whence we may
«The hallowed fruitfull-ground furvey ;
«Rivers that in foft murmurs glide,
"And the lowd fea's rebellious tide;
"From thence heavens reftleffe eye difplaies
"The ſplendour of his glorious raies,
"Chafing all dufky mifts, that we
"In ſhapes divine may mortalls fee.
*
Socr. Thanks reverend Clouds for favouring thus our prayer.
Did you not hear 'm ſpeak in Thunder to us?
Streps. Great Clouds, I worship too, but am fo frighted,
I ſcarce can hold from anfwering your Thunder.
Socr. Jeft not profanely in fuch facred rites:
Peace, for the fwarm of Goddeffes come finging.
Chor. "Come virgin Miſtreſſes of ſhowers,
"Let's vifit Pallas pregnant bowers,
"The
*
Chorus of
clouds.
“
74
SOCRATES.
« The far renowned Cecropian plain
*μevsadbuds №o- cc Where fhines the * Eleufinian Fane,
Loos. at Elenfis & Where are the moſt retir'd aboads,
in Attica were
CC
celebrated the Statues and Temples of the Gods:
myfteries of Ce- cc Where Altars blaze with Incenfe, where
Athenians only "The holy-day lafts all the year;
res, to which
were admitted, c Where the brisk Craces every ſpring,
not ſtrangers; cc And youths with virgins dance and fing.
if any one dif-
ร
}
1
covered them to Streps. Tell me good Socrates, what things are thefe
a perfon not ini- That fpeak fo finely? are they Ladies?
tiated, they were
both put to Socr. No.
death. Schol. They're Clouds, the Deities of idle men;
M. S,
*The Socratick
way of dispute
by question.
From theſe we have our fenfe, difcourſe, and reaſon,
Our high Capriccio's, and elaborate whimſeys.
Streps. My foul, me thought, did leap, while they were fpea-
king,
And now moſt ſubtly would diſpute of ſmoak,
Sharply confute opinion with opinion:
Oh how I long to fee them once again.
Socr. Look yonder towards Parnes, look how gently
They glide to earth.
Streps. Where? fhow me.
Socr. See in fholes
They creep into the Caverns of the Mountain.
Streps. What things are theſe? I cannot yet behold 'em.
Socr. There in the entrance look.
Streps. Yet I fcarce fee them.
Secr. Either thou ſeeft them now, or thou art blind.
Streps. I do by Jove, great Clouds, for you hold all /
Socr. Didft thou not know theſe Deities before?
Streps. Not I, I thought them only mifts and vapours:
Socr.Thou kneweſt not then thoſe who maintain the Sophiſts.
Streps. If theſe be Clouds, how comes it that they look
Like women?for the Clouds have no fuch ſhape.
Srcr. No, what ſhape have they then?
Streps. I know not justly;
They look like flying fleeces, but by Jove,
Nothing at all like women; thefe havenoſes.
Socr. *Anſwer to what I ask.
Streps. Ask me quickly..:
Socr. Didft ere behold a Cloud fhap'd like a Centaure,
A Leopard, Bull, or Wolfe?
Streps. I have, what then?
Socr. The Clouds can take what form they lift, as when
They fee a hairy fellow curl'd like Clitus
They mock his madneffe in a Centaures ſhape.
Streps. And when they fee one that defrauds or plunders
The Common-wealth, like Sinon, what then do they?
1
Socr.
1
1
1
}
→
SOCRATES.
Socr': They do reſemble him, turn ravenous wolves,
This was the reafon yeſterday, when they
Beheld * Cleonymus, they fled like deer :
And ſeeing Clisthenes are now turn'd women.
Streps. Great Queens, if you ere defign to ſpeak to mortalls,
Make me acquainted with your rumbling voice.
Chor." All hail old man, who doft on wifdome prey,
" And thou the Prieſt of ſubtle trifles ſay,
«■hat wouldſt thou have with us, to none but thee,
"Of all the Meteor Sophifts thus fſtoop we;
«Save Prodicus, to him as grave and wife,
"To thee, becauſe thou walkſt upright, thy eyes
"Rowling on every fide, thy look fevere
CC
And barefoot many miferies doſt bear.
Streps. Good heavens,what voice is this,how ſtrange & ftately.
Socr. Theſe are our Goddeffes, the reft are toyes.
Streps. Is then Olympian Jove no Deity?
Socr. What Jove ?there's no fuch thing; meer fancy.
Streps. How?
Whence then proceeds all * rain?
Socr. Only from theſe.
Didſt thou ere ſee a ſhower without them? take
The Clouds away, and heaven muſt rain fair weather.
Streps. By Phoebus thou haft cleer'd it well, till now
I thought Jove made water through a five.
But whence comes thunder.? when I'me fick, that frights me,
Theſe thunder as they tumble up and down.
How can that be?
Socr:* When they are full of water,
By their own weight, driven upon one another,
They roar and break.
Streps. But who is it that drives them,
Is not that Jove?
Socr. No, an ætheriall whirlewind.
Streps. A whirle-wind,hum!I knew not that til now.
But whence comes lightning then, that glittering fire
Which terrifies and burns us? Jupiter
Uſeth to dart this down on perjur'd men.
Socr. And how(thou phlegmatick, dull Saturnine,)
If darted on the perjur'd, how comes Sinon,
Theorus, and Cleonymus to 'scapeit?
No, his own Temple, or the Sunian Promontory,
Or ſturdy Oakes he ſtrikes, did they ere wrong him?
Did the Oak ere forfwear it felfe?
Streps. I know not:
1.
That which you fay feems reafon; but what then
Is lightning?
75
* Coward.
* Effeminately
attired.
*Whereof Dri-
ter was the par-
ticular Deity;
thence farnamed
This qußeids.
* Deriding So❤
crates as igno•
rant in Naturall
Philofophy.
Kkk
Socr.
76
SOCRATES:
Socr.When the winds are ſhut up cloſe,
They fwell the clouds like bladders, and at laſt
Break out with violence and horrid noiſes;
And by contrition kindle one another.
But thou who ſearcheſt amongſt us for wiſdom,
How happy wilt thou be above all Græcians
If thou conceive well, and remember, and
Canft fuffer much, and never wilt be tir'd
Standing or walking, nor have ſenſe of froſt,
Nor care for dyning, and refrain from wine,
From exerciſes, and all other toyes.
Streps.O for a folid foul reftleffe with cares,
Sparing, felf-torturing,one that can feaſt
Upon a diſh of herbes, you never could
Be better fitted;a meer an vile I.
Socr. Doft thou believe no Gods but thoſe we teach,
The Chaos, Clouds and Tongue,onely theſe three-
Streps. I'l not fo much as fpeak of any other,
Much leffe beſtow an offering on their Altars.
Chor." Say boldy then, ſay what is thy requeſt,
"For if thou honour us thou shalt be bleft.
Streps. Great Queens I fue for a ſmall matter, that
I may out-talk all Greeks a hundred furlongs.
Chor." To thee alone this gift we will allow,
"None ſpeak fuch mighty fentences as Thou.
Streps. I do not care for mighty ſentences,
But fubtle ones to cheat my Creditours.
Chor." It is not much thou askft, and ſhalt obtain it,
« Learn of our Miniſters and thou shalt gain it.
Streps. I fhall, relying on your promife; forc'd
By want, Coppatia and a luckleffe match.
Now let 'em ufe me as they lift, beat, ftarveme,
Burn, freeze, or flea me, ſo I ſcape my debts:
I care not though men call me impudent,
Smooth-tongu❜d,audacious, petulant, abhominable,
Forger of words and lie, contentious Barretour,
Old, winding, bragging, tefty, crafty fox.
Socr. Said like a man of courage if thou learn
Of me,thy fame fhall fpread wide as the Heavens.
Streps. What fhall I do?
*
Socr. Thou shalt fpend all thy time
With me a life the happiest in the world.
Streps. I long to fee that day.
Socr. Thy dore fhall alwaies
Be throng'd with Clients that will come to thee
For Counfell, and diſcourſe of cafes worth --` i
The wealth of kingdoms, to thy hearts delire.
}
V
་
3
Chor.
SOCRATES.
77
CC
Chor. "Try this old man;firſt ſee if he be fit;
Put him toth' teft, and found the depth of's wit.
Socr.Come tell me now your difpofition,
That when I know it may fit my Machines
Accordingly.
Streps. You will not undermine me.
#:
Socr.. No, I would know if you have any memory.
Streps. Yes, when another owes me any thing,
I can remember very well, but what
I owe my felf, i'm ready to forget.
Secr. Haft thou a naturall faculty in ſpeaking
Streps.No, I can mar words fooner far then make 'em.
Socr. How wilt thou learn then?
Streps. Fear me not, I tell you
*
Wel,when I make ſome learned deep diſcourſe.
Socr. You muſt be fure to catch't up prefently.
Streps. What must I fnap at learning like a dog?
Socr. This is a very fool, an unknown Clown;
I am afraid old man thou wilt need whipping.
What if thou ſhouldft be beaten ?
Streps. Then i'm beaten.
Socr. But what wouldſt do?
Streps. I would take witneſſe on't
And fue them on an action of Battery.
Socr. Off with your Cloak.
Streps. Why, how have I offended?
Socr. No; but our orders admit none but naked.
Streps. I came not hither to ſteal any thing.
Socr. Down with your Cloak, why doft thou trifle.
Streps. Now
Tell me if I prove apt and diligent,
Of all your ſchollars who fhall I come nigheſt?
Socr. Thou maift perhaps be like our Charephon.
Streps. Alaffe, alaffe! what an Anatomy?
Socr. No, no: but if thou wilt be any thing,
Follow me without more delay.
Streps. I want
ť
A Cake for your Cerberus; I go me thinks
As if'twere into the Trophonian Cave.
Secr. On, on, why ſtayft thou gazing at the dore...
Chor. "Go, for thy courage bleft, whofe aged mind
"To wiſdom foars, and leaves the young behind
Exeunt.
* As the Schol-
lers of Secrates
uſed, eſpecially
Xenephon and
Plato.
1
A&.
'
SOCRATES:
78
Socr.
A&.2.
Socrates, Strepfiades.
Y Chaos,and this air I breath, I never
Met any thing fo ftupid as this fellow,
So clownish and oblivious; eafie toyes
He learns, not half fo faſt as he forgets 'em,
I'l call him forth; what, ho, Strepfiades 3.
Come out and bring your bed along with you.
Str. The fleas will hardly let me bring my felf.
So. Quick, down with't there; and mark what I ſay to you.
Str. I'm ready.
So. What have you moſt mind to learn,
Meaſures,or Verfe, or Rhyme?
Str. By all means meaſures;
For I was cheated by a Meal-man lately
Two pecks.
So. That's not the thing I demand;
I'de know which you conceive the faireſt meaſure,
The Trimeter or the Tetrameter.
Str. The faireſt meaſure in my mind's a Buſhell.
So. 'Tis nothing that you ſay.
Str. What will you lay
That your Tetrameter holds not a Bufhell.
So. Away, away, how dull thou art, and blockiſh.
But thou wilt be perhaps more apt at Rime.
Str. What help can rimes afford me in my meal.
So. Firſt they wil make thee pleaſant in all company.
Then thou fhalt know which ſuits with Anapæſtick,
And which with Dactyles.
Str. Dactiles? I know that fure.
So. Why what's a Dactyle.
Str. What, but this fame finger,
*Thas been a Dactyle ere fince I was a child.
So. Th'art an unprofitable Dunce.
Str. I care not
For learning theſe devices.
So. What then wouldſt thou?
Str. That, that unjuft and cheating Sophiftry.
So. But there are things that muſt be learnt before
You come to thats what Creatures are there Maſculine.
Str. Sure I know that or I were mad indeed.
A Ram, a Bull, a Goat, a Dog, a-Pigeon.
So.
SOCRATES.
79
So. * See how thou err'ft, that call'ft both male and female
Littel f..
X
APigeon.
Str. Right, by Neptune, how then muſt I ?
So. Call this a Cock-Pigeon, and that a Hen.
Str. A Pigeon, Cock and Hen, ha! by this air
For this fole document, I will repleniſh
Your *Cardopus with meal.
So. Again th'art wrong;
Thou call'ft it Cardopus, but 'tis hæc Cardopus,
And therefore henceforth call it Cardopa.
1
Next it is fit you know which names are Maſculine,
And which are feminine.
St. I know well which
Are feminine, I'me fure.
So. Lets hear.
Str. Philina,
let agora, Demetria, and Lyftba
So. And which are Mafculine ?
Str. A world, Philoxenus,¦:
Milefias, and Amynias.
So. Thou art out.
Str. Are not theſe Mafculine with you?
So. * By no means.
How if you faw Amynias, would you call him?
Str. Amynia, ho!
So, What, make a woman of him.
Str. And reafon good,h'has thrown away his armes,
nd will not fight. But to what purpofe learn I
Theſe common trifles.
So.Not fo common neither,
ut come, lie down.
Str. What muſt I do ?
So. Confider
Vith your felfe the bufineffe that concernes you.
Str. Not in this bed, I thank you, ifI muft
ie down, Ile meditate upon the ground.
So. But heres no room befides.
Str. Wretch that I am.
A
ow I ſhall be tormented with theſe fleas !
So. Now think into the depth of thy affairs,
ry every turn, and winding, every double ;
nd if you ſtick at any thing give't ore,
nd to fome other; but be fure you fleep not.
Str. Oh, oh.
So. How now the matter?
Str.I am kill'd
J
A
y theſe blood-fuckers, theſe Corinthians.
3
LII
L
2
A
1
SO
* Deriding So-
crates as igno-
rant in Gram-
mer.
*A meal-troughs
the Greek word.
hath a Maſcu-'
line termination
but feminine
article.
>
Effeminate
Cowards.
80
¿SOCRATES.
N
-
}
{
..`.
* S. Socrates
diſputes in Pla-
to's Phadrus
that exteriour
objects might
vi Sa. Do not torment your felfe.
Str. How can I chooſe
When I have neither mony left, nor colour,
>
Scarce life, no fhooes, grown almoſt to a Ghoſt
With watching? nia ya tha
So.'Now what think y'on, nothing?
Str. Yes
By Neptune.
So. What?
Str. I'me thinking if the fleas
Will leavea piece of me or not.
So. Death on thee.
*
1
Str. You might have fpar'd your curfe, I'm dead already.
So. Fy, fy, you must not be fo tender, * cover
Your face, and ſtudy for fome fubtle cheat.
Str. Would I could learn to cheat theſe wicked fleas.
So. Let's fee what does he? what, aſleep, ha'ye thought
not divert him; Of nothing yet?
which Arifto- Str.What would you have me think on?
phanes here de-
rides,
A
M
3
So. What would you learn?
Str. I've told you that already
}
A
A thousand times; I'd learn to pay noufe-mony.
So. Come then, cover your ſelf, and ſubtilize
Your thoughts, diffect your bufineffe into Atomes.
Str. Alaffe.
So. Ly ftill, and if you ſtick at any thing,
Paffe by't a while, and come to it again.
Str. Ho,my dear Socrates.
So. What is't old man?
.it .
(
Str. I have found out that will dot, GIPH
So. As how.
Str. Firſt tell me
}
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+
Where I may meet with fome Theffalian witch s
11.
>
#yu
For I would freal the Moon one of thefe niglip) Amoyishi,
And having got her, Tock her
dam, a
distrii gwebsi
theft
notes
As charily, as I would keep a glaffe,
So. What wilt thou get by that
Str. What, if the Moon
( f
Ne'r riſe again, I'me bound to pay no uſe.
So. How fo?
HALLY
P
1
* and...
$ DVD
Str. 'Cauſe uſe you know is paid by th’Month,
So. 'Tis well, but I'le propound another bufineffes
you were tyed upon a ftatute
Suppose that
To pay five Talents, could you rafe figures?
Str. I know not, but I'le try.
So. You muſt not limit
Com sd
1
Torbu.
..CII.
Your thoughts ſo narrowly within yourfeltejidoledu
C
}
But
SOC RATES,
4
But like a beetle fetter'd in a threads amoa nei patimavili
Allow them play and flutter in the air'e quellommson()
Str. I ha't, I ha't, the rareſt way to cancellud sob.. nom ‹M
A deed, as you'l confeffe when you have heard it, wand qur
So. What is't?
Str. Did you nere fee at any Grocers
A clear tranfparant ſtone, with which they uſe
To kindle fue?, zobag muid sobrá que
So. You mean a burning-glaffe.
Stro. The very fame.
So. What wouldft thou do with it?
l; adek
ર
Str. Whilſt that the Scrivener writes the deed deemark,
Thus ſtanding by him with my burning-glaffe
Againſt the Sun, I'lburn out every letter.
So. Wiſely by all the Graces.
Str. How I long
#
!
To cancell thus a bond of fifty pound.
So. 'Tis well, now tell me if thy adverſary
Sue thee, and thou art like to be orethrown
For want of witneffes, how wilt thou void
His fuit.
Str. Moſt eaſily.
So. Which way?
Str. Before
*
f
A
fu od nor d¹‚anı A
It comes to judgement, I would hang my ſelf.
So. Puſh, thou fayft nothing.
Str. Yes, by love there's none
Will profecute a fuit against the dead,
So. Away, thou fool'ft; i'l teach no more.
Str. Why dear Socrates,
Why?
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So. Thou forget'ſt as faft as thou canst learn.
Tell me the first thing thou wert taught to day.
Str. The firftftay let me fees the first thing fay you?
How call you that we ufe to put our meal in ?
Wretch, Iv'e forget it!
So. See, deferv'ft thou not
Forgetfull to be puniſh'd for a dunce,
Str. Alaffe what fhall I do? for if I learn not
The cheating language, I am quite undone:
Good Clouds adviſe me what courſe I fhall take.
Cho. "If an ingenious fon thou haft at home,
"Thou hadit beft fend him hither in thy room.
Str. I have a fon,and he's ingenious too!
But will not learn, the more my mifery
Cho. And wilt thou fuffer't?
Str. Of a promiſing perfon
t
•
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82
SOGRATES:
As if he
fhould fay, the
Atheift: for the
His mother is a woman of great ſpirit:
Once more Ile try; if he refufei'l make
No more adoe but turn him out of dores;
Stay but a while, I will be quickly back.
Str
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Strepfiades, Phidippides, Socrates.
•
+
70w by the Clouds thou ſtaiſt no longer here?
Hence, and go feed in Megacles his ſtable.
Ph. Alaffe what fury hath poffeft you Father?
By Jove I think you are befides your felf.
Str. See, fee, hefwears by love, art thou not mad
At thefe years to believe there isa Jové?
Ph. Is truth to be derided?
Str. Well I fea
د
Th' art ſtill a Child and credit'ſt old wives tales.
But come I will tell thee that ſhall make thee
A man, ſo you be ſure to tell it no body.
Ph. Pretty;what is't?
Str. Thou ſwor'ſt e'en now by Jove.
Ph. I did fo.
Str. See how good it is to learn;
There's no fuch thing as love."
Ph. What then?
Str. A whirlwind
Hath blown love quite away and rules all Heaven.
Ph: What fooleries are thefe?
Str. They're ſerious truth ſon,
Ph. Who tells you fo?
Str. Our Socrates the Melian,
i
And Charephon, that trace the ſteps of fleas.
1
•
S
zd.
{
Melians were Ph.How are you grown to fuch a height of madneſs, T.,
infamous for As to believe fuch melancholy dreamers.no zona worl
Atheism from
Diagoras who Str. Good words:defame not men of fuch deep wifdomɔɔï¼}
profeft it: So- And fübtle ſpirits; theſe live ſparingly,
crates was
Scholar to A-
Melian. See
chap. 3.
Are never at the charges of of a Barber,
ynly
2.
Hogi
1.
bedT
be D
riftagoras a Unguents, or Baths, whereas thou walls my means
As freely as if I were dead already in
Come then,and be their choller in my room/1
Ph. What can be learnt that's good of fuch as they are??
Str. All things that are accompted wifdom Boys
And firft to know thy felf, and what a dunce
Thou art, how blockiſh, ruftick and forgetfull.'.
But ſtay a little, cover thy face a while.
hob.
A
IT?
IN
*
: 10..
Ph.
SOCRATES.
83
Th: Alaffe my fathers mad, what fhall I do,
Accuſe him to the Court of folly,
Beſpeak a Coffin for him, for he talks
Idly, as he were drawing on?
Str. Come on now:
Let's fee, what that?
Ph. A Pigeon.
Str. Goods and that?
Ph. A Pigeon.
}
-Str. Both the fame? ridiculous.
.300
f •
Take heed you make not fuch miſtakes hereafter.
This you muſt call a Cock, and that a Hen.
Ph. A Hen? Is this the goodly learning Father
P
You got fince your admiffion 'mongft thefe earth-wormes?
Str. This and a great deal more; but being old,
I foon forget what I am taught.
Ph. I think
'Twas want of memory made you lofe your cloak.
Str. No,'tis hung up upon the arts and ſciences:
Ph. And where your fhooes?
Str. Loft for the common good,
Like Pericles: But lets be gone and fee
You learn t'obey me, and to wrong all elſe.
Remember that I bought thee, when thou wert
But fix years old, a little Cart to play with.
Ph. Alaffe you'l be the firft that will repent this.
Str. Take you no care for that; do as I bid you.
Ho, Socrates, I've brought my fon at laſt,
Though much against his will.
Sh Is that's becaufe
UT.
He's rude, untaught, a child of ignorance,
And unacquainted with our hungry baskets.
Ph. Go hang your felf in one of them.
4
.
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}
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Str. How impudence; doft thou talk thus to thy Maſter ?
Soer. So go hang, with what a feeming grace was that pro-
nounc'd ! • b. and& A
How do you think that he thould ever fearn
To overthrowwnimble adverfary,
mbre
>
eismo Miloinc
sme.
Or win a Judges heart with RhetorickStried ban diri smo,
Str. Fear not, but teach him; he's ingenious'
By Nature; for when he was but a little one,
Hee'd build you houſes, and make leather Coaches,
And ſhips, and cut frogs out of apple parings.
What's your opinion then? do you not think
Hee's capable to learn both languages?
Or if not both,be fure he learn the worſe.
Socr. Well, we fhall try what may be done with him.
Str. Farewell, and fo remember that in all
I ſay that's juſt, you learn to contradict me.
Mmm
A&
84
SOCRATES.
1
A&.3...
Tu
1
•
1
Scœen. 1. Strep frades.
1
From the Streps. The moft abhord and dreadfull days at hand,
He* fift, the fourth, the third, the feconds, hum.
twentieth day of
the month they
reckon'd back- The old and new; all Iow money to
ward, fee the Threaten to fue and vow my utter ruines
life of Salons
Chap.
Yet I require nothing but what is just reaſon:
My friend forbear me till fome other times
But they all anſwer me, words are no payment,
Revile me, fwear they'l put their bondsan fuit,
And let 'em, what care I, fo my Phidippides
Have learnt the art of cheating:I fhall know ftraights
It is but knocking at the ſchool, ho fon.
Scœn. 2. Strepfiades, Socrates.
Socr. Ave you Strepfiades.
SAV
Streps. The like to you.
L
* Such guifts *Firſt take this bag of meal, for it is fit
Socrates fome We pay our duty to our reverend Mafter,
times accepted, Now tell me,has my fon attain'd theart
though not mo-
ney. See Chap. For which I plac'd him with you...
Socr. Yes exactly.
+
Streps. Thanks to deceinthe Queen that governs all things.
Socr. Now you may overthrow all adverfaries....:
Streps. What though a witneffe fwear that I have borrowed.
Socr. I though a thousand fwear't. ibi
Streps. Iò. Id.
}
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1
}
Triumph my boyes, wo to you money-mongers,
You and your bonds, your ufe on ufe may hang now.
You'l trouble me no more! O what a fon
at o
་
Have I, that fenceth with a two-edg'd tongue, om
My Houſes prop and Guardian, my foes terrour
Quickly come forth, and meet my glad embraces,
Come forth and hear thy Father.
Socr. See the man.
Streps. O my dear boy f
Socr. Away and take him with you,
}
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Scené
SOCRATES,
85
Scone 3.
Strepfiades, Phidippides.
Streps.JO my fon! O how I joy to fee
2
}
Thy chang'd complexion! Thou lookſt now methinks
As if thou wert infpir'd with contradiction
I read, croffe queftions in thy very face,
Thy very eyes me thinks fay, how, how's that?
T
Thou canst perfwade the world that thou art wrong'd,
When thou art, he that does the wrong. I fee't,
I plainly fee't; a very * Attick mine;
Now let it be thy ſtudy to recover
Him, whom thou almoſt haft undone.
Phid. Why, what
Is that you fear?
Streps. The old and the new day.
Phid. Can one and the fame day be old and new?
Streps. I know that: I'm fure my Creditors
By joint confent that day threaten to fue the.
Phil. They'Hoofe by it if they do:för 'tis impoffiblé
To make two daies of one.
Streps. How is't impoffible?
}
Phil. As for a woman to be old and young
At once.
Strrps. But law has fo determined its
t
3
Phil. But theſe men know not what the law doth meat.
Streps. Why what's the meaning of it.
* Phil.Antient Solon
Was naturally a lover of the people.
Streps. What's that to this ?
Phid. He did appoint two daies,
•
The laſt day of the old month for citation,
The firſt oth' new for payment of the money.
Streps. But why the laſt day for citations?
Phil. That
}
The debtor having thus one day of warning
Might fly and fhun the trouble of the next.
So. Why do the Magiftrates then take all forfeits
Upon the old and new day?
Ph. They are hungry,
7
<
7
*
•
And taſt their meat before they ſhould fall too.
Str. We the fools that fit ftill and do nothing,
We that are wife and quick have done the bufineffes
Ye blocks, ye ftones, ye theep, ye empty bubbles 3
Let me congratulate this fon of mine
}
}
я лецейка
Schol. M. $.
* See the life of
Salon.Chap.
My
86
SOCRATES
My felfe and my good fortune in a fong.
"Now Strepfiades th'art bleft
"Of the moſt diſcreet the beſt,
"What a Son thoù haft, now may
"All my æmulous neighbours fay,
"When they hear that he alone
"Hath my creditours orethrown.
Butcome my boy, now thou shalt feaft with me.
}
Paf.
A
Sect. 4.Pafias, Strepfiades, Witneffe.
}
Nd muſt a man be outed of his own thus ?on
Better take any courfe then fuffer this.
You muſt affiſt me in this buſineſſe neighbour,
That I may call my debtor to accompt;
There's one friend made a foes yet I'le not ſhame
My country, ere I do't, I'le give him warning.
Strepfiades.
Streps. How now, what would you have?
Paf. The old and new daies come.
Streps. Bear witneffe friend,
1
He nam❜d two daies. What fumme is't you demand.
•
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Taf. Twelve pounds you borrow'd when you bought your
Son
A Race-horſe; with the intereſt..
Streps. A race-horſe,
}
น
You know I neer car'd for'em in my life.
Paf. And fwor'ft by Jove and all the Gods to pay it.
Streps. By Jove? 'twas then before my fon had learn't..
The all-convincing ſpeech.
Paf. You'l not deny't.
Streps. What have I got but that, for all this learning?
Paf. Darft thou deny't, if I fhould put thee to
Thy oath, and make thee call the Gods to witneſs it? 9 for
Streps. What Gods de'e mean? om į all qua
Paf. Jove, Mercury, and Neptune' file fo
Streps. By love? yes that I will I hold thee three pence.
Paf. Curfe on thee for this impudence. By
t
bb.c
Streps. If thou wert rubb'd with falt, twould make thy wit
the quicker.
Paf. De' laugh at me?
?
Streps. Thou wilt take up fix buſhells.
Paf. So help me Jupiter, and all the Gods,
I will even be with you for this fcorn. ⠀⠀
Streps. I am extreamly taken with your Gods,
And this fame Iupiter you fwear by, they
Are excellent paftime to a knowing man.
T
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Paf
OCRATES.
87
Paf. Well, you will one day anſwer for theſe words.
But tell me, whether I ſhall have my money
Or not, give my anfwer, and I'me gone.
Streps. Stay but a little, I will anfwer preſently,
And plainly.
Paf. Sure hee's gone to fetch the mony.
✓
Streps. Where is the Man that comes to ask me mony?"
Tell me, what's this?
Pas. That which it is, a Ćardópus.
Strepf. You ask for mony, and fo very a dunce;
I'le never whilſt I live pay him a penny.
That calls a Cardopa a Cardopus.
Paf. You will not pay
then?
Streps. Not for ought I know:
You'l Atay no longer,pray about your buſineſſe.
Paf. Yes, I'le begone, but in the mean time know
I'le have my mony, if I live this day.
Streps. You may chance go without it; yet I'm forry
You ſhould be puniſh'd fo for a miſtake,
For faying Cardopus for Cardopa.
Amyn.
Scœen. 8.
Amynias, Strepfiades, Witneſſe.
H, oh, alaffe.
OF
Strep .Who's that keeps fuch a bawling?
What art thou? one of* Carkinus his fons ?
Amyn. 'I is I unhappy!
Streps. Keep it to thy felfe.
Amyn. Unlucky chance, oh cruell deſtiny
To ſpoil at once my Cart and all my Horfes!
* Oh Pallas, how unkindly haſt thou us❜d me?
Streps. What hurt did ere Tlepolemus do thee?
Amyn. Deride me not, but rather bid your fon
Pay me the mony which he had of me,
For I was never in more need of it,
Streps. What mony man?
Amyn. That which he borrowed of me.
Streps. Then I perceive you're in a fad condition.
Am. I had a fcurvy fall driving my horſes.
Strepf. Thou doft but jeft, 'twas driving an Affe rather.
Amyn.I do not jeft when I demand my mony.
Streps. Upon my word thou art not right.
Amyn, How fo?
Streps. Thy brain me thinks is troubled,
Amyn. E ther
pay me
* Which weTÉ
Xenocles, Xe-
notimus,
and
Demotimus >
Tragick Foets
and AЯors.
*This and the
following line
are taken from
Xenocles the
Tragadian,
which is the
reaſon of Strep-
fiades his an-
swer.
Nnn
My
88
SOCRATE
*The Horses
name which
he
bought of him.
My money ftrait, or I will trouble down rain,
me,
you.
and
Or doth the Sun exhale it from the fea
Amyn. I neither know nor care.
Streps. What? are you fit
To receive mony, and fo ignorant
Of thefe fublime and fubtle myfteries?
Amyn. Well,if you cannot let me have the principal;
Pay me the intereſt.
Streps. Intereft, what kind
Ofcreature's that?
Amyn. What, but th'encreaſe of mony
By months, and daies, as time runs on.
Streps. 'Tis well..
And do you think the fea is fuller now
Then 'twas at firft?
Amyn. No, not a drop, it is
Not fit it ſhould.
Streps. The fea by your confeffion
Is nothing grown; then with what conſcience
Can you defire your mony fhould encreaſe.
Go get you from my doores, fetch me a whip there.
with. Well, I'le bear witneffe for him.
Streps. Why de'e not go, will you move * Samphoras?
Amyn. Is not this riotous?
Streps. Will you be gone?
Or fhall I lead you in a chain, and make you
Shew tricks? if you but ſtay a little longer,
I'le fend you, and your Cart and Horfes packing.
Chor. Now obferve what 'tis to bend
ec Studies to an evill end
"This old man, that is intent
"Creditours to circumvent,
"Foolifhly himſelfe hath croft,
"And will find ſo to his coft;
"That in this falfe Art his fon
"Hath attain'd perfection :
Juſtice cunning to refute)
"Thatat laft hee'l with him mutė.
A&
(SOCRATES?
89
1
1
"
ċ
A&. 5.
Scene r
Strepfiades, Phidippides.
7
Streps. Neighbours, Kinfmen, Countrymen, belp, help,
beat all over: oh my head, my
Thou ftrik'ft thy Father Rogue.
Phid. I do fofather.
Streps.See, ſee, he ſtands in't too.
Phid. I do indeed.
Streps. Thief, villain, Parricide.
Phid. More I beseech you,
}
3
I am much taken with theſe pretty Titles.
Streps. Rafcall.
ว
Phid. Pray ſtick me fuller of theſe rofes:
Streps. Doſt beat thy Father?
Phid. Yes, by Jove, and juſtly.
Streps. Oh' rogue what juftice can there be in that.
Phid.I will demonftrate it by argument.
Streps. By argument?
Phid. Moft eafily, which language
Shall I difpute in.
Streps. Language?
Phid. Yes the greater
Orleffer?
Streps. I have bred thee well indeed
Ifthou canst make this good, that any fon
May beat his Father.
Phid. You'l confeſſe as much
If Ifo prove it, that you cannot answer't.
Streps. Well, I will hear for once what you can ſay.
Cho cô
O
cc
Sceen 2.
Chorns, Streps Phidip.
back!
Ld man it much concerns you to confute
Your fon, whofe confidence appears to ſuit
"With a juſt cauſes how happen'd this difpute?
Str. I fhall relate it from the firft; as foon
As we had din'd, I took a lute and bid him
Sing the fheep-fhearing of Simonides,
He told me 'twas an old and ugly faſhion
To
:
SOCRATES.
90
Tofing at dinner like a millers wife.
Phi. And was not this fufficient to deſerve
*
* At noon.Virg. A beating; when you'd make men chirp like Graffe-hoppers?
Str. Juſt ſo he ſaid within; and added that
Simonides was an unpleaſant Poet. ›
I muſt confeffe I hardly could forbear him;
But then I bid him take a Myrtle branch,
And act fome piece of Efthylus, that Eschylus
Saith he, is of all Poets the abfurdeft,
The harfheft, moft diforderly and bumbaft.
Did not my heart pant at this language thi nk you?
Yet I repreft it; Then ſaid I, rehearſe
A learned ſpeech out of fome modern wit;
He ftrait repeats out of Euripides
A tedious long Oration,how the Brother
(Good Heavens)did violate his fifters bed.
Here I confeffe I could contain no longer
But chid him ſharplysto difpute we went,
Words upon words,till he at laft to blowes,
To ftrike, to pull, to tear me.
Phi. And not juftly?
You that would difcommend Euripides
The wifeft of all Poets.
Sr. Wifeft? ah
1 1
What did I ſay, I ſhall be beat agen.
Ph.By love,and you deferve't.
Str. How, deferve it?
{
>
舅
​Ungratefull wretch,have I not brought thee up,
Fed and maintain'd thee from a little one,
Supplied thy wants?how then can I deſerve it?
Chor. "Now I believe each youthfull breaft
"With expectation poffeft,
"That if the glory of the day
< Be from the Plantiffe born away,
"By this example they may all
ક Upon the old men heavy fall;
"What you have done with utmoſt art,
વહુ
"To juftifie is now your part.
},
Phid. How ſweet it is to ſtudy, fage new things;
And to contemn all fundamental lawes!
When I applied my mind to Horſe-courſing
I could not speak three words but I was out;
Now fince I gave it ore, I am acquainted
With ponderous fentences and ſubtle reaſons,
Able to prove I ought to beat my Father.
Str. Nay, follow racing ftill, for I had rather
Maintain thy horfes then be beaten thus,
>
Phid.
SOCRATES.
91
Phid. I will begin where you did interrupt me,
And firſt will ask, did you not beat me when
I was a child?
Streps. But that was out of love.
}
Phid. 'Tis very right, tell me then, ought not I
To recompence your love with equall love;
If to be beaten be to be belov'd,
}
Why ſhould I fuffer ftripes, and you have none?
I am by nature born as free as you;
Nor is it fit the fons fhould be chaftiz'd,
And not their parents.
Str. Why?
Phid. You urge the Law
{
That doth allow all children to be beaten:
To which I answer, Old men are twice children,
}
And therefore ought, when they offend, be puniſh'd
As well as we:
Str But there's no Law that faies
The Parents ſhould be puniſhed.
Phid. Was not he
Who made that Law, a man as you and I,
>
He form'd a Law, which all the old men follow'd; }
Why may not I as well prefcribe another
And all the young men follow my advice:
But all the blowes before this Law was made
Muſt be forgiven without all diſpute.
Befides, mark how the Gocks and other creatures
Fight with their fires, who differ not at all
From us, fave only that they make no lawes.
Streps. Why then if you will imitate the Cocks,
Do you not dine upon a Dunghill, and
Lodge in a hen-rooft?
Phid. 'Tis not all one cafe,
Our Socrates doth not approve fo far.
Streps. Approve not then their fighting, but in this
Thou plead'ſt againſt thy felfe..
Phid. How fo?
Streps. Becaufe
•
Th'authority I exerciſeo're thee
J'
Will be thine own, when ere thou haft a fon.
Phid. But ifI ne'r have any, then I never
Shall have authority, and you will go
To th❜grave deriding me.
Streps. "Tis too much reafon.
Phid. Hear now another argument,
Streps. I'me loft.
?
1
r
1
>
2
1
Phid. And then perhaps you'l take the blowes I gave you
Ooo
Not
92
SOCRATES
* A&. 3.
Not halfe fo ill.
Streps. What good' fhall I get by them?
Phid. I'le beat my mother too.
Streps. What fayeft thou, thou?
Why this is worſe then t'other.
Phid. What if I along nantin
SFF
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Prove by the ſecond language that I ought ad
Streps. Why then you will have nothing more to do.
But prove that you, and your wife Socrates,
And wifer language may hang all together,
O Clouds, all this I fuffer through your means,
For I in you wholly repos'd my truſt.
Chor." Thy felfe art author of this mifery,
"Becauſe to ill thou didst thy mind apply.
Streps. Why did you then give me no warning of it?
You know I was a rude and aged man.
CC
Chor." This is our cuftome, when foere we find
Any to malice or deceit enclin'd,
"Into fome dreadfull miſchief fuch we thruft,
t
?
"That they may fear the Gods,and learn what's juft.
Streps. Alaffe, this is a miſchief, and a juſt one
For I ought not, when I had borrow d mony,
To feek out wayest avoid refforing it.
་
Come then my fon, let us be reveng d
TY
Upon that wicked Socrates and Cherephon
Who have abus'd us both.
Phid. I will not wrong
My Maſters.
1.
$
Streps. Reverence Celeftiall Jove,
1
{
X
Phid. Geleftiall Jove, fee how you rave now father:
There's no fuch thing as love.
Streps. There is:
*
Phid. A whirle-wind
142
f
Hath blown love quite away, and rules all
U ..
}
2001-
Streps. No fon, he's not expell'd, I was hur fool'd,
To worſhip in his room a fictile deity
Phid, Nay if you will needs be mad, be mad alone,
Streps.
Scœn. 3,
Strepfiades,
'
And caft off all our Gods; good, Mercury,
Ad that I was to truft in Socrates
MA
Be not difpleas'd,or puniſh, but forgive me,
That took fuch paines,and ftudied to talk idly,
And tell me what I'de beft do with these fellowes
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Sue
SOCRATES.
93
way
Sue them or puniſh'em fome other
Th'art in the right, I will not fue them then,
But as thou bidft me fet their Neft on fire;
Come Xanthias,come, a fork and ladder quickly.
Get up and pluck the houſe about their Ears,
Quick if thou loveft thy mafter; one of you
Go light a torch, and bring it hither ſtrait:
Proud as they areI mean to bring 'em lower.
Schol.
Scoen 4.
Scholar, Strepfiades, Socrates, Cherephon.
H. oh!
Strep. Torch to thy work, fet fire apace.
Schol. What art thou doing man?
Streps. That which I'm doing;
Difputing ſomewhat hotly with your ſchool here.
Schol. Alaffe,who's this that fetsour houſe on fire?
Streps. He whom you cofen'd of his cloak.
Schol. Thou kill'ſt,
Thou kil'lft us man.
Streps. That is the thing I mean,
If my fork hold and ladder, do not fail me.
So.How now, what do you make on our houſe-ridge.
Streps. *I walk i'th air and gaze upon
So. Alaffe I'm choak'd.
the Sun.
Streps. Why doft thou ſcorn the Gods then?
Char. Oh me I burn;
Streps. Now you may calculate
The motions of the Moon;tear, pluck,beat,burn 'em.
For many reaſons they deferve the flame,
But moſt becauſe they did the Gods diſclaim.
• A&.z.Scan.3.
XENOPHON.
}
////////
ZARAZAY
V #
XENOPHON.
1
95
t
XENOPHON
CHAP. I.
Xenophon, his Country Parents, and follow.
ing of Socrates.
Laert.
Enophon was an Athenian, ſon of Cryllus, of the
Erchiean Tribe: The time of his birth is no Laert.
where expreffely delivered: * Steficlides
affirms he died the first year of the 105. Olympiad.
* Lucian that he outlived 90. years: whence it is* de Longave.
evident that hee was born at or before the
firſt year of the 82. Olympiad, which if the
learned Caufabone had obferved,he had not * alter'd Abenaus ⋆ Animade.
upon fuppofition, that he was but ten years old, the fourth
year of the 89. Clympiad (the time of his Sympofium ) where-
as he was then no leffe then 36. years of age. Laertius faith, be
flourished the fourth year of the 94. Olympiad. (Suidas reads, of the
98.) Or,according to others,that he flour ilked in the 89. Olympi-
ad with the rest of the Socratick Philofophers; of whom he became
one upon this accident.
be
5. 12.
* Meeting Socrates in a narrow lane, hee ftopt him with his* Laert,
ſtaffe, and asked him where all kind of meats were to be fold;
to which Socrates made a ferious anſwer: and then demanded
of him, where it was that men were made good and virtuous!
whereat Xenophon pauling, follow me then, faith he, and learn;
from thence forward he became a Difciple of Socrates.
* Strab. 9.
In the time of that great war betwixt the Lacedæmonians
and Athenians, called the Peloponnefian war (the naturall for-
wardneffe of his ſpirit being perhaps excited by the example
of his Maſter Socrates) hee was perfonally engaged in the fight
before Delium,the first year of the 89. Olympiad, wherein the
Boeotians overcame the Athenians; in which defeat *Xenophon Laert.
in the flight unhorſed and thrown down, Socrates (who his
horſe being likewiſe flain under him, fought on foot) took
him
upon his fhoulders and and carried him many furlongs,
untill the Enemy gave over the purfuit. This was the firſt
effay of his military profeffion, which he afterward reſum'd
upon this occafion.
PPP
CHAP.
96
XENOPHON
* Xenoph.expe-
dit. cyr.lib.1.
* Ad Grac.
CHAP. 2.
Upon what occafion he followed Cyrus into Afia.
A
*
*
Rtaxerxes fucceeded Darius his Father in the Kingdom of
Perfia, Cyrus his younger brother having been fent for
out of his Government of Lydia upon his fathers ſickneſſe,
which is that firſt váßas placed by the Arundelian ſtone in
the ſecond
year of the 93.Olympiad,confounded by a learned
Epoch. can. perfon with the latter, fix years after) was imprifon'd by his
Chron.pag.113. brother upon the accufation of Tiffaphernes
the accufation of Tiffaphernes, but releaſed by
the mediation of his Mother Paryfatis. Being returned to his
Government, he uſed all fecret means to ſtrengthen himſelfe.
The Ionian Cities were delivered to Tillaphernes by Artaxer-
xes, but revolted to him, all except Myletus. His pretences for
levying forces were, the Garriſoning of thofe Cities, and his
oppofing Tissaphernes: Clearchus likewife raiſed for him many
in Cherfonefus, upon pretence of warring againſt the Thracians.
He privately alfo kept an Army on foot in Theffaly under A-
riftippus: and Proxenus of Boeotia brought him forces as againſt the
Pifidians; this Proxenus who had been ſcholar to Gorgias the
* Xen. lib. 3. Leontine, and gueft to Xenophon) fent to invite him to Cyrus,
afſuring him he ſhould be of more eſteem with him then of his
own Country: Xenophon confulted with Socrates about this let-
ter, who doubting that if he took part with Cyrus, the Athenians
would be difpleas'd with him ( Cyrus having before aided the
Lacedemonians again them) counſell'd him to ask the advice
of the Delphian Oracle. Xenophon went thither,and demanded
of Apollo to which of the Gods he ſhould addreſs his vowes and
facrifice for the good fucceffe of his intended journey.Hee was
anſwer'd, that he ſhould facrifice to thofe Gods to whom it
was due: Returning to Athens, he imparted this Oracle to So-
crates, who blam'd him,becauſe he had not demanded whether
it was beſt to ſtay or no, but (as already determined to goe)
how he might beſt perform his journey; Nevertheleffe (faith
he) fince you have fo propofed your demand, you muſt do as
the Gods command: Xenophon having facrificed according to
the Oracles direction, took ſhipping, and at Sardis found Prox-
enus and Cyrus ready for their expedition into Afia, and was
immediately recommended to Cyrus, being by both carneſtly
intreated to ſtay: hee continued with him not in any com-
mand, but as a volunteer. * In which condition he did not any
thing misbeſeeming a fouldier, whereupon he was in the num-
ber of thoſe whom Cyrus efteem'd moſt.
* Xen. lib. 3-
*Chio. Epift.
ad Metrid.
*
* Xenoph.lib.1. *Cyrus having drawn all his forces together, marched up and
{
gave
XENOPHON,
97
CC
*
Laert.
* Xenoph.lib.a.
gave battle to Artaxerxes (in the beginning of the fourth year *
of the nintie fourth Olympiad, when Xenenetus was Archon)
at Cunaxa, five hundred Stadia from Babylon, by the River Eu-
phrates. Whilft he was viewing both Armies, he told Xenophon,
who rode up to him, that the facrifices were aufpicious; then
Xenophon gave him the Grecians word, Jupiter the preferver.
The Greeks prevailed againſt Tifaphernes; but Cyrus allaulting,
the King, was through his too much forward neffe flain; the
Grecians thinking themſelves Maſters of the field, and Cyrus
to be alive, returned to their Camp, which they found rifled
by the enemy. The next day the King fending Thalinus to
them, to deliver their armes, Xenophon anfwered, "That they
"had nothing left but their armes and valonr; as long
"as they kept their armes, they might uſe their valour, fur-
"rendring them, they were not Maſters of themſelves: It were
indifcretion (faith he) to ſurrender what we have left,
fince thereby perhaps we may make our felves Maſters of
"what you have. Phalinus fmiling, replyed; "Young man, you
"look and ſpeak like a Philofopher; but affure your felfe, your
" valour will not over-mafter the Kings power. Clearchus re-
turned this anſwer for the whole Army, "If we be eſteemed
"friends, it will be better for him that we are armed, if ene-
"mies, better for our felves. Tiffaphernes having made a Truce
with Clearchus, perfidioufly got him with foure other Com-
manders, Proxenús, Menon, (*with whom Xenophon had parti-
cular enmity) Agias, and Socrates, twenty Captains of Cohorts,
and two hundred common fouldiers into his power; and de
livering them up to the King, they were beheaded. The Greeks
being fummoned to lay down their armes, pretending that
Clearchus was executed for treafon difcovered by Menon and
Proxenus, who were very highly rewarded. Xenophon required
to have them fent, who were fitteft to direct them, being
friends to both; whereto the Perfians not able to anſwer, de-
parted.
*
TH
CHAP. III.
How he brought off the Grecian Army.
*
* Laert.
He Greeks finding themſelves in fuch a ſtrait, were in ⋆ Xenoph.lib.3.
deſpair ever to ſee their Country again. Xenophon cal-
ling together the Officers of Proxenus, told them, "They were
not to expect any mercy from the King, who had ſhewen
"none to the body of his dead brother, having faftned his
"head and hand to a Gibbet, and that they muſt reſolve to
"put their fafetie in their armes. Apollonides a Baotian al-
ledg'd, that there was no means offafety but in the Kings fà-
vour
1
98
XENOPHON
• Elian. var.
bist. 3.24.
?
૬
*
vour, and began to reckon the dangers wherewith they were
furrounded. Xenophon anſwered, "That when upon the death
"of Cyrus, they marched up to the Kings armies, he laboured
"for a ceffation, but when their Captains went to him unarm-
"ed, he abuſed them; and that Apollonides deſerved to be ca-
"fhierd, as the diſhonour of his Nation. Agasthias replyed,
(which words Laertius afcribes to Xenophon)" he was an incon-
"fiderable fellow, whoſe ears were boared as the flaves of Ly-
"dia: So they turned him out. Having called together all the
Commanders, Xenophon adviſed them to chufe new in the room
of thoſe that were loft, of whom he was elected in the place of
Proxenus: Hereupon he put on his richeſt habit, as fitteft either
for death or victory, for his greateſt delight was in fair
poliſhed armes, affirming, that if he overcame, he deſerved
fuch, if he were overcome and died in the field, they would
decently expreffe his quality, and were the fitteft fepulchrall
ornaments of a valiant man. His ſhield was of Argos, his breaſt-
plate of Attica, his helmet of Beotia, his horfe of Epidaurium 3
whereby Elian argued the elegance of the perfon, in choofing
fuch things as were fair, and eſteeming him worthy of fuch.
Thus adorned, he made an oration to the Army, adviſing them
(from the examples of their late commanders) not to truſt the
enemy, but in order to their return, to burn their Cariages, and
Tents: this advice was put in execution; Cherifophus a Lacedæ-
monian had charge ofthe Van, Xenophon of the Reer, choſen
(faith) Chio as well for his courage as wifdome, being in both
excellent: betwixt theſe two there grew fo great a friendſhip,
that in all the time of the retreat they never had but one diffe-
rence; their march was directed towards the heads of thoſe
great rivers which lay in their way, that they might paffe them
where they were fordable; having croft the River Zathe, Mi
thridates came up to them, and galled the Reer with fhot, which
the Greeks not able to requite, Xenophon provided two hun-
dred flings, and finding fifty horſes fit for fervice, imployed
among the Carriages, mounted men upon them, whereby ha-
ving fruſtrated the fecond attempt of Mithridates, they mar
ched to Lariffa, feated upon Tigris, thence to Mefpila; in their
march from thence, Tiffaphernes overtook them with a great
Army, but was twice worſted; whereupon (as the fecureft
courſe) he ſeized on a Mountain, under which they muſt of
neceffity paffe; Xenophon with a party gained by another way
the top of that Mountain, not without much difficulty of paf-
fage and trouble; and to animate his fouldiers, one of them,
named Soteridas, murmured that he was on horſe-back, where-
as himſelfe marched on foot, oppreft with the weight of his
fhields which Xenophon hearing, alighted, took his fhield from
him, and thruſting him out of his rank, marched (notwith-
c
ſtanding
XENOPHON
99
ftanding he had alfo a horfe-man Cuiraffe) in his room: But
the fouldiers beat and reviled Sateridas, till they conſtrained
him to take again his ſhield and place. When they had gained
the top, the enemy, being prevented, fled, and fet fire on the
villages. *The Grecians (intercepted by the River Tigris ) * Xenoph.lib.4.
marched over the mountains into the Country of the Carduchi
a people enemy to the Perfians,rough and warlike,from whom
they found fuch oppofition, that in feven daies march through
their country, they were put to continuall fights, andſuffe-
red more diſtreſſes then the Perſian had put them to. Fording
the River Kentrites, which bounds that country, they paffed
into Armenia, where having put to flight fome troops of horfe
raffed by the Kings deputies in thefe parts to oppoſe their paf-
fage, they marched without disturbance to the heads of Tigris
which they paffed ; thence to the River of Teletoa in weſt Ar-
menia, moleſted with extream fnowes, lofing many by extre-
mity of cold, till they came to the River Phafis, neer which li-
ved the Praſiani, Tacchi, and the chalybes; the Tacchi, into whoſe
country they firſt came, conveying their proviſion into ſtrong
holds, reduced the Greeks to great want, untill with much
pames they forced one of them, where they took as much
Cattle as maintained them in their paſſage through the coun-
try of the Chalybes, aftout Nation, of whom they could get
nothing but blowes: thence they marched to the River Har-
pafus, To to the Scythini, where the Lord of Gymnias, a town in
thofe parts, led them through the enemies country (which he
willed them to burn as they went ) to the Mountain Theches
from whence they might behold the fea, to the great joy of
the fouldiers. Paffing friendly through the country of the Ma-
crone's to the Colchian Mountains, difcomfiting the Colchi, who
oppofed them, they arived at Trapezond, a City upon the Eu
xine fea, where was a Greek Colony; here they facrificed and
celebrated games: Cherifophus they fent to Anaxibius,the Lace-* Xenoph.lib.5.
dæmonian Admirall, (with whom he was intimate) to procure
fhips for their tranſportation home. Whileft they ſtayed in ex-
pectation of his return, they maintained themſelves by incur-
fions upon the Colchi and Drylanı;but he not coming, and their
proviſion failing, Xenophon perfwaded the Citties adjoyning
to cleerthem a paffage by Land, which they took to Cerafus a
Greek City, where muſtering their men, they found but eight
thoufand fix hundred left of ten thoufand that went up with
Cyrus; thereft confumed by enemies, fnow, and fickneffe: They
fhared the mony that had been made by the fale of Captives,
referving a tenth for an offering to Apollo and Diana: Xenophon
reſerved his to be diſpoſed at Delphi and Ephefus. From Cerafus
they paſſed through the Country of the Mofynaci, a barbarous
people, divided into factions; the ſtronger part deſpifing their
*
Qqq
friend-
100
XENOPHON
0
friendſhip, they joyned with the weaker, whom they left Ma-
fters of all: Then they marched to the Chalybes, thence to the
Tibarenes, paffing quietly through their Country to Cotyora,
a Greek Town and Colony of the Sinopians. Thus far the Ar-
my marched on foot; the diſtance of the place where they
fought with Artaxerxes to Cotyora, being one hundred twenty
two encampings, fix hundred twenty parafangs, ten thouſand
eight hundred twenty furlongs, the time eight Months.
Thofe of Cotyora refuſing to afford them a Market or enter-
tainment for their fick, they entered the Town by force, and
took proviſion,partly out of Paphlagonia, partly out of the Ter-
ritory of the Cotyonites; whereupon the City of Sinope to which
Cotyora was tributary, fent Ambaffadours to them, complain-
ing of this dealing, and threatning to joyne with Corylas and the
Paphlagonians; whereto Xenophon anfwered, "that they fear-
"ed not,if need were, to war againſt them both, but could, if
"they pleaſed, gain the friendſhip of Corylas and the Paphla-
❝gonians as well as they. Upon which anfwer, the Ambaffa-
dours growing calm, promiſed them all friendship from the
State of Sinope, and to affift them with fhipping for the whole
Army, it being impoffible to go by Land, by reafon of the Ri-
vers Thermodon, Halys, Iris and Parthenius.
;
Xenophon had defigned to plant a Colony there, but his in-
tention being divulg'd by Silanus, a Sooth-fayer, thofe of
Sinope, and Heraclea fent to the Grecians, promifing. them not
only a fufficient fleet, but defiring under hand Timalion a Greek
Commander to promiſe the Army a good fumme of mony to
convey them to Troas; which offers Xenophon(who only defired
the common good) perfwaded them to accept, and to engage
mutually, not to forfake one another till they were all in fafe-
tie: Thoſe of Heraclea fent fhipping, but not the mony;
whereupon Timafion and other commanders fearing the foul-
diers, defired Zenophon the Army might go to Phafis, which he
refuſed, but thereby was occafion'd a fufpition that he ſhould
plot to deceive the Army, and to bring them back to Phafts,
whereof he acquitted himfelfe. Here a generall inquifition was
made of all offences fince the death of Cyrus, and they were
puniſhed; fome accufed Xenophon for beating them, all which
proved for juſt cauſes, one for offering to bury his fick com-
panion alive; fome for forfaking their ranks; others for lying
on the ground in the fnow, or lingring behind. Thus were all
things quietly fetled.
CHAP
XENOP HON.
¡OL
T
CAAP. IV.
·End of the Retreat.
ら
​He Greeks, affoon as their fleet was ready, fet fail for Xenoph. lib. 6,
Harmond, the Port of Sinope, when Chirifophus met them
with fome Galleyes from Anaxibius, who promifed them pay
as ſoon as they ſhould come into Greece. The Army defirous of
a Generall, intreated Xenophon (with extraordinary teftimony
of affection) to accept that command: Xenophon refuſed, either
diffwaded by inaufpicious facrifice, or unwilling to diſpleaſe
the Lacedæmonians, in putting by Chir fophus, who was there-
upon chofen, but foon after depofed, for refufing to ex-
tort a great fumme from Heraclea, a Greek City, their
friends: Xenophon alfo denying to be employed therein, the
Army thereupon became divided; they choſe ten Captains out
of themſelves, with Chirifophus remained two thouſand one
hundred, with Xenophon two thouſand foot and forty horſe ;
Chirifophus went by land to meet Cleander Governour of Bizan
tiam, at the mouth of the River Calphas, leaving fuch ſhipping
as he had to Xenophon, who landing in the confines of Thrace,
and of the Heraclean Country, marched quietly through the
midſt of the land: the Mutineers landing at Calphas, furpriſed
and ſpoyled the country thereabout; the Thracians rifing up
againſt them, cut off two Regiments, and befieged the hill
where the reft encamped. Xenophon on the way being inform-
ed of the deſperate condition of theſe Greeks, went directly
to the place, fetting on fire as he went all that was combuſti-
ble; the enemy fearing to be fet upon in the night, ftole away,
as did the Greeks alfo, whom Xenophon overtaking in the
way to the Port of Calphas, they embraced him with great
joy, and ariving at the Haven, made a decree, that it ſhould
be death for any man to propound to divide the Army, and
that they ſhould depart the Country in their first order.
The former Commanders being reſtored in the room of Chi-
'rifophus who died, they fubftituted Neon, who going forth with
two thouſand men to pillage the Country, was diſcomfitted
by Pharnabazus Lievtenant to the King of Perfia, and loſt five
hundred men; the reſt reſcued by Xenophon, the Army by his
encouragement, marched through a large Forreſt defeating
Pharnabazus, who oppoſed their paffage there. Cleander came
over to them, and having expreffed much kindneſſe to Xeno-
phon, and contracted hofpitality with him, departed. The Ar-
I my
marched through Bythinia to Chryfopolis in the territories of
Chalcedon. Thence Anaxibius the Lacedemonian Admirall
*
tranſported them to Byzantium, where hee had promiſed they Xenoph. lib. 7.
hould
102
XENOPHON
Metridem.
*
fhould as foon as they arrived receive pay, without which hee
fent them out of the City, whereat the fouldiers incenſed,
returned and entred the City by force,intending to ſpoil it:but
Xenophon thruſting himſelf amongst the croud, diffwaded them,
*In piftola ad and appeafed the tumult, as is particularly attefted by Chio
an eye-witneffe. By this means they were brought to depart
the City quietly, which as foon as they had done, Xenophon de-
firous to go home, took leave of the Army, and returned to By-
zantium with Cleander. Anaxibius being put out of the Admiral-
fhip, and thereupon flighted by Pharnabazus (at whoſe inftiga-
tion he had treated the Greeks fo hardly) defired Xenophon to
return to the Army to lead them to Perinibus,, whence they
fhould be tranſported into Afia; The Army received him with
much joy: when they came to Perinthus, Ariftarchus the Gover-
nour would not ſuffer them to be tranfported: Seuthes King of
Thrace had invited them to aid him againft Medocus, ufurper of
his Kingdom, with large offers of money to every fouldier, of
his daughter to Xenophon: to him therefore not knowing where
to winter they went. At fupper every one (according to the
cuſtom ) drunk to the King, and made him a prefent: Xeno-
phon,who fate next him, rifing up, and taking the cup,told him,
"he gave him himſelf & all his Companions to be his faithful
"friends, and ready fervants in the recovery of his Kingdom:
"Herin their affiitance did much advantage Seuthes: the Army
wanting pay, Xenophon reproved Heraclides for not taking
order about its who therupon endeavoured to work him out of
favour with Seuthes, to whom he brought the reſt of the Com-
manders, counſelling them to ſay, that if need were,they could
lead the Army upon fervice as well as Xenophon; but they joint-
ly protefted unto Seuthes, they would not ferve at all without
him: So he fent for Xenophon alſo, and being agreed to proceed,
they march'd towards the Country of the Melinophagi as far as
Salmydeffon which places having reduced, they returned to
the plaines of Selybria: thither came Chaminus a Lacedemonian,
Polinicus fent from 7hymbro,who told them that the Lacedemo-
nians had defigned war againſt Tall aphernes,the charge thereof
was committed to Thymbro,who defir'd this Army of Greeks to
affiſt them, promifing them good pay.Seuthes willingly yielded
the Army into their hands; they fent Xenophon to demand their
areares, which not without much importunity hee obtained.
Thence they failed to Lampfacus, where Euclides a foothfayer
of Xenophons acquaintance asked him, how much Gold he had
brought? Xenophon proteſted hee had not had enough to carry
him home, but that he fold his horſe and other things which
he had about him. The next day they marched to Ophrynium
whither came Bito and Euclides to pay the Army; they being
Xenophons friends, reftored (refufing the price of redempti-
on)
XENOPHON
103
on) his horfe which he much loved, and had pawned at Lamp-
farus. Then marching forward by Atramyttium, and Kertonium
not far from Atarna to the plain of Caicus, they reached Peri
gamus a Citty of Lydia. Here Hellas wife of Gongylus an Eretrian,
mother of Gorgion, and Gongylus entertained Xenophon: By her
information Xenophon ſurpriſed Afidates a rich Perfian, with his
wife and chidren, and all his goods: Returning to Pergamus, the
Lacedæmonians, Captains and Souldiers, by agreement gave
him alſo an extraordinary fhare of horſes, oxen, and other
things; then came Thymbro, and taking the Army, joyn'd it to
the reſt of the Grecian forces, wherewith he made war againſt
Tillaphernes.
* Which per-
haps was
Ptolomy to
Of the Kings Provinces, through which they paffed, the Go-
vernours were thele; Artimas of Lydia, Artacamas of Phrygia, Mi-
thridates of Lacaonia, and Cappodocia of Cilicia, Szennefis: of
Phenicia and Arabia,Derness of Syria and Affyria, Bélefis: of Baby-comme
lonia, Roparas: of Media, Arbacas, of the Phafiani and Hefperita, to the Kings of
Teribazus, the Carduchi, Chalybes, Chaldeans, Macrones, Colcht, Mo- that Country, as
fynachi, Coeti, and Tibareni are free Nations; Paphlagonia gover-thefe of pypt.
ned by Corylas; the Bithynians by Pharnabazus, the European fee Thales chap.
Thracians by Senthess The totall number of the Afcent and De-
fcent is two hundred & fifteen encampings, one thouſand one
hundred & fifty parafangs, thirty four thousand two hundred
fifty five furlongs; the time of the Afcent and Deſcent one
year and three months.
CHAP. V.
His following of Agefilaus, and baniſhment.
Fter this expedition the defeat in Pontus, and breach of pro- * Laert.
mife of Senthes King of the Odryfians; Xenophon went into
Afia with Agefilaus King of the Lacedæmonians,to whom he delivered
for a fum of money the fouldiers of Cyrus, and beloved infinitely, èis
pot; Æmilius Probus faith, he converfed intimately with him:
Cicero,that he inftructed him. Plutarch affirms, that by his advice
Agefilaus fent his fonns to be educated at Sparta, to learn and art them,
which none was more excellent, how to obey and command. Agefilaus
paffed into Afia the first year of the 96. Olympiad; He warred
fucceffefully with the Perfian, but the year following was call-
ed home by the Lacedæmonians to help his Country invaded
by the Thebans, and their allies, whom the Perfian had corrup-
ted, thereby to withdraw the war out of his Country. Xenophon
in his returning with Agefilaus out of Afia into Boeotia, appre-
hending the danger of the war they were entring into, when
he came to Ephesus left one half of the gold * which he had re- supr.chap 3
ferved for an offring out of his ſhare (of the money which the
Rrr
Army
1
104
XENOPHON.
Army divided at Cerafunt in their return from the expedition
of Cyrus) with Megabyzus Diana's Prieft, willing that if he efca-
ped the danger of that war, it ſhould be reſtored to him, if he
mifcarried, confecrated to Diana, and either made into an
Image dedicated to the goddeffe, or difpofed fome way that
he ſhould conceive moſt acceptable to her: the other half hee
* Xenoph.lib.s. fent an offring to the Athenian treasury at Delphi, * infcribing
thereon both his own name, and that of Proxenus, his prede-
ceffor in the command of that Regiment, Agefilaus returning,
wafted Boeotia, and overcame the Thebans and their allies in a
great battell at Coronea particularly deſcribed by Xenophon,
who was there preſent.
Agefil
Σ
* Paufane
* Laert.
Laert. Paufan.
Eliac.
• Suid.
* Laert.
Xenoph. de ex-
ped. Cyr. 5.
Laert.
* Strab. 8.
*
During the abſence of Xenophon out of his own Country, the
Athenians(becauſe he took part againſt the King of Perfia their
friend,& followed Cyrus, who had affifted the Lacedemonians a-
gainſt them,* fupplying Lyfander their General with mony for a
Navy proclaimed a decree of banishment against him: *Ifter
faith,he was baniſhed by the decree of Eubulus, and called home
by the fame; Laertius, that he was banish'd for Laconism,upon his
going to Agefilaus; Some place this decree in the third year of
the 96. Olimpiad, but the writer of the Hiftory of Cyrus his ex-
pedition inplyeth, that it was before his firſt return out of Aſia,
affirming that before the delivery of the Army to Thymbro, Xe-
nophon ignorant of this decree, intended to have gone
home.
T
CHAP. VI.
How he lived at Scilluns, and at Corinth,,
"He Lacedemonians to requite him for fuffring in their
cauſe, maintained him at the publique charge, and pur-
chafing Scilluns of the Eleans, built a Town there,and beſtow-
ed a fair houſe and land upon Xenophon, whereupon hee left
Agefilaus and went thither, carrying with him his wife named
Philefia, and his two fons which he had by her, Diodorus and,
Gryllus, called the Diofcuri.* Thither Pelopidas a Spartan fent
him Captives for flaves from Dardanus for a prefent,to diſpoſe
of them as ſhould pleaſe him.
*
.
Scilluns was near Olympia, eminent for celebration of the
Games, which Megabyzas coming to fee, reſtored to Xenophon
the money which he had left in his cuftody, wherewith *by ad-
vice of the Oracle he purchaſed a portion of land, and confe-
crated it to Diana in a place defigned by Apallo, through which
ram the River Selinus, of the fame name with that at Ephefus
running by Diana's Temple; the River was stored as well with
fhell-fifh as others, the land with all kind of beaſts for game;
he
H
XENOPHON.
105
he built alfo a Temple, and after with the confecrated money
offering the tithes of the fruits of the land to Diana, all the Ci-
tizens and Neighbours, men and women,were invited to the
feaft, where they had from the Goddeffes allowance, bread,
wine, and part of the flesh of fuch beafts as was either taken
out of the confecrated ground,and facrificed, or killed in hunt-
ing with the Sons of Xenophon and other Citizens, exerciſed a❤
gainst the time of the feaft out of the facred ground, and out
of Phaloe were taken wild Boars, Goats, and Staggs; the place
lies in the way betwixt Lacedæmonia and Olympia, twenty Sta-
dia from the Temple of Olympian Jupiter. In the facred
ground were woods and hills, ftored with trees fufficient to
maintain fwine, Goats and fheep, whereby the beaſts of carri-
age of fuch Merchants as come to the feaft are maintained
plentifully about the Temple a Grove of fruit-trees of all
forts. The Temple was an imitation in little of that at Ephefus:
an image of Cypreffe here refembling that of Gold there: A
Pillar near the Temble bare this infcription, GROUNDS A-
CRED DIANA. HE WHO POSSESSETH IT LET HIM PÅT
THE TITHE OF HIS YEARLY ENCREASE,AND WITH THE
SURPLUS AGE, MAINI AIN THE TEMPLE,IF HE NEGLECT
THE GODDESSE WILL TAKE ORDER FOR IT. * At this place Laert.
of retirement Xenophon employed his time in hunting, and
writing Hiftories, inviting his friends thither, of whom a-Epift. Sectá-
mongſt others came Phado and Ariftippus, much delighted with tic. 18.
the ſituation, building, and trees planted by the hand of the
owner.
*
•
*
* At length a war arifing betwixt the Eleans and Lacedæ- Laert.
monians, the Eleans invaded Scilluns with a great Army, and
before the Lacedemonians came to their reliefe, feized on the
houſe & lands of Xenophon;His fons with fome few fervants got
away privately to Lepreum; Xenophon first to Elis, then to Lepre-
um to his Sons, and laſtly with them to Corinth, where he took
a houſe and continued the reſt of his life. During this time the
Argives, Arcadians, and Thebans, jointly oppofed the Lace-
demonians, and had almoſt oppreſt them, when the Athenians
made a publique decree (* mentioned by a Xenophon) to fùc-* Grat.Hifi.
cour them; Xenophon fent his Sonns upon the expedition to A- ultim.
thens, to fight for the Lacedemonians; for (as Diocles affirms)
they had been educated at Sparta in the diſcipline of that place.
This enmity ended in a great battle at Mantinea in the fe-
cond year of the hundreth and fourth Olympiad: Diodorus
without acting any thing memorable, gave off ſafe, and had
afterwards a fon of his brothers name. "Gryllus was ranked op-
poſite to the Theban horſe-men: the Thebans having by the
valour of their Generall Epaminondas got the better of the day,
a refolute company of Spartan horſe-men broke in upon him
1
>
of
•
106
XENOPHON.
of whom was Gryllus, who flew Epaminondas with his own
hand, as Paufanias affirmes to have been atteſted both by the
Athenians, and the Thebans, adding, that he had feen at
Athens a picture of the battle at Mantinea, confirming the fame;
and that at Mantinea was erected a Pillar with the ſtatue of
Gryllus on horſeback. In this noble action Gryllus loft his life,
the newes of whoſe death came to Xenophon at Corinth, as he
war. hift. 3. 3. Was facrificing, Crowned with a Garland ; as foon as he heard
D. Hieron pi- his fon was flain, he took off his Garland, and laid it aſide; then
taph. Nepot. ad demanding after what manner he died, it was anfwered, figh-
Serm. 106. ting ftoutly in the midft of his enemies, of whom, having flain
Laert. Elian.
Heliod. Stob.
many he fell at laſt himſelfe: Hereupon Xenophon took again
his Garland, and putting it upon his head, proceeded to fa-
crifice, not fo much as fhedding one tear, only faying, I knew
* Val. Max• 5. that I had begot a mortall; *and calling the Gods to whom he fa-
* Laert, citing crificed to witneffe, that the vertue of his fon gave him more
Ariftotle cōtent,then his death forrow.*Innumerable were the Epitaphs
and Encomiums that were written upon Gryllus, to pleaſe Xe-
nophon, whence may be collected in how great eſteem he was.
10:
That he made a vifit to Dionyfius Tyrant of Sicily (but at
what time is uncertain) is implied by *Athenæus, who relateth,
*Deipnos. lib. that being at a feaſt of his, compelled by the Cup-bearer to
drink, he called the Tyrant by name: "What is the matter
"Dyonyfius (faith he) your Cook, though excellent in that art
doth not enforce us to eat againſt our inclination?
10.
* Laert.
• De longau.
*
Athen. de-
ipn. 4.
* Laert.
* Prowm.
CHAP. VII.
His Death, Perfon, Vertues.
د
Enophon being *full of years (which according to*Lucian ex-
ceeded ninety) died at Corinth, in the firſt of the hundreth
and fifth Olympiad, Callidemus, or Callimedes being Archon
at what time Philip fon of Amintas began his raign in Macedonia.
He had an ingenious modeſt look, long, thick hair, handſome
(toufe the words of Laertius) beyond expreffion, Adroit in eve-
ry thing, particularly addicted to horſes and hunting,skilfull in Tacticks,
as his writings atteft; devout, a great lover of facrifices, skilfull in in-
terpreting them; an exact imitatour of Socrates, temperate, as ap-
pears
pears from his faying, that * It is pleafant hungry, to eat herbs;
thirsty, to drink water. So candid and ingenious, that when he
might have ſtollen the writings of Thucydides which lay con-
cealed, he chofe rather to publiſh them with honour,
3
*
In a word, he was a perfon every way abfolute, as well for
action, as contemplation. Xenophon (faith * Eunapius) was the
only man of all the Philofophers who adorned Philofophy with his words
and
XENOP HON
107
and actions; he deſcribes morall vertu in his difcourfes and writings:
in his actions he was fingular; as to his conduct, a meft excellent Gene-
rall. Alexander had not been great, if Xenophon had not faid, even
the perfunctory actions of aliant perfons ought to be recorded.
* Laert.
*He was the firſt that committed the diſputes of Socrates his
Mafter to writing, and that with much fidelity, not inferting
excurfions of his own, as Plato did, whom for that reafon, as
Agellius obferves, he argueth of falfehood; that there was a* Lib. 14.
great enmity betwixt theſe two is affirmed by the fame Au-
thor, who, as a proof thereof alledgeth, that neither of them
names the other in any of their writings: Voffius only obſerves, De Hiftor.
that Xenophon mentions Plato once in his movuara, over- Grac. 1. 5.
feen by Agellius. This enmity is further acknowledged by * Lib. 3.
* Athenæus and Laertius, confirmed by the Epiftle of Xenophon
*
*
to Efchines, wherein he condemnes Plato, that not being fatif- * Deipnes, 11.
fied with the Doctrine of Socrates, he went to the Pythagore-
ans in Italy, and to the Ægyptian Priefts; arguments of a mind
not conſtant to Socrates. That he was at difference with* Ari-
ftippus alfo, argued from his writings.
•
* Laert. vis.
Laertius hath two Epigrams concerning him, the firſt upon Ariſtipp.
his going with Cyrus into upper Afia..
K
Great Xenophon at once made two afcents,
To Afia in person, and to Heaven by fame:
His ftile and action (lasting Monuments)
Lay to Socratick-wifdome equall claime.
The other upon his baniſhment.
das
5
*
Thee the Cecropians, noble Xenophon
د
+
Banifh'd their land, 'caufe Cyrus thou didst aid;
• But strangers prov'd far kinder then thy own:
what Athens ow'd thee, was by Corinth paid.
¿
う
​Laertius reckons feven Xenophons, this the firft, the fecond
an Athenian, brother to Niroftratus, Author of the Thefes, befides
many other things, he writ the lives of Pelopidas and Epaminon-
the third, a Physician of Coos; the fourth writer of the
Hiftory of Hannibal: the fifth, writer of fabulous Monſters:
the fixt, of Paros a ftatuary: the ſeventh, an old Comick Poet:
Suidas reckons three more; one of Antioch, the ſecond of Ephe-
fas, the third of Cyprus: Hiftorians, or rather writers of Ro-
mances; that of the firft called Babylonica, of the fecond Ephefi-
ata in ten books; of the third Cypriaca: the ftory of Cynaras,.
Myrrha, and Adonis.
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СНАР.
108
XENOPHON.
* Brut. dy de
CHAP. VIII.
His writings.
Dionyfius Halicarnafæus faith, that Xenophon was a ſtudious
æmulatour of Herodotus, both in words and language: His
ftile (according to Cicero) *foft and *fw:et (melle dulcior) far
oratore. lib. 2. differing from the noise of Oratours in the Forum: in his voice, the Mu-
fes feem to fpeak, whence he was firnamed the Attick Mufes or
according to others,the Attick Bee, a Title formerly conferr'd on
*Sophocles.His ftile and manner of writting isat large diſcourſed
upon by Ariftides, Adrianenfis in an expreffe tract, erroneouſly
afcribed to Hermogenes.
* Orater.
* Cic Orat.
* Vit. Sophocl.
*Cicer.Tufc.
quaſt. 3.
* De fene&t.
* Lib. 15.
Grat, a&.
* Annal.
* Laert.
* Offic. 2.
The Books of Xenophon (which* Scipio Africanus had alwaies
in his hand, and * Cicero adviſeth to read, as very profitable in
many things) were (as reckoned by Laertius) fortie, which feve-
rall perfons diſtinguiſh ſeverally; the generall titles theſe.
Kúgy music the life and difcipline of Cyrus (as Cicero renders it)
in eight books, written non ad hiftoria fidem (though * Diodorus
Siculus feems to take it in that quality) fed ad effigiem jufti imperii 3
no as a faithfull Hiftory, but the defcription of an exact Prince:
Whence Aufonius faith, in relating the vertues of Cyrus, he hath
given rather a wiſh then a hiſtory, deſcribing, not what he was, but what,
he ought to have been.
Kúgsårákans ; the going up of Cyrus the younger into Afia, in fe-
ven Books; each of which (as Laertius obferves) hath a Pro-
cem, the whole none: Mafius fufpects that Xenophon was not the
Author of this book; the Biſhop of Armach afcribes it to The-
miftogenes, though owned as Xenophons by Plutarch, Cicero, Diony-
fius Halycarnaffuus, Hermogenes, Laertius, Athenæus, and
others.
Ελλίωικο
BAAwing; the Greek History, in feven books, continuing where
Thucydides left; the fame was done by Theopompus, but he went
no further then fixteen yeèrs, Xenophon to fortie eight.
Agefilaus, of which piece Cicero faith, that Agefilaus would not
Suffer his picture or statue to be made, this book alone furpaffeth ath pi-
ctures or images in his praife.
The Republick of the Lacedaemonians, and the Republick of the Athe-
nians, which Demetrius denieth to be Xenophons,
*
The defence of Socrates, and the memorialls of Socrates, which
perhaps is that history of Philofophers mentioned by Suidas.
Oeconomicks, the laft book of the memorable difcourfes,
wherewith *Cicero was ſo much delighted, that in his younger
yeers he tranflated it.
Symposium, accommodated to the fourth yeer of the eighty
ninth
XENO PHON
109
ninth Olympiad, for which reaſon reprehended by Athena™
us, as erroneous in Chronology; vindicated by the learned
Cafaubon.
Hiero, Or,of a Kingdome.
The accompts of revenues.
Of Horfes.
Of Horsemanship.
of Hunting.
Epiftles.
Beſides
theſe which are extant, Xenophon feemes to have
written other things; *Valerius Maximus and * Pliny cite his *8.13.
Periplus.
There is a treatiſe of Aquivokes under Xenophon's name, but
made and impoſed upon the world by Annius.
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XENOPHON'S
;
iro
XENOPHON
* Stob. Serm:
३
XENOPHONS EPISTLES
Mi
* To Æfchines.
Epift. 1.
Eeting with Hermogenes, amongst other things I asked
him what Philofophy you followed, he answered, the
fame as Socrates. For this inclination I admired you, when you
lived at Athens, and now continue the fame admiration for
your conftancy above other ſtudents of wifdom; The great-
eft argument to me of your virtue is, your being taken with
that man, if we may call the life of Socrates mortall. That there
are divine beings over us all know: wee worſhip them as ex-
ceeding us in power; what they are is neither eafie to find, nor
lawfull to enquire. It concerns not fervants to examine the
Nature and actions of their Maſters, their duty is onely to
obey them; and which is moſt confiderable, the more admira-
tion they deſerve who bufie themſelves in thoſe things which
belong to man; the more trouble this brings them, who affect
glory in vain unfeaſonable objects: For when (Afchines) did
any man hear Socrates difcourfe of the Heavens or adviſe his
Schollers to Mathematicall Demonftrations? we know he un-
derſtood Muſick no further then the Ear: But was alwaies dif-
courfing to his friends of fome thing excellent; what is forti-
tude and juſtice and other virtues. Thefe he called the proper
good of mankind;other things he ſaid men could not arrive at;
or they were of kin to fables, fuch ridiculous things as are
taught by the fupercilious profeffours of wisdom. Nor did hee
onely teach this; his practice was answerable; of which I have
written at large elſewhere, what I hope will not be unpleafing
* Meaning Pla: to you, (though you know it already) to perufe. Let thofe
much of his own who are not fatisfied with what Socrates delivered, give over
to the difcour. upon this conviction, or confine themſelves to what is proba❤
and went to 'ble. Living, he was attefted wife by the Deity; Dead, his
Egypt, Italy, Murtherers could find no expiation by repentance: But thefe
to, who added
fes of Socrates
and Sicily.
*
extraordinary perfons affect Egypt and the prodigious learn-
ing of Pythagoras, which unneceffary ſtudy argueth them of
inconftancy towards Socrates, as doth alfo their love of Ty-
rants, and preferring the luxury of a Sicilian table before a fru-
gal life.
To
So
XENO PHON
To Crito.
Epift. 2.
Socce
Ocrates often told us,that they who provide much wealth for
their Children,but neglect to improve them by vertue, do
like thoſe who feed their horfes high, and never train them to
the manage: by this means their horfes are the better in cafe,
but the worſe for ſervice, whereas the commendations of a
horfe confifts not in his being fat, but ſerviceable in war. In the
fame kind erre they who purchaſe Lands for their Children,
but neglect their perfons; Their poffeffions will be of great va-
lue, themſelves of none, whereas the owner ought to be more
honourable then his eftate. Whofoevever therefore breeds his
Son well, though beleave him little, gives him much: It is the
mind which makes him great orfmall: whatſoever they have,
to the good ſeems fufficient, to the rude too little. You leave
your Children no more then neceffitie requires, which they
being well educated will efteem plentifull. The ignorant
though free from preſent trouble, have nothing the leffe fear
for the future.
t
To Sotira.
Epist. 3:
*
Stob.ferm;2013
892.
Eath in my opinion is neither good nor ill, but the end Stob. ferm.
of the life, not alike to all, for as ftronger or weaker
278.
from their birth, their years are unequalls fometimes death is
haftned by good or evill caufes and again? * Neither is it fitting* Stob ferm.
to grieve fo much for death, knowing that birth is the begin-
ning of mans Pilgrimage, death the end. Hee died, as all men
(though never fo unwilling) muſt do: but to die well, is the
part of a willing and well educated' perfon. Happy was Gryllus,
and whofoever elfe chooſeth not the longeft life, but the moft
virtuous, though his(it pleafed God) was ſhort.
To Lamprocles.
Epift. 4.
r 2
You muſt firſt approve the excellent affertion of Socrates, Stob.
that Riches are to be measured by their uſe. He called not large
poffeffions riches, but fo much onely as is neceffary; in the
judgement whereof he adviſed us not to be deceived, theſe he
called truly rich, the reft poor, labouring under an incurable
poverty of mind, not eſtate.
Ttt
Epift.
11?
XENOPHON
* Epift. Socra
Ric. 18.
• Allarius o-
therwiſe.
* Epift. Socra-
tick, 21.
3
T
* Epift. 5.
Hey who write in praife of my Son Gryllus, did as they
oughts and you likewife do well in writing to us the acti
ons of Socrates; wee ought not onely to endeavour to be good
our felves, but to praife him who lived chaftly, pioudy, and
justly; and to blame fortune,and thofe who plotted againſt
him, who ere long will receive the punishment thereof. The
Lacedæmonians are much incenfed at it, (for the ill newes is
come hither already) and reproach our people, faying, they
are mad again, in that they could be wrought upon to put him
to death whom Pythia declared the wifeft of men. If any of
Socrates friends want thofe things which I fent,give me notice,
and I will help them, for it is juft and honeft you do well in
in keeping Efchines with you, as you ſend me word. I have a
defign to collect the ſayings and actions of Socrates, which will
be his beft apology, both now and for the future, not in the
Court where the Athenians are Judges, but to all who confider
the virtue of the man. If we fhould not write this freely, it
were a fin againſt friendſhip and the truth. Even now there
fell into my hands a piece of Plato's to that effect, wherein is
the name of Socrates, and fome difcourfes of his not unpleaſant.
* But we muſt profeffe that we heard not, nor can commit to
writing any thing in that kind, for we are not Poets as hee
is, though he renounce Poetry; for amidſt his entertainments
with beautiful perfons, he affirmed that there was not any Po-
em of his extant, but one of Socrates, young and handſome:
Farewell, both, deareſt to me...
*Epist. 6.
?
1.
9.1
*
INtending to celebrate the feaft of Diana, to whom we have
erected a Temple, we fent to invite you hithers If all of you
would come, it were much the beft, otherwiſe if you ſend ſuch
as you can conveniently fpare to affift at our facrifice, you
will do us a favour. Ariftippus was here, and (before him)
Phado, who were much pleaſed with the fcituation and ſtru-
&ture, but above all, with the plantation which I have made
with my
own hands. The place is ftored with beaſts, conveni-
ent for hunting, which the Goddeffe affects; Let us rejoice and
give thanks to her who preferved me from the King of the
Barbarians, and afterwards in Pontus and Thrace from greater
evills,even when we thought wee were out of the Enemies
reach. Though you come not, yet am I obliged to write to you.
I have compofed fome memorialls of Socrates, when they are
per-
3
MENO PHOINHIS
W
,
+
perfect you ſhall have them.Ariftippus and Phado did not difap-
prove of them; Salute in my name Simon the leather-dreſſer
and commend him that hee continueth Socratick difcourfes,
not diverted by want, or his trade from Philoſophy, as ſome
others, who decline to know and admire fuch difcourfes and
thair affects.navatelia
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* Epift. 7...
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•
* }
*
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t
1
* EpiЯ. Socra
tic.19.
Ome tous dear friend,for we have now finished the Tem-
uple of Diana, a magnificent ſtructure, the place:ſet with
grees and confecrated, what remains will be fufficient to main-
staimus, for as Kornatas faid, if they are not fit for us, we will fit
gur folues to them, I writ to Gryllus my fon and your friend to
fupply your occafions, I writ to Gryllus,becauſe of a little one
you have profeftakkindaeffe for him
› To Xantippe.
F
{ }
ju
こ
​!!
To Euphron of
•
#Epift. &
I
<
* Epift.
30 Socratic.21.
?
○ Euphron of Megara I delivered fix meaſures of meale
eight drachmes, and a new rayment for your ufe this
winter: accept them and know that E.clid and Terpfion are ex-
ceeding good, honeft perfons, very affectionate to you and So-
crates; If your fon's have a defire to come to me, hinder them
nct, for the journey to Megara is neither long nor incommodi-
ous: Pray forbear to weep any more, it may do hurt, but can-
not help. Remember what Socrates faid, follow his practiſe and
precepts; In grieving you will but wrong yourſelf and chil-
dren; They are the young ones of Socrates whom we are obli-
ged not onely to maintain, but to preferve our felves for their
fakes: left if you or I,or any other, who after the death of Socra-
crates ought to look to his Childrensfhould fail, they might
*The reason
want a Guardian to maintain and protect them. I ftudy to live manifeft from
for them, which you will not do unleffe you cheriſh your felf. Laertius, who
Grief is one of thoſe things which are oppofite to life, for by it defcribebim
the living are prejudiced. Apollodorus * firnamed the foft, and Di-Such: Xenophon
on praiſe you, that you will accept nothing from any profeffing sunne, Apologe
you are rich; it is well done; for as long as I and other friends Socrat.) in all
things but his
are able to maintain you, you ſhall need none elſe. Be of good affection
courage Xantippe, lofe nothing of Socrates, knowing how great Socrates. Leo
that man was; think upon his life, not upon his death; yet that much perplext
to thoſe who confider it will appear noble and excel- concerning this
lent. Farewell.
appellation.
Xenophon and
calls him
Allatius is
to
To
i14
XENOPHON
1
Epift.
Socratic.22.1
}
*To Cebes and Simmias
Epift. 9.
IT is commonly faid, nothing is richer then a poor man, this I
find true in my ſelf, who have not fo much,but whileft you my
friends take care of me, feem to poffeffe much and it is well
done of you to fupply me as often as I write: As concerning my
Commentaries, there is none of them but I fear fhould be ſeen
by any in my abſence, as I profeſt in your hearing at the houſe
where Euclidlay. I know dear friends a writing once communi-
cated to many is irrecoverable. Plato,though abfent, is much
admired throughout Italy and Sicily for his treatifes; but wee
cannot be perfwaded they deferve any ftudy; I am not onely
carefull of lofing the honour due to learning, but tender alfo
of Socrates, left his virtue ſhould incur any prejudice by my ill
relation ofit. I conceive it the fame thing to calumniate, or
not praiſe to the full thoſe of whom we writes This is my fear
(Cebes and Simmias )at prefent, untill my judgement ſhall be
otherwiſe inform'd. Fareye well.
#
}
OBA 400860
ÆSCHINES.
115
ÆSCHINES
CHAP I.
His life.
T
cohib.
ESCHINES was fon of Charinus ánλævtomois, ⋆ Laert.
or, as Plato and others, of Lfanias, an Ache- Lucanicarum
nian, of the sphettian Tribe: He was from fartoris.
his childhood very induftrious; addreffing
himfelfe to Socrates, he faid to him, I am
-poor, and have nothing to give you but
my felfe: Do you not know, anfwered So-
crates, that you have made me a rich prefent? He was the moſt
diligent of all his Schollers, and never quitted him; whereup-
on Socrates faid, that he only, aknavreme valued him: He was
not beloved of Plato, nor Aristippus: Idomeneus faith, it was he
who counſelled Socrates to escape out of Priſon, which Plato
afcribes to Crito. 'Being very poor, Socrates bad him take fome
of his Dialogues and make mony of them, which Aristippus
fufpecting when he read them at Megara, derided him, faying,
how came you by theſe Plagiary? Another time * Ariftipps* Plut. de ira
falling out with him, was question'd what became of his friendſhip, he
enfwered, it is afleep, but I will wake it; and meeting Efchines, do I
Seem fo inconfiderable to jou, fai:h he, and unfortunate, as not to de-
Serve correction? It is no wonder, answers Afchines, if your nature ex-
ceeding mine in every thing, find out firft what is expedient.
* Infti-
gated by poverty, he went to Sicily, to Dionyfius the Tyrant, ftrat, vit. Apol-
at what time Plato and Aristippus were there: Plato being out on, and from
of favour with the Tyrant, took occafion, by preſenting Ef-
chines, to ingratiate himſelfe: * He defired he might be admitted to Plutarch. de
Speak with him, which the Tyrant granted, fuppofing he would alledge adulat. & ami-
Something in defence of himselfe ; as foon as he came into his prefence,
be began thus: if you knew Dionyfius, of any that came with a ho-
file intent to do you hurt, though he fail'd of the occafion, would you fuf-
fer him to depart unpunished? No hing lelle, answered Dionyfius ;
for not only the ill actions, but d fignes of enemies deferve to be cha-
fized. Then (replies Plato) if any man ſhould come hither out of an
intent to do you a good office, and you not give him leave, ought you to
neglect and deſpiſe him? Dionyfius demanded whom he meant. Æfchi-
nes(faith he)a perſon of as great integrity as any of Socrates his friends,
Uuu
able
* Laert. Phile-
him Suidas.
*
cı diſcrim.
116
ESCHINES.
*
he
able to reform thofe with whom he converfeth, who having undertaken a
great voyage by fea to come hither, and difcourfe Philofophically with
you, is neglected. Dionyfius was fo pleafed at this, that he embraced
Plato, admiring his candor and greatnesse of spirit, and entertained
Æfchines bountifully and magnificently Thus Plutarch's but Laer-
tius faith, that Efcbines comming thither, was defpifed by
Plato, and recommended by Aristippus, the latter, the Socra-
tick Epiſtle confirmes: to Dionyfius he imparted fome Dia-
logues, and was gratified by him, with whom he lived untill
he was depofed, and Dion brought into the Kingdome; then
returned to Athens, where not daring to profeffe his Philofo-
phy, becauſe the names of Plato and Arift ppus were fo great,
*Eaert. Hefych. Laught and took mony privately, at laft applyed himselfe to
Illuftr. framing orations for the Forum, in which Timon faith, he was
very perfwafive: Ly has wrote one Oration in anfwer to him,in-
tituled περὶ συκοφαντίας, or according to Athenaus προς Αρχινίων τον Σω
*patixòv xsáss, wherein he afperfeth him for many things, which
are not any way probable, as (befides patronizing an unjuſt
cauſe, and borrowing without intent to reſtore) for pretending
to fell unguents, contrarie to the lawes of Solon, and precepts
of Socrates, and for injuring Hermaus, his wife and children; fee
Athenæus. Ariftoile firnamed Mides was his intimate friend.
Laertius reckons eight of this name; the firft, this Efchines the
Philofopher; the fecond wrot of Rhetorick; the third an Ora-
tour, contemporary with Demofthenes; the fourth an Arcadian,
fcholler to Ifocrates; the fifth of Mitelene, firnamed Rhetoroma
ftix; the fixt a Neopolitan, an Academick Philofopher, difci-
ple to Melanthius a Rhodian; the ſeventh a Milefian, who wrot
Politicks, friend to Cicero, the eight a ſtatuary.
Laert. Athén.
* Lib. 14.
* Lib. S:
He
CHAP. 11.
His writings.
E wrot Dialogues,Orations, and Epiftless by the first Athe
naus affirms, he gained a great eſteem of temperance, hu-
manity, and integrity: Menedemus accufeth him of owning
many Dialogues of Socrates, which he had of Xantippe ; Panetiuș
believes them to be his own, not counterfeit: thofe ( faith La-
ertius) which expreffe the Socratick habit, are ſeven; the first,
Miltiades, written in a lower ftile: the ſecond,Callias,wherein he
is blamed by Athenæus for treating of the enmity betwixt Calli-
as & his fathers, and for deriding Anaxagoras & Prodicus in their
ſcholars Theramenes, Philoxenus,and Ariphrades. The third, Rhinon
the fourth, Afpafia, cited by Athenæus and Harpocration the
fifth Alcibiades, cited alfo by *Athenæus: The fixth Axiochus
wherein (faith * Athenaus) he traduceth Alcibiades as given to
wine and womens which particular not being to be found in that
Axiochus
ÆSCHINES
117
2
•Lib. 5. upon
Axiochus, extant amongſt the ſpurious Platonick Dialogues,
argues (contrary to the opinion of Voffius) that it is not the
fame. The laſt, Telauges, the ſcope whereof was a Satyricall de-
rifion of the vices of that perfon, as appeareth from Demetrius
Phalereas, and Atheneus ...
177
which fee Can
*There were feven other Dialogues, ftiled, dranol, which, faubon, cap.20:
went under the name of Efchines, very looſe and not ex-* Laert.
preffing enough the Socratick ſeverity & whence Pfiftratus the
Athenian, denyed that they were his and Perfes faith, the
greateft part were written by Pasiphon of Eretria,falfely mingled
with the Dialogues of fines: their names (according to
Sundas) were Phedon, Poljanas, Dracon, Eryxias, (perhaps that
which is extant) of Vertue, Exafiftratus, the Scythians."
* His Ora ions gave full teftimony of his perfection in Rhe-* Laert.
torick, in confirmation whereof, Laertius inftanceth, that in.
defence of the father of Phæacus the Generall, and thoſe wherein he
chefty imitated Gorgias the Leontine; of which * Philoftratus cites
that concerning Tha gelia.
Of his Epiftles, one to Dionyfius the Tyrant is mentioned by
Laeritus, as extant in his time: another there is under his name
amongst the *Socratick Epifiles in theſe words ;
* Epift. ad Jui
Auguſt.
Affoon as I arived at Syracufe, Ariftippus met me in the Forum, * Epiſt. 23.
and taking me by the hand, carried me immediately to Dionyfius, to
whom he faid, Dionyfius, if a man ſhould come hither to infinuate folly
into you, did he not aim at your burt? to which Dionyfius confenting,
what then, continues Ariftippus, would you do to him? the worst, an-
fwers Dionyfius, that could be: But if any one, faith be, fhould come to
improve you in wisdome, did he not aim at your good? which Dionyfius
acknowledging: Behold then (continues he) Efchines, one of Socra-
there-
tes his difciples, come hither to inftruct you; be aimes at your good,
fore on him confer the benefits you confeffe due to fuch. Dyonifius (ſaid
Iimerrup ing him) Ariftippus expreffeth an admirable friendship in
this addreffes but we are owners only of fo much wisdome, as restrains us
from abusing those with whom we conterfe. Dionyfius bereat pleafed
commended Ariftippus, and promised to make good what he hadcon-;
feft due to me: He heard our Alcibiades, and delightedit feemes there-
with, defired if we had any other Dialogues, that we would fend them to
him, which we promised to do, and therefore dear friends we intend to be
fbortly with you. whilst I read, Plato was prefent ( which I had almoſt.
forgot to tell you) and whispered fomething in my behalfe privately to Di-
onyfius, by reafon of Ariftippuss for as foon as he was gone out, he told
me that he never spoke reely when that man ( naming Ariſtippus ) was
prefent; but for what I faid to Dionyfius concerning you, I referre my.
Selfe to him: The next day, Dionyfius in the Garden confirmed his-
Speech as faid of me, with many sportive fayings for they were no better)
I advised Ariftippus and Plato to ceafe their emulation, because of
their generall fames for we shall be most ridiculous, if our actions corre,
Spond not with our profeſſion.
CRITO
118
ESCHINES
* Suid.
Xen.
» Suid.
* Laert.
• Laert.
CR
CRITO.
RITO was an Athenian* fcholler to Socrates: whom he
loved fo entirely that he never fuffered him to want ne-
ceffaries, of which more hath been already faid in the life of
Socrates : * Being much troubled and ſued by thoſe who had
not received any injury from him, but abus'd the quietneſſe
of his difpoficion, which would fooner part with money upon
no ground then go to law, Socrates adviſed him to entertain
one of the fame bufie, troubleſome humour, to keep off the
reft; Crito in purſuit of this counfell made choice of Archide-
mus, an excellent Lawyer, but poor, who being obliged by his
guifts and kindneffe, perfecuted eagerly all fuch as moleſted
not him only,but any of his friends: Crito wrote feventeen dia-
logues compriſed in one volume, thus reckon'd by Laertius.
That the good are not made fuch by learning. Of having moft. what is
expedient, or the Politician. Of honesty, of wickednelle, of fecurity, of
Law, of Divinity, of arts, of converfation, of wisdom; Protagoras or
the Politick. Of letters, Of Poetry, of what is honeft, of learning, of
knowing or ſcience, what it is to know. He writ alfo an Apology for.
Socrates.
* He had four fons, Critobulus, Hermogenes, Epigenes, and
Ctefippus, all auditors of Socrates; of whom already.
Suidas reckons three more of this name: One wrot Getick
ftories; the fecond was of Pieria a City in Macedonia; the third
of Naxus, both Hiſtorians.
SIMON.
'I MON was an Athenian, a leather-dreffer. Socrates
coming to his fhop, and difputing there, he committed to
writing all that he remembred thereof; whence his dialogues
were called UTI. They were three and thirty, all in one vo-
lume: of Gods, of good,of honeſt, what is honeſt. Of juſt, the
firſt, the 2d. Ofvirtue, that it cannot be taught. Of fortitude,
the firſt, fecond, third. Of law, of Popularity, of honour, of
Poetry, of health, of love, of Philofophy, of knowledge, of
mufick, of Poetry; what is honeft. Of doctrine, of difputation,
of judgement, of that which is, of number, of diligence, of la-
bour, of avarice, of boafting, of honefty, or according to o-
thers,of Counſel, of diſcourſe, of expedients,of doing ill. He is
reported the firſt that uſed the Socratick difcourfes. Pericles
promifing that if hee would come to him,he fhould want no-
thing, hee anſwered, that he would not fell his freedom of
fpeech. There is extant amongſt the Socratick Epiftles,this un-
der his name, as in anſwer to Aristippus.
I
GLAUCO,&c.
119
then θαυμά.
I hear that you* deride our learning to Dionyfius; I confeffe I am a * Perhaps
leather-dreffer, and work upon that trade to the *reproof of indifcreet racer ra-
perfons, who think to foliow Socrates, yet live luxuriously. As for your ow.
*ndesías,
Children, Antifthenes will correct them, to whom you write scoffing at my which Ailatius
manner of lifes But of th s mirth enough's onely be mindfull of me and of renders inftru
thirsts Theſe conduce much to the wife.
Efionem.
GLAUCO.
*
Ge
LAUGO was an Athenian: he writ nine Dialogues, * Laert
Jcompriſed in one book; Phidylus, Euripides, Amyntichus,
Euthias, Ly fubides, Ariftophanes, Ephalus, Anaxiphemus, Menexe-
nus. There are two and thirty more falfly afcribed to him.
SEM
SIMMIAS.
of
IMMI AS was a Theban; he writ 23. Dialogues in one Laert.
Book: of wiſdom, of ratiocination, of mufick, of verſe, of
fortitude, of Philoſophy, of truth, of letters, of Doctrine,
art, of conduct, of decency, of what is to be choſen,and what to
be fhunned; of friendship, of knowledge, of the foul, of well-
living, of poffibility, of wealth, of life, what is honeft,of in-
duſtry, of love.
Ch
CEBES.
EBES was of Thebes, a Philofopher, Difciple to Socrates: * Laert.
he writ three Dialogues; The Tablet (which is extant)
the ſeventh. Phrynicbus;he writ alfo an infernall narrative, and
other things. Theſe are the Philofophers who did not diſtract
the Doctrine of their Maſter into Sects, in which reſpect
they may more properly be termed Socratick, though the reſt
alſo affume that title.
Xxx
A
A CHRONOLOGIE,
Olym-
piads.
XXXV
2
3
4
XXXvi
Archontes.
Damafias 1. Halyc.
Thales borné. Laert.
Solon borne about this time: by compute from his
death.
Phryno victor in all the Olympick exerciſes, Eufek.
probably the fame with whom Pittacus fought.
2
3
4
Xxxvii
2
3
4
xxxviii
2
3
Periander begun to raign at Corinth.
番
​xxxix Draco Tat.an.Clem.Suid Draco makes ļawes at Athens.
Heniochides Hal
Arions ſtory Euſeb.
ཨ+ཏྟིཾ+NN༩༨+Z༡+ཚོ༠༡༦འྀ༠༠༤ཨཽ བྷོ ལ ཨུཏྟཾ མཆུ
A
}
1
}
Ariftocles Marm;
Է
Pittacus flouriſhed. Laert.
}
7
Alyattes King of Lydia begun to raign. Anaximander
borne. Laert.
Critias 1. Marm.
I.
1
>
F
4
xlvii
2
3
4
Philombratus. Plat.Sol.
Solon. Laert.
Dropides. Phil, in Critia,
Eucrates. Laert,
Simon. Marm.
Epimenides loftrates the City of Athens: Laert. Epi-
menides born. Suid.
Solon made Archon. His Lawes.
Anacharfis came to Athens to viſit Solon. Laert.
7
1
}
A CRONOLOGIE
xlviii
Philippus. Clem.
2
3
4
2
3
m+* em+_ am to 2 me
3
xlix
Æra Philof.
>
Damafias. Marm
I
2
3
Archeſtratides. Hal.4.
5
4
6
7
Periander died having raigned 40 years,
ftot.polit. 5. La.rt.
Arie
The attribute of wife conferred on Thales, and
the other fix.
3 About this time Thefpis began to prefent his
Tragedies. Anaximander found out the
obliquity of the Zodiack, Plin.
8
9
IO
11
12
3
Arikomenes. Laert.
13
4
Pittacus died, Laert:
14
liii
15
2
3
4
liv
2
17
ཅབམ་
16
18
19
3
lv
20 Pythagoras vifits Thales Collected from Jamblick
Conias Plut. Sol.'
Hegeftratus. Plut.
4
lx
2
4
4
lviii
4
lix
2
4
lxi
2
am+1,2 m +- am+Zam+3~M+i
2
3
4
lvi
2
3
4
lvii
3
21
22
23
24
!
Euthydemus. Laert.
↑
29
Eufeb.
30
Erxyclides. Paus.
26
27 Chilon was Ephorus, Laert.
28. Anaximenes flouriſhed.
31
2 2 2 2 4 mm mm on en cm mm
12m no N∞ a
32
33
34
35 Thales died, Laert.
36
37
38 Cyrus takes Sardys and Croefns.
39
40
'
*
}
>
1
41
42
43.
44
}
45
46
1
47
48
49
lxii
Heracles. Hal. 4:
50
ao
51
2
}
1
2
3
4
Lxiii
2
3
ACRONOLOGIE.
152
53
54 Pifftratus died having raigned 17 years; Ariſt.
Polit. 5.
55
56
57
no N∞ a
58
4
Lxiv
Miltiades. Hal. 7.
59
2
60
61
3
4
Lxv
2
3
62
63
64
65
66
4
Lxvi
2
3
4
Lxvii
67
68
69
70
71
2
3
72
73
74
3
4
Lxvill Lyfagems Marm.
Lxix Aceftorides 11. Hal. 5.79
75
76
77
78
Darius begun his reign.
2
3
80
181
82
Lxx
Myrus Hal. 5.
མཚ
4
Lxxi
Hipparchus Hal.6.
87
83 Anaxagoras bom. Laert by compute.
84
85
86 Pythagoras died, Ɛnfeb.
2
Pithocritus. Marm.
88
3
89
90
Lxxii
Diognetus, Hal. 6.
91 The Marathonian fight.
2
3
Hybrilides. Hal.7. Pans 92
Phanippus, Plut. Ariftic. 93
94
Lxxiii
Archifes. Hal. 8.
95*
2
96
3
Ariftides. Marm.
97
Darius died. Xerxes fucceeded.
Philocrates. Marm.
4
98
Lxxiv
Leoftratus. Hal, 8.
99
2
Nicodemus. Hal, 8.
100
3
191
4
&
112
Lxxv
Calliades. Marm.
2
Xantippuş Marm.
104
103 Xerxes croft the Hellefpont: the fight at Salas
mis, Anaxagoras went to Athens
3
Timofthenes Marm.
105
4
Adimantus Marm:
106
Lxxvi
Phædon. Diod. Sic.
107
2
Dromoclides
108
Aceftorides
13.
109t
Yyy
4 Mn.
CRONOLÓG I E.
Menon
110
01
lxxvii
Chares
III
&
2. Praxiergus god beib
112
3
Demotion
113
པ
༣ བ
4
Apfephion
lxxviii
Theagenides
2
Lyfiftratus
3
Lyfanias
117
114 Socrates born.
115 A ftone fell down from Heaven ateĝos
2. Potamus; foretold by Anaxagoras.
116
4
Lyfitheus
118
$
lxxix
Archedemides
119
!
2
3
4
2
3
4
~ M+Xamt.
Tlepolemus
120
Conon
121
Euippus
122
lxxx
Phraficlides
123
Philocles
124
2
Bion
125
•
པ་་་
Mnefithides
126
lxxxi
Callias 1.
127
2
Sofiftratus
128
3
Arifton
•
129
4
Lyficrates
130
lxxxii
Cherephanes Hal,
2
3
Antidotus
Euthidemus
4
Pedicus
134
lxxxiii
Philifcus Hal
135
131 Xenophon born about this time.
132
1
133 Anaxagoras (having profeft Philofophy 30
years at Athers) condemn'd and ba-
nifh'd; collected from Laert.
2
Timarchides
23
3
+
Lyfimachides
lxxxiv Praxiteles
Lyfanias
Diphilus
Callimachus
ww
136
137
138
139
140
141
A
4
Timocles
142
Ixxxv
Murichides
མ
143
23
Glaucides
>
144
Theodorus
·IL
145
4
Euthemenes
раз
146
3
4
* 2 m +1 2 m +
lxxxvi
Naufimachus
147
こ
​Antilochides
148
}
149
150
151
Achares
Apfeudas Ptol.
Ixxxvii Pythodorus Thuc-
3
4
Euthidemus Athen. 5.
Apollodorus. Athen. 5.
Epaminondas
Ixxxviii Diotimus
2
3
4
lxxxix
2,3 +
Euclides
Euthydemus
Stratocles
Ifarchus
2 Aynias
Alcaus
Arifton
Ariſtophilus
Archias
Antipho
Euphemus
4
xc
2
3
144
Rem I'
.
152 1 Year of the Peloponnesian war:Thucid.lik, 2
153 2
1.154 3
de
155 Anaxagoras died, by compute from Laert
156 5
157
1587
cor
•?
8 The fight at Delium,wherein Socrates & Xenophon
159
fought. The Clouds of Aristophanes acted.
160 9The Clouds of Aristophanes a&ted the fecond time.
161
10
162 11 The time of Xenophor's fympofium
163 121
164 13:
165 147
166 15-01
1
A
xci.
A CRONOLOGIE
3
4
xciv
2
3
4
Micon
Exenætus
XCV
Lachés
183
2
Ariftocrates
184
3
Ithicles
185
4
Lyfiades
186
xcvi
Phormio
2
Diophaneus
3
Eubulides
xci
Ariftomneftus
3
amtx em+
2
Chabrias
16716
168 17
3
Pifander
169 18
4
Cleocritus
170 19
xcii
Callias
171 20
2
Theopompus
4
xciii
2
Glaucippus
Diocles
Eu&emon Marm.
Antigenes Marm.
Callias Marm.
Alexias
Pythodorus Athen.
Euclides
}
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Tiffaphernes by the Lacedæmonians; and of Xeno-
phons retreat
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ALES Chap. 1. His Country and Parents
2 The time of bis birth
3 His travells
4 How he lived at Miletus
5 The attribute of wife conferred on him
6of his Philoſophy
Sect. I. That water is the principle of all things
Sects 2. Of God
Se&t. 3. Of Damons
Sect. 4. Of the foul
"Sect. 5: Of the world
7of his Geometry
Sect. 1. Propofitions invented by him
Sect. 2. Of his taking the height of the Pyramid.
8 Of his Aftronomy
Sect.1. Of the Celeftiall fphears
Sect. 2. Of the Sun, Moon, and Stars
£ Sect. 3. Of Eclipfes
Sect. 4. Of the year
• Sect. 5. His Astrologicall prediction
9 His morall fentences
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10 His judgement in civill affairs
II His writings
12 His auditors and ſchollers
13 His death
33
25
26
28
29
30
SOLON Chap. 1. His Parents, Country and condition
5 How by his means the Athenians took Salamis,Cyrrha, and the Thracian Cher-
Sonefus
3 How he compofed differences at home, and was made Archon
4 what alterations he made during hss government, and first of the Sifachthia
5 How he divided the people into Claffes, and erected Courts of Judicature
6 His lawes
31
34
37
39
41
51
7 of the Axes and Cyrtes, Senators Oath and other inftitutions of Solon
8 How be entertained Anacharfis: bis Travells to Egypt,Cyrus, Miletus, Del-
phi, Corinth, and Creet
50
9 The
The Table.
1
9 The attribute of wife conferred on him; his morall fentences
10 How he oppofed Piliftratus,and reprehended Thelpis
11 How he travelled to Lydia and Cilicia
12 His death
13 His writings
CHILON chap. 1. his life
2 His morall fentences, precepts, and verfes
3 His death and writings
PITTACUS chap. 1. his life
2 His morall fentences, precepts,and verfes
3 His death, brother, wife, fon, writings
BIAS chap. 1. His life
2 His morall fentences, precepts, and verfes
3
His death and writings
+
GLEOBULUS chap. 1. his life, death, and writings
2 His morall fentences, precepts and verfes
PERIANDER chap. 1. His Country, Anceſtors and Parents
2 The time of his birth, reign, and the change of his difpofition
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5 of his wife
6 Of his Children
7 His death
Sociades his (collection of the precepts of the ſeaven Sophoi.
Aufonius his play of the feven Sophoi
ANACHARSIS Chap. 1. His life and writings
His Apophthegmes
MYSON
EPIMENIDES
PHERECYDES
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95
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101
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SOCRATES,
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3 His mafters
His fchool and manner of teaching
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5 of his Philofophy
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Sect.1. His Metaphyficks
Sect. 2. His Ethicks
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Sect.4. His Politicks
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9 His falling out with all the Sophifts, and with Anytus
10 His triall
11 His impriſonment
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3 How he brought off the Grecian Army
4 End of the retreat
5 His following of Agefilaus and banishment
6 How he lived at Scilluns and at Corinth
7 His death, perfon and virtues
8 His writings
Xenophons Epiftles
ASCHINES Chap. 1. His life
2 His writings
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Any errors have eſcaped the preſs by reaſon of the Authors abfence, as pag. 1. lin. 1§.
from whence it is derived to us. p.2.1.4. a very great anachronisme. 1. 9. goirixes. p.4.his time
in travell; He went to Creet. p.28.1.18. fer his birth. p. 29. 1. 9. my wave washt grove. p. 39.1.3.
Judicature; 1.23. a filent unexpreſſed conſent. p.41.1.6.with Minors.p. 63.1.4. the checkerd cloister.
E21. Dion Chryfoftome; Ariftides Lycurgus. p.69.1.5. in. Stebeus, Pages. p. 74. 1. 42. as the ground.
P.11 4.1.9.other Dofades: others Agiafarchus: Apollonius, Bolus, Laertius and Suidas name his
mother Blafia, Plutarch Balta; ſuppoſed a Nymph. p.119.1. 34. that fuits not: In the ſecond part ;
p.14.124. the ninty third Olympiad. p.19.1.43.These five, Thales,&c. In the third part, p.1.1.26.
lived 70. yeares. p.29.1.42. your heard. p.59.1, 6. what I writ before. 1. 7. greater overtures. 1.9.
over to you. p.68.1.30.well, my good. p.73.1.26.fervent vowes. p.75.3.25. I thought that Jove.p.78.
117 the thing that I demand. p.79.1.17.and Lyfinna.1.34.within your felfe.p. 81.1.30. dele why.p.82
1. 16.come and I. p.83.1.2.of folly or. p.85.1.41.Illoye fooles. p.92.1.34. rules all heaven. p. 105.1.
19. to Diana. In the margent, p. 17. the words perhaps are inverted, and for reûs yeauua's
I'm WiTTE Tμass Copy Tus weeds, read, Tus aienas ivgar. p.27. both the Interpreters.p.110
for um dagidek read im's adexpat.
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Part, 2. pag.9. Læert : perhaps,8,17 ♪ù,viⒸ ¿'vrg“. Part.3.p.63. for œœjuátur read xenseditor,
THE
HISTORY
OF
PHILOSOPHY.
The Fourth Part.
Containing the
Cyrenaick
Megarick Seats.
Eleack
Eretriack
DARAANINO
LONDON,
Printed for Humphrey Moſeley, and Tho: Dring.
An. Dom. 165€.
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ARIS TIPPVS.
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THE OYRENAICK SECT.
ARISTIPPVS.
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CHAP. I.
Ariſtippus, his Country and Parents.
}
HE eftimation which Philofophers had daily
gain'd among the Grecians about this time
cauſed it exceedingly to multiply, whilft eve-
ry Profeffour ambitious to be held wiſer then
his Maſter, and teaching fomthing new defi-
red to have the honour to bee Author of a
Sect.
{
The Succeffion of the Ionick Philofophy, which before Socrates
was fingle; after him was divided into many Schooles, whereof
fome were but of fhort continuance, others had longer fucceffion.
Of the leffe durable were the
Cyrenaick 3
Megarick,
Eleack,
Eretriack,
fo called from the places where the Profeffours flouriſhed. Others
of longer fucceffion, the
Academick, out
Cynick,
out of which came the Peripatetick,
Stoick.
*
We ſhall firſt diſpatch thoſe which were of fhorteſt con-
tinuance,
whether that they were founded upon leffe reafon,
and were in fhort time broken, as a Cicero faith, and quite extinct by a De Oratore
the strength and Arguments of the others; or that being inftituted and lib. 3.
founded in more obfcure parts; they were not fo lafting as thoſe
which were profefs'd in the moſt flourishing City of Athens.
Ariflippus a Difciple of Socrates, after his death, returned home
into his Country at Cyrene in Africa, from whence the Doctrine
which his Scholers retained had the name of Cyrenaick. He was b Suid.
Son of Aretades, of Cyrene.
с
c Laert.
B 2
CHAP.
2
ARISTIP PUS.
a Plut. de cu-
riofit.
b Cic. de Nat.
Deor.
3.
n
1
CHAP. II.
3. How he went to Athens, and heard Socrates.
PH
a
b
T
Rom Cyrene Ariftippus went first to Athens, invited by
the fame of Socrates, concerning whom he fell into difcourfewith
Ifchomachus, meeting him cafually at the olympick Gages and enqui-
ring what manner of difputes they were wherewith Socrates reddit'd fo
much upon the young men, bee received from him fome little feeds and
fcatterings thereof, wherewith he was fo paffionately affected, that he grew
pale and lean, untill to affwage his fervent thirst, he took a voyage to A-
thens, and there drunk at the Fountain, fatisfying himself with the Per-
fon, bis difcourfe and Philofophy, the end whereof was to know our own.
epils, and to acquit our felves of them. But as Arifto faid, Philofophy
c Cic. de Orat. doth harm to those who misinterpret things well faid, Autopus Schie
delighted with the more voluptuous difputes of Socrates alerted
fure to be the ultimate end wherein all happinelle doth conti
d Athen. deipn. His life was agreeable to the opinion, which he employed in Luxur
Sweet unguents, rich garments, wine and women; maintained by
courfe as different from the precepts and practife of Socrates as the
things themſelves were. For, notwithstanding he had a good
Eftate (and three Country-Seats) he firft of the Socratick Dif
ciples, took Money for teaching. Which Socrates obferving, äsked
him how he came to have fo much? he replyed, how come you to have fo
little ? A further diſlike of this courfe Socrates exprefs'd, when A-
riftippus fending him twenty mine,he return'd it,faying,his Dæmon
would not fuffer him to take it.
12.
e Laert.
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СНАР- III,
How he went to Ægina.
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a Athen. deipn. Eaving Socrates, he went to Egina, where he lived with
Leaving Socrates,
more freedom and luxury then before: Socrates fent exhorta-
tions to reclaim him, frequent but fruitless, and to the fame end
publiſhed that difcourfe which we find in Xenophon. Here he be-
came acquainted with Lais the famous Corinthian Curtezan
↳ Athen. deipn. b who came thither yearly at the Feast of Neptune,and was as con-
c Athen. deipn. ftantly frequented by Ariftippus, for whole fake Hermefianax
faith, hee took a voyage to Corinth (mention'd among his Apo-
thegmes)
42.
13.
To Corinth Love the Cyrenean lead,
where he enjoy'd Theffalian Lais bed;
C
>
No
ARISTIPPUS.
3
No Art the fubtle Ariftippus knew
By which the power of Love he might efchew.
Whilft he was upon his voyage to Corinth, a great Tempeſt d Laert.
arofe, whereat he was much troubled: one of the Paffengers fay-
ing unto him, we ordinary people are not afraid, but you Philofophers
e
fear (or as Elian, are you afraid like other people?)four Souls anſwe- e var. Hift. 9.
red he,are not of equall value, & you hazard a wicked and unhappy life, 20.
I Felicity and Beatitude.
i
8
k
f Agel.19. 1.
Alian. ibid.
13.
To thoſe who blamed him for frequenting Lais, I poffeffe her h Laert.
faith he, not ſhe me. Lais in emulation of Phryne gave admittance i Athen. Deipn.
to all forts of people, rich and poor; whereupon Ariftippus repre-
hended by his fervant for beftowing fo much on her, who enter-
tained Diogones the Cynick gratis, I give her money faith he, that I
may enjoy her, not that others may not. Diogenes reproached him for k Athen.Deipni
frequenting the company of Lais, faying, Aristippus, you and I con- 13.
verfe with the fame woman, either give over, or be like me a Cynic; Do
you think it abfurd,faith he, to awell in a house, wherein others lived be-
fore, or to fail in a Ship that bath carried other Paffengers? It is no more
abfurd to affect a woman whom others have enjoyed.
At Agina he continued till the death of Socrates, as (befides
the teſtimony of¹ Plato) appeareth by this "Epiftle of his written In Phadone.
upon that occafion.
Of the death of Socrates, I and Cleombrotus have received infor-
mation, and that when he might have escaped from the eleaven Officers;
be faid he would not, unless he was acquitted by Laws for that were as
much as in him lay to betray his Country. My opinion is, that being un-
jaftly committed, he might have got bis Liberty any way,conceiving that
all which he could do ill or inconfiderately must be just. From whence again
I blame him not,as if he had done ill even in this. You write me word that
all the friends and Difciples of Socrates have left Athens, out of fear
the like ſhould befall any of yous it is well done and we being at prefent at
Ægina wil continue here a while,then come to you,and wherein we are a-
ble, ferve you.
m Socratic.
Epift. 16.
N
CHAP. IV.
His Inftitution of a Sect.
:
Riftippas returning at length to his own Country, Cyrene,prò-
feffed Philofophy there, and inftituted a Sect called a Cyrena- a Laert.
C
b
Phil.
ick from the Place,by fome Hedonick,or voluptuous-from the Do- b Galen. Hifi.
&trine. They who followed the inftitution of Aristippus, and
were called Cyrenäick, held thus.
c Laert.
They
ARISTIPPUS.
4
d Laert.
e
Quest.lib. 4.
They rejected Phyfick and natural difquifitions from the ſeeming
incomprehenfibility thereof. Logick they handled becauſe of its
great uſefulneffe, But Meleager and Clitomachus affirm they deſpi-
fed both Phyfick and Dialectick alike, as unufefull,for that with-
out theſe, a man who hath learned what things are good, what
evil,and able to diſcourſe wel,and to ſhake off fuperſtition and the
fear of death.
Sect. 1. Of Fudgement und Judicatories.
Cicer. Acad. They held that the Senfes inform not alwaies truly, that nothing
'Hey
extrinfecall can be perceived, thofe things only can be perceived
which are felt by inward touch, as grief and pleaſure, neither know wee
what colour any thing is, nor what found it makes, but only that we feele
our ſelves affected after fuch a manner;that Paffions are comprehenfive;
that objects not comprehenfire. That & nothing judgeth but by interi-
our permotion, and the judgement of true and falfe confifteth in inward
f I aert.
g cic.
h advers.
Mathom.
touch.
h
f
↳ Sextus Empericus more fully. They affert that paffions or af-
fections are the Judges and the only things that may comprehend,
& not fallacious;but of thofe things which cauſe paffions, there is
nothing which is comprehenfible,or that may not deceive us.For,
that we are made white or affected with fweet, may be faid ex-
prefsly and firmly,but that the thing which caufeth this affection
is white or ſweet, cannot in like manner be afferted. For it is po-
ffible that we be affected with whitencffe from a thing that is not
white, and with ſweetneffe from a thing that is not ſweet; as to
him who is dimfighted or hath the yellow jaundies, all things
feem yellow to one, duskifh to the other, and he who pincheth
his eye, thinketh he fees things double, he who is mad fancies two
Thebes's, two Sunss in all thefe, they that are ſo affected, to wit,
with yellownefle or duskiſhneffe, or duplicity, is true, but that
the thing which moveth them is yellow or duskih, or double, is
conceived to be falfe: So it is moſt confonant to reafon, that wee
comprehend nothing more then our own paffions. For we muſt
hold that the things feen are either the paffions themſelves, or the
caufes of thoſe paffions; if we fay our paffions are the things feen,
we muſt likewife affirm all things feen, to be true and compre-
henſive; if we ſay the things feen are the cauſes of thoſe paffions,
we muſt confeffe all things feen to be falfe and incomprehenfible.
For that paffion which happeneth to us, fhoweth us its felf and
nothing more, fo that to fpeak truly, the paffion or affection it
felf is the only thing that is apparent to us, and for that reafon
in their proper affections gone erre, but in the externall object,
all. The firit are comprehenſive, the fecond incomprehenſive, the
1
}
Soul
ARISTIPPVS.
4
foul being weak in the diſcernment thereof, by reafon of places,
intervalls, motions, mutations, and many other cauſes.
Hence they affert, that there is not in man any one common
thing which judgeth, but they impoſe common names on the
judgments; all commonly name white and fweet, but fomthing
common that is white and ſweet they have not, for every man
apprehends his own affection. Now whether the fame affection
happeneth to any one, and to him that is next him from white,
neither is he able to fay, as not receiving the affection of the o-
ther, neither can the other that is next him fáy, as not receiving
his affection. There being therefore no common affection in us,
it were a raſh thing to affert, that whatſoever ſeemeth ſuch to
me, feemeth alſo fuch to him that is next me; for perhaps my
conſtitution is ſuch as to be whitened from that which externally
incurreth, another hath his fenfe fo ordered, as that he is affe-
cted otherwife. That therefore which is ſeen and appeareth is
not common.
That by reaſon of the differing conftitutions of the ſenſe we are
not moved alike nor in the ſame manner, is manifeft from thoſe
who have the Jaundies, and thoſe that are purblinde, and thoſe
that are affected according to Nature. For as from the fame
object, fome are ſo affected as to be black, others red, others white ;
fo is it likewiſe confonant to reaſon, that they who are affected
according to nature, by reafon of the different conftitution of
fenſes, are not moved alike by the fame things, but one way the
white, another way the black, another way he whofe eyes are
blew, another way he whofe eyes are black, whence we impoſe
common names on things, having our felves proper and particu-
lar affections.
T
}
Se&. 2. Of the End, or chief Good.
O theſe affertions (continueth Sextus Empericus) concerning
the Judicatories, agreeth what they affert concerning Ends.
Of Affections, fome are pleafant, fome barfb and troubleſome,
fome me an
the harſh and troubleſome are ill, whofe end is griefe;
the pleasant, good, whofe end, which cannot be deceived, is plea-
fure: The mean are neither good nor ill, whoſe end is neither
good nor ill, which is an affection between pleaſure and griefe.
Affections therefore are the judges and ends of all things, and
we live fay they, obferving evidence and liking, evidence in the
reft of the affections, liking, in pleaſure.
Laertius faith, they affert two paffions or affections, Griefe and
Pleafures pleafure, a foft ſmooth motion; griefe, a harth motion.
One pleaſure differeth not from another pleaſure, nor is one
pleaſure fweeter then another pleaſure; this pleaſure is coveted
by all living creatures, the other fhunned.
They
♫
ARISTIPPUS.
12.
They affert corporeall pleaſure to be our ultimate end, as
Panatius faith in his book of Seats, not cataftematick permanent
pleaſure, which confifteth in privation of griefe, and a quiet void
of all diſturbance, which Epicure held.
The End differeth from Beatitude; for the End is fome particu-
lar pleaſure; Beatitude is that which confifteth of all particular
pleaſures, wherein are included both the past and future. Again,
particular plcafure is expetible in it felfe, felicity, not in it felfe,
but for particular pleafures.
That pleaſure is our chiefe end is manifeft, in that from our
firſt infancy, without any inftruction of others, we naturally
aime thereat, and having obtain'd it,feek nothing elfe. Moreover,
we avoide not any thing ſo much as its contrary, griefe.
Pleaſure is good, though proceeding from the moft fordid dif-
honeft thing, as Hippobotus in his Book of Sects; for, although the
action be diſhoneft, yet the pleaſure thereof is expetible in it
felfe, and good.
Indolence, which Ep cure held, they eſteem not pleaſure, nor
want of pleaſure, griefe, for both thefe confift in motion 3 but In-
dolence and want of pleaſure confifts not in motion,for Indolence
is like the ſtate of a fleeping man.
They hold, that fome men may not defire pleaſure, through
perverſity of minde.
All fpirituall pleafures and pains arife not from corporeall
pleaſures and pains; for from the fimple profperity of our Coun-
try or our felfe, we are affected with joy.
i
But neither the remembrance of paft goods, nor expectation
of future compleat pleaſure, as Epicure tlioughts for by time and
i Athen. deipn. expectation the motion of the foul is diffolved. Pleature, accor-
ding to Ariftippus, is µvóxer, confifteth only in one part of time
the prefents for the remembrance of paft pleaſures, or expectati-
on of the future, is vain and frivolous, and nothing appertaineth
to beatitude; but that only is good which is prefent. With thoſe
pleaſures which he received heretofore, or thall receive hereaf-
ter, Ariftippus ſaid, he was nothing at all moved, the firſt being
gone, the other not yet come, and what it will prove when it is
kl.var. Hift. come, is uncertain. Hence he argued, that men ought not to be
folicitous either about things paft or future, and that not to be
troubled at fuch things is a figne of a conftant clear ſpirit. He alſo
adviſed to take care only for the prefent day, and in that day
only of the prefent part thereof, wherein fomething was done or
thoughts for he faid, the prefent only is in our power, not the paſt
or future, the one being gone, the other uncertain whether ever
it will come.
lib. 14. 6.
k
>
Neither do pleaſures confift meerly in fimple fight or hearing,
for we hear with delight thoſe who counterfeit lamentation, and
thoſe who lament truely, we hear with diſpleaſure. This priva
tion of pleaſure and griefe they called mean ftates.
The
ARISTIPPUS.
5
The pleaſures of the body are much better then thoſe of the
foule, and the pains or griefs thereof much worſe; for which
reaſon thoſe who offend actually, are moft grievously puniſhed.
To grieve, is inore unnaturall to us, to delight, more naturall
for which reaſon, much more care is requifite for the ordering
of one then of the other; yet, many times we reject things which
effect pleaſure, as being grievous; fo that the concurrence of
pleaſures which effecteth beatitude, is very difficult.
Morcover they hold, that every wife man doth not live plea-
fantly, nor every wicked man unpleaſantly, but fo for the moſt
part; for it is enough that a man be affected and reduced by inci-
dence of one fingle pleaſure.
They held, that Griefe is the greateſt ill; that griefe is not ef- 1 cic. Tufc.
fected by every ill, but by the unexpected and unforefeen; that quaft. 4.
one man is more grieved then another.
They affert, that Riches are efficient cauſes of pleaſure; yet,
not expetible in themſelves.
m
A &
Se&. 3. Of Vertue.
3.
n Laert.
LL good confifteth in Pleafure, Vertue it felfe is only lau- m Cic.de offis.
dable, as being an efficient cauſe of pleaſure.
"Nothing is juft, honeft, or difhoneft by Nature, but by Lam
and Custome; yet a good man will do nothing that is evill, be-
cauſe of the cenfure or eſteem which would fall upon his acti-
ons, and that ſuch a one is wife.
O
。 So Cafaubon
Prudence is a good, yet not expetible in it felfe, but for the fake reads,but doubt-
of thoſe things which proceed from it.
leſſe there is a
defca in the
A friend is to be embraced for the uſe we may have of him, as Text.
the body cherisheth every part thereof as long as it remaineth
found.
Of Vertues, fome are in the unwis ë.
Corporeall exercife conduceth to the acquifition of Vertue.
A wife man is not fubje&t to Envy, Love, or Superftition, for all
theſe proceed from the vanity of Opinion; but, he is ſubject to
Griefe or Fear, as being Naturall accidents.
A
CHAP. V.
How he went to Dionyfius his Court.
b
a
Bout this time Dionyfius, the Sicilian Tyrant, flouriſhed, 2 to a Philoftr. vit
whom reforted many Philofophers, amongſt the reſt Ariftip- Apoll.
pus, invited by his ſumptuous magnificence. Dionyfius asked him
the reaſon of his comming; he antwer'd, to give what I have, and to
b Laert:
receive what I have not; or,as others, when I wanted mifdome, I went to
Socrates; now I want mony, I come to you. He foon infinuated into the
favour
1
ARISTIPPV S.
e Laert.
f Laert.
g Laert,
favour of Dionyfius; for he could conform himſelf to every place
time, and perfon, act any part, conftrue whatſoever happened to
the beſt: and thus enjoying prefent pleaſure, never troubled him-
felf for the abfent, as Horace.
Every condition, habit, and event
with Ariſtippus fuits with all content.
e
Of his compliance with Dionyfius's humour, there are theſe
inftances. Dionyfius at a Feaft commanded, that all ſhould put
on purple robes: Plato refuſed, faying,
I will not with a female robe diſgrac
My felf, who am a man of manly race.
But Ariſtippus took it, and beginning to dance, faid,
If it come pure, a mirthfull Feaft
Never corrupts a modeft breast.
* Another time ſuing to Dionyfius in the behalf of his friend, hee
would not hear him; at laſt he threw himſelf at his feet, and his
petition was granted; for which being reprehended, Blame not me,
faith he, but Dionyfius, whofe ears are in his feet.
8 Dionyfius fhewed him three Curtezans, bidding him take his
choice; he leading them all three away, faid, Paris was puniſh’d
for preferring one before the other two. But, having brought them to
the dore, he difmiſt them, as ready to contemn as accept: where-
upon Strato (or as others Plato) told him, You only can wear old gar-
ments andraggs; for which likewife they admired him, that he
would wear a thread-bare, and a rich Mileſian Cloak with equal
decorum, accommodating himſelf to both.
When Dionyfius did fpit upon him, he took it patiently; for
which being reproved, Filbermen faith he, fuffer themselves to be
wet all over that they may catch [nßuor] a Gudgeon, and ſhall I be trou-
* VVhich_being bled at a litttle spitle, who mean to take * Baérov ?
pronounced is e-
quivocall: for, Baivos fignifieth a fish like a Gudgeon, and Bλúvos a Tyrant: as I find in a M. S. Lexcion
communicated by my learned friend Mr. John Pearfon, Banvos ô Toegdros, Badros ô ix0ʊs: and again Bæɩ-
covix dos ô ng univos ( read Baivos) weλhotos nabig, confirmed by Athaneus, deipn. 7. 10.
h Laert.
h
Fb He begged Money of Dionyfius, who faid to him, You told me,
a wife man wanted nothing; Give me, and we will talk of this
afterward. When Dionyfius had given it him; Now faith he, you
fee I do not want:
By this complaifance, he gained fo much upon Dionyfius, that
he had a greater efteem for him, then all the reſt of the Philofo
phers,
1
ARISTIP PVS.
4
phers,though fometimes he ſpoke fo freely to Dionyfius,that he in-
curred his diſpleaſure.
i To Dionyfius asking, why Philofophers haunted the gates of i Laert.
rich men, but rich men not thoſe of Philofophers: Becaufe, faith
he, the one knowes what he wants, the other not.
*To Dionyfius, urging him to treat of Philofophy: It is ridicu- k Laert.
lous, faid he, if you learn of me what it is, to teach me when it ſhould be
faid. Whereat Dionyfius diſpleaſed, bad him take the loweſt
place, which he did quietly, faying, You have a mince to make this
Seat more honourable. The next day the Tyrant asked him what 1 Athen. deipn.
he thought of that place wherein he then fat, in reſpect of that 12. citing He-
wherein he fat the night before: He anſwered, they were alike to
gefander:
him; to day, faith he, becauſe I left it, it is contemn'd, what
yeſterday was eſteem'd the moſt honourable; that where I fit to
day eſteemed moſt honourable, which yeſterday, without me,
was accounted the loweſt.
"Being asked why Dionyfius fell out with him, he anſwered, m Laert.
for the fame reaſon he falleth out with others.
"Dionyfius faying, (out of Sophocles, as Plutarch affirmes, who a Laert.
aſcribes this to Zeno)
who ere goes to a Tyrant, he
A fervant is, though he came free:
He immediately anſwered,
No fervant is if he came free:
Dionyfius offering Plato a great fumme of money, which he re-
fufed; Ariftippus being at the fame time in the Court of Dionyfius
faid, Dionyfius beſtowes his liberality upon fure grounds, to us
who ask much, he giveth little; to Plato, who requireth nothing,
he offereth much.
O
Dion.
• Another time Helicon of Cyzicus, one of Plato's friends,having o Plut. vit.
foretold an Eclipſe of the Sun, which when it fell out according-
ly, he was much honouored for it: Ariſtippus jefting with other
Philofophers, faid, he could foretell a ftranger thing; They de-
manding what it was: I prognofticate, faith he, that Plato and
Dionyfius will ere long be at variance, and ſo it happened.
T
CHAP. VI,
His Emulators.
His favour which he found with Dionyfius, was perhaps
the occafion, for which he was maligned by the reft of the
Philofophers, amongſt whom was
}
Xenophon
@ARISIPP US.
a Laert.
2
b
Xenophon, who out of ill will to him, publiſhed the diſcourſe
b Memorab. lib. between him and Secrates about Pleaſure.
2.
c Laert.
d Laert.
e Laert.
C
Plato likewiſe, through the fame difaffection tacitely repre-
hends him, in Phadone; for being in Ægina at the time of Socra-
tes's death. d Plato being in Dionyfius's Court, when he was there,
reproved his fumptuous life: Whereupon Ariftippus asked him,
whether he thought Dionyfius a good man or not: Plato affirmed,
he thought him good: Yet he, replyed Ariftippus, liveth much
more fumptuouſly; therefore it is not incompetible with good-
neffe.
c
Phado likewiſe ſeemed to deride him, demanding who it was
that ſmelt ſo ſtrong of Unguents: It is I, unhappy man that I am,
anfwered Ariftippus, and the Perfian King, who is more unhappy
then I; but, as other things are not the worfe for this, neither is a
£ Senec.de bene- man. A curfe on thofe effeminate perfons, who brought a ſcan-
dall upon fo good a thing.
fic.Clem. Alex,
g Laert,
& Æfchines alfo and he were fometimes at difference: Once>
after fome falling out betwixt them, Ariftippus faid to him, Shall
we not be friends, fhall we not give over fooling? or, do you ex-
pect fome body ſhould kick us into kindneffe? Willingly, an-
iwered Afchines. Now, faith Ariftippus, remember, that though
I am the elder, yet I yielded firft. Afchines replyed, and juſtly,
for you are better then I, I begun the enmity, you the reconcile-
h De ira Cobib, ment. h Plutarch relates it thus; Being fallen out with Efchines,
he met one who asked him, where is now your old friendship, Ari-
ftippus? It is afleep, faith he; but I will awake it: and going straight
to Æfchines, Am I fo unhappy, faith he, and fo inconfiderable in your
efteem, as not to deferve correction. Afchines anſwered, It is nothing
Strange, that exceeding by nature in all things, you ſhould first know what
is fit to be done.
i Socratic. Epift.
9.
Ironically an-
a
Antifthenes is to be numbered alſo amongſt thofe, who were
diſpleaſed at his manner of life, as appeareth by an Epiſtle of
his to that effect, extant amongſt the Socratick Epiftles, to which
Ariftippus returned this anſwer.
i
Ariftippus to Antifthenes.
1
swering & for Wotherwife, liuing with a Tyrant, daily eating and drinking de-
E Ariftippus, unhappy beyond measure; how can we be
mer letter of
Antifthenes, liciously, perfumed with choiceft unguents, attired in rich loofe Gar-
ments brought from Tarentum: and none will deliver me from the cru-
elty of Dionyfius, who detains me, not as a rude perfon, but one that is
verft in Socratick learning; Supplying me (as i faid) with Meat, Un-
guents, Garments, and the like; fearing neither the judgments of Gods
nor men. And now the misfortune is much encreafed; He hath bestowed
on me three sicilian Virgins of extraordinary beauty, and many Utenfils
of filver; and when this man will give over doing fuch things I know
not,
ARISTIRPUS
7
not; you do well therefore to be concern'd for the miferies of others; in
requitall whereof rejoice in your happiness, and return you thanks;
Farewell.
m
,and
The figs which you have, lay up against winter, and the Cretan meal; 1 For xpuputo
for these things seem to be better then 'riches; wash and drink of the Tos &
χρώματος
Fountain of Enneacrunus; wear the fame garment in Winter as in
inftea of
Summer, and that fordid, as becomes a free perfon living under the A- phuaros, as
thenian Democracy: As for me, I knew as foon as I came into a City and Xegua the
Last word of
Illand govern'd by a Monarch, I should fuffer thofe ills of which you write the following
to me; Now the Syracufians, Agrigentines, Geloans, and the rest of the Epistle, arti
χρημάτων
Sicilians compaſſionately admire me; But" for my madness in coming scepticè
inconfiderately to thefe unseemly things, I wish this curfe to fall upon me, m make a point
that I may never be quit of thefe evills; because being of years of dif- read su
cretion, and pretending to wisdom, I would not undergo hunger and ensures us
cold, nor contemn glory, nor wear a long beard; I will send you some broa
great white Lupines to eat,after you have acted Hercules to the boyes; culous and 4-
of which things it is reported you efteem it not abfurd to difcourfe and cute irony; for
write: but if any man ſhould ſpeak of Lupines to Dionyfius, I think it περιβλέπειν
were against the rules of Tyranny of the reft go and difcourfe with Si- on a thing with
mon the Leather-dresser, then whom you esteem nothing more wife; for which is not
I am not allowed familiarity with Artificers, because I true under o-
bedience to others.
encouZES
τριβλέποντα
Donice; a ndi-
fignifieth to look
admiration >
proper to com-
paffion.
n Red τας δι
Marías Tiel
Notwithſtanding, this jarring betwixt them, Ariftippus was
nothing backward in employing the Intereſt he had at Court, for assuar.
fome friends of Antifthenes, to preferve them from death; as this
Letter of his to Antifthenes doth manifeſt.
ὅτι δὴ
>
ornaps,
P.Socratic. E-
pist. 11.
q
The Letter
P. The Locrian young men of whom you write to me, will be fet at liber-
ly, neither put to death, nor fined, though they were very near death.
9 Let not Antifthenes know I have fared his friends, for he loves not to
converse with Tyrants, but with meal-men, and Victualers, fuch as fell written to An-
feems to be
meat and drink at Athens without fraud, and fuch as fell thick cloaths tifthenes; and
in cold weather, and fuch as ferve Simon these are not this meant iro-
·
5 nically.
4
r The Leather -
Riches.
Diogenes followed the example of his Maſter Antisthenes in de- dreſſer.
riding Aristippus, calling him the Court-Spaniel. As Aristippus & Laert..
paffed by, Diogenes bufied about waſhing Herbes, called to him,
Taying, If you had learned to do thus, you needed not have followed the
Courts of Princes; and you, faid he, if you had known how to converfè
with men, needed not to have walked Herbes; thus expreffed by
&
* Horace.
Diog.
Ariſt.
On Herbs if Ariftippus could have dir'd,
The company of Kings he had declin’d.
He who derides me, had be wit to ufe
The company of Kings, would Herbs refufe;
D
*
1
1
c Epift. 1. 17.
8
鲁
​ARISTIPPUS.
}
u Eacri.
I mine own jeafter; thou the People's art,
My choice is of the better, nobler part,
I by a King maintain'd, on horseback ride,
Thou by the meanest people art fupply'd,
Then those that do maintain thee thou art leſs ;
Yet to want nothing vainly doft profefs.
" Theodorus in his Book of Sects, reproached Ariftippus; and
Athen.Deipn.* Alexis the Comick Poet, in his Galatea bringeth in a fervant
fpeaking thus of one of his Diſciples;
12.
£
}
blari
a Suid:
b Laert.
1
Of
My Mafter young on Rhetorick first intent,
Next to Philofophy his study bent:
A Cyrenæan liv'd at Athens then,
Nam'd Ariftippus, justly first of men,
Esteem'd for fubtlety and Luxury,
A Talent himmy Master
gave to be
His Scholer,but of Arts he none was taught,
Save only Gookery ; that away he brought.
CHAP. VI.
His Apothegms.
r
F Apothegms, (in 2 which kinde hee was conceived to
have an acuteneffe beyond all the other Philofophers,) theſe
are remembred.
..b He once gave fifty drachms for a Partridge, for which being
reproved by another; you would have given a penny for it faith he
which the other granting; fo much, faith he, are fifty drachmes to
me.
1
>
Being demanded what was the greateſt benefit he had re-
ceived by Philofophy; he anſwered, To converfe freely with all
men.
Being reproached for living highs if Magnificence were a finne
faith he, it would not be practifed upon daies of Festivall to the Gods.
To one who asked wherein Philofophers excelled other men;
Though all Laws were abolished faith he, we should lead the famé
lives.
Being demanded how the Learned differ from the unlearned,
he anſwered, as Horfes unback'd from fuch as are well manag'd.
Going into the houſe of a Courtezan,a young man of the Com-
pany bluſhed, to whom he ſaid, It is not ill to go in, but not to be a-
ble to come out.
To one who defired him to refolve a Riddle, Thou fool, faith
he,
ARISTIPPUS..
9
he, why wouldst thou have me refolve that which unrefolved finds us
Such entertainment?
He faid, it is better to be a Beggar then unlearned, for one wants
only Riches, the other Humanity.
Being reviled, he went aloof off; he that reviled, asked why
he fled; Because faith he, to ſpeak ill is in your power, not to hear is not
in mine.
One faying he faw Philofophers at the gates of rich men, and
Phyfitians faith he, at the gates of the fick; but no man would for that
reafon choose to be fick rather then a Phyfitian.
To one who boaſted he learned much; as they faith he, who eat
and exerciſe much, are not better then those who eat only to fatisfie Na-
ture, neither are they learned who make large but profitable collections.
An Oratour pleading for him, and gaining the Caufe, asked
him, what are you the better for Socrates? fo much faith he, as that I
make good those things which you alledged in my defence.
He inftructed his Daughter Arete to contemn all that is too
much.
To one who demanded what his Son would be the better for
Learning; if in nothing elſe, in this faith he, that in the Theater one
Stone fbal not fit upon another.
Of one who would have preferr'd his Son to him, he deman-
ded 500. Drachmes, For fo much faith the other I can buy a ſlave;
Do fo, anfwered he, and then you will have two (your Son, and him
you buy.)
educ,
c Plut, de puet.
He faid he took money of his friends,not to make uſe of it him-
ſelf,but to let them know the right uſe of it.
Being reproached for entertaining an Oratour to plead his
Caufe; and when I would feaft, faith he, I hire a Cook.
To one who boaſted of his fwimming, are you not ashamed faid
he, to glory in the property of a Dolphin.
Being demanded wherein the learned differed from the un-
learned; fend them naked to ftrangers, faith he, and you ſhall fee.
To one who boaſted he could drink much without being drunk,
So, faith he, can a Mule.
-
Being blamed that he took money being the Difciple of Socra-
tes and justly, faith he, For Socrates when they fent him wheat and
wines took a little for his prefent ufe, and fent back the rest, the chief of
all the Athenians were his Purveyors, mine Eutichydes, a mercenary
Servant.
Being reproved by Plato for buying a great quantity of fish;
they coft me, faith he, but an obolus, would not you have given fo much
for them? to which Plato affenting, It is not that I am profufe then
faith he, but that you are covetous.
>
Simon Pantler to Dionyfius, a Phrygian, a man of ill conditions,
brought him to his houfe paved curioufly with marble; Ariftip-
pus fpits in his face, whereat the other growing angry, I could not
find faith he a fitter place.
Being
10
ARISTIPPUS...
1
dHorat.fat.2.3.
e Laert. Cic.de
invent.
anim.
he.
Being demanded how Socrates dyed; as I would wish to doe, faith
Polixenus the Sophift comming to his houſe, and ſeeing there
women and a great feaft, reproved him, Ariftippus gave him.
way, and after a little paufe, will you dine with me,faith he? where-
to he confenting: why then, continues he, do you reprove me? 'tis not
the feast but the coft which you condemn.
His fervant being upon a journey, weary with carrying of
mony; throw away, faith he, what is too much, and carry as much as
you can.
e
"He bad his flaves away his mony throw,
Becauſe ore-charg'd with weight they went too flow.
Being at Sea, and underſtanding the owners of the Veffell
were Pirats, he took his Mony and counted it, then let it fall into
the Sea, as unwillingly, and fighed: fome affirm that he ſaid, It
is better theſe periſh for Ariftippus, then Ariftippus for them.
He reproved men for looking upon goods expofed to fale, and ta-
king no care to furnish their minds. Others afcribe this to Diogenes.
Living in Afia, he was feized by Antaphernes, the King's Liev-
tenant, whereupon one faying to him, And where is now your
confidence? When, faid he, you fool, ſhould I be confident, if not
now, when I fhall meet with Antaphernes.
Thoſe who forfook Philofophy,to apply themſelves to Mecha-
nicall Sciences, he compared to the Suitors of Penelope; they could
get the goodwills of Melantho, Polydora, and others of the fervants,
but could not obtain the Mistress in Marriage. Not unlike is that of
Arifto, who faid, that ulysses, when he went to Hell, ſaw all the
dead, and ſpoke to them, but could not come fo much as to the
fight of the Queen.
!
!
Being demanded what Boyes ought to learn? That, faith he,
which they ought to practice when they are men.
To one who accuſed him for going from Socrates to Dionyfius :
To Socrates, faith he, I went for dia, education; to Dionyfius for
massia, recreation.
Toa Curtezan, who told him ſhe was with child by him: You
know that no more, ſaid he, then if paſſing through a buſh, you should
fay, this thorn pricked you.
To one, who blamed him, that he took Mony of Dionyfius, Pla-
to a Book; he anſwered, I want Mony, Plato Books.
f Plut.de tranq. Having loft a great Farm, he faid to one, who feemed excef-
fively to compaffionate his loffe, You have but one field, I have three
left; why ſhould not I rather grieve for you. It is madneſſe (addes
Plutarch) to lament for what is loft, and not rejoyce for what is
left.
.Eth.46. When one told him, the land is loft for your fake, Better, faith
he,
ARISTIPPUS.
he, is it, that the land be loft for me, then I for the land.
Seeing one angry vent his paffion in words; Let us not, faith h St. Eth. 99.
he, fuit words to our anger, but appease our anger with words.
Seeing a little Woman exceeding fair; This, faith he, is a little i St. Eth, 128
evill, but a great beauty. They who invert thefe words, and read,
a little fair one, but great evill, miſtake the meaning of Ariſtippus
who plaies upon that ordinary ſaying, applying the inverſion to
his own luxurious humour.
2
K To one, who demanded his advice whether he ſhould mar- k St.Esh,188,
ry or no: he faid no, if you take a fair wife, faith he, she will be com-
men, if foul, a fury.
"He uſed to adviſe young men to carry ſuch proviſion, as in a 1 St.Eth. 210,
Lipovack they might fwim away withall.
fo
m
As a boo that is too big is unfit for use, so is a great estate; the St.Etb.izġ.
bioneffe of the shoe troubles the wearer; wealth may be used upon octaſi-
en, either wholly or in part.
{
S
CHAP. VIII.
His writings.
Ome affirme (of whom is Softcrates) that he wrot nothing at a Edert.
all: others that he wrot
The Lybian Hiflery, three Books dedicated to Dionyfius.
Dialogues twenty five (or rather twenty three; for, the number
feemmes corrupt) in one Book; fome in the Attick dialect, others
in the Dorick: their Titles thefe: 1. Artabazus. 2. To the fhirwrackt.
3.To Exiles. 4. To a poor man. 5. To Lais. 6. To Porus: 7.To Lais
concerning a Looking-glafs. 8. Hermias. 9. The Dream. 10. To the
Cap-bearer. II. Philomelus. 12. To fervants. 13. To those who repro-
red him for ufing old wine and common women. 14. To those who repro-
ved him for feafting. 15. An Epistle to Arete. 16. To the Olympick
exercifer. 17. An Interrogation. 18. Another Interrogation. 19. Ab A Chria is è
Chria to Dionyfius. 20. Another on an image. 21. Another on Dio- short commemo-
mylus hrs Daughter. 22. To one who conceived himselfe dishonoured, ration, aptly re-
23. Toone who endeavoured to give advice.
قیر
4
b
lating the ſpeech
or action of fome
perfon.The third
aff thefe (viz. to Dionyfiushis Daughter) Voffius inferts amongst the Greek Hiftories; if that were Hiftoricall,
it is likely this to Dionyfius was of the ſame Nature.
3
Exementariens fix Bookes.
a
'
Of pleasure, mention'd by Laertius in the life of Epicure.
· Of Phyfiology, out of which Laertius cites, that Pythagoras was
fonamed, because he spake no less truth then Pythius.
c Laert.
¿
Of the luxury of the Antients, four Books, containing examples
of thofe who indulged to love and pleaſure; as, the love of Em- Laert. in vit
pedocles to Paufanies, in the firſt Book; of Cratea to her ſön Perian- and. Ariftot.
E
Emped. Peri-
der : &c.
P
12
ARISTIPPUS.
{ Laert.)
a Socr. Epift.
27.
b So ſupply'd by
Leo Allatius.
"
I
der: of Ariftotle to the Concubine of Hermias, in the fourth, of
Socrates to Alcibiades, Xenophon to Clinias, Plato to After, Xenocrates
to Polemo, But, theſe latter inftances fhow, that theſe Books were
not writ by this Ariftippus.
Epiftles, four are extant under his name, in the Socratick col·
lection, put forth by Leo Allatius:
Socion and Panatius reckon his treatiſes thus,
Of difcipline.
Of vertue, an Exhortation.
Artabazus.
The fhipwrackt.
The banish'd.
Exercitations fix
Chria three.
To Lais.
To Porus.
To Socrates.
Of Fortune.
}
CHAP. VIII,
His death.
1
Aving lived long with Dionyfius, at last his daughter Arete
fent to him, to defire him that he would come to Cyrene to
her, to order her affairs; for, that the was in danger of oppreffion
by the Magiftrates. Ariftippus hereupon took leave of Dionyfius,
and being on his voyage, fell fick by the way, and was forced to
put in at Lipara, an Eolian Ifland, where he dyed, as may be ga-
thered from this Epiſtle, which he then ſent to his Daughter.
i
L
Ariftippus to Arete.
Ipfitic buy to Lettere, your with the prefers oth
Received your Letter by Teleus, wherein you defire me to make all
poffible haft to Cyrene, becauſe your buſineſſe with the Præfects goeth
not to your minde, and your Husband is unfit to manage your domeſtick
affairs, by reafon of his bashfulness, and being accustomed to a retir
life, remote from the publick. wherefore afsoon as I got leave of Dio-
nyfius, I failed towards you, and being upon my journey, fell fick by the
way at Lipara, where the friends of Sonicus provide carefully for me,
with fuch humanity, as is needfull for one neer death. As for your de-
mand, what respect you should give those whom I manumifed, who pro-
fess they will never defert Ariftippus whilst they have ftrength; but,
ever ferve him and you; truft them in all things, they have learned from
me not to be falfe. For your felfe, I advise you to apply your ſelfe to the
Magiftrates, which counfell will profit you, if you affect nor rather to
have
ASARISTIPRUS.
13
}
>
have much: You will live moft at eafe if you contemn excefs; for, they
cannot be ſo unjuſt as to leave you in want. You have two Orchards left
Sufficient to maintain you plentifully: and that possession in Bernicia
if alone left you, were fufficient to supply you fully. I do not counſell you
to neglect small things; but, not to be troubled for fmall things, fince
vexation is not good even for great. If when I am deads you want my
advice for the education of young Ariftippus, go to Athens, and above
all, efteen Xantippe and Myrto, who have often spoke to me to bring
you to the Eleufimian Festivalls. whilst you lead this pleafant life with
thefe, let the Cyrenean Præfects be as unjust as they pleafe, in your na-
turall * end they cannot prejudice you. Endeavour to live with Xan-* Pleaſure.
tippe and Myrto, as I did heretofore with Socrates, compoſing your
felfe to their converfation; for,pride is not proper in that place. Ifb Ty-b Leo Allati-
rocles, the fon of Socrates, who lived with me at Megara, come to Cy- us reads Lam-
rene, it will be well done to ſupply him, and to respect as your own fon. that cannot be
If you will not nurfe a daughter, because of the great trouble it gives forLamprocles
you, fend for the daughter of Eubois, to whom you have heretofore ex- before; fee life
pressed fo much kindness, and named after my Mother, and I also have Socratic. Chap.
often called her my friend. Above all, take care of little Ariftippus, 16.
that he may be worthy of us and of Philofophy: For, this I leave him as
his true inheritance, the rest of his eftate finds the Cyrenean Magiftrates
adverfaries. But, you writ me not word that any offered to take that away
from you. Rejoyces dear daughters in the posseffion of those riches which
are in your power, and make your fon pofsefs them likewife: I wish he
were my fon; but, being disappointed of that hope, I depart with this af-
furance, that you will lead him in the paths trodden by good men. Fare-
well, and grieve not for us.
c
procles; but,
was dead long
Of his Children, befides this Arete his Daughter, whom he c Stob. Eth.
educated in Philofophy, is remembered alfo a Son, whom for his 195.
ftupidity he difenherited, and turned out of dores; for which,
being reproved by his Wife, who alledged, that he came from
himfelfe; He, fpitting, faid, This comes from me too, but profiteth me
nothing. Or, as Laertius; We caft i griypaxrès quíœs, all unneceſsa-
ry things as far as we can from us.
Arete had a Son named from his Grandfather Ariftippus, and
from his Mothers inſtructing him in Philofophy, furnamed
pinggodidix 10.
Beſides theſe two (Ariftippus the Grandfather and the Grand-
fon) Laertius reckons two more of the fame name: One writ the
Hiſtory of Arcadia: the other was of the new Academy.
CHAP..
14
ARISTIPPUS.
}
Of
CHAP. IX.
His Difciples and Succeffors.
f the Auditors of Ariftippus, beſides his daughter Arete
(whom he taught with much care, and brought up to great
perfection in Philofophy) are remembred Ethiops of Ptolemais,
and Antipater of Cyrene.
Arete communicated the Philofophy the received from her
Father, to her Son Ariftippus the younger: Ariftippus tranfmitted
it to Theodorus the Atheist, who inftituted a Sect, called Theo-
dorean.
+
Antipater communicated the Philofophy of Ariftippus to Epi-
timides his Difciple; Epitimides to Parebates; Parabates to Hegefas
and Anniceris: Theſe two laft improving it by fome additions of
their own, obtained the honour each of them, to have à Set ma-
med after them, Hegefiack and Annicerick:
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CHAP. I.
His Life.
1
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EGESIAS, Difciple to Parabates, was fur-
a
named iðávaros, Death's Oratour, from a book a cic. Tuſe.
he writ, entituled Agar, upon occafion of qu. 1.
料
​one who had famiſh dhimſelf high to death,but
was called back to life by his friends, in an
fwer to whom, hee in this Book demonftrated
b
that death takes us away from ill things, not
from good, and reckon'd up the incommodities of life, and re-
prefented the evills thereof with ſo much Rhetorick, that the b Val. Max. 8.
fad impreffion thereof penetrated fo far into the breaſts of many 9.
hearers, that it begot in them a defire of dying voluntarily, and
many laid violent hands upon themſelves. Whereupon hee was
prohibited by Ptolomy the King to diſcourſe any more upon this
Subject in the Schools.
1
CHAP. II
His Philofophy:
IS Difciples were from him called Hegefians. They held Laert.
the fame chief good and Evill with the Cyreneans; further
Ho
afferting;
That Kindneffe, Friendship, and Benevolence are in themselves no-
thing ; not expetible, but in respect of those benefits which cannot confift
without those perfons.
That Perfect Felicity is abfolutely impoffible, because the body is dif-
ordered by many troubles, in which the Soul ſhares, and most of those
things which we hope are prevented by chance.
That Life and Death are in our choice.
That nothing is by nature pleasant or unpleasant, but by the ranty
and anuſuallness of things, or fatiety, fome are delighted therewitką of
thers not.
F
That
100
HEGESIAS.
1
That Poverty and Wealth conferre nothing to Pleafure, neither are
the rich poor affected with Pleafure federall waies. Servitude and Li-
berty, Nobility and Meanness, Glory and ignominy differ nothing in
this respect.
• That to live is avantageous for fool, indiferent to a will man
That a feman ught to do all things in confideration of hir ſelf
and preferte none before himself, for though poffibly he may receive be-
nefits from others very great in outward appearance; yet are they nothing
in comparison of those which he difperfeth!
That Senfe conferrs nothing to certain knowledge, for all act by the
rules of their own reafon.
That offences ought to be pardon'd, for no man offends willingly, but
compelled by some affection.
That we should hate no man, but inftiut him better
That a wife man fhould not infiſt ſo much upon choiod thin
as upon evill, making it bis Scope and end to live neith
Grief; which they do, who are inclined neither way to the
Lure
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ANNICER IS.
CHAP.I.
4. His Life.
慧
​4
'
í
CONNICE RIS was of Cyrene, Diſciple to Pa-
rabates, yet Suidas faith he was an Epicurean,
and that he lived in the time of Alexander.
紅茶
​'
a Laert.
:
b He was excellent in Chariot-racing, of b Elvar, bift
which one day he gave a teftimony before 2.27.
Plato, and drove many courſes round the A-
cademy, ſo exactly, that his wheeles never
it
went out of the track, to the admiration of all that were preſent,
except Plato, who reprehended his too much induftry, faying,
was not poffible but that he,who employed fo much paines about
things of no value, muft neglect thoſe of greater concernment,
which are truly worth admiration.
• When Plato,by the command of Dionyfius, was fold as a flave c Laert. vit
in Ægina, Anniceris fortuned to be prefent, who redeemed him Plat.
for 20. or according to others 30. minæ, and ſent him to Athens
to his friends, who prefently returned the mony to Anniceris, but
he refuſed it, faying, they were not the only perfons that defer-
ved to take care of Plato.
He had a Brother named Nicoteles, a Philofopher; hee had
likowke the fainous Pafidonius to be his Diſciple.
GHA P. II.
His Philofophy.
a
b
d Suid.
HIS Difciples were called Annicerians; They as the reft pla- a cic. de offic.
ced all good in Pleafure, and conceived virtue to be only 3.
commendable as far as it produced Pleaſure. They agreed in Lert.
all things with the Hegefians, but they abolifted not friendship,
good will, duty to parents, and actions done for our Country.
They held,
Thas
1
78
ANNICERI S.
{
}
>
That although a wife man fuffer trouble for those things yet he will
lead a life nothing the leffe happy, though he enjoy but few Pleasures.
That the Felicity of a friend is not expetible in it felf; for to agree in
judgement with another, or to be raiſed above and fortified against the
generall opinion is not enough to fatisfiereaſon, but wee must accustom
our felves to the best things because of our innate vicious clinations
That a friend is not to be entertained only out of usefull on necellary
Ends, nor when fuch fail, is to be cast off, but out of an intimate good-
will, for which we must also undergo trouble, For though they placed (as
the reft) the chief end and good in pleasure, and profeſſed to be grieved
at the lof's thereof, yet they affirm that we ought to undergo voluntarily
labours,out of love to a friend.
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THEODORVS.
CHAP. I.
His Life.
b
a Laerts
Suid.
HEODORUS heard Anniceris, Dionyfius the
Logician, Zeno the Cittiean, and Pyrrho the
Ephectick. He was called the Atheist, becauſe
che held there was no God,& wrote a treatife c Plut. plac.
Phil. 17. Cie.
(Suidas faith many) wherein he endeavoured det der
nat. 1.
to refell all arguments to the contrary, out of
of which Epicurus borrow'd much. Afterwards
he was abufively called os, upon occafion of a difpute with Stil-
po to this effect. Do you believe faith Stilpo, you are whatſoever you
affirm your felf to be? Theodorus grantings then continues Stilpo, if
you ſhould say you were a God, were you fo? To which Theodorus affent-
ing, Stilpo reply'd; Then impious man you are a Bird, or any thing else
by the same reason.
He was ejected out of Cyrene by the Citizens, whereupon hee
faid pleaſantly ; You do not well Cyreneans to thrust me out of Lybia
into Greece. Thence he went to Athens, where he ſhould have
been cited to the Court of Areopagus, and loft his life, but that
he was freed by Demetrius Phalereus. Being likewife baniſhed
thence, he went to Ftolomy the Son of Lagus, with whom he li-
ved, and was by him fent on Embaffy to Lyfimachus, to whom
ſpeaking Atheiſtically; Lyfimachus faid, Are not you that Theodo-
rus that was baniſhed Athens, he anſwered, it is true, the Athenians
when they could bear me no longer, as Semele Bacchus, caft me
aut. Lyfimachus reply'd, fee that you come no more to me;
No answered he, unless Ptolomy fend me. Mythro Son of Ly-
fimachus being prefent, faid, you feem not only ignorant of the Gods but
of Kings, How faith he, am I ignorant of the Gods, who believe you an
Enemy to them? Lyfimachus threatned them with Death,
glory faith he in a great matter, a Cantharides can do as much. Or as cic. Tufc. qu.I.
Stobæus, I knew not that you had not the power of a Ring but of poifor. Plut. an uncios.
Hereat incenfed, he commanded he thould be crucified; Threaten ad infel. ſuff.
faith he, thofe things I pray to your purple Nobles ; it is all one to The-
odorus whether he rot above or under ground.
ત d Sen de
you
Finally he went to Cyrene, and lived with Marius in much re-
pute, in that City out of which he was firſt ejected.
G
Difputing
trang, anim. 6.
THEODORVS:
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b Edert.
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Difputing with Euryclides a Prieft, he asked, what perfons
thoſe were who defile myfteries: Euryclides anfwered, Those who
communicate them to perfons not initiated. Then, replyed he, you do
impiously, in declaring them to fuch.
What othersafcribe to Ariffippus and Diogenes, fame attribute
Theodor and Metrocleus, a Cynick, who laying,ou would not
want Difciples if you washed Herbs: Theodorus antwer'd, Nether
would you wash Herbs, if you knew how to converfe with Men.
He faid of Hipparchia the Wife of Crates; This is fhe who hath gi
vẹn over the Shuttle to put on a Cloak.
CHAP. II,
His Philofophy.
a
I
1
HE taught all manner of Learning, and inftituted a Se
called Theodorean. He afferted Indifference, that there is no
difference of things.
}
b That our end, or chiefe good and greatest ill, are joy' and forrow's
one confifting in prudence, the other inimprudence.
That prudence and juftice are good things, the contrary habits ill,
the mean, pleafure and grief.
He took away Friendship, because it is neither in fooles nor wife-men ;
thofe being uncapable to make use of it, the thing it felfe vanifheth; thefe
not needing it, as being fufficient to themselves.
That it is reasonable that a wife man expofe not himselfe to danger
for his Country; wifdome ought not to be loft for the prefervation of
fooles.
That the world is our Country.
That a man upon occaſion may commit theft, adultery, and facriledge,
there being nothing in thefe naturally evill, if that opinion were
taken away which is built upon the agreement of fooles.
That a wife man may publickly without ſhame Igaváross xgrozdas
He ufed fuch inductions as thefe: Is not a woman that is skilfull
in Grammar, profitable in that refpect as a Grammarian? Tea, is not the
fame of a youth? Yes. Is not a beautifull woman then profitable, as being
handfome? Tes: Then she who makes right use of it doth not amiffe. In
thefe kinds of Queftions he was very fubtle.
3
!
ધો.
CHAP.
THEO DORVS.
2t
a
CHAP. III.
His death, writings, &c.
Mphicrates faith that he was condemned by the Law for
He wrot, befide that which appertained to his Sect, many o-
ther things.
Laertius reckons twenty of this name: The firft a Samian, fon
of Rhacus, who adviſed to lay the foundation of the Temple at
Ephefus upon Embers: For, the place being wet, he ſaid, that
Coales, when they forſake the nature of Wood, acquire a foli-
dity not to be violated by moyſture.
The fecond of Cyrene, a Geometrician, whole
was!
The third this Philofopher.
The fourth writ of exercifing the voice, a famous Book
The fifth writ of Law-givers, beginning with Ter
The fixth a Stoick.
The Seventh writ the Roman Hiftory.
The eight, a Syracufian, writ Tacticks.
b
The ninth a Byzantine, a Sophift, eminent for civill Pleas. ´¨`
The tenth of the fame Country, mention'd by Ariftotle in his
Epitome of Oratours.
The eleventh of Thebes, a Statuary.
The twelfth a painter, mention'd by Polemon.
The thirteenth of Athens, a Painter, of whom writes Menodotus.
The fourteenth of Ephefus, a painter, of whom Theophanes in his
treatife of painting.
The fifteenth a Poet,who wrote Epigrams.
The fixteeth wrot of Poets.
}
The feventeenth a Phyfician, Diſciple to Athenæus.
The eighteenth of Chios, a Stoick.
The ninteenth of Miletus, a Stoick.
The twentieth, a Tragick Poet:
a Laert.
bQuid.
BION.
1
22
1
19
t
15
□ Laert,
;
ΒΙΟΝ
CHAP. I.
Bion his life.
OF the Theodorean Sect was BION, a Berifthe-
nite. What his Parents were, and what his
employments, he diverted himſelfe to Phi-
lofophy, he related to Antigonus, King of
Macedonia, in this manner. Antigonus asked
whence art thou? who thy Parents? What thy
Town? Bion perceiving himfelfe to be re-
proached, anfwered thus, my Father was a freeman, krynwvi åmo-
Hvors, implying, he was a feller of falt-fifh, a Borifthenite;
he had not a face, but inftead thereof a brand mark, which de-
b Athen, deipn, clared the ill difpofition of the owner: My Mother he married
out of a common Brothel-houſe; [ba Lacedemonian Curtezan, na-
med Olympia,] being fuch a Woman as fuch a man could get.
My Father, for couzening the State, was fold, and all our Family
for flaves. I being a young likely youth, was bought by an Ora-
tour, who dyed, and left me all he had. I tore and burnt his
Papers, went to Athens, and there applyed my felfe to Philo-
fophy.
This is the blood and race I boast to own. Thus much concerning
my felfe: Let Perfeus therefore, and Philonides forbear to enquire
after theſe things, and look you upon me, as I am in my felfe.
You do not uſe, O King, when you fend for Archers, to enquire
of what Parentage they are; but, fet them up a mark to ſhoot at:
Even fo of friends, you ſhould not examine whence, but what
they are.
Bion indeed, fetting this afide, was of a verſatile wit, a fubtle
Sophift, and gave many furtherances to the exercifers of Pnilo-
phy: in fome things he was
He first heard Crates the Academick; but, defpifing that Sect,
took a fordid Cloak and Scrip, and became a Cynick: to which
Laertius afcribes his conftancy, expert of perturbation. Then he
followed Theodorus the Atheiſt, who profeft all manner of lear
ning; to whofe opinions he addicted himselfe, and was called à
Theodorean: Afterwards he heard Theophraftus the Peripatetick.
CHAP.
!
BION.
23
CHA P. II.
His Apophthegms.
HE left many memorialls, and profitable Apophthegmės; as,
Being reproved for not endeavouring to Catch a young
man; new Cheeſe faith he, will not ſtick to the hook.
Being demanded what man is moſt perplexed, he ſaith,hewho
aimes at the higheſt Content.
To one who asked his advice whether he ſhould marry or not,
(for this ſome aſcribe to Bion, which Agellius to Bias, the miſtake
perhaps grounded upon the nearneffe of their Names) he anſwe-
red, if you take a fowl Wife, ſhe will be a Torment; if a fair,
Common.
He ſaid, that Age is the Haven to which all ills have recourſe; That
Glory is the Mother of years; That beautyis a good which concerns others,
not our felves; That Riches are the Sinewes of Things.
To one who had confumed his Patrimony, Earth, faith he, de-
voured Amphiaraus, but you devour Earth.
He faid, it is a great ill, not to be able to bear ill.
He reproved thoſe who burn men, as having no Senſe, and a-
gain burn them as having Senſe.
He uſed to ſay, it is better to yeeld our own youth and Beauty
to others, the to attempt anothers; for he that doth ſo, injures
both his body and Soul.
He vilified Socrates, faying, if he could enjoy Alcibiades, and
did not,he was a fool, if he could not, he did no great matter.
He faid, the way to the next World is eafie, for we find it blind-
fold.
He condemned Alcibiades, faying, when he was a boy, he drew
away Husbands from their Wives, when a man, Wives from
their Husbands.
At Rhodes, whilſt the Athenians exercifed Rhetorick, he taught
Philofophy; for which being reproved, I bought Wheat faith he,
and ſhall Iſell Barley?
He faid, they who are puniſhed below would be more tor-
mented if they carried Water in whole Veffells, then in Veffells
full of holes.
One that was extreamly talkative, defiring his affiftance in a
bufineffe, I will doe what I can for you faith he, if you ſend a
Meſſenger to me,and come not your ſelf.
Travelling with very ill Company, they fell amongſt theeves;
we ſhall be undone faith he,unleffe we be known.
He faid, Arrogance is the obftruction of Virtue.
Of a rich man Covetous, he hath not money faith he, but mo-
ney him.
H
He
ན
24
BION
He ſaid Covetous perfons keep their Wealth fo ftrictly, that
they have no more ufe of their own theil of anothers.
He ſaid, when we are young, wee ufe Courage, when old,
Wiſdom. Wiſdom exceffs other Vertues as the Sight the other
Senfes.
He ſaid no man ſhould be reproached for old age, that being a
Condition all pray they may arive at it.
To an envious man fad, I know not faith he whether fome ill
hath befain you,or fome good another.
He ſaid impiety is an ill companion to bold language;
For though his Speech be free,
}
3
•
J
To Bondage yield must hee.
1
* Athen.
That friends whatſoever they prove ought to be retained: leſt
we feem to have converfed with wicked perfons, or to fhunne
Good.
Being Demanded if there were any Gods, he ſaid, Old man
wilt thou not drive this Groud away.
He conceived that he might make a Field fertile ſooner by
praifing then by manuring it.
He faid, they who love to be flattered, are like Pots carried by,
the ear.
To one who asked him what folly is, he faid the Obſtruction of
Knowledge.
He faid good men, though Slaves are free, but wicked meni
though free are flaves to many Pleafures.
He ſaid Grammarians whilft they enquire after the Errors of
Wlyfses, mind not their own, nor fee that they themſelves go aftray
as well as he, in taking pains about ufeleffe things.
10
He faid Avarice is the Metropolis of all Evill.
*Seeing a Statue of Perfaus; under which was written
ΠΕΡΣΑΙΟΣ ΖΗΝΩΝΟΣ Ο KITTIΕΥΣ, Perfaus of Zeno a Gir
trean, he faid, the writer miftook ; for it ſhould be
Fervant; as indeed he was.
3
rids, Zeno's
Laert.
+
i ¦
;
1
♥
CHAP. III.
A
:
Kitab
His Death.
"
Tlaf falling fick (asthofe of Chaleis fay, for he died there)
he was perfwaded to fuffer ligatures (by way of charme)
hee recanted and profeft repentance for all hee had faid of-
fenfive to the Gods. Hee was reduced, to extream want of
fuch things as are moſt neceffary to fick perfons, untill Antigonus
: {
fent
*
BION
25
•
fent to him two fervants; and himſelf followed in a litter, as
Phatiorinas affirms in his various Hiftory of that fickneffe he dyed;
on whoſe death thus Laertius;
Bion the Borifthenite,
Calace By his Birth to Scythia known,
Did religious duties flight,
༔ # •
tapur God's affirming there were none.
>
If to what he then profeft,
Firm be bad continued ftill
Then his tongue had spoke his breaſt,
And been conftant though in ill.
But the fame who Gods deni'd,
He who facred fanes defpis'd,
He who mortalls did deride
When to Gods they facrific'd;
Tortur'd by a long difeafe,
And of deaths purfuit afraid,
Guifts their anger to appease
On their hearths and Altars laid.
Thus with Smoak and incenfe tries
To delight their facred Scent;
I have finn'd, not only cries,
And what I profeft repent.
But into an old wives charms
Did his willing neck fubmit,
And about his feeble armes
Caus'd' them leather thongs to knit.
And a youthfull sprig of bayes
H' Did ſet up before his gate:
Every means and way essaies
To divert approaching fate.
{
Fool to think the Gods might be
Brib'd with gifts,their favours boughts
Or the facred Deitie
Were,and were not as he thought.
But his wifdoms titles (now
Turn'd to afbes) not avail
with stretch'd arms, I know not how,
Hail he cried, great Pluto hail.
!
•
Of
26
BION:
Of this name Laertius reckons ten; The first contemporary
with Pherecydes the Syrian, of Proconnefus; who writ two Books
extant in his time.
The fecond a Syracufian wrote of the Art of Rhetorick."
The third this Philofopher.
The fourth an Abderite of the Family of Democritus 3 a Mathe-
matician: he wrote in the Attick and Ionick Dialect: He firſt
faid there werefome habitable parts of the earth, where it was fix
months day and fix months night.
豐
​The fift of Soleis; he wrote the thiopick Hiftory.
The fixt, an Oratour, who wrote nine Books entitled by the
names of the Muſes.
The feventh a Lyrick Poet.
The eight a Milefian Statuary; mention'd by Polemon.
The ninth a Tragick Poet, one of thoſe who were called tar-
fici.
The tenth a Statuary of Clazomene or Chios, mentioned by Hip-
ponax.
י
1
$
•
>
<
+
}
ر
THE
*
27
THE MEGARICK SECT
EVCLID.
CHAP. I.
His Country and Mafters.
UCLID (inſtituter of the Megarick Se&t) a Laert.
was born at Megara, a Town adjacent up-
on the Ifthmus; though others fay at Geta,
a City of Sicilie.
He firſt ſtudied the writings of Parmeni-
des, then went to Athens to hear Socrates:
Afterwards the Athenians made an order, ↳ Agell, 6. 10.
that if any Citizen of Megara came into the
.C
City of Athens, he ſhould be put to death: So great was the hatred
the Athenians bore to the Megarenfes. Thucydides mentions this c Lib. 1.
Decree, whereby the Megarenfes were prohibited to make use of
any Lawes within the Athenian jurifdiction, or the Attick Forum:
Which Order the Lacedemonians requiring to be repealed, and
not prevailing, the Peloponnefian War enfued thereupon, the
cruelleft and longeft that ever was amongſt the Grecians.
Euclid, who was of Megara, and before that Decree uſed to d Agell, 6, 10:
go to Athens, and hear Socrates, after it was promulgated, came
by night in a long womans Gown, and Cloak of feverall co-
lours, his head attired in a womans Vail (fo Varro expounds
Rica) from his houſe in Megara to Athens, to Socrates, that he
might be in that time partaker of his counſell and inftructions,
and went back again before that day in the fame habit, above
twenty thousand paces.
Upon the death of Socrates, Plato and the reft of the Philofo- e Laert.
phers, fearing the cruelty of the Tyrants,went to Megara to him,
who entertained them kindly.
CHAP. II.
His inftitution of a Sect.
E affected litigious difputes, and was therefore told by So- a Laers
crates, that he knew how to contend with Sophifls,but not with men: b Laert,vit.
I
Suitable
SOCT.
1
:
28
EUCLID.
c Laert.
C
Suitable to this contentious humour, he inſtituted a Sect, firſt
called Megarick from the places afterwards Eriftick, from the li-
d Laert, vit. tigious. fophifticall nature thereof Whence Diogenes aid, it
was not go a School, but xon anger: thus reproved by Timon
Diog.
c. Laert.
a De fraterno
amore.
all theſe trifles, I not value ought,
which Phædo nor litigious Euefild caught
who the Megareans mad contention taught.
Laſtly, it was called Dialectick; which name Dionyfius, a Car-
thaginian firſt gave them, becauſe their difcourfes confifted of
queftion and anfwer.
He affirmed, that there is but one good, which is called by feverall
names; fometimes Prudence, fometimes God, fometimes the Minde, and
the like: He took away all things oppofite to good, faying, there
was no such thing.
He uſed arguments not by affumption, but by inference.
He took away difputation by fimilitude, faying, that it con-
fifted either of like or unlike; if of like, it were better to examine
the things themſelves to which they are like: if of unlike, the
compariſon is to no purpoſe.
HE
CHA P. III.
His Apothegmes, Writings.
2
E was famous in the Schooles (faith a Plutarch) for as much
as hearing his Brother in in a wild rage, fay, Let me perish, if
I be not revenged: he anſwered, and I, unleffe I perfwade you to lay
b Stob.ferm.82. afide your anger, and love me as at first. If Hierocles (who relates
the fame ſtory) for axes writ not as Plutarch û Zanegmrû,
that epithite occafion'd the miſtake.
c Stob. Eth.38.
d Stob. Eth.47
c Laert.
1 Laert. vit.
Afchin.
g In voce Eu-
clides.
He faid, that there is one kinde of fleep, a young pliant Deity, eaſie
to be driven away; the other gray and aged, chiefly frequenting old men!
Pertinacious and inexorable, from this God, if he once come, it is hard
to get loofe; words avail nothing, for he is deafe; nor can you ſhew him
any thing that may move him, for he is blinde.
Being demanded what the Gods are, and wherein they de-
light: Of all things elfe concerning them, faith he, I am ignorant but
of this, I know they hate curious perfons.
e
He wrot (befides other things) fix Dialogues (Panatius
doubts whether they were genuine or fpurious) their Titles
thefe,
Lamprias.
Æfchines.
Phenixzor(as Suidas the Phoenixes.
Crito,
EV BVLIDES.A
29
Crito.
Alcibiades.
The Erotick.
Of the fame names are numbered
h
Euclid the Mathematician, a Megarean alfo, whence confoun-
ded by Valerius Maximus with the Philofopher: Plato (faith he) Lib.8.cap.i3
Sent the undertakers of the facred Altar (who came to confer with him
concerning the manner and form thereof) to Euclid the Geometrician,
yielding to his skill and profeffion: That theſe undertakers came to
Plato, is evident from the teftimony of many others; but, that
he remitted them to Euclid the Geometrician; or, that Euclid the
Philofopher own'd that profeffion, is no where to be proved. On
the contrary, Proclus affirms, that Euclid the Mathematician i In Euclid.lib.
was of the Platonick Sect, and that Ptolomy King of Egypt ask- 2. cap. 4.
ing if there were any shorter way to Geometry, he anſwered, imperfect, read
Not any Kings-high-way. From the death of Socrates to the firſt of Kai to He's
the Ptolomies are 95 years. So that Euclid the Mathematician anПn-
was much latter then the Philoſopher.
k
k The Text is
λεμαῖος ήροντο
ποτέ αυτόν εἴ
τις ἐςὶ περὶ γι
ωμετρίαν τῆς ςοιχειώσεως βραχέων μέθοδος; ἐδεμία φησιν ο βασιλεῦ προς γεωμετρίαν βασιλικὴ ὁδὸς νεώ-
Tres, &c. and ĵo (well nigh) Barocius,
Я
1
m Meteor. 1.6.
Euclid the Archonin the fecond year of the 88th Olympiad, ac-
cording to Diodorus Siculus; but," Ariftotle names the Archon 1 Lib,
for that year Euclees, confirmed by his Commentators, and by
Suidas, who only erres a little in the diftance of years betwixt n Equiori
him and Euclid the other Archon. Salmafius not knowing the us.
name Euclees to be any where found amongst the Archontes, and 235.
exprefly affirming the contrary, endeavours to corrupt the Text
of Suidas reading Diocles.
Euclid the Archon, in the fecond year of the 94th Olympiad.
Euclid the Soothsayer,friend to Xenophon, who mentions him.
Euclid the Store-cutter, named in Plato's Will.
E
EVBVLIDES.
o Infcript. p.
p Expedit. Cyr.
lib.7.
q Laert, vit.
Plat.
UBULIDES a Milefian fucceeded Euclid. Some affirm, that'a Laert.
Demofthenes the Oratour was his 3choller, and that Demeft-
henes not being able to pronounce the Letter R, he taught him
by continuall exercife to do it. He was a great enemy to Ariftotle,
and much aſperſed him.
In Diale&ick he invented many kinds of Interrogation or argu-
ment, durov, the Lying; rahavdavola, the occult; nailer, Electra ;
by nangλvuyor, the Vailed, wirt, Sorites; Kean, the horned; panangòr,
the bald: Of which thus Demofthenes.
The
30
EV BVLIDES. A
b Top. 8. 4.
e Deipn. 8.
d Divinat. 2.
X
The Oratours Sharp Eubulides knowes
with fubtle forked questions how to pofe,
Speech from Demofthene not sweeter flowes.
Theſe are feverall kinds of Sophifms, which Aristotle in gene
rall defines Eriftick Syllogifmes: from this School borrowed and
enlarged afterwards by the Stoicks.
Ja, termed by Athenæus
e
c
d
by, by Cicero mentiens,
is a captious reafoning not to be diffolved; named, as moſt of the
reft, not from the form, but matter; the ordinary example being
e Cic. Lucull. this: If you say that you lye when you speak truth, you lye But, you say
that you lye when you speak truth; therefore you lye. Such is that in
·*Lib.5.queft. £ Africanus, A man haring foure hundred (Crownes) difpofeth in Le-
gacies three hundreds next he bequeaths to you a piece of ground worth
ore hundred Crownes; provided, his will be not lyable to the Falcidian
Law, [by which all Legacies are made void, if the furpluſage
remaining for the Heires, amount not at the least to the fourth
part of the Goods] The Question is, what right you hare. I say, the
question is not to be refolved, being of that kind which the Dialecticks
call Levoures, what part foever we take for true will prove falfe. If we
Lay the Legacies are valid, the will comes within compaffe of the Falci-
dian Law, whereby the condition being defective, the Legacy is invalid.
Again, if because the condition is defective, the Legacies are not vald,
it is not lyable to the Falcidian Law, and if the Law take not place upon
the condition, you are not to have what was bequeathed you. So much
g Epiſt. 6. 45.
was this Sophifme efteemed, that Seneca affirmes, many Books
Vit. Chryfip, to have been written upon it: Laertius reckons fix diftinct Trea-
i Deipn. 8.
tifes of Chryfippus. Athenæus and Suidas averr, that Philetus a
Choan dyed of a Confumption, occafion'd by exceffive ſtudy up-
this Queition only.
{
h
Electra, named (likewife) from the chiefe Examples; of which
thus Lucian: Electra the illuftrious Daughter of Agamemnon, knew
and knew not the fame thing. Oreftes unknown standing by her, ſhe
knew that Oreftes was her Brother, but she knew not that he was
Oreftes.
!
"Eɔxonadvµuivos, the vailed; named alfo from the matter, thus in-
ftanc'd by Lucian. CHR. Anſwer me, Do you know your Father?
MERC. Yes. CHR. what if I ſhould bring one unto you vailed, what
would you say, that you knew him or not? MĒRC. That I did not know
him. CHR. And yet that man proves to be your Father; therefore if you
knew not the man, you knew not your Father. MERC. No truly, but,
pul off his vail,and I ſbal difcover the truth. Of the fame kinde is that
* Analy-pofter. of the Sophifts, which Aristotle affirmes, Socrates (in Plato's
Meno) vainly labours to refolves Do you know all Faires are even or
not? The other aufwering he knew it. The Sophift brings forth a pair of
Some thing which he kad held kidden under his Cloak, and askes, Did
I. I.
k
}
you
ALEXINUS.
31
you know that I had this Even pair or not? the other confeffing he knew
not, Then faith he, you know and know not the fame thing.
1
}
Sorites, By Cicero termed a Cervalis, who defines it to be 1 Divin. 2.
m when any thing by degrees is added or taken away: as a Heap (we's) m Cic. Lucu!.
is made by adding a grain, or rather as " Julianus, when from things n Digeft.lib Is
Evidently true, by very short Mutations the Difpute is led to fuch
things as are Evidently falfe; the fame, Ulpian, The Common ex-
o Lib. 48. ad
ample mentioned by Cicero, Laertius, Sextus Empiricus, and Sabin. in tit.
others in this: are not two a few ? are not three so likewife? Are not de verbor, &
four the fame? So on to ten. But two are a few, and therefore ten. Ter.fignific.
I
p In Lucullo.
Keem the horned; Denominated as the reft from the Exam-q In Chryfip.
ple, what you loft not you have, you lost not Hornes, therefore you have ↑ Adv.Logic.?
Horns. Repeated by Seneca, Agellius and others. Of this kind St. (Lib.5.in Mat,
Hierome obferves that to bee which the Pharifees objected to our
Saviour. He came (faith he) from Galilee to Judea, wherfore the
faction of Scribes and Pharifees asked him whether it were lawfull for a
man to put away his wife for any caufe, that they might Entrap him by a
Horned Syllogifme, whatfoever he would anfwer being liable to excepti-
on: if he should say a wife might be put away for any cause; and ano-
ther taken, he being a Profeffor of modefty fbould contradict himself;but if
he should answer, a wife ought not to be put away for any cauſe,he ſhould
be accounted guilty of Sacriledge,& judged to do contrary to the Doctrine
of Mofes, and by Mofes of God. uur Lord therefore fo tempers his an-
ſwer, that he paſſeth by their trap, alledging for Teſtimony the facred.
Scripture and Naturall Law, oppofing the first Sentence of God to the
Second, which was granted not from the will of God, but Neceffity of Sin.
The fame Father inftanceth another of the fame kind propofed
to him, I was assaulted at Rome by a very Eloquent perfon, with that
which they call a Horned Syllogifm, fo as which way foever I turned I
was more entangled. To marry a wife faith he, is it a fin or not? I plain-
ly, not thinking to avoid his ambuſh, ſaid, it is not a fin; He then pro-
pounded another Question, in Baptifm are good works remitted or Erill?
I with the like fimplicity anſwered, fins are remitted: when I thought my
felf fecure, Hornes began to bud out on each fide on me, and the hidden
forces to discover themselves,if faith he to marry a wife be not a fin, and
that Baptifme remitteth Sinnes, whatfoever is not remitted is re-
Serted
ALEXINUS.
A mongſt the many Diſciples of Eubulides was Alexinus an
; a great lover of Contention, and therefore called
HALEOs from redarguing; Hc moft oppofed Zeno.
Hermippus faith, he went to Olympia, and there profelt Philo-
fophy; his Difciples queftioning why he lived there, he anfwe-
red, he meant to inftitute a Sect,and call it Olympick,but his Diſ-
K
ciples
t Epiſt. 88.
a Laert.
32
EUPHANTUS, &c
a Laert.
a Laert.- 1
b Lib. 14.
t
'
ciples wanting fubfiftence, and difliking the Air departed, he
continued there folitary with one fervant only, and fwimming in
the River Alphaus, was hurt with a Reed, whereof he dyed,
He wrote against other Philofophers beſides Zeno.And againſt
Ephorus the Hiftorian.
EUPHANT VS.
Rom Alexinus came Euphantus an Olinthian, Maſter to King
Antigonus, Father of Demetrius, Grandfather of
Gonatus; He died of Age; He writ
The Hiftory of that time.
Tragedies many,
tigonus
which upon their publique reprefentations
were much applauded.
An Oration upon a Kingdom, to Antigonus, very Celebriqus.
APOLLONIVS CRONVS
Ob
Ό
3
b
F the Diſciples of Eubulides, was Apollonius Cronus Stra-
bo faith, he was a Cyrenean by birth, and calls him Cronus
Apollonius, implying the latter to be a firname from Apollonta a
Town of Cyrene.
DIODOR VS.
A
CHAP.I.
*
His Life.
*
a Laert?
b Lib. 14. &
17.
c Laert.
Iodorus was of Jefsus a City of Caria; Son of Ameinias; La
ertius faith,he heard Eubulides; Strabo that he heard pol
lonius Cronus, after whom he was called Cronus; the name of the
Mafter being tranfmitted to the Difciples by reafon of the obscurity of
the true Cronus; of Diodoras thus Callimachus;
c
eu'n Momus writ
Upon the walls, Cronus hath wit.
އ
He lived with Ptolomeus Soter, in whofe prefence being quefti
oned by Stilpo, in fuch things as upon the fudden he could not
anfwer; he was not only puniſhed by the King, but reproached
with the name of Cronus: whereupon he went from the Feaſt and
having written an Oration upon that question, died of grief.
CHAP.
-
1
جا
•
M
+
އގ
Z DORIASI
X DI O DOR VASA
4.
CHAP. II.
His Philofophy.
}
}:
و
33
Trabo and Laertius affirm he was a Dialectick; The Dialecticks a Lib.
(faith Cicero ) teach in their Elements to judge whether a con-bLucul,
nex (a propofition which hath the conjunction if) be true or
falfe,as this if it be day,it is light,how much is it controverted; Diodo-
rus is of one opinion, Philo of another, Chryfippus of a third; That Dio
dorus laboured much herein, appears from an Epigram of Callima
chus, cited and explained by Sextus Empiricus.
C
c Advers
Gram.
d
}
f
Concerning theſe propofitions,the Difagreement of Diodorus
from Philo and Chryfippus (already mentioned by Cicero) is thus ex-
plained by & Sextus Empiricus; But when faith ke, or how it followeth
they disagree among themſelves, and those things whereby they deter Byrth. Hyp.2
mine a confequence to be judged oppugn one another as Philo faid, it is
a true Connex, when it beginneth nor from true, and endeth in falfe.
So that according to his opinion, a true Connex may be three ſeverall
mares, a falfe only one way. For when it beginneth from true, and endeth
in true, it is true; as this, if it be day, it is light. Again, when it be
ginneth from falſe, and endeth in falfe,it is true: as this, if the Earth
flies, the E tb bath wings, Likewife that which beginneth from falfe,
and endeto in true is true; as this, if the Earth flies it is Earth: that
only is true which beginneth from true, and endeth in falfe. Such is this,
if it be day it is night. For if it be day, thainis day as true, which is the
Antecedent. But that it is night is false, which was the Confequent: Di-
odorus faith, that is a true Connex which is not contingent, beginning
from true, and ending in falfe. This is contrary to the opinion of Philo,
for fuch a Connex as this, if it be day I difcourfe, and if at present it be
day, and I'difcourfe is according to Philos opinion a true Connex før
it begins from true, it is day, and ends in true, I difcourfe. But accor
ding to the opinion of Diodorus it is falfe for it may so happen,that
though it begin from true, toit, its day, yet it may end in falfe, to
makend
wit, that I difcourfe when I am filent. Thus by Contingencie it may
gin in true, and end in falſe; for before I began to difcourfe it began
from true, to wit, it is day but ended in falfe, to wit, I dif-
courfe. 3:1.
3
$
be-
And again, for that we examine not many opinions concerning aẹ Cap. eodem:
Connex, let us say that Connex is in it felf right, which beginneth not
from true, and endeth in falfe. This,if there be motion, there is Vacuity
according to Epicures Opinion, beginning from true, to wit, there is
motion,and ending in true, will be true. According to the Peripateticks,
beginning from true, to wit, there is motion,and ending in falfe, to wit,
there is Faculty, will be falfe: according to Diodorus, beginning from
false,
34
IGHTHT AS &c.
•
1
f Laert.
OT.
falfe; to wit, there is motion,and ending in falfe, to wit, there is vacuity,,
will be true, for the affumption, to wit, there is motion, he denies as
falfe.
Some affirme, he invented the vailed and horned arguments (of
g.In lib. 1.Pri- which already in the life of Eubulides) & Alexander Aphrodifeus,
faith he, uſed Kvenvorra air, the dominative argument: "Of whofe
h lib. 2. cap. 19. originall and efficacy thus Epictetus; The Dominative argument
feemes to have been interrogated and collected upon fuch like occafions
as thefe: for, there being a common fight amongst these three propofitions
to one another: The first, that every thing paft is néceffarily true. The
fecond, that poffibility followes not impoffibility. The third, that what is
not paffible,neither is nor shall be true. This fight Diodorus obferving,
made use of the two first, to prove, that nothing is possible, which is not,
¡ Intib.s.Prior. nor ſhall be. And Alexander, For that I be at Corinth is possible, if
that I have been, or ever ſhall be there; but, if neither, it is not possible.
It is possible, that a child to be made a Grammarian, if he be made fuch,
in confirmation hereof Diodorus interrogated by the Dominative ar-
gument.
k Sext. Empir.
3.8.
He held, that nothing is moved, karguing thus: If a thing be
Python. hyp• moved, it is either moved in the place wherein it is, or in the place
wherein it is not: but not in that wherein it is; for it refteth in the place
wherein it is: nor in that wherein it is not; for where a thing is not, there
it can neither act nor fuffer. Therefore nothing is moved: and 'confe-
1 Sext. Empir. quently nothing is corrupted or perifheth.
adverf. Gram. m He afferted, that the principles of things are leaſt indiviſible
m cext Empir. bodies, " in number infinite, in magnitude finite.
Pyrrh.hyp.3.4.
n Stob. Eclog.
phys. 13.
a Laert;
a Laert.
ICHTHYAS.
;
CHTHYAS fon of Metallus, an eminent perfon, is remember-
ed amongſt theſe Philofophers that are derived from Euclid i
To him Diogenes the Cynick dedicated a Dialogue.
CLINOMACH VS
Among
Mongſt theſe deſcended from Euclid, was likewife CLINO-
ACHUS, a Thurian: He firft wrot concerning Axiomes
[Propofitions ] Categorems, [that part of a Propofition which is
prædicated of the other] and the like.
1 A
*
24
{
יד
"
་.
{
C
}
.37'.
STILPO.
་
35
F
STILPO.
*
CHAP. I.
Stilpo his life.
TILPO was of Megara in Hellas; he lived in the time of the
firft Ptolomy: Of the Mafters which he heard are reckoned
Euclid the founder of this. School: but, this agrees not with his
time, as was before obſerved.
1
Some followers of Euclid,
Cho
·Thrafymachus of Corinth, friend to Ichthyas: So Heraclides atte-
ftethi
b Diogenes the Cynick.
a Leets,
b Laert. vit
Paficles, a Theban, who heard Crates the Cynick, his own Diogenis.
Brother
Dioclides of Megara:
Cicero faith; he was very acute, much approved by thoſe
times: his friends(faith he) writ, he was much inclined to wine lib. 4
and women, yet relate not this in his difpraiſe; but, rather in his
commendations, that he by Learning fo fubdued and repreft his
vicious nature, that none ever faw him drunk, none ever dif-
covered any laſcivioufneffe in him. Plutarch magnifies his height
of courage, mixed with meekneffe and temperance.
He was much addicted to civill affairs. Befides his Wife, he
kept company with Nicareta, a Curtezan: He had a daughter of
ill fame, whom Simmias, a Syracufian, his intimate friend, mar-
ried; the living incontinently, one told Stilpo fhe was a diſho
nour to him: No more, faith he, then I am an honour to her.
Ptolemeus Soter much efteemed him, and when he took poffeffi-
on of Megara by conqueft, gave him mony, and invited him along
with him to Ægypt: Of the mony he took a little, but abſolutely
refuſed the journey: Going to Agina ftayed there, till Ptolomies
-- returne, Demetrius fon of Antigonus, upon the taking of Megara
gave order, that his houſe might be preferved, and whatfoever
belong'd to him reftored;and bidding him give them an inventory
of fuch things as he had loft, he ſaid, that he had loft nothing that
belonged to him, for none had taken away his learning; his lear-
ning and knowledge were both left.
With Demetrius he difputed of Humanity fo efficaciouſly,that
he became a ftudious Auditor of him.
Concerning Minerva's Statue, carved by Phidias, he asked a
man, whether Minerva Daughter of Jove were a God? He af-
firmed the was: But this, faith he, is not of Jove, but of Phidias
L
;
to
}
36
STILPO.
Stob.
a Laert.
to which the other affented: Then, faith he, ſhe is not a God.
Hereupon being cited to the Court of Areopagus, he denyed it
not, but juſtified it, averting, fhe was not a God, but a Goddeffe:
But, the Areopagites nothing fatisfied with this evafion, orde-
red that he ſhould depart the City. Hereupon Theodorus firnamed
Osds,ſaid in derifion, How came stilp to know this, did he put a-
fide her vail, and look upon her breaft? Theodorus was bold of
fpeech; but, Stilpo referved in fo much as being demanded by
Crates, whether the Gods delighted in bent knees and prayers:
Thou fool, faith he, do not queftion me in publick but when we
"are alone together.
ofuta
. He was fincere and plain, void of all artifice: Crates the Cynick
not anſwering him, but anomádolos, I knew, faith he, you would
fpeak any thing rather then that which is decent. Ho
•
}
1
'
50
Crates in propounding a queſtion delivered a fig to him, which
he took and eat: Crates prefently cryed out, that he had lofthis
fig: Yes, faith he, and your queſtion alfo, of which that was in
earneft.
1.
Seeing Crates halfe frozen in cold weather, Crates, faith he,
me thinks you want iuarie rive, (which one way implies a new gar-
ment, another way both a garment and wit) Crates afhamed, anfwe-
red thus;
•
Stilpo at Megara I fam oppreft;
#!
7 1
where vaft Typhocus lies with weight oppreft.
To hear him wrangle, many Schollers came
Fair truth to chace away was all their aime.
3
^ 1
At Athens he wrought fo much upon the people, that they
would run out of their fhops to fee him: They wonder at thee Stilpo
(faid one to him) as a monster: No, faith he, but as a true man.
As he was speaking with Crates, in the midft of their diſcourſe
he went away to buy fish; Crates purſued him, crying out,
that he gave over the difcourfe: No, faith he, I carry along the dif-
courfe with me; but, I leave you, the difcourfe will stay, the fish must be
bought.
}
Being asked, what is harder then a ſtone, he anſwered, a fool.
+
CHAP. II
His Philofophy.
>
E was Maſter of the Megarick School, excellent in Eriftick
Difputes, by his fubtle Tenents and Diſcourſes, beautifying
himſelfe,his Country and friends.
He took away all Species (Univerfalls) affirming, that he who
faith
A
{
SALARO
257
}
faith, a man,denotes not any man, the Terme being not proper to
this or that perfon, for why to be father then to another, there-
fore not to this ; and again, that which we fee is not an Herbe,
for an Herb was many years ago linkdrefore this was not an
siinähdrefbte
Herbe.
dedikovalle denyed onenhing to be prædicated of another aroub Plut.
ing thus if running be prædicated of an Horfesthe fubje&us not the fame
with the prądrautes the deficition of man is one thing that of good another,
fo an horfe is a differing thing from running for upon Demandy we give
Severall Definitions of each; for if a man, and good, or a honfes and run-
ing were the fame, how could good be predicated of Bood or Phyfick, and
running of a horfe, which are things fo different. Thus he admitted
no conjunction with thefubject,in things which are in a fubject,or
prædicated of a fubject, but conceived that both theft, unleffe
they be the very fame with the fubject,cannot be prædicared of it,
even not as an Accident. This, though it were one of those little
fayings which Stilpo fportively uſed to caft out among the So-
phifters, Colotes the Epicurean oppofed fo eagerly that he fra-
med a large difcourfe againstilpo, grounded only upon this
affertion, (which yet he neither refelled nor refolved) affirming
that by holding one thing is not prædicated of another, he takes
away good life; But that Stilpo (faith Plutarch) was offended only at
Some words, and oppofed the manner of Speaking, but took not away the
courfe of life, or abolished things, is most evident.
a
с
He afferted the chief good to be a mind not ſubject to paſſion. c Senec.Epift.9
CHA P. III.
His Difciples.
ނ
C
e fo far exceeded others in fluent difcourfe and learning, a Laen.
that he converted almoſt all Greece to the Megarick Sect,
Hi
Philippus of Megara faith, he drew
Metrodorus firnamed the Theoretick, and Timagoras the Gelo-
an frome Theophrastus.
Clitarchus and Simmias from Ariftotle the Cyrenean.
Of Dialecticks, Pæonius, from Ariftides.
Diphilus Son of Euphantus, and Myrmex Son of Exenatus coming
to diſpute againſt him, became both followers of him : Thus far
Philippus : he likewiſe attracted
Phafidemus the Peripatetick, excellent in Natural Philoſophy.
Alcimus, the moſt eminent Oratour at that time in Greece.
Zeno the Phænician, an Epicurean Philofopher.
Crates, and others; in a word, whomfoever he would himſelf.
Heraclides faith, that Zeno the Citiean founder of the Stoicall
Sect was his Diſciple.
CHAP.
38
STILPO.
}
}
:
CHAP. IV.
His Death, Writings.
>
Ermippus affirmeth that he died of age; but drank a draught
of wine to haften his end.
Suidas faith,he wrote 20.Dialogues; Laertius but nine; and thofe
not very efficacious; their Titles thefe
Mafchus,
Ariftippus or Callias,
·Charecrates,
1
Mitrocles,
Anaximenes,
Epigenes,
To his Daughter,
Ariftotle,
+
He had a Son named Dryfo, a Philoſopher alfo.
}
1
X
t
!
1
1
THE
1
محمد
&..
39
THE
ELEACK & ERETRIACK SECTS.
PHÆDO.
He Eleack Sect was inftituted by Phado, an Ele- a Laert.
an of a noble Family; It chanced that he was
taken by Thieves or Pyrates, and fold to a
Houſe of common diſhoneſt reſort ; where
being forced to fit at the door, he was obſer-
ved by Socrates in paffing, who noting the in-
genuity of his countenance(which was extra-
ordinary ) perfwaded (as Laertius faith) Alcibiades or Plato, or
as Agellius,) Cebes, to buy him, from which time he addicted
himſelf diligently to Philofophy, and was a conftant Diſciple of
Socrates; fo much affected by Plato, that he called that moſt ex-
cellent diſcourſe of the immortality of the Soul, after him,
Phado.
¿
He inſtituted a Sect called from him Eleacks The Dialogues
aſcribed to him were
Zopyrus,
Medus,
Simon,
Antimachus, or the old man,
Nicias,
Simmias,
b
Alcibiades
Critolaus.
Panatius doubts whether any of theſe were written by Phædo; b Laert, vit.
Medus is by fome aſcribed to Efchines, by others to Polianus Æſch.
as are alfo Antimachus and the Scythian diſcourſes.
M.
PHISTHE-
•
40
à Laert.
a Laert.
< 1
Th
PLISTHENES.
"He Eleack Sect was continued by Plifthenes an Elean; fuc-
ceffour to Phado; Phifthenes was fucceeded by Mengdem
and Afclepiades.
MENEDEMVS.
SA
A
2
L
M
CHAP. 1.
r
His Country, Parents, Teachers,
Enedemus was one of thofe Philofophers that continued
the School of Phado, which hitherto was called Eleack
but from Menedemus was termed Eretriack: he was an Eretrian,
Son of Clifthenes; Clifthenes was of the Family of the Theopropi-
da; yet though noble by defcent, Mechanick by profeffion and
indigent; fome affirm he was a maker of Tents(Hefychius Illuftris
terms him anArchitect)adding that he taught both Arts to his fon
Menedemus, fo that when Menedemus wrote a decree, an Alexinian
Philofopher reproved him, faying, it becomes not a wife man to
frame both Tents and decrees.
Menedemus being fent by the Eretrians with a command of
Souldiers, to Megara, went from thence to Athens to hear Plato at
the Academy, with whom he was ſo taken, that he gave over his
Military employment.
By Afclepiades a Phlyafian, his intimate friend, he was carried
to Stilpo at Megara, whom they both heard; Thence taking a
journey to Elis, they met with Anchypillus and Mofchus, who be-
longed to the School of Phado.
Some affirm he deſpiſed Plato and Xenocrates, and Parabates the
Cyrenæan ; but admired Stilpo ; concerning whom, being deman-
ded his opinion, he only anfwered that he was free.
CHAP
MENEDEMVS.
41
F
CHAP. II.
His School and Philofophy.
and
Eing returned home to Eretria, he fet up a School, a Laert.
Draught Philofophy there: the Eliack School being thus tranſ-
fer'd to Eretria, was from thence forward called Eretriack..
In his School there was no order of place, no feats round a-
bout it; but, as every man chanced to be fitting, or standing, or
walking, in the ſame poſtures they heard him.
He held, that there was but one vertue and good, reprehen-
ding thoſe who afferted more; whence of one who held there
were many Gods, he demanded ironically how many? and wbe-
ther he thought there were more then a hundred ?
He was of a verſatile wit, and in compoſure of his ſpeech a
difficult adverſary; he turned himſelfe every way, and found
fomething to ſay for every thing: He was very litigious, as An-
tifthenes in his fucceffions affirmes, and uſed this queſtion, what
is not the fame, is different from that with which it is not the
fame ? Yes. To benefit is not the fame with good, therefore good
doth not benefit. He took away negative propofitions, leaving
only the affirmative; and of thefe he admitted the fimple only;
but rejected thoſe which were not fimple, calling them conjoyn-
ed and complexe.
>
Heraclides faith, he was a Platonick, and derided Dialectick.
Hexinus asking, whether he had given over beating his Father?
1 neither did beat him, faith he, nor have given over. The other
replyed, Either fay yes or no, to diffolve the ambiguity. It is ridiculous,
faith he, to follow your Lawes, when a man may withstand them inthé
very entrance.
He writ not, or compofed any thing, becauſe (faith Antigonus
Caryftius) he was of no certain opinion: yet, in difpute he was fo
vehement, that he many times went away with black and blew
eyes.
CHAP. III.
His manner of living.
3
HE contracted a ſtrict friendſhip with Afclepiades, nothing a Laert.
inferiour to that of Pilades to Orestes: Afclepiades was the el-
der, whence there went a common ſaying, that he was the Poet,
Menedemus the Player.
b When they were yet both young Philofophers; and indi- b Athen. Deipne
gent, they were cited to the Court of Areopagus, to give account
е
(e accor-
42
MENEDE MV S.
See life Solon. ( according to Solon's Law) by what means (fpending the whole
day amongſt Philofophers without any labour, and having no
eftate) they fubfifted, and were in fo good a condition: They de-
fired, that one of the Maſters of the common Prifon might be
fent for; who, when he came, attefted, that they went down
every night into the Prifon, where the common malefactours
grownde, and did there grinde, and in pay of their labour, re-
ceived two drachmes: at which the Areopagites much wonder-
ing, beſtowed as an honourable reward upon them two hun-
dred drachmes.
They had other Patrons that beſtowed gifts upon them; Ar-
chepolides gave them three thoufand pieces of filver; they both
contended which ſhould receive laft, and in conclufion, neither
accepted it. The chief perfons that received them were Hippo-
nicus a Macedonian, and Egetor a Lamiean: Agetor gave each
of them thirty Minx. Hipponicus gave Menedemus two thouſand
drachmes towards the marriage of his Daughters, which, as
Heraclides faith, were three, by his Wife Oropia
For Afclepiades and Menedemus took each of them a Wife;
Afclepiades married the daughter, Menedemus the Mother:
Afclepiades, his Wife dying, took the Wife of Menedemus: Me-
nedemus being made a chiefe Magiftrate, married a rich Wife;
notwithſtanding, he allowed his firft Wife an equall intereſt in
the government of the Houſe. Afclepiades having lived with Me-
nedemus in great plenty; yet, with great temperance, died old at
Eretria. At that time, one, whom Afclepiades much loved, com-
ing late at night, intending to have feafted with him, the fer-
vants fhut him out of dores: but, Menedemus bad them let him
in, faying, Afclepiades would admit him even under ground.
Menedemus was much given to entertainments, and, becaufe
the Country was unwholefome, made many Feafts: what order
he obſerved therein is thus delivered by Antigonus Caryftius, and
out of him(though not cited) by Laertius. He dined but with one
or two companions at the moft; if any came to him, they were
admitted after dinner was ended; if they came fooner then the
fet time, they walked ſhort turnes before the doore, and deman-
ded of the fervants what courfe was carried in; if they told them
fish-broth (with which they begun their dinner) they went a-
way; if any fleſh, they went into a room prepared for that pur-
pofe. In Summer time, Menedemus had the Couches or Beds of
his Dining-room covered with flags and ruſhes, in Winter
with ſheep-skinns. Every gueft brought a Cufhion; the Cup they
had was no bigger then a large fpoon: inſtead of ſweet-meats
they had Lupines and Beanes: fometimes fuch fruit as the ſeaſon
afforded; in Summer, Pomgranats, in Springe, Pulfe, in Winter,
Figs. This Lycophron the Chalcidian confirmes in his satyricall
Comedy upon Mendemus, where Silenus fpeaks thus to the
Satires.
Sons
MENEDEMUS.
43
Sons impious of a pious Father, I
(You fee) with your delights and sports comply:,
But never by the Gods at fuch a Feaft
In Caria, Rhodes, or Lydia was a guest.
How plentifull!
And not long after,
A little pot halfe full of water clear,
Rated at farthings five, a boy did bear
To every guest; about vile Lupines went ·
with which the beggar's table's ſcarce content.
Whilft they drank (after the feaſt) Menedemus propoſed que-
ſtions, and inſtead of a defert gave them diſcourſe, which excited
all to temperance and continence: theſe continued fometimes till
the crowing of the Cock broke them off, much againſt the will
of his gueſts, who never thought they had enough of them.
HE
· CHA P. IV.
His civill employments.
E was firſt contemned by his Country-men, and called a Laert.
dog and fool; but at laſt fo much honoured by them, that
they committed the government of the Common-wealth to his
charge, and paid him yearly two hundred Talents, whereof b Laert.
he fent back fifty.
b
After he applyed himſelfe to civill bufineffe, he was fo
thoughtfull, that going to put Incenfe into a Cenfer, he put it
befides. Crates reproaching him for undertaking publick employ-
ments,he ſent him to Prifon;whereupon as he chanced to pafs by,
Crates roſe up, and faluted him with the title of Agamemnonian,
leader of the City.
He was fent Ambaffadour from the Eretrians to Ptolomy, and
to Lyfimachus (much honoured wherefoever he came)and to Deme-
trius, call three Kings of Macedonia, of whom, Demetrius firft raign- c Eufeb.
od,then Lyfimachus,and after him(Pyrrhus intervening) Ptolomy.
Some accuſed him to Demetrius, that he would betray his
City to Ptolomy, of which charge he acquitted himſelfe by an
Epiftle, beginning thus, Menedemus to king Demetrius, health.
I hear that you are informed many things concerning us, &c. advifing
him to take heed of one of thofe that were his enemies, named
Æfchylus. When he was on Embaffy to Demetrius, he ſpoke very
earneftly and effectually concerning Oropus.
N
Anti-
44
MENEDEMUS.
Antigonus alfo, King of Macedonia, loved him exceedingly,
and profeſt himſelfe his Difciple: In his behalfe he made a De-
cree, clear and void of affentation, beginning thus; Forafmuch
as King Antigonus, having overcome the Barbarians in fight, retur-
neth into his own Country, having good fucceffe in all his undertakings:
The Senate and people have thought good, &c.
CHAP. V.
His Vertues and Apothegmes.
ENEDE MUS was of exceeding gravity, for which Crates
deriding him, faid,
Ma
Afclepiad the Phliafian,and the proud Eretrian,and Timon.
He fupercilious bumbaft fpeech begins. In this ſeverity he was
fo awfull, that Eurylochus being invited by Antigonus, together
with Clippides, a youth of Cyzicum, refuſed to go, fearing Mene-
demus fhould know it.
In reproof he was bitter and bold, of which Laertius inftanceth
his fayings to a young man over-confident, to Hierocles, &c.
to an Adulterer boafting, &c. to a young man crying, &c.
Antigonus asking his advice, whether he fhould
go to a luxu-
rious banquet; not fpeaking whether he ſhould go or not, he bad
him ſend them word, that he was a Kings fon.
One who intruded himſelfe upon him, 'and diſcourſed very
abfurdly, he asked, if he had a farm; he anſwered, many: Go
then, faith he, and look after them, left in lofing your rufticity
you loſe them allo.
To one asking, whether a good Man may take a Wife, he
faid, Do you think I am good or not? The other affenting, But,
I (faith he) have taken one.
Not able to limit the prodigality of one who invited him to
fupper, he filently reproved him, eating nothing but Olives.
L
This freedome brought him into danger when he was in Cy-
prus with Nicocreon, together with his friend Afclepiades; for, the
King having invited him with the reft of the Philofophers to a
Monthly feaft, Menedemus faid, this convention if it be good,
ought to be every day; if otherwife, this day is too much: The
Tyrant anfwered, that he had fet apart that day to converſe
with Philofophers. Menedemus perfifting in his affertion, demon-
ſtrated from what he had faid of the facrifice, that Philofophers
ought to be heard at all times. Whereupon if one of the Muf
cians had not helped them to eſcape, they had been put to death,
whence the Ship being endangered by aftorm, Afclepiades faid,
that the humanity of the Mufician preferved them, the rough-
neffe of Menedemus had undone them.
He
J
45
. MENEDEMUS.
He was negligent, and (as we faid) careleffe in every thing
that concerned the order of his School; likewiſe high-minded,
and covetous of glory: infomuch that when he and Afclepiades
firſt exerciſed the trade of building, Afclepiades was feen upon
the houſe top carrying clay; but Menedemas If he efpied
any man paffing by, hid himfelfe.
He was fomewhat enclined to fuperftition; having eaten in a
Cookes ſhope the flesh of fomething that had died of it felfe 1g-
norantly with Afclepiades, as foon as he knew it, he grew fick,
and looked pale, till Afclepiades reproved him, faying, He was not
fisk of the meat, but of phancy.
In all other refpects he was a perfon of a great and free foul,
in ftrength even in his old age equall to thoſe who 'wraftled in
exercife, ftrong made, fwarthy of complexion,fat and corpulent;
but of indifferent ftature, as appears (ſaith Laertius) by his ſta-
tue in Eretria, in the old Stadium, fo exactly carved, that it ex-
preffeth the naked proportion of his limbs.
He loved Aratus and Lycophron the Tragick Poet, and Antago-
ras the Rhodian, but above all he was ftudious of Homer; text of
the Lyricks ; then of Sophocles: In Satyres he affigned the ſecond
place to Acheuss the first to Eschylus, whence to thofe in the ſtate
who defended the contrary part, he faid thus,
The ſwift in time outſtript are by the flow;
A Tortoife thus an Eagle may outgo.
...
Theſe are verſes of Achaus ; they therefore are miſtaken, who
fay he read nothing but the Medea of Euripides, which is put a -
mong the Poems of Neophron the Sicyonian.
Of Bion, who fpoke with much diligence againſt Prophets, he
faid, he murthered the dead.
To one who faid, the greateſt good is to enjoy thoſe things
which we defire ; it is a much greater faith he, to defire those things
which are fitting.
He was violent (as we faid) in controverfie, but moſt affable
in converſation and action: Alexinus,whom in difpute he had of-
ten circumvented and bitterly derided, hee gratified in deed;
taking care for the fafe conduct of his Wife from Delphi to Chal-
cis, the way being much infeffed with Theeves.
>
He was an excellent friend, as is manifeft from his affection to
Afclepiades, of which we have already ſpoken, only to Perfaus
he was conftantly a profeft enemy, for it was known that
when Antigonus for Menedemus his fake would have reſtored the
Eretrians to their firſt liberty, Perfaus withſtood it, whereupon
at a Feaſt Menedemus openly enveigh'd againſt him,ufing amongſt
many others this expreffion; he is indeed a Philofopher, but of all men
that are, were,or ever lhall be the most wicked.
CHAP.
46
MENEDEMVS.
·
CHAP. VI.
His departure from Eretria, and Death.
T "He friendſhip he held with Antigonus, made him fufpect-
ed by his own Countrymen, as if he meant to betray the
City to him; of which being accuſed by Ariftodemus, he fled, and
lived a while at Oropus in the Temple of Amphiaraus: thence
fome golden Cups chancing to be ftoln, he was by a publick de-
cree of the Boeotians forbidden to ſtay there any longer, where-
upon he returned privately into his Country, and taking his
Wife and Children along with him, went from thence to Anti-
gonus, where he died of grief.
But Heraclides on the contrary affirmeth, that whilft he was
præfect of Eretrians, he often defended his Country againſt thoſe
who would have made Demetrius Tyrant thereof;Neither would
he therefore have betray'd it to Antigonus; but that was falfly
laid to his charges he afterwards went to Antigonus, petitioning
that he would reſtore his Country to their liberties; which An-
tigonus denying, he out of grief fafted feven daies, and fo died;
The fame relation is delivered by Antigonus Caryftius. Heraclides
faith, he lived 84. years.
1
FINIS
صدرت من
}
THE
HISTORY
OF
PHILOSOPHY.
The Fift Part.
Containing the Academick Philofophers.
1
LONDON,
Printed for Humphrey Moſely, and Tho: Dring:
An. Dom. 1656.
1
APIE
PLATO.
dije, dhóna
The
PLATO.
CHAP. I.
The Country, Parents, and Time of
PLATO.
HE moft eminent of all the Sects derived from
Socrates was the Academick, ſo called from the
Academy, a place in Athens, where the Pro-
feffors thereof taught: This Sect was inftituted
by Plato, continued by Speufippus, Xenocrates,
Polemon, Crates, Crantor, thus farre called the
firft or old Academy. Arcefilaus, fucceeding Cran-
tor, inſtituted the middle Academy, continued by Lacydes, Telecles,
Euander, and Hegefinus. Carneades founded the new Academy, of
which was alſo Clitomachus: Some reckon a fourth Academy, inſti-
tuted by Philo and Charmidas: a fifth by Antiochus.
a
b
d
c
d Laert. Suid.
Plato was out of doubt an Athenian, nor are they to be cre- a Laert.
dited who relate him a Theban, born at Cynocephalus; © An-
b Tzetz. Chili-
tileon affirmes his Parents to bee of Collyttus. & Hee was born ad.11.390.
(according to Phavorinus) in the Ifland Egina, in the house of Laert.
Phidiades, fon of Thales; his Father fent with others thither at the
divifion of the Land (upon their defection from, and ſubjection
by the Athenians, at the beginning of the Peloponneftan War)
and returned to Athens, at what time thofe Athenians were ejected
by the Lacedemonians, in aid of the Ægineta.
c
Suid.
He was of an eminent Family; his Father Arifto (Son of e Laert. Apul.
Ariftoteles) of the race of Codrus, Son of Melanthus, who (as Thra-
fylus affirmes) derived themſelves from Neptune. Melanthus fly-
ing Meſsena, came to Athens, where afterwards by a Strata-
gem killing Xanthus, he was made King after Thymocles, the laſt
of the Theleide. His Mother Peritione, by fome called Potone
whoſe Kindred with Solon is thus defcribed by Laertius and
£ Proclus. Execeftides had two Sons, Solon and Dropides: Dropides
had Critias, mentioned by Solen in his Poems.
A a 2
>
Bid
£ In Timeum.
f
2
PLATO.
1
g Dogm. Plat.
perhaps it should
Πλάτων,
Bid fair-haird Critias his Sire obferve;
Awandring minde will from his leader (werve.
Critias had Callafchrus, Callæfthrus had Critias, one of the
thirty Tyrants,and Glaucon (whom Apuleius calls Glaucus) Glaucon
had Charmides and Perictiones Perictione by Aristo had Plato, the
fixt from Solon; Solon was defcended from Neptune and Neleus,
[Father of Neftor.] Thus Laertius, from whom Proclus diffents
only in that, that he makes Glaucon Son of the firft Critias, Bro-
ther to Callaſchrus, which Critias manifeftly (faith he) in Plat.
Charmides confirmes, calling Glauco (Father of Charmides) his
Uncle. Thus was Plato defcended both waies from Neptune.
There are (faith & Apuleius) who affert Plato of a more fublime race:
Ariftander, followed by many Platonists, thinks, he was begotten on his
h Leert. Mother by fome Spectrum in the shape of Apollo: h Speufippus in his
επιγραφομένω
Πλάτων Θ
Treatife, entitl'd Plato, or a Serve, Clearchus in his Eulogie
mei deinvy: of Plato; Anaxilides in his fecond Book of Philofophers; i Plu-
be Idrov, tarch, Suidas, and others, affirm it to have been commonly re-
meine ported at Athens, that he was the Son of Apollo, who appearing
amongst thewri- in vifion to her (being a woman of extraordinary Beautie
tings of Speufip- k
is mentioned Perictione fe mifcuit, the thereupon conceived: Arifto (her
Πλάτων Θ Husband) having often attempted to enjoy her, but in vaine;
i Sympos.8... at laſt Apollo appearing to him in a vifion or dream, and a voice
k Apul. dogm. commanding him to refrain the company of his Wife for ten
Months, untill her delivery were paft, he forbore; whence
Tyndarus
pus
ἐγκώμιον.
Plat.
i Adverf. Jul.
m Laert.
n Laert.Suid.
He did not iffue from a mortall bed;
A Godhis Sire; a God-like life beled.
1
m
Some thereupon (as ¹ Saint Hierom faith) affirmed, he was
born of a Virgin, and it was a common fpeech among the
Athenians, that Phoebus begat Efculapius and Plato, one to cure
Bodies, the other Soules.
n
Arifto had afterwards by Peritione, two Sons, Adimaretus
and Glauco, and a Daughter Potone, Mother to Speufippus : Theſe
relations of Plato will be more confpicuous in this Genealogicall
Table.
Neptune
PLATO.
3
M
Neptune.
• Chloris
I daughter of Tirefias.
Periclimenes
P Penthilus.
Borus.
Andropompus.
1
Melanthus
Codrus.
Neleus
¶ Execeftides.
Solon.
an Athenian woman.
Dropides.
Critias.
1
Callafchrus.
7
。 Apelloder.lib.
3.
Schol. Pind.
P Paufan;
q Edert. Pro-
clas,
Glauco.
Ariftocles
Arifto.
Critias.
one of the 30.
-Peridione.
Charmides
1
Т
Eurymedon.
Speuſippus
Plato's Succeffour.
Plato, Adimantus. Glauco. Potone.
Perhaps Adimantus the
younger, Plato's heir.
For the Year of his Birth, (to omit the miſtakes of Eufebius,
who placeth it in the fourth year of the eightie eight Olympiad,
in the Archonſhip of Stratocles, and of the Chronicon Alexan-
drinum, that placeth it the year following) Laertius faith, He
was born, according to the Chronologie of Apollodorus, in the eightie
eight Olympiad, which feemes to be towards the beginning of the
first year, whilft Aminias was yet Archon. For Laertius elfe-
where faith, that he was fix years younger then Ifocrates; for Ifo-
crates (faith he) was born, when Lyfimachus, Plato, when Aminias
B b
was
4
PLATO.
Rol.
Deipn. 5.
t Lib.
u Plin. Exercit.
Þ. 157.
t
was Archon, under whom Pericles dyed: in the third year of the
Arm. Hip. Peloponefian War. This Aminias is by the Scholiaft of Euripi-
des called Ameinon, by Athenæus, Epameinon, by Diodorus
Siculus, Epaminondas. The various reading, occafion'd either by
addition or detraction of the Prepofition, but by which of
theſe two cannot eafily be evinc'd. Salmafius endevouring to
prove the name to be'Auvar, pofitively affirms, that the Greeks
* Dollr. temp. never name an Archon without the Prepofition, but that
errour Petavius confutes, whofe opinion is confirmed by the
antient Marble at Arundell-houfe, which addeth not the Pre-
pofition to the names of the Archons.
x Deipn. 5.
y Laert.
X
Neither is the opinion of Athenæus much different, who
affirmes, Plato was born (the Year before) Apollodorus being
Archon, who fucceeded Euthydemus, who was Archon the third
Year of the eightie feventh Olympiad, and that under Euphe-
mus, in the fourth year of the nintieth Olympiad, he was fourteen years
old. For both Laertius and Athenæus agree in the Year of his
death, viz. the first of the hundred and eight Olympiad, when
Theophilus, the fucceffor of Callimachus, was Archon; Athenaus
only differeth in this, that, computing eightie two Archons, he
attributes fo many years to Plato's life, whereas it is certain,
that he lived but exactly eightie one.
y.
Za
The day of his birth, according to Apollodorus, was the
Seventh of Thargelion, at which time the Delians did celebrate the Feaft
z Sympos. 8. 1. of Apollo. So likewife Florus, cited by z Plutarch, who addes,
that the Priests and Prophets call Apollo quavns, as being
born upon this seventh day whence perhaps was occafion'd the
fiction, that he was Son of Apollo, which Plutarch efteèmes no
diſparagement to his Deity. In the first year of the eighty eight
Olympiad, the Neomenia of Hecatombeon fell upon the fecond
of August, and (upon thofe Hypotheſes which we laid down
formerly in the a life of Socrates) the Dominicall Letter for that
Year being E. the ſeventh of Thargelion will (according to the
Julian accompt taken proleptically) fall upon Friday, the
thirtieth of May; according to the Gregorian, upon Friday the
ninth of June, in the year of the Julian period, 4286.
a Cap. I.
b Aftron.
b
This is according to the faith of the Hiftorians, with whom the
Aftrologers do not agree; for Julius Firmicus hath erected the
Scheme of his Nativity after this manner.
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If
PLATO
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If the Afcendent faith he shall be,
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​and 9 therein pofited; and
if 4 then be placed in the seventh, having for his figne,and in the
Second the in X and the in in the fifth house beholding the
Afcendent with a A aspect,and in the ninth from the Afcendent in
~. This Geniture renders a man Interpreter of Divine and heavenly
Inftitutions, who endured with inftructive speech; and the power of divine
wit, and formed in a manner by a celeſtiall Institution, by the true license
of difputations fball arrive at all the fecrets of Divinity. Thus Firmicus,
whole Scheme agreeth not with the other Calculation, as being
betwixt the midſt of February and of March, during which time
theo is in >.
Hence will appear the great Anachroniſme of thoſe, who
affirm, that Plato went to Egypt in, the time of the Prophet
Hieremie (whom Eufebius placeth in the thirtie fixt Olympiad)
and heard him there. Hieremie at the captivity of the Jewes into
Babylon, was carried by Johanan fon of Caree into Egypt: The
Jewes were carried away by Nebuchadnezzar, at what time
Tarquinius Prifcus reign'd at Rome, Vaphres in Egypt, to whom the
reft of the Jewes fled, which was in the fortie feventh Olympi-
ade, 160 years before Plato was born. This opinion once held, c De Do&r.
was afterwards retracted by Saint Auguftine, in his Book of Chrift. 2, 28.
Retractations, and confuted,de Civit. Dei. 8. 11.
ì
"
(}
CHAP.
6
PLATO.
a Elian. var.
hift. 10. 21.
a
"W
•
T
CHAP II
His firft Education, Exerciſes,and Studies.
r
Hilft Plato was yet an Infant carried in the armes of his
Mother Peritione, Arifto, his Father went to Hymettus ( a
mountaine in Attica, eminent for abundance of Bees and Honey)
to facrifice to the Mufes or Nymphs, taking his Wife and child
along with him; as they were bufied in the divine rights, fhe laid
the Child in a thicket of Mirtles hard by; to whom, as he flept
b Cic. divinat. (b in cunis dormienti) came a fwarm of Bees, artiſts of Hymettian
Hony, flying and buzzing about him, and (as it is reported) made
honey-combe in his mouth. This was taken for a prefage of the
fingular ſweetneffe of his diſcourſe; his future eloquence fore-
feen in his Infancy.
lib. I.
c Laert.
Plat.
g Laert:
a
f
C
His Parents (faith Alexander) named him after his Grand-
£ Apul. dogm. father, Ariftocles: Speufippus (inftituted in his domeftick docu-
ments)extolleth his ſharpneſse of apprehenfion, whilst yet a Child, and
the admirable modefty of his difpofition (which was fuch, that he
was never, even all thofe years, feen to laugh immoderately)
affirming, that the beginnings of his youth were feafon'd with labour and
love of Study; which Vertues encreaſed and met with all the reſts when be
came to mans eftate.
h Laert.
i Laert.
k In verbo a
eanis.
1 Laert. in
h Of Dionyfius the Grammarian (mentioned in his ärmrensal )
he received the firſt rudiments of Learning. Of Arifto, an Argive,
he learned the Art of Wrestling (at that time much in eſteem
as being one of the Olympick Exerciſes). wherein he became fo
great a Proficient, that fome affirm, he wraftled at the Ifthmus,
in the Pythian Games.
'As in years and vertue, fo likewife he encreaſed extraordi-
narily in outward proportion and ſhape, infomuch, that Arifto
named him Plato (which implyeth Latitude) in allufion to the
largeneffe of his perfon; others ſay, to the wideneſſe of his ſhoul-
Owvs. which ders; Neanthes of his forehead: fome, to his large Eloquence.
(befides alo-
Whatſoever the occafion were, this name wore out and diſpla-
@avia (malness
of voice, in ced the other. That he was called alfo Sarapis, is affirmed by
which fence it k Hefchius. There was not any imperfection throughout his
by the Interpre- perfon, except a gibbofity in the hinder part of his head, and
ters and Fi- (as Timotheus affirms) a kind of¹ Hefitation in his ſpeech.
is here taken
cinus fignifieth
Arift. Prob.
m He learned alfo (as Dice archus relates) to Paint: He addicted
an imperfecti-
on of speech by himſelfe much to Poetry, and wrote many Poems: First, Dithy-
Stammering rambs; then Epick Poetry, which comparing with Homer, and
11. 30. unless finding far fhort of him, he burned. Then he betook himſelfe to
there and here writing Tragedies: He made a compleat Tetralogie (four
Drama's, as the manner was, when they contefted, to be
χόφωνος.
mert. Suid. fented at four feverall Feſtivalls, Lenean, Panathenean, Chy-
we ſhould read
pre-
træan
+
PLATO.
7
trean, the fourth Satyricall) and gave it to the Players to be
acted, intending to conteft for the Palm upon the Olympick
Theater: but the day before it ſhould have been preſented, chan-
cing to hear Socrates difcourfe at the Olympick Theater (" before n Elian. var.
the Bacchanals)he was ſo taken with that Syren, that he not only Hist. 2. 20.
forbore to conteft at that time, but wholly gave over all Tra-
gick Poefy, and burned all his Poems, faying that of Homer,
Vulcan come hither, Plato needs thy aid.
From that time (the twentieth year of his age, which falls
about the 4th of the 92 Olympiad) he became a follower of So-
crates, and ſtudied Philofophy.
Some affirm (of the truth of which report, Elian justly o var. Hift.
doubts) he was driven by poverty to betake himselfe to the warres, but
intercepted by Socrates, and inftructed in that which concerns Min-
kind, he fold his armes, and through his perfuafion, addicted himselfe to
Philofophy.
q
Var Hift.
That he fought for his Country is certain, expreſs'd in his
anfwer to P Crobylus the Sycophant: Ariftoxenus and Alian af- p Afterwards,
firm, he was engaged thrice: First, at Tanagra; the fecond time at cap. 11.
Corinth; and lastly at D-lium, where he fought best of all the Souldi- & Laeth;
ers. Thus Ariftoxenus. But that this is falfe, may be eaſily evinced
by computation of times. The first fight of the Athenians at Ta-
nagra, was in the 4th year of the 80th Olympiad, 17 years before
Plato was born: The fecond, in the firſt of the 89t when he was
but fix years old. The fight at Delium, was in the firft of the 89th;
at what time he was but foure years old; from the laft words of
Ariftoxenus, ärða xvi äesevous (implying, that at Delium he had the
prize for fighting best) may be conjectured, that this was meant of
Socrates, who was thrice perfonally engag'd, and at Delium See Socrates
ſhould have had the prize for fighting belt, but that his modefty life, cap.
procured it to be conferr'd upon Alcibiades.
CHAP. III.
His Mafters in Philofophy, and his Travells to that end.
*Socra
£
Ocrates, the night before Plato was recommended to him, a
› a Apul. dogni.
dreamed, that a young Swan fled from Cupid's Altar in the Plat. Laert.
Academy, and fat in his lap, thence flying up to Heaven, it de- Suid.
lighted both Gods and Men with its Mufick. As Socrates[the next
day] was relating this to fome of his Auditors, Arifto came at the
fame time, and prefented his Son Plato to him, to be his Difciple.
As foon as Socrates faw him, reading in his looks his ingenuity;
Friends, faith he, this is the Swan of Cupid's Academy.
Eight years he lived with Socrates, in which time, hè commit-
Сс
ted
8
PLATO.
·
b Laert.
c Läert.
Socr.
ted (as others of his Diſciples) the effect of his Masters diſcourſe
to writing: hereof he compofed Dialogues, but with fo great
additions of his own, that Socrates hearing him recite his Lyfis,
cry'd out, Oh! Hercules, how many things doth this young man
feigne of me? For not a few things (addes Laertius) of thoſe which
he writ, Socrates never fpoke.
d
C
At the time of Socrates's arraignment, the first year of the 95th
Olympiad, he was one of the Senate, the youngest of that Con-
vention. That he was a Senator, implies he was full thirty years
old at that time, according to Solon's Law. This argues Hermo-
dorus of a miſtake, who faith, he was twenty eight years old
when he fled to Megara, upon the death of Socrates; and fubverts
d Laert. vit. the accounts of thofe who under-reckon his birth. The Judges
being much diſpleas'd at Socrates, Plato went up into the Ora-
tour's Chair, intending to plead in his defence, and began thus}
Though I (Athenians) am the youngest of those who come up into this
place. But all the Senate crying out of those who go
go down, he was
thereupon conſtrained to do fo. Socrates being condemned, Plato
offer'd him to procure fo much mony as might purchaſe his li-
e Athen• deipn. berty, but Socrates refufed the offer. About that time, Socrates
his friends being met together to condole his death, Plato encourag'd
them,and bid them not despair, for that himself was capable to govern the
School: and in fo faying, drunk to Apollodorus, who anfwer'd, he
would fooner take up the cup of poyson from the hand of Socrates, then
pledge him upon that condition. Upon the death of Socrates, Flato
De virtuts (whoſe exceffive grief upon that occafion is obferved by Plu-
lib.
moral.
g Laert.
h Dogm, Plat
lib.8.cap.
h
i
e
f
tarch) with others of his Difciples, fearing the Tyranny of thofe
perfons, who put their Mafter to death, & fled to Euclid at Megara,
who friendly entertained them, till the ftorm was blown over.
Apuleius faith, that before he came to Socrates, he was initiated
in the Seat of Heraclitus. But more likely is that which is affirmed
by Laertius, that after Socrates's death, he applyed himſelfe to
Craiglus, a follower of Heraclitus, and to Hermogenes. He conceived,
i De Civ.dei faith Saint Augustine, that his own invention, and Socrates's in-
ftructions came fhort of the true aime of Philofophy: He confidered with
himfelfe what course he ſhould take to benefit himselfe most, for this pur-
pofe he determined to travell to any place, where report told him he might
drink of the Spring of Learning, even to the fartheft parts of the Earth
1 Apul. dogm. faith Cicero: First, to Italy, where he addicted himselfe to the
&
difcipline of Pythagoras, which, though he faw repleniſhed with
curious and high reafon, yet, he chiefly affected to imitate the
continence and chaſtity thereof; though the "Pythagoreans
wit.Pythag themſelves affirme he had all his naturall Philofophy from
k De finib. 5.
Plat.
m Porphyr.
n Apul.
thence.
?
"Perceiving the knowledge of the Pythagoreans to be affifted
with other difciplines, he went to Cyrene, to learn Geometry of
Theodorus the Mathematician: thence to Egypt (which was then
under
1
1
<
PLATO.
9
pDe finib.s.
Apul
q
Val. Max.
8.7.
under the Empire of Artaxerxes Mnemon) under pretence of o Plut.in Solon
felling Oyle, but the ſcope of his journey was to fetch Aftrology
from thence: To learn Arithmetick and Celestiall Speculations of the
Barbarians, (faith P Cicero) and to be inftructed in the rites of the
Prophets. He travelled over the Country, informing himselfe all the
way by their Priests, of the multiplicious proportions of Geometry, and the
obfervation of Celeftiall motions. At what time the young Students at
Athens were enquiring for Plato to inftruct them, he was bufied in fur-
veying the inexplicable banks of Nilus, the vast extent of a barbarous
Country, and the winding compaffe of their trenches, a Difciple to the
Ægyptian old men. Having taken a full furvey of all the Country, Epift.Socratic,
he at laſt fetled himſelfe in the Province of Sais, Learning of the 26.
wife men there, what they held concerning the Univerſe, whether it had
a beginning, and whether it is moved at prefent, wholly or in part, ac-
cording to Reaſon. From theſe, Paufanias affirmes, he learn'd the Meßen.
Immortality of the Soul, which that they held, as likewiſe the
tranfmigration thereof into feverall bodies, is affirmed by " He- u Lib. 20
rodotus. Some fay, that Euripides followed him to Ægypt, and * Laert,
falling fick, was cured by the Prieſts with Sea-water, where-
upon he ſaid,
t
!
The Sea doth wash away all ills of Man:
But this agrees not with the time of his death, which was be-
fore that of Socrates, viz. in the 93ª Olympiad.
From Ægypt Plato returned to Tarentam in Italy, at what time
L.Camillus and P. Claudius were Confuls at Rome, as *Cicero af-xCat. Major,
firmeth. What Faſti he uſed, I know not, for in thoſe which are
now with us received as authentick, there are no fuch Confuls
during the whole life of Plato. And indeed, in thoſe times, Rome
was, for the moft part, govern'd by Tribunes. Here he conver-y Cic, Apulá
fed with Eurytus of Tarentum, the Elder; Archytas the Elder (at
whofe difcourfe concerning Pleaſure he was preſent) and with
the reft of the Pythagoreans, Echecrates, Timaus, Acrio (corruptly
in* Valerius Maximus, Ario) and Coetus Locrians. Thus to the lear-z 8, 7.
ning of Socrates he added that of Pythagoras, and informed him-
felfe in thoſe things which Socrates neglected: He would have
gone alfo to the Indians, and to the Magi, but that the Warres
which at that time were in afia hindred him.
CHAP.
10
PLATO.
"
+
a
CHAP. IV.
What Authors be follow'd.
of
Ugubinus affirmes, that Plato borrow'd the myſtick part
a Peren. Philos. "Eugubinus
1.27. 5. 2. his Philofophy from Hermes Trismegiftus; particularly, that
concerning the Divine Goodneffe: which, I fuppofe, he rather
afferts from his own conjecture, in regard Plato had been long in
Egypt, then from any good Authority. He was induced there-
unto by thoſe Books, which are now commonly, but falfely
vented under the name of Hermes Trismegiftus; whereas, the lear-
ned Cafaubon, in his b Exercitations upon Baronius, hath ſuffici-
ently taught us the forgery of thofe Books, which feem by fome
Impoftor, to have been compiled out of the works of Plato, and
the Divine Scripture.
Exercit. I.
num. 18.
Evang.
с
,
That Plato received fome light from Mofes, is affirmed with
much greater Authorities of feverall Nations and Religions:
c Eufeb. prap. Of Jemes by Ariftobulus, Plato (faith he) followed our Law in many
things, his various allegations evince him a curious obferver thereof:
for the Volumes of Mofes were tranflated before Alexander's time.
& Contra. Apion. And & Jofephus, Plato chiefly followed our Law-giver. Of Philofophers,
by Numenius, what is Plato, (faith he) but Mofes fpeaking Greek
Strom.1 Suid. Of Fathers, by Juftine Martyr, Clement Alexandrinus, ¹ Eufebius,
Theodoret,¹Saint Auguftine, &c.
lib. 2
e Clem. Alex.
f Paran.
g Strom 1.
h Prapar.Evan.
lib. 11.
k Laert, and a-
e
d
h
k When Plato went to Sicily, he bought the Books of Philolaus,
a Pythagorean, which were three, of Naturall Philofophy, the firſt
i Civ.Dei.8.11. that ever were publiſhed out of that School: Some fay, he had
gain in Philolao them of Dionyfius's friends, fur four Alexandrian Mine: Others,
that Dionyfius had them of a young Man, one of Philolaus's Dif-
ciples, and gave them to Plato. Others, that he ſent to Dion at
Syracufe to buy them for him, which he did for 100 Minæ: ¹A-
gellius faith, ten thouſand Denaries: For, having received of
Dionyfius above eighty Talents, he was very full of mony. Qut
of thefe, he is faid (as Agellius and Laertius affirm) to have taken
a great part of his Timaus; for which derided by Timon, (in Sil-
lis) thus:
13. 17.
m Laert.
m
You (Plato) with the fame affections caught
with a great Summ a little Treatife bought,
1
where all the knowledge, which you own, was taught.
**
Alcimus in his four Books to Amintas, affirmes, that Plato
borrow'd much from the writings of Epicharmus, the Comick
Poet, in the firſt Book he hath theſe words: In Senfibles ( ſaith
Plato) neither magnitude nor quality is permanent, but in continuall
fluxion and mutation; as if we should fubstract number from them
which
PLATO.
11
فيه
!
which are neither equall, nor certain, nor quantitative, nor qualita-
tive; these are they where generation is alwaies, their effence never.
To Infenfibles nothing can be added, nothing taken away. This is the
nature of Eternall Beings, the like and fame ever. Thus Plato cited
by Alcimus. Indeed, he teacheth this in many places, particularly
in Timeo, where he at large explaineth what is that which never
is, and never had beginning, and that which hath beginning, but
no being. He concludes the firſt comprehenfible, by the Intellect
with Reaſon, the other by fence and opinion. But the citation of
Alcimus feems to refer to Plato's Theatetus, the fubject of which
Dialogue is Science: there he examines fome Definitions of Sci-
ence by the Antients, amongſt the reſt, the affertion of Protago-
ras, that Science is Sence; against which he difputes largely, the
fumme this: That the Soul apprehends fome things by medi-
ation of the Body, others without; of the firſt kind are things
warm, light, dry, Sweet, &c. of the other, Effence and not being,
fimilitude and diffimilitude, identitie and diverfity, unite and number:
Hence it followes, that Sence apprehends not Effences, and con-
fequently not Truths, for Effence and Truth are convertible.
This affertion of Plato " Alcimus deduceth from Epicharmus, who n Laers.
(faith he) bath plainly spoken of things fubject to Sence and Reafon, in
these words:
·
n
Gods alwaies were, to be,defifted never;
Like them Eternall, ftill the fame perfever:
Chaos the firft begotten Deitie
Is ftil'd: of fomething how can nothing be?
Thence nor the first nor fecond nothings are,
How we esteem of thofe we thus declare:
If me an even or uneven fumme
Alter, by adding or ſubſtracting one
Seems it to you the fame? to me not fo;
If a continu'd meaſure ſhrink or grow,
It is not the fame measure: fuch the lives
Of Men are, one decayes, another thrives 3
That Nature, which new being ever takes
Is different from the being it forfakes,
Not yesterday the fame were I and you,
Nor ſhall to morrow be what we are now.
}
Again, Alcimus, The wife fay, that the foul apprehends fome things o Laert.
by mediation of the body, as when she hears or fees; others, fhe conceiveth
within her felfe, without using the body, whence of beings, fome are fub-
ject to fence, others, crmprehenfible by the Intellect. Therefore Plato
faith, that they who defire to know the principles of the Univerſe, muft
first diftinguilh the Ideas in themſelves, as fimilitude, unity, mul-
titude, magnitude, reftauration. Secondly, add in it felfe honeft,
Dd
good,
1
1
PLATO.
12
*
ï
p Laert.
animal.
د
good, juft, and the like; thirdly,examines what Idea's cohære mutually
with one another, as Science, Magnitude, Power: and withall, to think
that those who are amongst us, becauſe they participate of them, ſhould be
called by the fame name as for instance, just things are those which
participate of Just, Honeft, which of honest: one of every Species is eter-
nall, perceptible by the mind, and confequently free from perturbation.
wherefore, he afferis Idea's in nature as Exemplars, after whofe likeneſſe
other things are made. Thus Alcimus; the firft part whereof feems
to be taken out of Plato's Theatetus, the latter out of his Parmeni-
des. The words of Epicharmus concerning Gods and Idea's, to
which Alcimus referrs this of Plato, are thefe:
Is Mufick then a thing? It is ; the man
Mufick? no: what then? a Mufician
A man or not ? he is the fame of good,
Good from the thing apart is understood:
whoever learns good by that art is made,
who Muſick a Mufitian: of each trade
As dancing, weaving, and the like the fame,
The Art and Artift have a different name.
9
P Again, Alcimus: Plato in his opinion of Idea's faith thus 3 if there
is memory,
there muſt be alſo Idea's, for memory is of a quiet permanent
thing, but nothing is permanent except Idea's, for how, faith he, could
living creatures be preserved unleffe by their Idea and receiving a
naturall mind; Now they remember Similitude and their nourishment :
Showing that all Creatures have an innate understanding of their own
fimilitude, and therefore perceive chings belonging to their kind. Thus
In Arift. de Alcimus: What place of Plato he means I know not, Scaliger
reads, Πλάτων ἐν τῇ περὶ ἰδεῶν πολήψει φησὶν ἔνων όξι, τὰς ἰδέας, &c. on
ting; as if he made a doubt whether that both of the opini-
ons of Idea's were Plato's ; but I rather think Alcimus meant not
the title of any Book, having named none in the rest of his citati-
ons, but what himſelf abftracts out of Plato's opinion concern-
ing Idea's. Plato in Philedo,teacheth this concerning memory, that
fence is a motion common to the Soul and Body; this fuffering
from externall Senſes, the other acting and dijudicating; that
memory is a confervatory or repofitory of the Senfes. For the
Soul, as oft as the in her felf, or by affiftance of the Body calls
to mind what ſhe hath ſuffer'd, ſhe is ſaid to remember. To Pla-
to's affertion, Alcimus applyeth this of.Epicharmus :
Eumæus wisdome's not to one confin'd;
Various in every living knowing mind.
The Hen first doth not living things beget,
But fits and hatcheth with enliv'ning heat:
1
,
'
This
PLATO.:
13
19
This wisdom only Nature's friend difcerns,
Of whom (her Miftreffe) fhe this leffon learns.
And again,
4
This is not ftrange for every thing we find
Is to its proper Species most enclin'd;
To Dogs a Bitch feems faireft, and to kine
A Bully an Affe to Affes,fwine to fwine.
Theſe things Laertius cites out of Alcimus, adding that there are
more of the fame kind in thofe four Books, whereby he intimates the help
that Plato receiv'd by the writings of Epicharmus; neither was Epi-
charmus himſelf ignorant of his own wisdom, as may be collected from
theſe Verſes, predicting that he ſhould have a follower:
r
This I affert, and what I now maintain,
Shall Monuments to future times remain,
Some one hereafter will my verfe review,
And cloathing it in language rich and new
Invincible himself, others fubdue.
Moreover Phavorinus alledgeth the whole form of Plato's & Laeri
Common-wealth in Protagoras's Antilogicks, others fay, he bor-
rowed his Politicks from Socrates:
• Laftly, it is related, that much of Plato's morality was in the s Lawre
Books of Sophron the Mimographe, which having been long neg-
lected, were by him firft brought to Athens, and were found lying
under his head, when he was dead,
R
CHAP. V.
His School.
Eing returned to Athens from his Journey to Egypt, he feta Leét.
Dled himself in the Academy,a Gymnafium or place of Exer-
cife in the Suburbs of that City, befet with woods, taking name
from Ecademus one of the Hero's,as Eupolis,
in facred Hecademus fhady walks.
And Timon,
The fluent ſweet-tongu'd Sage first led the way,
who writes as fimoothly as from fome green (pray
of Hecademe, Grafhoppers chirp their lay.
Hence it was firſt called Ecademy; the occafion of his living
here, was, that he was poor and had nothing but one Orchard in
of
14
PLATO.
a Laert.
8.
or adjoyning to the Academy, which was the leaft part of his
Succeffours. This Orchard at firſt yeelded but three aurei nummi
of yearly rent to the Owners, afterwards the whole Revenue a-
mounted to a thouſand or more. It was in proceffe of time much
enlarged by well-willers, and ftudious perfons, who dying, be-
queathed by will fomething to the Profeffours of Philofophy,their
riches to maintain the quiet and tranquillity of a Philofophicall
life. Plato (the Academy being faid to be a fickly place, and Phy-
ficians adviſing him to tranffer his School to the Lyceum, would
not be perfwaded, but anfwered, I would not live on the top of
Athos to linger my life. The unwholfomneffe of the place brought
him to a Quartan ague, which lafted eighteen months, but at
length by fobriety and care he maſter'd it, and recover'd his
ſtrength more perfect then before.
First, he taught Philofophy in the Academy, and after in the
Gardens of Colonus. At the entrance of his School in the Acade-
my was written, LET NONE IGNORANT OF GEOME-
TRY ENTER HERE, meant, not only of the meaſure and
proportion of lines, but alſo of the inward Affections.
{
{
HA
L
a
CHAP VI.
How he inftituted a Sect.
D
*
;
>
Aving thus fetled himſelf in the Academy, he began out of
the Collection he had made from others, and his own in-
vention to inſtitute a Sect, called from the place where he taught
Academick. 2 He mixed the Heraclitian diſcourſes, with the So-
cratick and Pythagorick,following in fenfibles Heraclitus,in Intel-
b Civit.dei.lib. ligibles Pythagoras,in Politicks Socrates.Whereas Philoſophy, faith;b St.
Auguftine, concerns either action dr contemplation (thence affuming
two names, Contemplative and Active) the Active confifting in practife
of morall Actions, the contemplative, in penetration of abstruse Phyfi-
cali caufes, and the nature of the Divinity, Socrates excelled in the
Active, Pythagoras in the Contemplative. But Plato join them into
one perfect kind, which he ſubdivided into three feverall parts Morall,
confifting chiefly in Action, Naturall in Contemplation, Rationall in
Diftinction of true and false, which though usefull in both the other, yet
belongeth more particularly to Contemplation.So that this Trichotomy con-
tradicts not the other Dichotomy, which includeth all within Action and
Contemplation. And as of old in a Tragedy,the Chorus acted a-
lone, then Theſpis making fome intermiffions of the Chorus intro-
duc'd one Actour, Eschylus a fecond, Sophocles a Third, in like
manner Philoſophy was at firſt but of one kind, Phyfick, then
Socrates added Ethick, thirdly, Plato inventing Diale&ick, made
it perfect,
e Laert.
J
}
Of theſe three parts as they were held by Plato, and the reſt
of
1
*
PLATO.
is
of the old Academy, we cannot have a generall better accompt
then this ofª Cicera.
:
Se&t. 1. Ethick.
ら
​The first, concerning well living they fought in Nature, affirming that
fhe ought to be obeyed and that in nothing else but Nature was to be
had that chief good whereto all things ſhould be referr'd, that the ulti-
mate being of defirable things, and end of all good in the mind, body and
life were acquir'd by Nature. Thofe of the body they placed in the whole,
and in the parts: Health, Strength, Beauty in the whole, in the parts,
found Sence, and a certain Excellence of particular parts ↳
as in the
feet faiftnelle, ftrength in the hands, clearneffe in the voice, in the
Tongue, plainneffe of expreffion. Of the mind were those which are pro-
per to comprehend the power of wit, which they divided into Nature and
Manners. To Nature they afcribed quickness of apprehenſion, and memo-
ry both proper to the mind and wit 3 To manners belonged study and a
kind of wisdom formed partly by continuall exerciſe, partly by reafon,in
which confifted Philofophy it felf, wherein that is begun and not perfected,
is called progreffion to vertue, what is perfected, Virtue; perfection of
Nature of all things in the mind, the most excellent. Thus of Minas: The
Adjuncts of life, that was the third, they afferted fuch things as conduced
to the practife of Vertue.
Sect. 2. Phyfick.
in this a
& Acad.quaff..
of Nature (for that was next) they fo treated as to divide it into two
things: One the efficient, the other giving it felf to this, that, thereof
might be made fomthing. In that they conceived to be a power,
certain matter to be effected: in both, matter could not cohere, unleſſe
contained by fome power, nor the power without fome matter, for there is
nothing which is not enforced to be fome where: that which confifts of both,
they called Body and Qualitie: Of Qualities, fome are primary, others
arifing from thefe: the primary are uniform and fimples:hofe which arife
from thefe are various, and as it were multiform. Air, Fire, Water
and Earth are Primary, of these arife formes of living Creatures, and of
thofe, things which are made of the Earths These principles are called.
Elements, of which, Air and Fire have a faculty to move and effect; the
other parts,water and Earth to fuffer. To all these there is ſubjected a
certain matter without form, deftitute of quality, out of which all things
are expreffed and formed: it is capable of admitting allzand of changing
all manner of waies,in the whole, and in every part: This refolves nothing
to nothing, but into its own parts, which are divifible into infinite, there
being in na ure no leaft which cannot be divided. Those which are moved,
are all moved by intervalls, which intervalls likewife may be divided in-
finitely, and that power which we call quality, being moved and agitated
every way, they conceive the whole matter to be throughly changed, and by
E e
that
16
1
PLATO..
1
that means those things, which they call qualitatives to be produced is of
which, in all coherent nature continued with all its parts, was effected the
World, beyond which there is not any part of matter or body: The parts
of the world are all things therein, kept together by a Senfitive nature
wherein is likewife perfect reafon; It is also fempiternall, for there is no-
thing more strong whereby it may be diffolved: This power they call the
Soul of the world, God, a certain providence over all things fubjected
to him, regarding in the first place heavenly things. next on the
Earth those thing which appertain to man. The fame they fomtimes call
Neceffity, because nothing can be otherwife then is by him ordained; a fa-
tall immutable continuation of eternall order; fomtimes Fortune as
producing many things not foreseen or expected by us by reason of the ob-
Scurity and our ignorance of the Causes:
Sect. 3. Dialectick
1
3
Of the third part of Philofophy, confifting in reafon and differtation,
they treated thus.Though Judgment arife from the Senfe yet the Judgment
of truth is not in the Senfes. The mind they affirmed to be Judge of things,
conceiving her only fit to be credited,because she alone feeth that which is
fimple, and uniform, and certain 3 This they called Idea. All fenfe they
conceived to be obtufe and flow, and no way able to perceive thofe things
which ſeem ſubject to fenfe, which are fo little, as that they cannot fall un-
der fenfe, fo moveable andvarious, that nothing is one, conftant, nor the
fame,because all things are in continuall alteration and fluxion. All this
part of things they called Opimative; Science they affirmed to be no
where but in the Reafons and Ñotions of mind, whence they approved
definitions of things, and applyed them to all whereon they difcourfed.
They approved likewife explications of words by Etymologies: They ufed
Arguments and marks for things, to prove and conclude what they
meant to explain ; In this confifted all the difcipline of Dialectick, that
is, of Speech concluded by Reafon.
This accompt in generall Cicero gives of the old Academy;
Plutarch, Laertius, Apuleius, and others have made collections
more particular: we fhall make choice of that of Alcinous, as
moft full and perfect, which by reafon of the length is referred
as an Appendix to Plato's life.
}
·
* [
<
A
t
1
CHAP.
C PLATO.
17
lique dolle
H
*
*
ازه دار
A CHAPAVIL Mobilogooq sunt s
to
A sam books oÉ
31
His Inventions; uditi obophiostomy
ILIA ¿
cits
E added much to learning and language by many inventi-
ons, as well of things as of words. To omit Dialecticks of
which we treated laft, Phavorinus attributes to his invention, a Laert.
difcourfing by way of Question; but Ariftote afcribes it to Alexáme-
22s, a Styrian or Teian, and it appears by the Dialogues of Flard,
that Socrates alfo ufed that form of arguing. Laétius informes us,
that Zeno Elentes was the first compofer of Dialogues yet in my opinion
faith he, Tlaro bath so much refined the form thereof that be deferves to
be preferr'd before all others, as well for intention as reformation.
lib. 3.
.5.
More properly may be attributed to him the invention of Amab Laert. Proci.
byticall Method, which reduceth the thing fought unto its principle, the in Euclid.
best of Methods. He taught it to Leodamas; and by it found out ma
ny things in Geometry: Analyfis, as defined by the Scholiafupe c Lib. 13.
on Euclid, is a fumption of the thing fought by the confequents,(as if it
were already known) to find out the truth. Examples thereof we find
in the five firft propofitions of the 13th Book of Euclid, befides fe,
verall others, that occurre in Apollonius Pergaus, and Pappus
Alexandrinus
d
C
}
d de a delph.
Amongft his Geometricall Inventions alfo must be remembred
the duplication of a Cube,the occafion and manner whereof is rela-
ted by Plutarch and Philoponus. The Delians afflicted with the
Peftilence,confulted the Oracle of Apollozhe anſwer'd,the Plague e In Anal.poft.
would ceafe if they doubled their Altar, which was of a Cubick lib.1.cap. 7.
figure. Plutarch faith, that hereupon the Overſeers of the Altar
made all the four fides double to what they were before,& foin-
ſtead of doubling the Altar, they made it octuple to what it was.
Philoponus faith, they caufed another Cube of the fame bigneffe
with the former to be fet upon it, whereby they changed the fr
gure of the Altar, which was no longer a Cube, buóxis, a qua-
drilaterall Pillar. The firft way, it was Cubicall, but not double,
the fecond way double, but not Cubicall. The Plague not cea-
fing, they confulted the Oracle again. Apollo anfwer'd, they had
not fulfilled his Command, which was to build a Cubicall Al-
tar as big again as the former." Hereupon they went to Plato, as
moft skilfull in Geometry, to learn of him the Oracle's meaning,
and how they ſhould find out the way of doubling a Cube, re-
taining the Cubick figure. Plato anfwered, that the God mocked
the Grecians for their neglect of Philofophy and Learning, in-
fulting over their ignorance, that he commanded them feri-
oufly, to addict themſelves to Geometry, that this could not
be done any other way,then by finding out two mean proportio-
nalls between two right lines in a Duple proportion (Plato's par-
ticular
1
18
RLATO.
avoy-
ticular method herein is delivered, Eutocius in his comment tipon
the firſt propoſition ofthe ſecond Book of Archimedes de Sphæra &
Cylindro.) He added that Eudoxus the Gnidian, or Helico the Ci-
zycene would do it for them, That the God needed not this dupli-
cation of his Altar, but commanded all the Grceians, that
ding war and the miferies wherewith it is attended, they ſhould
apply themſelves to the Mufes; and having fetled the turbulent
commotions of their minds, converfe harmlessly and beneficially
with one another. Philoponus addes, that Plato expounded this Pro-
blem to his Difciples, who writ much upon this fubject, though nothing
thereof be extant. Of the Antients, labour'd in this Problem be-
fides Plato, Archytas the Tarentine, Menæchmus, Eratosthenes, Philo
of Byzantium, Hero, Apollonius Pergaus; Nicomedes, Diocles and Spo
rus: Valerius Maximus faith, that Plato remitted the Overseers of the
facred Altar to Euclid the Geometrician, as fubmitting to his Science
and Profeſſion; but this is an Errour, becauſe Euclid the Geome-
trician was much later then Plato, and the other Euclid, Plato's
contemporary, nothing eminent in Mathematicks, as hath been
g Pralia.. before me obferved by Sir Henry Savile.
18. 13.
h Laert.
i Laert.
k Laert.
1 Laert.
m Laert.
n In Euclid,'
Da
lib. 2.
..That Plato invented many other things in the Mathematicks
(more then appears from thoſe writings of his that are extant)
and was moſt eminent therein, may be argued from the three
Books of Theon Smyrnaus, the firſt Arithmetick, the fecond Harmo-
nicks, the laſt, (not yet publiſh'd) Aftronomy. Thoſe Books contain-
ed many things, fingular and choice,not to be met elſewhere. The
defign is acknowledg'd by the Author, to be as an introduction
neceffary to the underſtanding of Plato's writings.
There are alfo divers words of which he is eſteemed to be the
firſt Author, ash Antipodes, a word by him first introduced into
Philoſophy, to ſignifie thoſe people whofe feet are diametrically
oppofite.
Στοιχείου,
Erosior, Element, untill his time. was confounded with
sé», Principle, by all Philofophers from Thales. Plato diſtinguiſh'd
them thus, App, principle is that which hath nothing before it
whereof it might be generated; saggia, Elements are com
pounded.
* The word Poem alſo,
fed by any before him.
though fince very triviall, was not u-
'He firſt uſed this term, deur weμnen, oblong number, [ in
rë a’eiðuï rdv aegunud, oblong_number,[
The ateto] thereby fignifying the product of a greater number
multiplyed by a leffer.
m He alſo firft introduced the word 'Eripava, Superficies, for
which before was uſed mad a Plane. Thus Laertius, though
n Proclus implies, that neither Plato nor Ariftotle ufe the word,
but for it émweddy. Divine Plato,faith he, calls Geometry the Contem-
platrix of Planes, oppofing it to Stereometry, as if Plane and Superficies
were the fame. So likewife doth Ariſtotle. But Euclid and those who
Cuceed
PLATO.
19
Succeed him, make Superficies the genus, plane a fpecies thereof.
Our rewola, Divine Providence, a word fince much uſed by a Laert.
Chriſtians, was firft the expreffion. of Plato.
» He firſt of Philoſophers wrote againſt Lyfias, Son of Cephaluo, P Earr·
in Phadro.
4.He firſt confidered the force and efficacy of Grammar.
q Laert.
* He firft wrote againſt all that were before him, whence it is r Laert.
wondred at that he never mentions Democritus.
OF
CHAP. VIII.
His Diftinctions.
}
Fhis Diftinctions Ariftotle made this Collection in ſome
piece not extant, cited by Laertius.
Good is.
threefold,
Friendhip
is three-
fold.
Govern=
ment is of
five kinds.
in the Soul, as Juſtice, Prudence, Fortitude, Tempe-
rance, and the like.
纂
​In the Body, as Beauty,good habit,ſtrength.
Externall, as friends; profperity of our Country;
Wealth.
Naturall, which Parents bear to their Children, and
kindred to one another;which kind is alſo amongſt
beaſts.
Sociable, begotten by converfation, without any relati-
on of kindred; fuch was that betwixt Pylades and
Oreftes
Hofpitable, towards Gueſts, or wherewith we affect
ftrangers even upon letters of recommendation.
Some adde a fourth kind, amatory.
Last
Democraticall; a Democracy is that wherein the peo-
ple rules and hath power to make Magiftrates
and Laws.
Ariftocraticall; an Ariftocracy is that wherein neither
rich nor poor nor Nobles govern, but the beſt per-
fons of the whole City.
Oligarchicall;an Oligarchy is when Governours are e-
lected by the votes of Magiftrates, for they are
fewer then the poore.
Elective by Law; as that of the Carthagini-
ans; for it is civill.
Regall: Succeffive in a Family; as that of the Lace-
$ *
1
who
dæmonians and Macedonians,
confine themfeves to a certain race.
Tyrannicall, Tyranny is that wherein men are brought
to fubjection either by fraud or force.
Ff
Faftice
20
PLATO.
1
Juftice is
threefold
Towards the Gods; they who facrifice as the Law re
quires, aud perform the Divine rites are just to-
wards the Gods.
Towards men: They who restore what was lent or
committed to their truft, are juft towards men.
Tonwards the dead; They who take care of Sepulchers
are juft towards the dead.
W
Practick, as playing on the flute, lute, and the like;
which effect nothing vifible,
Mechanick, as architecture of Houfes, Ships, or the
like, which produceth a vifible effect.
Science is
¿ Theoretick, as Geometry, Harmonick, Aftronomy,
3
threefold.
which act not, neither produce any thing. The
Geometrician confiders the proportion of lines to
one another; Harmonick founds: Aftronomy ſtars
and the World.
Medicine
is of five
kinds.
44
Law is
twofold.
Speech is of
five kinds.
Mufick is
threefold.
}
fPharmaceutick, cureth diſeaſes by application of Me-
dicine.
Chirurgick by incifion or cauterifing.
Dietétick, by diet.
Nofognomonick diſcernes diſeaſes.
Boethetick removeth diſeaſes.
1
written; fuch are thoſe by which ſtates are governed.
Not written, grounded upon cuftom; as that no man
fhall
go naked into the forum, or habited like a
woman, is not forb dden by any written law, but
forborn becaufe of the unwritten.
'
¿Politicall, uſed in Orations by fuch as govern States.
Rhetoricall, ufed by Lawyers in pleading either to
confirm, praife, difpraife or accufe.
Vulgar, ufed by people in common diſcourſe.
Dialecticall, uſed by ſuch as difcourfe in ſhort queſti-
ons and anfwers.
Artificiall, uſed by Tradefmen in their feverall
profeffions.
Of the Voice onely.
Of
71
of the Voice and hands, as finging to the Lute.
Of the Hand only, as the Harp.
1
}
}
*A
事
​}
If
1
Nobility is
of four:
kinds.
1
Beauty is
PLATO.
If the Predeceffors were upright, juſt, and honeſt.
If the Predeceffours were rulers of Princes.
If the Predeceffours acquired honours, as the com-
mand of an Army, or were crown'd in publick
games:thoſe who are deſcended from fuch we call
Noble.
If a man be endued with a generous mind; this is the
beſt kind of Nobility.
(Commendable, as a fair form.
usefull, as an inftrument, houſe, or the like.
threefold. Beneficiall, as all that belongs to inftitution of
"
The Soule
hath three
parts, the
1
>
Perfect vir-
tue hath
four kinds.
Govern-
}
ment is of
five kinds.
af Rhetorick
are fix
kinds.
Laws.
?
fRationall, the principle whereby we judge, diſcourſe,
and the like.
Concupifcible, whereby we defire meat, coition, and
the like.
Irafcible, whereby we are emboldned, joyned, grie-
ved, enraged.
Wifdom, the principle of doing things aright.
Juſtice, the principle of doing things equally in pri-
vate converſation and publick affairs.
,
Fortitude the principle of not flying danger
through fear, but meeting it.
Temperance, the principle of fubduing defires
and yielding to no pleaſures, but living mode-
rately.
}
د
By Lam; Thoſe who are choſen Magiſtrates in a City
govern by Law..
By Nature: the males not only of mankind,but of moft
other creatures are predominant over the Females
by nature.
By Custome,as that which Maſters have over their Dif-
ciples.
By Defcent, as the Lacedæmonian Kings, who fucceed
out of one Family and in Macedonia, they uſe the
fame cuftome.
}
By force, as thoſe who rule a Kingdom againſt the
will of the people.
**
Adbortation, as when we perfwade to war againſt
any.
Debortation, as when we diffwade from War.
Accufation, when we declare that we have been in-
jured by one whom we prove cauſe of our miſ-
fortune.
Defence
1
22
PLATO.
1
1
Of Right
Speaking
are four
kinds;
when wee
ſpeak
Benificence
is of four
kinds.
Defence, when a man proves he did not an injury or
offence.
Encomium, when we fpeak well of another.
Vituperation, when we declare a man to be wicked.
what is requifite; thoſe things which will benefit both
the hearer and fpeaker.
As much as is requifite, if we fpeak neither more nor
leffe then concerns the bufineffe.
To thofe to whom it is requifite; as when we ſpeak to old
men that have done amiffe in ſuch terms as are fit
for old men, or to young as becomes young.
when it is requisite, neither too foon nor too late; for if
that be not obſerved, nothing can be ſpoken
aright.
In wealth, when we relieve the wants of any accor-
ding to our means.
In Body, when we fuccour thoſe who are beaten.
In Knowledge, when we inftruct,cure,teach any good.
In Speech, he, who pleadeth in defence of another,
helpeth him in words.
The end of
things is of
four kinds
Legall, impofing an end to things by decree.
Naturall, fuch as dayes, years, and houres have.
Artificiall, as the building of a houfe.
Accidentall, by chance unexpected.
fOne in the minde, to think and conjecture.
Another of the body, to walk, give, receive, and the
1
like.
Of powers? A third, confifting in a multitude of Souldiers, and
ftore of wealth, in which reſpect, Princes are
called Powerfull.
are four
kinds
Of Huma-
nity are
three
kinds.
The fourth,
as to fuffer good or evill
to be done to us; as to be capable of Sickneffe,
Learning, health, or the like.
In calling, as thofe who call all they meet, and falute
them, taking them by the hand.
In relieving, in relieving the misfortunes of another
willingly.
In feasting and converfation.
· Felicity
7
23
PLATO.
+
1
Felicity is
divided
into five
parts.
- 1#
Arts are
of three
kinds.
Good is of
four kinds.
Òf things
ſome are
Prudent Counfell, acquired by learning and experi-
ence.
Soundneſse of fenfès, confifting in the parts of the bo-
dy, as to fee with the eyes,, to hear with the ears,
to ſmell and taſt.
Profperity of affairs, when thoſe things which a man
intendeth, he performeth fully.
Good reputation amongſt men, when a man is well
ſpoken of.
Plenty of riches, and things neceffary to life, ſo as
to be able to ſupply friends, and perform works of
publick magnificence: He who hath all theſe
five kinds is perfectly happy.
The firft diggeth out mettalls, and fells wood.
The fecond gives varietie of ſhape to things,as Wood-
work and Iron-work.
The third maketh ufe of thefe, as horfemanſhip of
bridles, Soldiery, of arms, muſick of inſtruments.
One, as wen wee call a man good from his proper
goodneffe.
A fecond, as we call Virtue and Juftice it felf good.
A third, as we ſay, food, exerciſe and medicines
are beneficiall.
The fourth good we call the act of playing on muſick,
or acting in a play.
Ill, alwaies capable to do hurt, as ignorance, impru-
dence, injuftice, and the like.
Good, theicontrary to the former;
Indifferent, which fomtimes may benefit, fometimes
hurt,as walking,fitting, eating, or cannot do hurt
at all, being neither good nor bad.
Good Go-If the Laws be good.
vernment is If the Laws be well kept.
threefold. If without Laws the people live orderly by cuſtome.
Ill Govern- If the Laws be bad for Natives and Forainers.
ment is
threefold.
Contraries
are of
three
kinds.
If the Laws in being are not obſerved.
If there are no laws at all.
Good to ill, as juſtice to injuftice, wiſdom to impru-
dence, and the like.
Ill to ill, as pro digality to avarice, unjuſt torments
to juſt.
Neither to neither, as heavy to light,ſwift to flow,black
to white.
G %
Good
24
PLATO.
Good is of
three
kinds.
Confultati-
on is three-
fold.
Voice is
Some we have, as Juftice and Health.
Of fome we participate, as good it felf cannot be had,
but may be participated.
Some are fixt, which we can neither have,nor parti-
cipate as to be virtuous and juft.
i
From the Paft, by example; as what befell the Lace-
dæmonians through overmuch confidence.
From the prefent, as confidering the timeroufneffe of
men, weakneſs of walls, fcarcity of provifion, and
the like.
From the Future, as that Ambaſſadours fhould not be
injured upon fufpicion, leaſt it caft infamy upon
all Greece.
'n
Animate,of living creatures. Articulate of men.
Inarticulate of Beaſts.
Inanimate, founds and noiſe.
Divifible, compoun
ded as Syllables,
Symphonies, li-
Tings are
ving creatures
water, Gold.
Things are
Indivifible, com-
pounded of no-
thing, as a point,
found.
Homogeneous, confiſt of ſimilar
parts, differing from thewhole
onely in number, as water,
gold, and all liquid things.
Heterogeneous, confift of difi-
milar parts.
Abfolute, requiring nothing elfe to expreffe them, as a
man, a horfe and other creatures.
Relatives, which imply another thing, as greater
(then others) ſwifter, fairer, and the like, for
what is greater relates to fomthing leffer, and the
like.
Theſe according to Ariftotle were Plato's divifions of firſt
things.
CHAP.
PLATO.
25
P
CHAP. IX,
1
His three voyages to Sicily
Lato made to
Lato made three voyages to Sicily; the first to fee the fiery a Laert. Apul:
ebullitions of Atha and to improve the knowledge of b Plat. Epiſt.
Ætna
States, and Philoſophy, which he got by his other travells; This
-
C
C
d
d In Dione.
was about the 40th year of his age, at what time Dionyfius the c Laert.
elder, Son of Hermocrates, reigned in Syracufe; Plutarch faith, hee
was led thither by providence, not fortune, and that fome
good Genius 5 defigning a far off the liberty of the people
of Syracufe, brought him acquainted wita Dion then very younge Plat. Epift.3.
who entertained him as his gueft: He much difliked the luxury.
of that place, feaſting,nocturnal lucubrations and the like; Con-
verfed frequently with Dion,difcourfed with him of thoſe things
which were beft in man, and with his beft arguments exhorted
him thereto; by which he feemed to lay grounds for the fubver-
fion of that Tyranny, which afterwards hapned; Dion though f Plut,in Dione.
young, was the moſt ingenious of all Plato's followers, and moſt
eager in purfuit of Virtue, as appears as well by the teftimony
of Plato, as his own actions. Though he had been brought up by
the King in an effeminate luxurious kind of life; yet as foon as he
tafted of Philoſophy the guide to Virtue, his foul was enflamed
with love thereof, and from his own candour and ingenuity was
perfwaded that Dionyfius would be no leffe affected therewith:
And therefore defired him when hee was at leaſure to admit and
hear Plato: Hereupon the Tyrant fent for him; at that meet-
ing all their difcourfe was concerning fortitude; Plato affirmed
none was further from that Virtue then a Tyrant, and, proceed-
ing to ſpeak of Juftice, afferted the life of the Juft to be happy, of
the unjuſt miferable. Dionyfius was diſpleaſed at this difcourfe (as
reflecting upon himſelf) and with the ftanders by for approving
it, at laft much exaſperated, he asked Plato why he came into Sicily?
Plato anſwered, to seek a good man: it ſeems, replyed Dionyfius, you
have not yet found him. Laertius faith, Plato difputed with him con-
cerning Tyranny, affirming, that is not beft which benefits our
felves, unleffe it be excellent alfo in Virtue; whereat Dionyfius
incenſed, faid to him, your diſcourſe favours of old age; and
yours, anſwered Plato, of Tyranny. Dionyfius, enraged, comman-
ded him to be put to death; I will have, faith he, your head
taken off; at which words Xenocrates being prefent, anſwered,
He that doth it must begin with mine but Dion and Ariftomens
wrought with him to revoke that fentence. Dion thinking his an
ger would have proceeded no further, fent Plato away at his own
requeſt in a Ship which carried Pollis (whom Laertius calls Polis,
Ælian Pôlis, ) a Lacedæmonian Captain (who at that time had
been fent Embaffadour to Dionyfius) back to Greece: Dionfiyus
fecretly
26
PLATO.
*
L
as
the Tyrant
Pififtratida
fecretly defired Pollis to kill him whilft he was on Shipboard; or
if not, by all means to fell him, alledging, it would be no injury
to Plato, for he would be as happy in bondage as at liberty, as be-
ing a juft man. Some affirm the occafion of Dionyfius his anger
was, becauſe, that when he asked what was the beſt braffe, Plato
Who flew Hip-
anſwered, that whereof the Statues of Ariftogiton and Harmodus
parchus, bro were made. Others, that it was becauſe he was over-maſtered in
ther of Hippi- learning.But Tzetzes rejecting thefe,as idle fictions of Philofophers,
of Athens; up-
& falfifiers,affirms the true reafon to have been,that he perceived,
on which the he adviſed Dion to poffeffe himſelfe of the Kingdome: Pollis tran-
were expelled, fported him to Egina; there Charmander, fon of Charmandrites,
accuſed him, as meriting death by a Law they had made, that
the firſt Athenian that ſhould come to that Ifland, ſhould, with-
out being fuffered to fpeak for himſelfe, be put to death: Which
Law, as Phavorinus affirms, he himselfe made. One that was pre-
fent, faying in fport, he is a Philofopher, they fet him at liberty :
Some fay, they brought him to the publick affembly, to plead for
himſelfe, where he would not ſpeak a word, but underwent all
with a great courage. Then they altered their intent of putting
him to death, and agreed to fell him for a flave. Plutarch faith,
that upon a decree of the Eginete, that all Athenians taken in
that Iſland, fhould be fold for Slaves; Pollis fold him there :
Anniceris, a Cyrenaick Philofopher, being accidentally preſent,
redeemed him for twenty, or as others thirty Mine, and fent him
to Athens to his friends; they immediately returned the mony to
Anniceris, but he refufed it, faying, they were not the only per-
fons concerned in Plato's welfare: Some fay, Dion fent the mony,
which he would not accept, but bought therewith a little Or-
chard in the Academy. Pollis was defeated by Chabrias, and after-
wards drowned in Elice. The report goes, that an apparition told
him, he fuffered thofe things for the Philofophers fake. Dio-
nyfius understanding what had happened, writ to Plato, to defire
him not to ſpeak ill of him; Plato returned anſwer, that he had
not ſo much time vacant from Philofophy, as to remember Diony-
fius. To fome detractours who upbraided him, faying, Dionyfius
hath caft off Plato; no, faith he, but Plato Dionyfius.
Dion continued to live, not according to the ordinary luxury
of the Sicilians and Italians, but in vertue, untill Dionyfius died,
for which maligned by thoſe who lived after Tyrannicall inſti-
tutions. Then confidering, that thefe documents were not practi-
fed by himſelfe alone, but by fome others, though few, he enter-
tained a hope, that Dionyfius the younger, who fucceeded his
Father in the Government, might become one of thoſe, to the
extraordinary happineffe of nimfelfe, and the reſt of the Sicili-
ans: To this end, he uſed many exhortations to invite him to
vertue, intermixed with fome fentences of Plato, with whom
Dunyfius, upon this occafion, became extreamly defirous to be
acquainted.
PLATO.
27
acquainted: To that effect, many Letters, were fent to Athens to
him, fome from Dionysius, others from Pythagoreans in Italy, de
firing Plato to go to Syracufe, who, by prudent Counfell, might
govern the young man, tranfported by his own power to Juxury.
Plato, as himfelfe affirmeth, fearing to be thought a Perſon only
of words, and not willing to engage in action, and withall ho-
ping, by purging one principall part, to cure the diſeaſe of all
Sicily, yielded; Laertius faith, upon a promiſe made to him by
Dionyfius, of a Place and People that ſhould live according to the
rules of his Common-wealth; which he made not good. Hence
Athenæus accufeth Plato of Ambition. In the mean time, the ene-
mies of Dion, fearing a change in Dionyfius, perfwaded him to
call home from banishment Philiftus (a perfon very rationall, but
educated in Tyrannicall principles) as an Antidote againſt Pla
to's Philofophy; but Dion hoped, the comming of Plato would
regulate the licentious Tyranny of Dionyfius.
Plato at his arrivall in Sicily (placed by Agellius, betwixt the
beginning of Philips raigne, foure hundred years from the buil-
ding of Rome, and the Charonean fight) was received by Dio-
nyfius with much refpect: One of the Kings magnificent Chariots
flood ready to receive him affoon as he landed, and carried him
to the Court. The King offered Sacrifice to the Gods for his
comming, as a great bleffing upon his government. The tempe-
rance of their Feafts, alteration of the Court, meekneffe of the
King,gave the Siracufians great hopes of reformation: The Cour-
tiers addicted themſelves to Philofophy fo much, that the Palace
was full of Sand (wherein they drew Geometricall figures.) Not
long after Plato's comming, at a Sacrifice in the Caſtle, the He-
rauld, according to the ufuall manner, made a folemn Prayer,
that the Gods would long preferve the Kingly Government:
Dion ſtanding by, faid, will you never give over praying against me?
This troubled Philistus and his friends, who feared Plate would
infinuate into the favour of Dionyfius fo much, as that they fhould
not be able to oppoſe him,fince in fo ſhort time, he had effected fo
great an alteration in him: Hereupon they all joyntly accufed
Dion, that he wrought upon Dionyfius, by the eloquence of Platoy
to refigne his Government, that it might be transferred to the
Children of his Sifter, to quit his command for the Academy
where he fhould be made happy by Geometry, refigning his
fent happineffe to Dion and his Nephews. With thefe and the
like inftigations, Dionyfius was fo incenfed, that he cauſed Dion
to be unexpectedly carried on Ship-board in a little bark, giving
the marriners order to land him in Italy. This happened four
months after Plato's comming. Plate, and the rest of Dion'sh Plat. Epift.
friends, feared to be put to fome puniſhment, as partakers of his
offence. A report was raiſed, that Plate was put to death by Dio-
nyfius, as author of all that happened; but, on the contrary, Dio-
h
Hh
pre-
nyfius,
>
28
PLATO.
}
i Plutarch.
k Plat. Epift.7.
nyfius doubting, left fomething worfe might happen from their
fear, treated them all kindly, comforted Plato, "bid him be of
good cheer, and intreated him to ſtay with him: He cauſed him
to be lodged in his Caſtle, in the Orchards adjoyning to his
Palace, where not the Porter himfelfe could go out without
Dionyfius his leave; thus cunningly, under pretence of kindneffe,
he watched him, that he might not return into Greece, to give
Dion notice of the wrong done to him. Dionyfius by frequent
converfation with Plato (as wild Beafts are tamed by ufe) fell
into fo great liking of his difcourfe, that he became in love with
him; but, it was a Tyrannicall affection, for, he would not that
Plato fhould love any but him, offering to put the power of the
Kingdome into his hands, if he would value him above Dion.
With this paffion, troubleſome to Plato, Dionyfius was fometimes
fo farre tranfported, as men jealous of their Miftreffes, that he
would upon the fuddain fall out with him, and as fuddainly be
reconciled, and ask him pardon. He had indeed a great defire of
Plato's Philofophy, but a great refpect likewife on the other
fide for those who diffwaded him from it, telling him, that it
1 Plat. Epiſt. would ruine him to be too far ingaged therein. In the mean
time, there happening a War, he fent Plato home, promifing,
that the next fpring (as foon as there was peace) he would fend
back for him and Dion to Syracufe: but he kept not his promife,
for which he defired Plato to excufe him, proteſting the War
to be the occafion thereof, and that affoon as it were ended, he
would fend for Dion, whom he defired in the mean time to reſt
fatisfied, and not attempt any thing againſt him, not to fpeak ill
of him to the Grecians. This Plato endeavoured to effect; he in-
ſtructed Dion in Philofophy, in the Academy: Dien lay in the
City at the houſe of Calippus, with whom he had been long ac-
quainted. He purchaſed a Country houfe for pleafure, whither
Le fometimes went; this he beſtowed afterward, at his return to
Sicily, upon Speufippus, with whom he converſed moft intimately
as being fo adviſed by Plato, who knew the cheerfull humour
of Speupppus to be a fit divertiſement for the referved difpofition
of Dion. Plato. had undertaken the expence of fome Playes and
Dances by fome youths; Dion took the pains to teach them, and
paid the whole charge: By this liberality which Plato fuffered
him to confer upon the Athenians, he gained more love then
Plato honour.
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>
In the mean time, Dionyfius, to acquit himselfe of the difeſteem
he had gained amongſt Philofophers in Plato's caufe, invited ma-
ny learned men, and in a vain oftentation of Wiſdome, applyed
improperly the fentences he had learned of Plato: Hereupon he
began to with for Plato again, and to blame himfelfe, for not
knowing how to uſe him well when he had him, and that he had
not learned fo much of him as he might: and being like a Tyrant
tranſpor-
PLATÓ.
29
1
tranfported with uncertain paffions and changes, a fuddain ve-
hement defire came upon him of feeing Plato again. m The peace m plat Epißt.3.
being now concluded, he fent to Plato to come to him (but not (as
he had promiſed) to Dion) writing to him, that he would have
him to come immediately, and that afterwards he would ſend
for Dion. Hereupon Plato refuſed to go, notwithſtanding the in-
treaties of Dion; alledging for excufe his old age, and that no-
thing was done according to their agreement. In the mean time,
Archytas, whom, with others of Tarentum, Plato, before his de-
parture, had brought into the acquaintance of Dionyfius, came to
Dionyfius; there were alfo others there, Auditors of Dión. Dionyfius
being refufed upon a fecond invitation, thought his honour deep-
ly concerned, and thereupon fent the third time a Galley of three
banks of Oares( trimmed with Fillets) and other Ships, and with n pliù.
thém Archidemus, whom he conceived Plato moſt affected of all
盘
​his friends in sicily, and fome Sicilian Noblemen: He had by all o Plui.
means obliged Archytas the Pythagorean, to let Plato know, he
might come without danger, and that he would engage his word
+
on it. As foon as they came to Plato, they all protefted, that p Plat. Epift.7.
Dionyfius was much inclined to Philofophy, and delivered an
Epiftle from him to this effect.
AF
Dionyfius to Plato.
Fter the accuſtomed way of Preface) nothing ( faith he)
fhould you do fooner, then come to Sicily at my request. First, as
concerning Dion, all ſhall be done as you will; for, I think you will only
moderate things, and I will condefcend: But, unleffe you come, you ſball
not obtain any thing which you defire for Dion, nor in any thing else,
not in those which chiefly concern your own particular.
Other Epiftles were fent from Archytas, and other Italians & Plat Epift.
and Tarentines,praifing Dionyfius for his love of learning; adding,
that if Plato came not, it would reflect upon his friends, as well as
r
{
on himſelfe. *Many Letters and intreaties were fent to Dion, * Plutarch.
from his Wife and Sifter: to theſe were joyned the importuni- r Plat. Epift.
ties of fome friends of Plato's at Athens, infomuch that Dion Plut.
brought it to paffe, that Plato (left he ſhould defert him and Plat.
the Tarentines) yielded to Dionyfius, without any excufe; and, as
he writeth himſelfe, was driven the third time to the Sicilian
ftraits.
1 i...
Once more Charybdis dangers to effay.'
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>
At his arrivall in Sicily, Dionyfius met him with a Chariot
drawn by four white horfes," whereinto he took him, and made u Alian. var.
him fit, whilſt himfelfe plaid the Coachman: whereupon a facete Hift. 18.
Syra-
30
PLATO.
Hift. 4. 18.
x Laert.
Syracufian, well vers'd in Homer, pleaſed with the fight, ſpoke
thefe verfes out of the Iliads, with a little alteration:
***
T
The Chariot groan'd beneath its waight,
Proud that the best of men there fat.
X
?
}
A
蒸
​And as Dionyfius was much joy'd at his comming, fo were the
Sicilians put in great hopes, being all defirous, and endeavou
ring, that Plato might fupplant Philiftus, and fubvert Tyranny by'
Philofophy: The Ladies of the Court entertained Plato with all
civility; but above all, Dionyfius feemed to repoſe more confi-
dence in him, then in any of his friends; for, whereas, he was
jealous of all others, he had fo great reſpect for Plato, that he fuf-
*Alian. var. fered him only to come to him unfearched(*though he knew him
to be Dions intimate friend) and offered him great fumms of mo-
ny, but Plato would not accept any: (yet Onetor faith, he recei-
ved eighty Talents of him, wherewith enriched, he purchaſed
the Books of Philolaus) whence Ariftippus the Cyrenaan, who
was at the fame time in the Court, faid, Dionyfius beftoweth his
bounty on fure grounds; he gives litile to us who require much, and much
to Plato who requireth nothing. And being blamed, that he received
mony of Dionyfius, Platobooks, I want mony, faith he, Plato books.
So untrue it is, as Xenophon afperfeth him, that he went thither
to ſhare in the Sicilian luxury or as Tzetzes, that he ftudied the
art of Cookery, and lived with Dionyfius as his penfioner and parafite.
a Laert. vit. So far was he from any fordid compliance, that at a Feaft, Di
onyfius commanding every one to put on a purple Gown, and
dance, he refuſed, faying,
y Epift: ad
Æfchin
z Chiliad,
Ariftip.
I will not with a female robe disgrace
²
My felfe, who am a man of manly race.
L
1
a
Some likewife afcribe this to him, which others to Ariftippus,
that Dionyfius faying,
',
•
who ere comes to a Tyrant, he
A fervant is, though he came free.
ซ
He anſwered immediately,
GOR
b Plat. Epist.
Plut.
b
No feruantis, if he came free.
T
~
Plato, after a while, began to put Dionyfius in minde of the
City he had promiſed him to be governed by his rules; but Dio-
nyfius retracted his promife: He moved him alfo in the behalfe of
Dion; Dionysius at the first delay'd him, afterwards fell out with
him, but fo fecretly, that none faw it, for he continued to confer
as much honour on him, as he could poffibly, thereby to make
him
}
PLATO.
3r
a
C
him forfake his friendship to Dion Plato from the beginning
perceived there was no truft to be repoſed in what he ſaid or
did, but that all was deceit ; yet concealed that thought, and pa-
tiently ſuffered all; pretending to believe him. Thus they diffem-
bled with each other, thinking they deceived the eyes of all men
befides; Helicon of Cyzicum,a friend of Plato, foretold an Eclipfe
of the Sun, which falling out according to his prediction, the Ty-
rant much honoured him, and gave him a Talent of Silver: then
Ariftippus jefting with other Philofophers, faid, he could tell
them of a ſtranger thing that would happen; they defiring to
know what that was, I foretel, faith he, Plato and Dionyfius mill
be at difference ere long; and it came to paffe. Dionyfius detain'de Plat. Epiff.
Dion's Rent which he uſed to fend yearly to him to Peloponnefus;
pretending he kept it for his Nephew, Dion's Son: Plato difcon-
tented hereat, defired he might go home, faying, he could not
feay, Dion being uſed fo ignominously: Dionyfius fpoke kindly to
him, defiring him to ftay: He thought it not convenient to let
Plato go fo foon to divulge his actions but being not able to pre-
vail with him, hee told him he would provide a means for
his Paffage Plate had defigned to go with the Paffage-
boates; Dionyfius feeing him bent upon his voyage, the
next ſpoke thus kindly to him; that the differences betwixt Dion
and me may be 'compofed, I will for your fake condefcend thus far, Di-
on ſhall receive his revenewes living in Peloponnefus not as a baniſh-
ed perfon, but as one that may come hither when he and 1, and you his
friends fhall think convenient. The Trustees for this buſineſſe ſhall be
your ſelf, and your and his friends who live here; Dion fhall receive his
Rents, but through your hands, otherwiſe I ſhall not dare to trust him, 3
in you and yours I have more confidence ; stay for this reason a year here,
and then you shall carry along with you kis money, wherein you will do
Dion a
great courtefie. To this Plato after a daies deliberation con-
fented; and writ to that effect to Dion; but as foon as the Shippes
were gone, that Dionyfius faw he had no means to away,forgeting
his promife, he made ſale of Dions Eſtate.
At this time hapned a mutiny amongſt the Souldiers of Diony-
fius, of which Heraclides a friend of Plato's was reported the Au-
thor: Dionyfius laid out to take him, but could not light on him:
Walking in his Garden he called Theodots to him; Plato being
accidently walking there at the fame time; after fome private
diſcourſe with Dionyfius, Theodotes, turning to Plato, Plato faith he,
I perfwade Dionyfius that I may bring Heraclides to him to answer
the crimes wherewith he is charged, and then if Dionyfius will not
Suffer him to live in Sicily, that be at least permit him to take his wife
and Children along with him to Peloponnefus, and live there, and;
whilſt be ſhall not plot any thing against Dionyfius, that he may there
enjoy his Revenemes. With this ufurance I have fent to Heraclides,
and will fend again to him to come hither; but if he come either
upon the
first or second notice, I have made an agreement with Dionyfius, and
obtained
I i
d Plat. Epifti:
•
1
32
PLATO.
obtained a promise from him that he ſhall receive no harm, either inar
without the City; but, if he be fo refolved, that he fend him away, beyond
the confines of this Country, untill he shall be better fatisfied with him:
Do not you Dionyfius confent hereto faith he, I do, anſwered, Dig-
nyfius, neither if he be in your houfe fhall be receive any prejudices The
next day (about 20. daies before Plato left Sicily) came Eurybi-
us and Theodotes to Plato in much haſt and trouble; Plato, faid
Theodotes, you were yesterday present at the agreement betwixt Dio-
nyfius and me, concerning Heraclides. I was fo, andwered Plates but
fince continues Theodotes, he hath sent out Officers to apprehend him
and I fear he is fumewhere very nigh; therefore go along with us to Di-
onyfius, and let us use our utmost endeavour with him: They went,
when they came before him, Plato (the rest ſtanding filent by,
and weeping)began thus, Thefe men, Dionyfius, are afraid lest you
Should do fomthing against Heraclides contrary to the agreement you
made yesterday, for I fuppofe he is come near here abouts, Dionyfius at this
grew angry, his colour often changed with rage; Theodores fell at
his feet, and taking him by the hand, befought him not to do any
fuch thing: Plato continuing his fpeech; Be of good chear, faith he,
Theodotes, for Dionyfius wil not do any thing contrary to the promise
be made yesterday. Dionyfius looking feverely upon Plato, to you, faith
he,I made no promife; yes by the God's anſwered Plato, you promi-
fed not to do those things which Theodotes now befeecheth you not to do.
Archedemus and Ariftocritus being prefent; he told Plato (as hee
had done once before,when he interceded for Heraclides,) That
he cared for Heraclides and others more then for him and asked
him before them, whether he remembred that when he came
first to Syracuse, he counſelled him to restore the Gracian Cities:
Plato anfwered, he did remember it, and that he ſtill thought it
his beft courſe, and withall asked Dionyfius whether that were
the only counfell he had given him. Dionyfius returned an angry
contumelious reply, and asked him,laughing fcornfully, whether
he taught him thofe things as a School boy; to which Plato anſwe-
red, you well remember, what replies he, as a Master in Geometry, or
how ? Plato forbore to reply, fearing it might occafion a ftop of his
Voyage; But immediately went away; Dionyfius refolved to lay
wait for Heraclides; but hee eſcaped to the Carthaginian
Territories.
From this diſpleaſure againſt Plato, Dionyfius took occafion to
forbear to fend to Dion his money; and firſt ſent Plato out of his
Caſtle, where, til then, he had lain next the Palace, pretending
that the women were to Celebrate a Feaft ten daies in the Gar-
dens where he dwelt; For that time he commanded Plate to live
without the Caſtle with Archedemus; during which time Theo-
dotes ſent for him,and complained to him of Dionyfius his proceed-
ings. Dionyfius, receiving information that Plato had gone to The-
odotes, took a new occafion of diſpleaſure againſt him, and fent
}
one
O PLATO.
33
e Plut.
one to him, who asked him whether he had gone to Theodates.
Alaro acknowledged that he had then faith the Meffenger, Dia-
myftus bad me tell you, you do not well to preferre Dion and kis
friends before him. Never from that time did he fend for Plato 10
the Court, looking upon him as a profelt friend to Theodotes and
Heraclides and his profeft enemy: Plato lived without the Cable
amongst the Souldiers of the Guard: who,as Dionyfius well knew,
had börn him ill will long, and fought to murder him, becauſe
hecounſel'd Dionyfius to give over the Tyranny, and live with-
out a Guard. Some,who came to vifit him, gave him notice that flat.Epift.
calumnies were ſpread against him amongst the Souldiers, as if & Laert.
he excited Dion and Theondas to reſtore the Ifland to liberty; and
that fome of them threatned, when they could light upon him
to kill him. Hereupon Plato began to think of fome means of
Eſcape, which he effected in this manner; He fent to Archytas at
Tarentum, and to other friends advertising them of the danger
wherein he was; They, under pretence of an Embaffy in the
name of the Country,fent Lamafcus (whom Laertius calls Lamif-
cus) one of their party with a Galley of three banks of Oares to
redemand Plato, declaring that his comming to Syracufe upon the
engagement of Archytas. His letter was to this effect,
Wi
Architas to Dionyfius, health, :
& all Plato's friends have fent Lamiſcus and Photides to re-
demand the man according to your agreement with us: You will
do well to confider with what importunity you prevail'd with us to invite
Plato to you, promifing to yeeld to all things, and to give him liberty to
go and come at his pleasure ; remember how much you prized his comming,
and preferred him before all others: if there bath hapned any difference
betwixt you; it will befit you to treat him courteouſly, and restore him fafe
to us. This if you do, you will do justly, and oblige us.
h
Dionyfius to excuſe himſelfe, and to fhew he was not angry
with Plato, feaſted him magnificently, and then fent him home
with great teftimonies of affection: One day amongſt the reſt he
faid to him, I am afraid Plato you will speak ill of me when you are
amongst your friends. The Gods forbid, anfwered, Plato, fmiling, they
Should have fuch scarcity of matter in the Academy, as to be constrained
to diſcourſe of you. Dionyfius at his departure, defired him to find
out whether Dion would be much diſpleaſed if he ſhould diſpoſe
of his Wife to another, there being at that time a report that he
did not like his match, and could not live quietly with his Wife.
Plato in his return, came to Peloponnefus at what time the Olym-
pick games were celebrated; where the eyes of all the Grecians
were taken off from the fports and fixed upon him as the more
worthy object : Here he found Dion beholding the exerciſes,To
whom
h Plutarch.vit.
Dion.
34
RLATO.
!
a Laert.
185
b Ælian.var,
hift. 2.41.
Plutarch. ad
whom hee related what had happened.Dion protefted to revenge
the diſcourtefie of Dionyfius towards Plato, from which Plato
earneftly diffwaded him: Being come home to Athens, hee wrote
to Dionyfius, and gave him a plain accompt of every thing,but
that concerning Dion's Wife, he fet it down fo darkly,that hee
alone to whom the letter was directed could underſtand him;
letting him know that he had ſpoken with Dion about the bufi-
neffe which he knew,and that he would be very much diſpleaſed
if Dionyfius did it: fo that at that time, becauſe there was great
hopes of reconciliation between them, the Tyrant forbore a
while to difpofe of his Sifter Arete, Dions Wife, as, foon after
when he ſaw the breach irreconcilable, he did, marrying her a-
gainſt her will to one of his friends named Timocrates. Dion
thence forward prepared for War againſt Plato's advice, who
endeavoured to diffwade him from it,as well for refpect of Dio-
onyfius his good reception of him, as for that Dion was well in
years; though Elian faith, he put Dion upon that war;which Flu
tarch imputes to the inftigations of Speufippus.
CHAP. X.
His Authority in Civill Affairs.
a
•
very
Thome he lived quietly in the Academy, not engaging
himſelf in publick Affairs; (though he were a perfon
knowing therein as his writings manifeft,) becauſe the Atheni
ans were accuſtomed to Laws different from his fenfe.
,
"His fame fpreading to the Arcadians, and Thebans, they fent
Embaffadours earnestly to requeft him to come over to them,not
noly to inſtruct their young men in Philofophy, but, which was
of higher concernment to ordain Laws for Megalopolis a Citty
then newly built by the Arcadians, upon occafion of the great de-
feat given them by the Lacedæmonians, in the firſt year of the
103. Olympiad. Plato was not a little pleaſed at this invitation,
but asking the Ambaffadours how they ſtood affected to a parity
of Eftates, and finding them fo averfe from it,as not to be by any
means induced thereto, he refuſed to go: but fent Ariftonimus his
familiar friend.
The Cyreneans likewife fent to him, defiring him to fend them
princip.inerudit, Laws for their City, but he refufed, faying, it was difficult to
to preſcribe Lawsto men in profperity.
Yet to feverall people upon their importunities he condefcen-
ded.
To the Syracufians he gave Laws upon the ejection of their
King.
To
PLATO.
39
To the Gretans, upon their building of Magneſia, he fent Laws
digefted into twelve Books.
To the Ilians he fent Phormio; to the Pyrrheans, Mededimus ( his
familiar friends) upon the fame defigne.
*
This is enough to juftific him against thoſe who accufe him, * Athen:
of having written a form of Government, which he could not
perfwade any to practiſe, becauſe it was fo fevere: and that the
Athenians, who accepted the Laws of Draco and Solon, derided
his.
ร
7
CHAP. XI,
t
His Vertues and Morall Sentences.
E lived fingle, yet foberly and bchaftly, infomuch as in his a Laert.
Hold
b Suid-
old age (in compliance with the vulgar opinion) he facri-
ficed to Nature, to expiate the crime of his continence. So con-
ſtant in his compofure and gravity, that a Youth brought up un-
der him, returning to his Parents, and hearing his Father Ipeak
aloud, faid, I never found this in Plato. He ate but once a day, or,
if the ſecond time, very fparingly; he ſlept alone, and much dif-
commended the contrary manner of living. Of his Prudence, Pa-
tience, Magnanimity, and other Vertues, there are theſe in-
ftances.
J
29 Antimachus a Colophonian, and Niceratus a Heracleot, con- c Plus,
tending in a Poetick Panegyrick of Lyfander, the prize was be-
ftowed upon Niceratus: Antimachus in anger tore his Poem; Plato,
who at that time was young, and much efteemed Antimachus for
his poetry, comforted him, faying, Ignorance is a diſeaſe proper to
the ignorant, as blindneffe to the blind.
}
His fervant having offended him, he bad him put off his & Sener. de irá.
coat, and expoſe his fhoulders to be beaten, intending to have 3.12.
corrected him with his own hand; but perceiving himſelfe to
be angry, he ſtopt his hand, and ftood fixt in that poſture; a
friend comming in, asked him what he was doing, Puniſhing an
angry man, faith he.
e
Another time, being diſpleaſed at his fervant for fome of-e Senec, de iras
fence, do you ( faith he to Speufippus (or as Laertius to Xenocrates) 3.12.
accidentally comming in) beat this fellow, for I am angry. And ano-
ther time to his fervant he ſaid, I would be at thee, if I were not angry.
£Fearing to exceed the limits of correction, and thinking it unfit + yal. Max.
the Matter and fervant ſhould be alike faulty.
8 Chabrias the generall being arraigned for his life, he alone & Laert.
fhewed himselfe on his fide, not one of the Citizens elſe
appea-
ring for him. Crobulus the Sycophant met him, accompanying
Chabrias to the Tower, and faid unto him, Do you come to help o-
K k
thers,
1
38
PLATO.
1
h Alian, var.
biſt. 4.
Laert.
Laert.
Laert.
Laert.
Laert.
Laert.
Laert.
Val. Max. 4.1.
Senec, de ira.
1.16.
thers, you know not that the poyfon of Socrates is referved for you? Plato
anfwered, when I fought for my Country I hazarded my life, and will
now in duty to my friend.
¹ At the Olympick Games, he fell into company with ſome
ſtrangers, who knew him not, upon whofe affections he gained
much by his affable converfation, Dining and fpending the whole
.day with them, not mentioning either the Academy or Socrates ↳
only faying, his Name was Plato. When they came to Athens,
he entertained them curteoufly. Come Plato, faid the ftrangers
ſhew us your namesake, Socrates his Difciple; bring us to the Academy;
recommend us to him, that we may know him. He fmiling a little, as he
uſed, ſaid, I am the man: Whereat they were much amazed, ha-
ving converfed fo familiarly with a perfon of that eminence,
who uſed no boaſting or oftentation; and fhewed, that befides
his Philofophicall difcourfe, his ordinary converfation was ex-
treamly winning.
When he went out of the School, he alwaies faid, See (Youths
that you imploy your idle boures ufefully.
At a Feaſt he blamed thofe that brought in Muſicians to hin-
der diſcourſe.
響
​#
Seeing a young man play at Dice, réproved him, he anfwe-
red, what, for fofmall a matter? Custome (replies Plato) is no small
thing.
Being demanded, whether there fhould be any record to po-
ſterity of his actions or fayings, as of others before him: First,
faith he, we must get a Name, then many things will follow.
Getting on Horſe-back, he immediately lighted again, faying,
He feared left he ſhould be carried away izmadia by a high wil-
full conceit, a metaphor taken from a Horſe.
He adviſed drunken and angry men to look in a Glaffe, and
it would make them refrain from thofe vices.
t
He affirmed, that to drink to the exceffe of drunkenneffe was
not allowable at any time, unleffe upon the feſtivall of that God
who gives Wine.
Sleep alfo much diſpleaſed him, whence he faith in his Lawes,
No man fleeping is worth any thing.
That truth is more pleafing to all, then any feign'd ftory, ſo of
truth he faith, de legibus: Truth, O gueft, is an excellent thing, and
durable, but to this we are not eaſily perfwaded.
Being told, that Xenocrates had ſpoken many unjuſt things
againſt him, he prefently rejected the accufation; the informer
perfifted, asked, why he would not believe him? He added, it
was not probable, that he whom he loved fo much, fhould not
love him again. Finally, the other fwearing it was thus; he, not
to argue him of perjury, affirmed, that Xenocrates would never
have ſaid ſo, but that there was reaſon for it.
He faid, No wife man puniſheth in reſpect of the fault past, but in
prevention of the future.
Seeing
t
39
PLATO.
Seeing the Agrigentines magnificent in Building, luxurious in Altan.
Feasting, These people (faith he) Build, as if they were to live for ever,
and Eat, as if they were to die inftantly.
+
Hearing a wicked perfon fpeak in the defence of another, Sub.
This man, faith he, carries his heart in his tongue.
Being told, that fome ſpoke ill of him, he anſwer'd, Tis no Stob.
matter, I will live fo that none ſhall believe them.
Seeing a young man of a good family, who had wafted all his sub.
means, fitting at the door of an Inn, feeding upon bread and
water, he told him, If you had dined fo temperately, you would never
have needed to fup so.
To Antiftenes, making a long oration, You know not, faith he, Stob.
that diſcourſe is to be measured by the bearer, not the Speaker.
Seeing a youth over-bold with his Father, Young man, faith he,
will you under-value him, who is the cause you over-value your felfe?
To one of his Difciples, who took too much care of his body,
he faid, why do you labour ſo much in building your own priſon?
Of a prifoner fettered, he ſaid, That man is dead in his own bo-
dy, he lives in another.
He faid, that whofoever neglected himselfe for another, was the most
happy of all perfons, for he enjoyed neither.
One Leo, an eminent Citizen, being blamed for loud and im-
moderate clamour in the Senate, That is, faith he, to be a İyon
indeed.
His Difciples wondring, that Xenocrates,fevere all his life time,
had faid fomething that was pleaſant, Do you wonder (faith he)
that Rofes and Lillies grow among Thorns ?
Xenocrates by reafon of his fevere converſation, he adviſed to
facrifice to the Graces.
He uſed to ſay, Prefer labour before idleneffe, unleffe you
eſteem ruſt above brightneffe.
He exhorted the young men to good life, thus; Obſerve the
different nature of vertue and pleafure; the momentary ſweet-
neffe of the world is immediately followed by eternall forrow
and repentance, the ſhort pain of the other by eternall pleaſure.
He ſaid, that it was a great matter in the education of youth,
to accuftome them to take delight in good things; otherwaies,
he affirmed pleaſure to be the bait of evill.
He affirmeth Philofophy to be the true help of the Soul, the
reft ornaments; that nothing is more pleafing to a found minde,
then to fpeak and hear truth, then which nothing is better or
more laſting.
To fome, who demanded what kinde of poffeffions were beſt
to be provided for Children: Thofe ( faith he) which fear nei-
ther ftormes, nor violence of men, nor Jave himſelfe.
To Demonicus, asking his advice concerning the education of
his Son: The fame care (faith he) that we have of Plants, we
muſt
Stob.
Eaert.vit.Xen.
1
'
PLATO.
40
muft take of our Children; The one is Labour, the other Pleas
fure. But we muſt take heed that in this we be not too fecure,
in that too vigilant.
To Philedonus, who blamed him that he was as Studious to
learn as to teach, and asked him bow long ke meant to be a Difciple?
as long faith he, as I am not ashamed of growing better and "wi-
fer.
Being demanded what difference there is between a learned
Man and an unlearned, the fame faith he, as Betwixt a Phyfitian and
a Patient.
>
He faid, Princes had no better Poffeffions then the familiarities of
fuch men who could not flatter, that wisdom is as neceſſary to a Prince
as the Soul to the Body. That Kingdoms would be most happy,if either
Philofophers Rule, or the Rulers were infpired with Philofophy, for no-
thing is more pernicious then power and arrogance accompanied with ig-
norance. That Subjects ought to be fuch as Princes feem to be. That a
·Magiftrate is to be esteemed a Publick not a private good. That not a
part of the Common-wealth, but the whole ought to be principally
regarded.
Plut. Sympos.6. Being defirous to take off Timotheus Son of Conon, Generall of
the Athenians,from ſumptuous Military Feaſts; he invited him
Elian.var.hift. into the Academy to a plaine moderate Supper, fuch as
prafat.
quiet pleafing fleeps fucceed with a good temper of body. The
next day Timotheus obferving the difference, faid, They who
feaſted with Plato were the better for it the next day; and meet-
ing Plato, faid unto him; Your Supper, Plato, is as pleasant the next
morning as overnight, alluding to the excellent difcourfe, that had
paſt at that time.
Hence apears the truth of that Poet's faying, who being de-
rided for acting a Tragedy,none being prefentbut Plato,anſwered,
but this one perfon is more then all the Athenians befides.
TH
CHAP. XII.
His Will and Death.
Hus continuing a fingle life to his end, not having any
Heirs of his own, he bequeathed his Eftate to young Adi-
mantus, (probably the Son of Adimantus, his ſecond Brother
by his will; thus recited by Laertius.
2
Theſe things Plato hath Bequeathed and difpofed, The Eniphiftidean
grounds bordering North, on the high way from the Cephifian Temple
South on the Heracleum of the Eniphiftiades, Eaft on Archeſtratus the
Phrearian, weft Philip the Cholidian, this let it not be lawfull for any
man to fell or alienate, but let young Adimantus be poffeffour thereof in
as
"
1
PLATO.
41
as full and ample manner as is poffible. And likewise the Entrifiadaan
Farm which I bought of Callimachus, adjoyning on the North to Eu-
rymedon the myrrinufian, on the South to Demoftratus Xypeteron,
on the Ɛaft to Eurymedon the Myrrinufian, on the weft to Cephiffus;
Three mine of Silver; a Golden Cup weighing 160. a ring of Gold,
and an earing of Gold, both together weighing four drachmes and three
oboli Euclid the Stone-Cutter oweth me three Mina, Diana, I remit
freely, I leave Servants, Ticho, Bictas Apolloniades, Dionyfius
Goods, whereof Demetrius keepeth an Inventory. I ow no man any
thing, Executors, Softhenes, Speufippus, Demetrius, Hegias, Eu-
rimedon, Callimachus, Thrafippus..
If this Will be not forged, that of Apuleius is falfe, who a- Dogm. Plat.
verrs the Patrimony he left was a little Orchard adjoyning to the Acade-
my, two fervants, and a Cup wherein he fupplicated to the Gods; Gold no
more then he wore in his ear when he was a boy, an Emblem of his
•Nobility..
He died in the 13th year of the Reign of Philip King of Macedon, Laert.
in the firſt of the 108.Olympiad; the 81. (according to Hermip-
pus, Cicero, Seneca, and others), of his age (not as Athenaus the
82.) which number he compleated exactly, dying that very day
whereon he was born; For which reafon the Magi at Athens ſa-
crificed to him, as conceiving him more than man, who fulfilled
the moſt perfect number, nine multiplyed into it felf.
He died only of age, which Seneca afcribes to his temperance Epift. 1, 58.
and diligence; Hermippus faith, at a Nuptiall Feaft; Cicero faith,
as he was writing; they therefore who affirm he dyed (as Phere-
cydes) of lice, do him much injury; upon his Tomb thefe Laert.
Epitaphs.
The fifft.
1
whoſe Temperance and Juſtice all-envies
The famed Ariftocles here buried lies ;
If wisdom any with renown indued,
Here was it most, by envy not purfued.
The fecond.
Earth in her bofom Plato's body hides,
His Soul amongst the deathleffe Gods refides
Arifto's Son; whofe fame to ftrangers Spread,
Made them admire the facred life he lead.
Another later.
Eagle, why art thou pearchi upon this ftone,
And gazeft thence on fome Gods starry throne ?
I Plato's Soul to Heaven flown repreſent,
His body buried in this Monuments
L1
Phavorinus
PLATO
42
A
* See alſo Stob.
lib.13.
Phavorinus faith, that Mithridates the Perfian fet up Plato's
ftatue in the Academy with this Inſcription;
?
MITHRIDATES SON OF RHODOBATES,
THE PERSIAN, DEDICATED THIS I
MAGE OF PLATO,MADE BY SILANION TO
THE MUSE S.
T
CHAP. XIII,
His Diſciples and Friends.
་
"
*
HE Fame of this Scool attracted Difciples from all parts:
of whom were
Speufippus an Athenian, Plato's Sifters Son, whom he ſaid he re-
formed by the example of his own life.
Xenocrates a Chalcedonian, Plato's beloved Diſciple, an imita-
tour of his gravity and magnanimity: Athenæus faith, hee was
first the onely Difciple of Afchines, and relief of his poverty, fe-
duced from him by Plato.
*
Ariftotle a Stagirite, whom Plató ufèd to call a Colt, forefce-
ing that he would ungratefully oppofe him, as a Colt having
fuckt, kicks at his Dam: Xenocrates was flow, Ariftotle quick in
extremity, whence Plato faid of them, what an Affe have I, and
what a horſe to yoak together.
}
Philippus an Opuntian, who tranſcribed Plato's Laws in wax;
to him fome aſcribe Epinomis.
Heftiaus a Perinthian.
Dion a Syracufian; whom Plato exceedingly affected, as is evi-
dent from his Epigrams; feeing him in the height of honour, all
mens eyes fixt upon his noble actions hee adviſed him to take
heed of that vice, which makes men care onely to pleaſe them-
felves; a confequent of folitude.
Amyclus (or as Elian, Amyclas ) a Heracleote.
* Eraftus and Corifcus Scepfians.
r,༢,!, ༠༥
น
1
Pithon, whom Ariftotle calls Paron, and Heraclides Anians.
Temolaus a Cyzicene.
Euamon a Lampfacene.
Hippothales and Callippus, Athenians.
Demetrius of Amphipolis.
Heraclides of Pontus.
{
an,
Two women, Lafthenia a Mantinean, and Axiethia a Phliaſi-
who went habited like a man.
Theophrastus, as fome affirm.
་
i
Oratours, Hyperides, Lycurgus, Demofthenes. Lycurgus ( faith
Philiftus
PLATO.
43
Philistus) was a perſon of great parts, and did many remarkable
things, which none could perform, who had not been Plato's
auditor. Demofthenes, when he fled from Antipater, faid to Archi-
as, who counſell'd him to put himſelfe into his hands, upon pro-
miſe to fave his life; Farbe it from me to chooſe rather to live ill,
than to die well, having heard Xenocrates and Plato diſpute of the
Soules immortality.
Mnefitratus a Thaſian.
To theſe reckoned by Laertius, add Ariftides a Locrian.
Eudoxus a Gnidian, who at a great Feaft made by Plato, firft
found out the manner of fitting in a circular form.
Hermodorus, of whom the Proverb, Hermodorus traffiques in zenib.
words.
Heracleodorus, to whom Demosthenes writing, reprehends him,
that having heard Plato, he neglected good arts, and lived difor-
derly.
lib. 11:
**Euphratus, who lived with Perdiccas King of Macedonia, in fo* Athen. deipri.
great favour, that he in a manner ſhared command with him.
Euagon of Lampfacum.
Timaeus of Cyzicum.
Charon of Pellene.
Athen. Ibid.
Athen: Ibid.
Athen. Ibid.
* Ifocrates the Oratout, with whom Plato was very intimate:* Laert.
Praxiphanes publiſhed a diſcourſe they had together, in a field of
Plato's, who at that time entertained Ifocrates as a Gueſt.
After, Phádrus, Alexis, Agatho, young men, whom Plato parti-
cularly affected, as appears by his Epigrams.
* Ariftonymus, Phormio, Mededimus, his familiar friends, already * chap, io.
mentioned.
A
ASP
CHAP. XIV.
His Æmulatours and Detra&tours.
Difcié
S Plato's eminent learning gained on one fide many
ples and admirers, fo on the other fide, it procured him nra-
ny emulators, eſpecially amongſt his fellow Difciples, the fol-
lowers of Socrates, amongst thefe,
+
Xenophon was exceedingly difaffected towards him; they emu
lated each other, and writboth upon one ſubject; a Sympoſium,
Socrates his Apologie, morall commentaries: One writ of a
Commonwealth, the other, the Inftitution of Cyrus: which book
* Plato notes as commentitious, affirming Cyrus not to have been* In Legib.
fuch a perfon as is there expreft. Though both writ much con-
cerning Socrates, yet neither makes mention of the other, except
Xenophon once of Plato, in the third of his Commentaries.
Antisthenes being about to recite fomething that he had writ-
ten
1
為
​PLATO.
44
ง
ten, defired Plato to be prefent; Plato demanding what he meant
to recite, he anſwered, that to contradict is not lawfull. How
come you, faith Plato, to write upon that fubject ? And thereupon
demonftrating that he contradicted himselfe, Antifthenes writ a
Dialogue against him, intituled Satho.
r
Ariftippus was at difference with him,, for which reafon (in
Phadone) he covertly reproves Ariftippus, that being near at Æ-
gina when Socrates died, he came not to him. He writ a book of
the luxury of the antients; fome afcribe the amatory Epigrams
to his invention, his defigne in that treatife being to detract from
eminent perfons, amongst the reft from Socrates his Mafter, and
Plato and Xenophon his fellow Difciples.
Afchines and Plato alfo difagreed: fome affirme, that when
Plato was in favour with Dionyfius, Efchines came thither very
poor, and was defpifed by Plato, but kindly entertained by Ari-
stippus : But the Epiftle of Efchines put forth by Allatius, expref-
feth the contrary. The difcourfe which Plato relates, betwixt
Crito and Socrates in Priſon, Idomeneus faith, was betwixt Socrates
+ and Eſchines; by Plato, out of ill will to Efchines, attributed to
Crito. But of Efchines he makes not any mention in all his works,
except twice flightly; once in Phadone, where he names him a-
mongſt the perfons prefent at Socrates his death; and again in his
Apology fpeaking of Lyfanias his Father.
f
fo
Phado, if we credit the detractions of Athenaus, was ſo much
maligned by Plato, as that he was about to frame an indictment
againſt him, to reduce him to that condition of fervitude, out of
which, by the procurement of Socrates, he had been redeemed;
but his defigne being diſcovered, he gave it over. Befides his
condiſciples
13.1
Diogenes the Cynick derided his Laws, and affertion of Ideas;
concerning the firft, he asked if he were writing Lawes? Plato
affented. Have you not written already a Commonwealth, faith
Diogenes? Yes, anſwered Plato. Had that Commonwealth Lawes,
faith Diogenes? Plato affirmed it had. Then, replyed Diogenes,
a Laert. vit. what need you write new? Another time, Diogenes faying, he
could fee the things of the world,but not Ideas: Plato anfwered,
that is no wonder, for you have, and ufe thofe eyes, which be-
hold fuch things: but the minde, which only can fee the other,
you uſe not..
Diog.
b Laert.
c Seneca.
d Laert.
*
a
Þ. Molon, in detraction from him, faid, It was not strange Dio-
nyfius fhould be at Corinth, but that Plato fhould be at Sicily.
C
ત
From thefe private differences, arofe many fcandalous impu
tations, forged and fpread abroad by fuch as envyed or maligned
him: as, That he profeft one thing, and practifed another: that
he loved inordinately After, Dion, Phædrus, Alexis, Agatho, and
Archeanalla, a Curtefan of Colopho: That he was a calumnia-
fTzetz.Chiliad' tour, envious, proud, a gluttonous lover of Figgs that he was
e Athen.
the
PLATO.:
45
the worſt of Philofophers a parafite to Tyrants, and many other
accuſations alike improbable: from theſe the Comick Poets and
others took liberty to abufe him; & Theopompus in Autochareg Laert.
for one is none,
And two (as Plato holds ) is hardly one.
Anaxandrides in Thefeo,
When Olives be (like Plato ) doth devonri
Timon,
As Plato feignes, in framing ↳ wonders skill’á z
Alexis in Meropide,
Aptly thou comeft, I walking round could meet
(Like Plato)nothing wife; but tir'd my feet.
And in Anchilione,
Thou speak ft of things thou understands not ge
To Plato, hence Nile and onyons know :
Amph in Amp hicrate,
what good from hence you may expect to rise,
I can no more then Plato's good comprife;
Andin Dexidemide,
Da
•
*
4
Plato thou nothing knowft, but how gris como: Jagrit
To look fevere and knit the brow.
Cratylus in Pfeudobolymao,
ร
"A man thou art, and hast afoul, but this
with Plato not fure, but opinion is.
Alexis in Olympiodoro.
My body mortall is grown dry,
My foul turn'd air that cannot dys
Taught Plato this Philofophy?
Andin Parafito.
Or thou with Plato ravft aloně.
} AA.
i Ephippus in Naufrago, objects to Plato and fome friends of
his, that corrupted with money they detracted from many perfons that
they went proudly habited, and they took more cure of their outward beau-
ty, then the most luxurious: See Athenæus, lib II
TH
CHAP. XV.
His Writings.***
2
h St.
A
i Athen lib.11.
HE writings of Plato are by way of Dialogue; of the In-
vention of Dialogue we have already ſpoken; now of the a Chap.
Nature thereof.
A Dialogue is compofed of pueſtions and anſwers Philofophical
M m
of
}
1
46
PLATO.
A
}
or Politicall, aptly expreffing the Characters of thoſe perfons
that are the fpeakers in an elegant ftile; Dialectick is the art of
difcourfe, whereby we confirm or confute any thing by queftions
and anfwers of the difputants.
Of Platonick diſcourſe there are two kinds, Hyphegetick and Exe-
getick, ſubſcribed thus,
SLogick.
STheoretick. Phyfick.
Hyphegetick Practick. Ethick:
Politick.
.\
SMajeutick
Gymnastick, Phyfick.
Exegetick
Agonistick, Endeitick.
Anatreptick.
{ M.S
we know where there are other divifions of Dialogues; as into
dramatick Narrative mixt: but that divifion is more proper to
Tragedy then to Philoſophy
h
XaioĜlk i
104.
A
A
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and pia has st900) ?
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csm, indolu AQ.
Of Plato's Dialogues are
Phyfick, {Timeus.
Logick,
Ethick,
yon (
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The Politick..
Cratylus.
Parmenides.
1
The Sophift-
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Epiftles.
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Hipparchus
The Rivalls.
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PLATO.
47
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+
Politick,
The Common-wealth.
The Lawes.
Minos.
Epinomis.
The Atlantick.
Alcibiades.
Maieutick, Theages.
1
i....
Lyfis.
Laches.
Euthyphron.
Menon.
Piraftick, Jon.
*
Charmides.
The atetus.
chat Endeiðick, § Protagoras.
'
Euthydemus.
Hippias 1.
L
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LignatrepHippias 2.1
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It being much controverted ( continueth Laertius) whether
Plato doth dogmatize, fome affirming, others denying it, it will
be neceffary to fay fomthing thereupon. Ayuarie to dogma-
tiſe is to impofe a Doctrine, as role to impote a Laws A
Doctrine is taken two waies, either for that which is Decreed,
or the Decree it felf; That which is Decreed is a propofition,the
Decree it felf an impofition. Plato,expounds thofe things which
he conceiveth true: Confutes thofe which are falle, fuf-
pends his opinion in thofe which are doubtfull. He afferts what
he conceiveth true under one of thefe four perfons, Socrates, T
maus an Athenian Gueft, an Elian Gueft; The Guelts are not,
as fome conceive,Plato and Parmenides, but imagined nameleffe
perfons, as what Socrates, Timaus peak, are the Decrees of Plato.
Thoſe whom he argüeth of falsehood are Thrafymachas, Callicles,
Polus, Gorgias, Protagoras, Hippias, Euthydemus, and the like.
TOL
In Argument he often ufed induction of both Sorts. Induction
is a difcourfe, which from certain truths Collects, and inferreth
a truth like to thofe Of Induction there are two kinds, one from
Contraries, another from Confequents: From Contraries, as
when he who is queftioned, anfwercth in all things contrary to
himſelf, as thus; My Father is either the fame with yours,or
not
}
J
1
48
&
PLATO.
I
not the fame, if therefore thy Father be not the fame with mine,
he is not my Father: and again, if a man be not a living crea-
ture, he is ſtone, wood, or the like, but he is neither ſtone nor
wood, for he hath a foul, and moveth himſelfe, therefore he is a
living creature; if a living creature, a dog and an Ox. This kind
of induction by contraries, ferves not for affertion, but confuta-
tion: Induction by confequents is two-fold; one, when a fingu-
lar being fought, is concluded from a fingular, the firft proper
to Oratours, the ſecond to Logicians; as in the firft, the queſtion
is, Whether ſuch an one were a murtherer, it is proved from
his being bloody at the fame time. This induction is Rhetoricall
for Rhetorick is converfant in Singulars, not in univerfalls; it
inquireth not after juftice, but after the feverall parts thereof:
the other is Dialectick, whereby Univerfalls are concluded from
Singulars, as in this queftion; Whether the Soule be immortall
and whether the living are of the dead, which is demonſtrated
in his Book of the Soul, by a generall Maxime, that contraries
proceed from contraries, this being generall, is proved by fin-
gulars, as, waking fucceeds fleeping, the greater the leffer, and
fo on the contrary. Thus he ufeth to confirm what he afferts.
$
>
Thrafylus faith, he publiſhed his Dialogues according to the
tragick Tetralogie: His genuine Dialogues are fiftie fix, his
Common-wealth divided into ten, they make nine Tetralogies,
reckoning his Commonwealth one Book, his Lawes another.
The firſt Tetralogie hath a common fubject, declaring what is the
proper life of a Philofopher: every Book hath a two-fold title;
one from the principall perfon, the other from the fubject.
}
*
น
The first.
The fe-
cond.
The third.
The
fourth.
Euthyphron, or of Piety: Piraftick.
Socrates his Apologie: Ethick.
2
Crito, or of that which is to be done: Ethick.
Phado, or of the foul: Ethick.
Cratylus; or, of right naming: Logick.
The atetus; or, of Science: Piraftick.
The Sophift; or, of Ens: Logick.
The Politick; or, of a Kingdome: Logick.
Parmenides; or, of Idea's: Logick.
Philebus; or, of Pleafure: Ethick.
The Sympofium; or, of Good: Ethick.
Phædrus; or of Love: Ethick.
*
Alcibiades 1. or, of human Nature: Majeutick.
Alcibiades 2. or, of Prayer: Majeutick.
Hipparchus; or, the Covetous : Ethick.
The Rivalls; or, of Philofophy: Ethick.
J 2
}
The
PLATO.
49
The fift
11
The fixt
the
The
feventh
i
Theages; or of Philofophy: Majeutieks)
Charmides; or, of Temperance: Piraltick.
Laches; or, of Fortitude? Majeutick.ga
Lyfis; or, of Friendſhip: Majeutick.
t
A. 206
Euthydemus ; or, the Litigious: Anatreptick.
Protagoras; or the Sophift: Endei&tick.
1
Gorgias; or, of Rhetorick: Anatreptick.. Apibiti
Menon; or, of Vertue: Piraftick.
*
Hippias firft, or, of Honeft: Anatreptick.
Hippias fecond; or, of Falfe: Anatreptick.
Jo, or of Ilias: Piraftick.
Menexenus; or, the funerall Oration Ethick:
Clitophon; or the Exhortation: Morall.
The eight The Commonwealth; or, of Juſt: Politick.
Timaus; or, of Nature: Phyfick.
Critias; or, the Atlantick: Ethick.
Minos ; or, of Law: Politick.
Lames; or, of Legiflation: Politick..
)
it
207.
A
The ninth Epinomis; or, the Nocturnall convention; or, the
Philofophers Politick.
J
(Epiftles thirteen, Ethick, in the infcriptions whereof
he ufeth & dagen. Cleon xaigon. to. Aristodemus one;
to Architas two; to Dionyfius foure; to Hermias, Era-
ftus, and Corifcus one; to Leodamas one; to Dion one;
to Dions friends two. Thus Thrafilaus.
Others, of whom is Ariftophanes the Grammarian, reduce his
Dialogues to Trilogies, placing in
The Common-wealth.
The firſt
Timæus.
Critias.
The fe-
cond
The Sophifter.
The Politick..
Cratylus.
Lawes.
The third Minos.
Epinomis.
Theatetus.
The.
fourth
Euthyphron.
Apology.
N
誓
​1
The
1
}
ト
​***
50
b Cicer.Tufc.
quast.2.
c Epigr.
The fift.
Critos
Phado
PLATO,
oustso
WE
t
Epistles Thereft fingle without order
1
Some, as we faid, begin with Alcibiades major, others from
Theages, others from Euthyphron, others from Chitiphon, others
from Timaus, others from Phædrus (which they fay was the firſt
Dialogue he wrot, as the fubject it felfe feemeth to confirme,
which favours of youth; and therefore Dicearchus condemnes it
as too light to which cenfure Cicero agreeth, as conceiving, he
afcribeth too great a power to Love) others begin with Theate-
tus, many with his Apologie.
!
He mentions not himfelfe in all his writings, except once in
his Phado, and another time in his Apologie for Socrates. At the
recitall of his Phado, all, but Ariftotle rofe, and went away.
The efficacy of that Dialogue (which treats of the immortality
of the Soule) is evident from Cleombrotus of Ambracia, who, affoon
as he had read it, was ſo diſaffected to life, that he threw him-
felfe from a high wall into the Sea; upon whom thus Callima-
chus,
Cleombrotus cries out, farewell this light,
And beadlong throwes himselfe int'endleſſe night :
Not that he ought had done, deferving death,
But Plato read, and weary grew of breath.
A
}
The Dialogues generally noted as fpurious (not to fay any
thing of his Epinomis, though fome aſcribe it to Philippus the O-
puntian) are theſe,
Midon, or the Horſe-courfer.
Erixias, or Erafiftratus.
Alcyon.
Acephali, or the Sifyphi.
Axiochus.
Phaaces.
Demodochus.
Chelidon.
The feventh,
Epimenides.
Of theſe Alcion is afcribed by Phavorinus to Leon.
His ftile, Ariftotle faith, is betwixt Profe and Verfe. He ufeth
variety of names, that his work may not eafily be underſtood by
the unlearned. He conceiveth wiſdome properly to be of intel-
lectuall things, Knowledge of reall Beings converfant about God,
and
!
5t
PLATO.
and the foul ſeparate from the body. Properly, he calleth Philofo-
phy wifdome, being the appetition of divine Knowledge; but, com-
monly he calleth all skill knowledge, as an Artificer, a wife man.
He likewife ufed the fame names in divers fignifications; pauλ☺,
which properly fignifies Evill, he uſeth for Simple, as Euripides
in his Lycimnius of Hercules,
καλη
2
φαύλον άκομψον ταμέγις αγαθον.
The fame word Plato fometimes takes for honeft, fometimes for
little. He likewife ufeth divers names to fignifie the fame thing:
Idea he uſeth both for fpecies and genus; Exemplar,both princi-
ple and caufe. Sometimes he uſeth contrary expreffions to figni-
fie the fame thing; Senfible he calleth a being and no being; a be-
ing, as having been produced; no being, in relpect of its conti-
nuall mutation. Idæa, neither moveable nor permanent, the fame
both one and many. The like he ufeth often in other things.
The method of his diſcourſe iş three-fold: firft, to declare
what that is which is taught; then for what reaſon it is afferted,
whether as a principall caufe, or as a compariſon, and whether
to defend the Tenent, or oppugne the contrary. Thirdly, whether
it be rightly ſaid.
The marks, which he uſually affixed to his writtings, are
theſe.
X
denotes Platónick words and figures.
♪way, Doctrines and opinions proper to Plato ;
XX,
XX mensypávov, Choice expreffions.
διπλή περιεστημένη, Corrections.
ößerⒸ maiestyuivo, Things fuperfluous.
ἀντισίγμα περιεςηγμένον, Double fignification or ufe.
mirov, Philofophicall inftitution.
asien, agreement of opinions.
, Improbation. Hitherto Laertius.
There are two Epiftles under Plato's name, beſides thoſe in his
works, already mentioned, one in Laertius his life of Architas.
Plato to Architas,
.
He Commentaries which came from you, we received with extra-
Tordinary content, infinitely admiring the writer, who appears to us
a person worthy of those antient predeceffors; for thofe men are said to be
Myreans of thofe Trojans, which were baniſhed in the time of Laome-
don, good men, as Tradition Speaks them. Thofe Commentaries of mine,
concerning which you write, are not yet polifhed; however as they are, I
have ſent them to you, in the keeping of them we agree both, fo as I need-
not give you any
directions. Farewell.
Another publiſhed by Leo Allatius amongst the Socratick
Epiftles.
I
P
}
1
52
PLATO.
d Laert. An-
sol.3. 6.27.
e Laert.
I had not any of those things to fend to Syracuſe which Archytas
defired to receive by you; as foon as poffible I will fend to you. Philofophy
bath wrought in me I know not whether good or bad, a hatred of con-
verfing with many persons, justly, I think, fince they erre in all kind of
folly as well in private as publick affairs; but if unjustly, yet know 1
can hardly live and breath otherwife. For this reafon I have fled out of
the City, as out of a Den of wild Beasts, hiving not far from the Epheftia-
des, and the places thereabouts.I now fee, that Timon hated not men, he
could not affect Beasts, therefore lived he alone by himself, perhaps not
without danger. Take this as you please; my refolution is to live far from
the City, now and for ever hereafter, as long as God fhall grant me
life.
f Laert. Anthol.
4.33.26,
In Poefy he writ,
Dithyrambs.
An Epick Poem,
Four Tragedies, all which (as we faid) he burned.
The Atlantick story, of which thus Plutarch; Solon begun the At-
lantick ſtory (which he had learnt of the Priests of Sais, very proper for
the Athenians) but gave it over by reason of his old age, and the large-
neffe of the work. Plato took the fame argument, as a wast piece of fer-
tile ground fallen to him by hereditary right; He manured it, refined
it, enclosed it with large walls, Porches and Galleries, ſuch as never any
Fable, or Poem had before; but because he undertook it late, be was
prevented by Death. The more things written delight, the more their
not being perfected is For as the Athenian City left the
Temple of Jupiter; fo Plato's wisdom, amongst many execllent wri-
tings, left the Atlantick argument alone imperfect.
ད་ བ་མསྶཾ
Epigrams, of which theſe are extant in Laertius, and the
Anthologie.
F
Upon one named After.
d The Stars,my Star,thou view ft; Heav'n I would be,
That I with thousand eyes might gaze on Thee.
e
Upon his Death.
A Phoſphor 'mongst the living late wert thou,
But ſhin'ft among the dead a Hefper now.
Epitaph on Dion, engray'd on his Tomb at
Siracufe.
f Old Hecuba the Trojan Matron's years
were interwoven by the Fates with Tears;
But thee with blooming hopes my Dion deckt,
Gods did a Trophy of their pow'r erect.
Thy honour' dreliques in their Country rest,
Ah Dion! whoſe love rages in my breast.
On
PLATO.
53
1
On Alexis.
& Fair is Alexis, i no sooner faid,
when every one his eyes that way convey'd
My foul (as when fome dog a bone we ſhow,
who fnatcheth it) loft we not Phædrus fo?
On Archeanaſſa.
h To Archæ'naſſa, on whofe furrow'd brow
Love fits in triumph, I my ſervice vow;
If her declining Graces ſhine ſo bright
1
what flames felt you, who faw her noon of light?
i
On Agathon.
My Soul, when I kifs'd Agathon, did ſtart
up to my lip, just ready to depart.
To Xantippe.
An Apple 1 ( Love's emblem) at the throw,
Thou in exchange thy Virgin-zone bestow..
If thou refuse my fuite, yet read in this,
How ſhort thy years, how frail thy Beauty is.
I caft the apple, loving thofe love thee,
* Xantippe geeld, for foon both old will be.
m
¹On the Eretrians vanquish'd by the Perfians:
we in Eubæa born Eretrians arė
Buried in Sufa from our Country far:
Venus and the Muſes.
Virgins (faid Venus to the Muſes) pay ·
Homage to us, or, Love fhall wound
Love ſhall wound your Hearts:
The Mufes anſwer'd, take thefe toyes away,
Our Breafts are proof against his childish darts.
Fortune exchang❜d.
• One finding Gold in change, the halter quits,
Miſſing his Gold, tother the halter knits:
Ön Sappho.
PHè, who believes the Muses Nine, mistakes;
For Lesbian Sappho ten their number makes.
Time.
9 Time all things bring to paffe, a change Greates
In Names,in Formes, in Nations and in States:
Death
g Eaert. An-
Bhol.3.33.44.
h Laert.
i Laert.
Anthol.
1 Herod.lib. 6.
m Laert.
n Latri.
Laert. Anthol.
84.1.
PAnth, 1, 67.
13.
¶ Anth.1.19.
}
PLATO.
54
r Anthol. 3.22.
3.
f Anth.3.22.6.
Death.
"That is a Plough-man's grave,a Sailor's this ;
To Sea and Land alike Death common is.
t
t Anth.3.22.7.
u Anth.4.12.8.
* Anth.4: 12.9
xAnth.4.12.19
y Anth.4.12.
74.
On one Shipwrack'd.
,
{The cruell Sea, which took my life away
Forbore to strip me of my last array :
From this a covetous man did not refrain
Ading a crime so great for fo fmall gain 3
But let him wear it to the fhades, and there
Before great Pluto in my cloaths appear.
Another.
* Safely (O Saylors) preſſe the Land, and wave,
Tet know, ye paffe a Shipwrack'd perfons grave.
L
On the Statue of Venus.
" Paphian Cythera, fwimming croffe the Main,
To Guidas came her Statue there to fee,
And from on high, furveying round the plain
where could Praxiteles me spy? (faith bee)
He faw not what's forbidden mortall Eyes 2
'Twas Mars's Steel that Venus did incize.
Another.
1
1
* Not caro'd by Steel, or Praxitele's fam’dband:
Thus nak'd before the Judges did't thou stand.
X
Love fleeping.
within the Covert of a shady Grove,
We faw the little red-cheek'd God of Love.
He had nor Bow nor Quiver, thofe among
The neighb'ring Trees upon a bough were hung :
Upon a Bank of tender Rofe-buds laid
He, (fmiling) flept; Bees with their noife invade
His rest, and on his lips their honey made.
Pan Piping.
Y Dwell awfull Silence on the shady Hills
Among the bleating flocks, and purling rills,
when Pan the Reed doth to his lip apply,
Inspiring it with facred Harmony,
Hydriads, and Hamadryads at that found
In a well order'd measure beat the ground.
६
1
1
PLATO.
55
"
}
1.
1 f
▼
On the Image of a Satyre in a Fountain and
Z
Love fleeping.
A skilfall hand this Satyre made ſo near 100Ɑ z Anth.4, 12,
To life, that only Breath is wanting here:
I am attendant to the Nymphs Before
I fill'd out purple mine, now water poore
who ere thou art com'ft nigh, tread foftly, lest
You waken Love out of his pleasing reft.
a
Another 10
² On horn'd Lyæus I attend,
And powke the Areams thefe Nayads lend,
whoſe adife Lov's flumber doch befriends
Another.
This Satyre Diodorus did not make,
(re
But charme afbeeps if prick'd he will awake.
On a Seal,
+
1
96.
buifilang
a Anth.4.12.
97.
Anth.4.12.
102.
tał qd
4
Five Oxen grazing in a flow'ry Mead, publi
·A Jasper feak done to the life doth bold,
The little herd away long fince hadfled,
^. We'rt not inclos'd within a pale of Gold.
་
zi' Anh 4.18
•
}
}
曼
​>
1
{
3
7
}
i
11.
1
' F
t
?
+
ALCINOUS
Pans
MIK
56
Э
to
2
THE
•
DOCTRINE OF PLATO
delivered by
ALCINO US
CHAP. E
}
4
of PHITOSOPHT, and bow a Philoſopher must be
qualified.
Sub
f
ba
uch a Summary as this may be given of the Doctrine of Plato.
Philofophy is the defire of Wiſdom, or folution of the foul from
the body, and a converſion to thoſe things, which are true and
perceptible by Intellect. Wisdom, copia, is the Science of things
Divine and Humane. A Philofopber is he who takes denomination
from Philoſophy, as a Muſician from Mufick. He who is to be a
Philofopher, muſt be thus qualified; Firft, he muſt have a natu-
rall capacity of all fuch Learning as is able to fit and bring him
to the knowledge of that effence which is perceptible by Intel-
lect,not of that which is in continual fluxion or mutation. Then he
muſt have a naturall affection to Truth, and an averfion from
receiving falfhood, and befides this, temperate in a manner by
Nature; for thofe parts which uſe to be tranfported with paffi-
ons, he muſt have reduced to obedience by Nature. For whofo-
ever hath once embraced. thoſe diſciplines which are converſant.
in confideration of fuch things as truly exift, and hath addicted
all his ſtudy thereunto, little valueth corporeall pleaſure. More-
over a Philofopher muſt have a liberall mind, for the eſtimation
of mean things is contrary to a man who intended to contem-
plate the truth of things. Likewife he muſt naturally love Juſtice,
for he must be ftudious of Truth, Temperance and Liberality.
He muſt alſo have an acute apprehenfion, and a good memory
for theſe inform a Philofopher, thofe gifts of Nature,if improved
by Diſcipline and Education, make a man perfect in Vertue, but
neglected are the cauſe of the worſt ills. Theſe Plato uſeth to call
by the fame names with the Vertues, Temperance, Fortitude and
Fustice.
C
1
CHAP.
1
PLATO.
L
al.
CHA P. II.
That Contemplation is to be preferred before Action.
W
Hereas Life is twofold, Contemplative and Active, the chief
Office of the Contemplative confifteth in the knowledge
of truth, as of the Active, in the practice of thofe things which
are dictated by Reafon. Hence, the Contemplative life is firſt, af-
ter which as neceffary followeth the Active. That it is fo, may
eafily be proved thus. Contemplation is ari Office of the intelleét
in the underſtanding of Intelligibles: Action is an operation of
the rationall Soul, performed by meditation and fervice of the
body. For the Soul, when it contemplateth the Divinity and the
notions thereof,is faid to be beſt affected. This affection is called
godi, wifdem, which is nothing elfe but an affimilation to the
Deity. This therefore ought to be efteemed the firſt and princi-
pall, as being moſt expetible and proper to man; for there are no
impediments that can hinder it from being within our power,
and it is cauſe of our propofed end. But Active life, and the pra-
&ife thereof, chiefly making ufe of the mediation of the body,
are many times obftructed; Wherefore thoſe things which the
Contemplative life confiders in order to the reformation of the
manners of men, a Philofopher, as often as neceffity requireth,
fhall tranfferr to Action. Then fhall a good man apply himſelfe
to the adminiſtration of Civill Affairs, "when he feeth them ill
managed by others. He must look upon the leading of an Army
adminiſtration of Justice and Embaffies, as things neceffary. The
inftitution of Laws, ordering the Common-wealth,the compref-
fure of Seditions, education of youth in Diſcipline, are the
chiefeft, and, among thofe things which relate to Action, of
greateſt confequence. Hence is it manifeft, that a Philofopher
muſt not onely be perfeverant in Contemplation, but alſo cheriſh
and increaſe it, ſometimes giving himſelf to Action as an atten-
dant upon Contemplation.
>
}
CHAP III.
The three parts of Philofophy.
THe ftudy of a Philofopher feemeth according to Plato to be
converfant chiefly in three things, in the Contemplation and
knowledge of things, in the Practice of Vertue, and in Difputation.
The Science of things that are, is called Theoretick, of
P
thoſe
+4
58
PLATO.
thoſe which pertain to Action, Practick; the difputative part, Di-
aleЯtick.
LAH
Dialectick is divided into Divifion, Definition, Induction and 'syl-
·logifme & Syllogifme into the poder tick, which concerneth neceffa-
ry ratiocination; and Rhetoricall, which concerneth Enthymeme,
called an imperfect ratiocination; and lastly into Sophifmes. This
the Philofopher muſt look upon, not as the chiefeft but a neceffa-
ry part.
Of Pradick Philofophy, one part is converfant about Manners,
another orders Families, the laſt takes care of a Commonwealth.
The firſt called Ethick, the fecónd, Oeconomick, the third,
Politick.
*
Of Theoretick Philofophy, one part enquires into things immu-
table and divine, and the firft caufes of things; this is called
Theologies another the motion of the ſtars,the revolution and refti-
tution of Celeſtial Bodies, and the conftitution of the world.
This is called Phyfick. That whereby we enquire Geometrically
and thoſe other difciplines which are called unthuara, is termed
Mathématick.
Philofophy being thus divided, wee muſt firſt according to Plato
Ipeak of the Dialedick part, and in that, firft of the Fudi-
ciarie.
}
WTH
(
CHAP. IV:
DIALECTICK.
Of the Judiciary part.
Hereas there is fomthing that judgeth, fomthing which is
judged, it is neceffary alfo that there be fomthing which
is made of both thefe,properly called Judgement. This Judgement
may not unfitly be termed Judiciary, but more commonly that
which judgeth. This is twofold; one,from which; another by which
judgement is made. That is intelle&t; this the naturall Organ ac-
commodated for judgement; primarily of true things; feconda-
rily of falſe; neither is it any thing but naturall reafon. To explain
this more fully, of things which are, a Philofopher who judgeth
the things themſelves, may be called a Judge ; reafon likewife is a
Judge, by which truth is judged, which even now we called an
Organ.
A
Reafon is twofold, one incomprehenfible and true; the other is
never deceived in the knowledge of thofe things which are.
The firſt is in the power of God, not of man, the ſecond in
that of man alfo. This likewife is twofold, the firft Science
and ſcientifick reaſon; the ſecond Opinion. The firſt hath certitude,
and
J
PLATO.
59
and stability, as being converſant in things certain and ſtable.
The ſecond, fimilitude of truth and opinion, as being converſant in
things fubject to mutation. Of fcience in Intelligibles, and opini-
on in fenfibles, the principles are Intellection and Senfe.
Senfe is a paffion of the foul by the mediation of the body, firſt,
declaring a paffive faculty. When through the Organs of fenfe,
the fpecies of things are imprefs'd in the foul, fo, as they are not
defac'd by time, but remain firm and lafting, the confervation
thereof is called Memory,
J
Opinion is the conjunction of memory and fenfe; for, when
fome object occurreth, which can first move the fenfe, thereby
fenfe is effected in us, and by fenfe memory. Then again is the
fame thing objected to our fenfe, we joyne the precedent with
the confequent fenfe, and now fay within our felves, Socrates, a
Horſe, Fire, and the like: This is termed opinion, when we joyme
the precedent memory with the late fenfes when thefe agree
within themſelves, it is a true opinion, if they difagree, a falſe; for,
ifa man, having the fpecies of Socrates in his memory, meet with
Plate, and think, by reafon of fome likeneffe betwixt them phe
hath met Socrates again, and afterwards joyne the ſenſe of Plato,
which he took, as it were, from Socrates, with the memory which
he preſerved of Socrates, there willarife a falfe opinion.
1
That wherein ſenſe and memory are formed, Plato compareth
to a tablet of wax, but when the foul by cogitation reforming thefe
things, which are conceived in opinion by memory and fenfe,loo-
keth upon theſe as things from which the other are derived:
Plato fometimes calleth this picture and phames Cogitation he
calleth the foules diſcourſe within her felfe: Speech, that which
floweth from the Cogitation through the mouth by voice. Intel-
lectron is an operation of the Intellect, contemplating firſt Intelli-
gibles. It is two-fold, one of the foul, beholding Intelligibles be-
fore the cometh into the body; the other of the fame, after the is
Immers'd in the body: The first is properly called Intellection; the
other, whilſt ſhe is in the body, is termednaturall knowledge, which
is nothing but an intellection of the foul confined to the body.
When we fay, Intellection is the principle of Science, we mean
not this latter, but the other, which is competible to the foul in
her feparate ſtate, and, as we faid, is then called Intellection,
How naturall Knowledge. The fame Plato termeth fimple Know-
ledge, the wing of the foul; fometimes Reminiscence.
,
Of thefe fimple Science's confifteth Reaſon, which is born with
tis, the efficient of naturall Science; and as reaſon is two-fold
Scientifick, and opinionative, fo Intellection and Senfe. It is like-
wife neceffary that they have their objects, which are Intelligibles
and Senfibles: And for afmuch as of Intelligibles, fome are Primary,
a's Ideas, others Secondary, as the Species, that are in matter, and
cannot be ſeparated from it. Intelle&tion likewiſe, muſt be two-
fold,
PLATO.
J
fold, one of Primaries, the other of Secondaries. Again, forafmuch
as in Senfibles, fome are Primary, as qualities, colour, whiteneffel,
others by accident, as white coloured, and that which is concrete,
as fire: in the fame manner is Senſe, firſt, of Primaries, ſecond, of
Secondaries. Intellection judgeth primary Intelligibles, not with-
out Scientifick knowledge, by a certain comprehenfion without
difcourfe. Secondaries the fame fcientifick reafon judgeth, but
not without Intellection. Senfibles, as well Primary as Seconda-
ry fenfe, judgeth, but not without opinionative reafon. That
which is concrete, the fame reafon judgeth, but not without
fenfe. And fince the Intelligible world is the Primary Intelligi
ble, the fenfible fomething concrete, the first Intellection judgeth
with reaſon, that is, not without reafon: The other opinionative
reafon not without fenfe, whereas there is both contemplation
and action; right reafon difcerneth not in the fame manner thofe
which are fubject to contemplation, and thoſe which are fub-
ject to action: In contemplation it confidereth what is true, what
falfe; in things that belong to action, what is proper, what im-
proper, what that is which is done. For, having an innate, know-
ledge of that which is good and honeft, by uſing reaſon, and ap-
plying it to thoſe naturall notions, as to certain rules, we judge
whether every thing be good or bad.
}
•
>
។ 1
OF
•
CHAP. V.
་་་
"
WUK B
The Elements and Office of Diale&tick.
F Dialectick, the first and chiefeft. Element according to
Plato, is, firft, to confider the effence of every thing; next,
the accidents thereof. what a thing is, it confiders, either from its
fuperiors, by divifion and definition, or contrariwife by Analyſis.
Accidents which adhere to fubftances, are confidered, either from
thoſe things which are contained by induction, or from thoſe
which do contain by Syllogifme.
Hence the parts of Dialectick are thefe, Diviſion, Definition, Ana-
lyfis, Induction, Syllogifme.
Óf Divifions, one is a diftribution of the Genus into Species,
and of the whole into parts; as when we divide the Soule into
the rationall part, and the irrationall; and the latter, into the
concupifcible and the irafcible. Another is of a word into divers
fignifications, when the fame may be taken feverall waics. A third
of accidents, according to their fubjects; as when we fay of good,
fome belong to the foul, fome to the body, fome are externall.
The fourth of fubjects, according to their accidents, as of men
fome are good, fome ill, fome indifferent. Divifion of the Genus
into its Species, is firſt to be uſed, when we examine the effence
of
1
,
1
PLATON
61
of a thing, this cannot be done but by definitions.
Definition is made by Divifion in this manner, we muſt take
the Genus of the thing to be defined, as that of man, living crea-
ture; that we muſt divide by the next differences, defcending to
its fpecies, as fadhall, and irrationall, mortall, and iminortall.
Thus by adding the first difference to the Genus, is made the de-
frition of man.
Of Analysis there are three kinds, one by which we afcend from
Senfibles to primary Intelligibles, another whereby we afcend
by demonftrates and fubdemonftrates, to indemonftrable imme-
diate propofitions. The laft, which from fuppofition proceedeth
to thoſe principles which are taken without fuppofition.
The art kind is thus, as if from that Beauty which is in the
body, we ſhould proceed to that of the minde, from that to an-
other converfant in the offices of life, thence to that of Lawes, and
fo at laſt to the vaft ocean of Beauty, that by thefe fteps, as it
were, we may arrive at the fight of the fupream Beauty,
The fecond kind of Analyfis is thus; We muft fuppofe that
which we feek, and confider thoſe which are precedent, demon-
Atrating them by progreffion, from inferiours to fuperiours, untill.
We arrive at that which is firft and generally granted': From
which, beginning anew, we return fynthetically to that which
was fought. As for example, I enquire whether the Soul be im-
mortall, and fuppofing it to be fo, I enquire whether it be al-
waies moved. This being demonftrated, I again enquire, whe-
ther that which is alwaies moved, is moved by its felfe, which
being again demonftrated, we examine, whether that which is
moved by its felfe, be the principall of motion. Lastly, whether
a principall is ingenerate; this, as moft certain, is admitted by
all. That which is ingenerate, is alfo incorruptible; whence, as
from a thing moft certain, we collect this demonſtration. If a
Principle be ingenerate and incorruptible, that which is moved
by its felfe is the principle of motion; but the foul is moved by
its felfe, therefore the foul is incorruptible, ingenerate, and im-
mortall.
The third kind of Analyſis upon fuppofition is this; He who
enquireth after a thing, firft, fuppofeth that thing, then obferves
what will follow upon that fuppofition. If a reafon for the fup-
poſition be required, affuming another fuppofition, he enquireth,
whether that which was firft fuppofed, follow again upon an-
other fuppofition: This he alwaies obferveth, untill he come at
laft to that principle, which is not taken upon fuppofition.
Induction is every method by reaſon, which proceedeth either
from like to like, or from Singulars to Univerfalls:. It is of great
efficacy to excite naturall notions.
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PLAT 0.
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Of
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CHAR. VI
Of Propofitions and Argumentations.
that ſpeech which we call a Propofition,there are two kind
Affirmation and Negation, Affirmation, as Socrates walkerh;
Negation, as Socrates walketh not.
Of Affirmative and Negative Propofitions, ſome are Univer-
fall, others Particular: Aparticular affirmative is thus, Some plea-
fure is good; a particular negative is, fome pleafure is not good.
An Univerfall affirmative, all difhoneft things are ill; an univerfall
negative, no diſhoneſt thing is good.
Of Propofitions, fome are Categoricall, fome Hypothetical the
Categoricall are fimple, as every juſt thing is good: Hypothett
call import confequence or repugnance.
Syllogifmes are ufed by Plato, either to confute or demonftram
to confute, what is falfe by interrogation, to demonſtrate what
is true by declaration. Syllogifm is a fpeech, wherein fomethings
being laid down, another thing befides thofe which are laid
down, is neceffarily inferred from them.
Of Syllogifmes fome are Categoricall, fome Hypotheticall, fome
Mixt: Categoricall are thofe whofe fumptions and conclufions are
fimple propofitions. Hypotheticall are thofe which confiſt of Hy
potheticall Propofitions: Mixt, which conclude both.
$
Plato uſeth demonftrative arguments in thofe Dialogues, where-·
in he explaineth his own doctrines Probable against Sophifts and
young men; Litigious againſt thofe who are properly called Eri
ftick, as Euthydemus and Hippias.
Of Categoricall Syllogifmes there are three figures; the fift
is, that wherein the common extream is firft the prædicate, then
the fubject. The fecond, when the common extream is prædicate
in both: the third, wherein the common extream is fubject in
both. Extreams are the parts of a Propofition, as in this, Aman is
a living creature, man and living creature are the extreams, Plato
often argueth in the firſt, ſecond, and third figures; in the firſt,
as in Alcibiade;
Fuſt things are honest,
Honeft things are good,
Therefore just things are good.
In the fecond, as in Parmenide, aş,
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That which hath no parts is neither straight nor crooked,
But whatſoever bath figure is either straight or crooked,
Therefore, whatsoever bath not parts, hath not figure.
In
PLATO
63
In the third thus, in the fame book,
Whatſoever bath figure is qualitative,
whatſoever hath figure is finite,
Therefore what foever is qualitative is finite.
Like wide by Hypotheticall Syllogifme Plato often difputech,
chiefly in Parmenide thus, :
·
If one hath not parts, it hath neither beginning,endspor middle,
But if it have neither beginning,end,nor middle, it hath no bound,
and if no bound, no figure,
?
Therefore if one hath no parts, it hath no figure. ·
In the Second Hypotheticall figure, ordinarily called the third,
wherein the common extream is fubject in both he argueth thus,
If one bath not parts, it is neither straight nor crooked,
it hath a figure, it is either ftraight or crooked,
defore
berefore if it hath no parts, it hath no figure..
•
In the Third figure by fome called the fecond, wherein the
common extream twice precedes the other two, he thus argues,
in Thadones
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If having the Knowledge of Equality we forget it not, we know, but
if we forget it, we have recourfe to Reminiscente, &c.
་
Mixt Syllogifmes which conclude by confequence, he uſeth
thus;
A
If one it whole and finite, that is, having beginning, middle and
end; it hath figure alfos
But the Antecedent is true,
Therefore the Confequent.
Of thoſe affo which overthrow by confequence, the differences
may be gathered out of Plato.
Thus when a man hath diligently understood the faculties of
the mind, the various differences of men, the feverall kinds of
reaſoning which may be accommodated to this or that, and to
what perfons fuch and fuch reaſons are to be uſed, he, meeting
with an opportunity fuiting with his purpoſe, will become a per-
fe&t Orator.
The reafons of Sophifmes and captious arguments are, if we ob-
ferve narrowly, expreffed by Plato in Euthydemo, for there is de-
clared which are in words, which in things, and how they are to
be folved.
The ten Prædicaments are touched by Plato in Parmenide, and
in
I
64
PLEATO. A
4
in his other Dialogues;the place of Etymologies is fully fet down
in Cratylo. To conclude, hee was fingularly admirable for divifi-
on and definition, wherein the greatest force of Diale&tick con-
fifteth.
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The Summe of that which he faith in Cratylo, is this; Hee en-
quireth whether Names are by the power and reaſon of Nature
or by impofition. He concludeth that the rectitude of names is by a
certain impofition, not temerarious or cafuall, but feeming to fol
low the nature of the things themſelves; for rectitude of names is
nothing but an impofition confonant to the nature of the thing:
Hence every impofition of names is not fufficient for rectitude
neither the nature nor first found of the voice, but that which is
compoſed of both; fo as every name is conveniently and pro-
perly applyed to the thing. For any name appylyed to
any thing will not fignifie tightly as if wee fhould im-
pofe the name of horfe upon man. To fpeak is a kind of Acti-
on; Not he that fpeaketh any way fpeaketh rightly, but he who
fpeaketh fo as the nature of the thing requireth. And for as much
as expreffion of names is a part of fpeaking, as Noun is a part of
Speech, to name rightly, or not rightly, cannot be done by any
impofition of names, but by a naturall affinity of the name with
the thing it felf. So that he is a right impofer of names, who can
expreffe the Nature of the things in their names; for a name is
an Inſtrument of the thing, not every inconfiderate name, but
that which agreeth with its nature. By this benefit we communi
cate things to one another, whence it followeth, that it is no-
thing elſe but an inftrument accommodated to the teaching and
difcerning of a thing, as a weavers fhuttle to his Webbe. It be-
longeth therefore to a Dialectick to uſe names aright; for as a
Weaver uſeth a ſhuttle rightly, knowing the proper ufe thereof
after it hath been made by the Carpenter; fo the Dialectick
rightly uſeth that name which another hath made. And as to
make a Helm, is the office of a Shipwright, but to ufe it rightly
of a Pilot; fo he who frameth names, fhall impofe them rightly,
if he do it as if a Dialectick were prefent, who underſtandeth
the nature of thoſe things which are fignified by the names. Thus
much for Dialectick.
WE
CAAP. VII.
Of THEORETICK Philofophy.
***
•
E come next to Theoretick Philofophy, whereof one part
Theologick, another Phyfick, a third Metaphyfick. The end
of Theologie is the knowledge of primary Caufes: Of Phyfick, to
underſtand the nature of the Univerfe, what kinde of creature
man is, what place he holdeth in the world, whether there be a
divine
PLOAT O
65
M
divine Providence over all things, to which there are other Gods
fubordinate, how men are in refpect of them. The end of Mathe,
-matick is, to know the nature of a fuperficies and a folid, and to
confider the motion and revolution of celestiall bodies, the con
templation whereof muſt firſt be propoſed in briefe, Thus Plato
ufern to confirm the acuteneffe of the minde, for it ſharpeneth
the underſtanding, and rendreth it more ready towards the con-
templation of divine things. That which confidereth Numbers,
being likewife a part of Mathematicks, conferreth not a little to
the underſtanding of things that are; It frees us from the
errour and ignorance which attend fenfible things, and condu-
ceth to the right knowledge of the effence of things: It likewife
renders a man expert in military affairs, eſpecially towards the
ordering of an Army by the fcience of Tacticks. Geometry alfo
conferreth much towards the understanding of good it felfe, if a
man purſue it not only for mechanicall dimenfion, but that he
may by the helps thereof afcend to things which are not, bufying
himfelfe about thoſe which are in continuall generation and
motion. Stereometry likewife is exceeding ufefull, for after the
fecond accretion followeth this contemplation, which holdeth
the third room. Aftronomy alfo is uſefull as a fourth diſcipline,
whereby we confider the motions of Heaven and the Starres,
and the author of night and day, months and years. Thus by a
familiar kinde of way, finding out him who made all thefe, and
by thefe difciplines, as from certain rudiments or elements pro-
ceeding to things more fublime. Likewife Mufick is to be learnt,
woich relateth to hearing; for, as the eyes are created for Aftro
nomy, fo are the ears for Harmony: and as when we apply our
felves to Aftronomy, we are led from vifible things, to the divine
myifible effence; fo when we receive the Harmony of voice in at
our cars, from audible things, we aſcend by degrees to thoſe
which are perceived by Intellect, unleffe we purfue Mathema-
ticall difciplines to this end, the contemplation thereof will be
imperfect, unprofitable, and of no value. We must therefore pre-
fently proceed from thofe things which are perceived by the
eyes and ears, to thofe which reafon only difcerneth, for, Mathe-
matick is only a preface to divine things. They who addict them-
felves to Arithmetick and Geometry, defire to arrive at the
knowledge of that which is, which knowledge they obtain no
otherwife then as by a dream, but really they cannot attain it
becauſe they know not the principles themfelves, nor thoſe
things which are compounded of the principles: nevertheleffe,
they conduce to thofe things which we mentioned; wherefore
Plata will not have fuch difciplines to be called Sciences. Dia-
lectick method proceeds in fuch manner, that by Geometricall
Hypotheſes, it aſcendeth to firſt principles, which are not taken
upon Hypotheſes. For this reafon he calleth Dialectick a Science;
RE
but,
66
PLATO
}
but, Mathematick, neither opinion, becauſe it is more perfpicu-
ous then fenfible things; nor a Science, becauſe it is more obfcure
then firft Intelligibles: But, the opinion of Bodies, the fcience of
Primaries, the contemplation of Mathematicks.
He likewife afferteth Faith and Imagination: Faith, of things
ſubject to ſenſe; Imagination of Images and Species.
Becauſe Dialectick is more efficacious then Mathematick, as
being converfant about divine eternall things, therefore it is put
before all Mathematicks, as a wall and fortification of the reſt.
ᏙᏙ
Inco
CHAP. VIII.
of firft matter.
J
E muft next give a brief account of Principles, and thoſe
things which belong to Theologie, beginning at the
firſt, and from thence defcending to the creation of the world;
and contemplation thereof, whereby at laſt we come to the crea
tion and nature of man.
To begin with matter; this he calleth the receptacle, marfe, mo
ther, place, and fubject of all Images, affirming that it is touched with-
out fenfe, and comprehended by an adulterate kinde of reafon. The
The pro-
perty thereof is to undergo the generation of all things, and to
cheriſh them like a Nurſe, and to admit all formes, being of her
own nature expert of all form, quality, and fpecies: Theſe things
are imprinted and formed in her as in a Table, and the admitteth
their figures, not having of her felfe any figure or qualitie. For,
ſhe could not be fit to receive the impreffions of feverall forms
unleffe The were wholly void of all quality, and of thofe formes
which the is about to receive. They who make fweet Unguents
of Oyle, make choice of that byle which hath the leaft fent; they
who would imprint any figures in wax, firſt ſmooth and polith
the matter, defacing all former figures. It is requifite that mat
ter capable of all things, if it muft receive all formes, muſt not
have the nature of any one of them, but muſt be ſubjected to all
formes, without any qualitie or figure; and being fuch, it is nei-
ther a body nor incorporeall, but a body potentially, as Braffe
is potentially a Statue, becauſe then it becomes a Statue, when it
puts on the form thereof.
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CHAP. IX.
Of Ideas.
Hereas matter is a Principle, Plato likewiſe introduceth
other principles befides matter. One as an exemplar Ideas;
another Paternall, God, the Father and Author of all things.
Idea, as to God, is the notion of God, as to us, the primary Intelli-
gible, as to matter, a manner, as to this fenfible world an Exem-
plar, as to it felfe, Effence. For whatſoever is made with under-
Landing, muft neceffarily be referred to fomething, as if fome-
thing be made from another, as my picture from me, the exem-
plar thereof must be prefuppofed, and if there be nothing eter-
nall, every Artift conceiveth it firft within himſelfe, then tranſ
ferreth the formes thereof into matter.
They define Idea an eternall exemplar of things which are
according to Nature; for, the greater part of Platonifts will not
allow an Idea to be of things that are made by Art,as of a Shield,
of Lute, nor of things which are præternaturall, as of a Feavour,
or unnaturall Choler; nor of fingulars, as of Socrates or Plato
nor of vile abject things, as of filth or ftrawes; nor of relatives, as
of greater and longer: For Ideas are the eternall notions of God,
perfect in themſelves.
That there are Ideas, they prove thus: Whether God be Intel-
leet or fomething Intelligent, he muſt have his Intelligibles, and
thofe eternall and immovable; if fo, there are Ideas. For, if mat-"
ter it felfe be in it felfe void of meaſure, it is neceffary that it re-
ceive meaſure from fome fuperiour, that is wholly remote from
matter: But the Antecedent is true, therefore the confequent;
and if fo, there are Ideas, certain meaſures void of matter. A-
gain, if the world were not made by chance, it muſt only be
made of fomething, but by fomething, and not only fo, but after
the likeneffe of fomething; but, that after whofe likeneffe it was
made, what is it but an Idea? whence it followeth, that there are
Ideas. Again, if intellect differ from true opinion, that which
is intelligible differeth from that which is opinionable; and if fo,
there are intelligibles diftinct from opinionables, wherefore
there are firft Intelligibles, as well as firft Senfibles, whence we
couclude there are Ideas.
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PLATO.
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CHAP. X.
Of God.
1
E come next to ſpeak of the third principle,which Plato,
though he think it almoſt ineffable, conceiveth may bee
exprefs'd in this manner. If there are intelligibles; and thofe nei-
ther fenfibles, nor coherent with fenfibles; but adherent to firft
Intelligibles, then are there firft fimple Intelligibles, as there are
firft fenfibles; the Antecedent is true, therefore the confequent.
But men fubject to perturbation of fence, when they would con-
template fomthing intelligible, prefently fall upon the thought
of fomthing fenfible, whereby at the fame time they imagine
magnitude, or figure, or colour, and therefore cannot understand
this fincerely: But the Gods being void of corporeall mixtion
underſtand purely and fincerely. Now becauſe the Intellect is
better then the Soul, and that Intellect which is alwaies in act,
and at once underſtandeth all things, is better then that Intellect
which is in power, and of thefe, that is moft excellent which is
the cauſe of the other, and fuperiour to all; This can be nothing
elfe but God,whom we call the firft, as being the Caufe that the
Intellect of the Word alwaies acteth. He,being himself immove-
able, acteth upon the Intellect of the World, as the Sun upon the
Eye, when it turn eth towards him. And as that which is defired
moveth the Appetite it felf remaining immoveable; fo doth this.
Intellect move the Intellect of all Heaven. Now this firft Intel-
lect being moſt fair, muft have the moft fair Intelligible; butno-
thing is fairer then it felf, therefore it alwaies underſtandeth it
felf, and its own notions, which Act is called Operation.cz,
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Moreover, God is first,eternall ineffable, perfect in himself; that is,
needing none, and ever perfect,that is,abfolute in all times,and eve
ry way perfect, that is,abfolute in every part, Divinity, Effence, Truth,
Harmony,good.Neither do wefo name thefe,to diftinguish one from
the other,but rather by them all to underſtand one.He is faid to be
Good, becauſe he beſtoweth his benefits upon all according to their
feverall capacities, and fo is the caufe of all goods. Fair, becauſe
he is in his effence both more and equall. Truth becaufe, he is the
principle of all truth, as the Sun of all light. And Father, as being
cauſe of all things, and adorning the mind of Heaven and Soule
of the World after his own exemplar and notions. For accor-
ding to his own will hee filled all things with himſelf, exciting
the Soul of the World, and converting it to himſelf, for hee is
cauſe of that Intellect, which being adorned by the Father
dorneth alſo the Nature of all this World. He is likewiſe ineffa-
ble, and as we ſaid, can only be perceived by the mind, for he is
neither genus nor ſpecies, nor difference, neither can any acci-
1
a-
dent
"
PLATO.
69
dent be applyed to him. He is not ill, for that it were impiety
to affirm'; nor good, for fo he fhould be termed if he were meanly
or highly participant of goodneffe. Nor difference, for that cannot
be made according to the notion of him, nor qualited, for he is
not made that which he is by quality, nor perfected thereby.Nor
void of quality, for he is not deprived of any quality that apper-
taineth to him. Nor part of any thing, nor as a whole conſtituted of
parts nor as the fame or divers, for nothing can happen to him
whereby he may be diftinguished from others; Neither doth he
move, or is he moved.
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-
Hence the first apprehenfion of him is by abstraction from theſe
things, as wee underftand a point by abſtraction from fenfi
bles, confidering firft a fuperficies: then a line, then a point. The
fecond is by Analogie in this manner. As the Sun is to fight and
visible things, himſelf not being fight,yet affording the one to fee
the other to be feen, fo is the first Intellect to that Intellect,
which is in our Soule, and to thoſe things which it un-
derftandeth. For, it felf is not the Intellect, yet it perfecteth
in theſe the Act of Intellection to thoſe it affordeth that they
are underfood, enlightning that truth which is in them. The
third way to underſtand him is thus: when a man behold-
eth that Beauty which is in Bodies, hee proceedeth to that
which is in the Soul, then to that which is in Offices and Lawes :
Lafely to the vaft Ocean of Beauty, after which, he confidereth
that which is good it felf, amiable it felf, expetible it ſelf, which
hineth like a light, and meeteth the Soul,that which afcends un-
tofit by theſe degrees. By this he comprehendeth God himſelf
through reafon of that excellence, which confifteth in adoration
of him. He confidereth God void of parts, for nothing was before
him a part, and that of which forthing confifteth is precedent to
that whereof it is a part, for a fuperficies is before a body, and
a line before a fuperficies. Moreover God not having many parts,
can neither be locally moved, nor altered by qualities. For if hee
be altered, it muſt be done by himself, or fome other; if by fome
other, that other muſt be of greater power then he; if by himſelf,
it muſt be either to better or to worse, both which are abfurd.
From all thefe it followeth that God is incorporeal, which may
likewiſe be proved thus. If God were a body, he thould confift
of matter and form; for every body confifteth of matter, and its
form joynes to that matter, which is made like unto the Idæa's,
ad in an ineffable manner participant of them; But that ſhould
confift of matter and form is abfurd; for then he could not bee
either fimple or a Principle; therefore he is incorporeall. Again,
if he be a body,he confifteth of matter, and confequently is either
fire or air, or earth, or water, or fomthing made out of thefe;
but none of theſe is principle by it felfe; befides, he must then bee
later then matter, as confifting of it, which being abfurd, it is nee
s f
ceffary
70
PLATO.
ceffary that God be incorporeall. Moreover, if he were a body, it
would follow that he must be generable, corruptible, mutable,
which to affirm of God were intollerable.ngi wa ryla
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Of Qualitiesa gan a yaradı
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"Hat Qualities are incorporeally may be proyed this: every bo-
dy is a Subject, quality is not asSubject but an accident, egere
fore quality is not a body. Again, nobody is ina fubject every
quality is in a Subject, therefore quality is noba body. Again,
quality is contrary to quality, but no body as nobody is contrary
to a body; therefore qualities are not bodies. Toomit, thacin is
moſt agreeable to reafon, that as matter is void of quality fo
quality fhould be void of matter,aud if quality be void of matter,
muft likewiſe be void of corporoity for if qualities were bo
dies, two or three bodies might be together in the fame place,
which is abfurd.
Qualities being incorporeal,the maker of them muftbe incorpos
reall alfo; moreover there can be no efficients, but in corporeals
for bodies naturally fuffer and are in mutation j not continuing
alwaies in manner nor perfevering in the fame ftate. For when
foever they ſeem to effect any thing, we fhall find that they fuffer
it long before. Whence as there is famthing which wholly fuffer
reth,
fa muft there bee fomthing which wholly acteth';
but fuch only is incorporeall
· Thus much concerning principles as far they relate to Theolo
gy; we proceed next to Phyficall contemplations.
>
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CHAP XII.
i
1
11
Of the Cauſes, Generation, Elements, and Order of
Fo
the World.
"
we con-
Orafmuch as of fenfible and fingular things there muft of ne
ceffity be fome examplars, viz.Idea's, of which are Sciences
and Definitions (for befides all particular men,
ceive a man in our mind, and befides all particular horfes a
horſe, and likewife befides all living creatures a living creature
immortall and unbegotten as from one feale are made many
prints, and of one man there may be many Pictures, of all which,
the Idea it felf is caufe that they are fuch as it felf is), it is ne-
A
#
3
ceflary
PLVATO
71
ceffary that this Univerfe, the fairest Fabrick of Gods making,
be fo made by God, that in the making thereof, he look'd upon an
Idæa as its exemplar, whilft by a wonderfull providence and moft
excellent defign God applyed himſelfe to the building of this
frame, because he was good.
God therefore made it of all matter, which beme before the
generation of Heaven, diforderly fcattered; he from a deformed
confufion reduced to beautifull order, and adorned every way
the parts therdof with fit numbers and figures, untill at last he fo
diltinguith them as nowahey are, Fire and Earth to Air and
Water, of which there were then only the footsteps,and a certain
aptitude to admit the power of Elements, and fo without any
reafon or order, they juftled matter, and were juftled again by
matter. She is Dni yuukaudu prot
>
•
900
Thus God framed the World of four entire Elements of
whole Fire and Earth, Water and Air, omirting no power or
part of any of them. For he faith, it must be corporeall and ge
nerated, and fubject to touch and fight; but without. Fire and
Earth nothing can be touched or feen, Wherefore justly he fra-
med it of Fire and Earth, and because it was requifite, there
should be ſome chain to unite theſe, there is a Divine chain,
which according to the proportion of reafon maketh one of it felf,
and thoſe things which are united to it, and the World could
not be plain (for then one medium would have ferved)but fphæ
gicald, therefore there was need of two mediums to the confti-
tution thereof. Betwixt Fire and Earth by the prefcription of this
realon is interpofed Air and water, that as Fire is to Air, fo is
Air to Water, and as Air is to Water, fo is Water to Earth; and
again, as Earth is to Water, fo is Water to Air, and as Water
is to Air, fo is Air to Fire.
•There being nothing remaining beyond the World, God made
the World one, conformable to this Idea, which is one. He like-
wife made it fuch, as that is uncapable of fickneſſe or age. Fot, be-
fides that nothing can befall it whereby it may be corrupted, it is
fofufficient to it felf, that it hath not need of any exteriour thing.
He beftowed upon it a Sphericall figure, as being the faireft, the
moft capacious and apteft to motion, and becauſe it needeth not
hearing or fight, or the rest of the fenfes, he gave it not any Or-
gáns of fenfe. He denied all kinds of motion to be competible to
it, except the circular, which is proper to the mind and to Wif-
dom.
217
}
انال
+
ง
CHAP.
<
72
PLATO
A
r
2:1
CHAP XIII disponi IT
Thara Pala* ta mul kouluw
Of the convenience of figures with the Elements and “>
World………
T
* +
+
He world thus confifteth of two parts, a Soul and a Body
this viſible and corruptible, that neither fubject to fight
nor touch: The power and conſtitution of each is different, the
body confifteth of Fire, Earth, Water, and Aire; which foure,
the maker of the Univerfe (there being untill then nothing more
confuſed then the Elements), formed in a Pyramidă Cube, an
Octaedron, and an Icofaedron, but chiefly in a Dodecaedron. Marter,
as far asit put on the figure of a Pyramid, became Fire, and moun
ted upward: For that figure is the moſt apt to cur and to divide,
as confifting of feweftrriangles, and therefore is the rareft of all
figures. As far as it is an octaedron, it took the qualitie of Aire
Where it took that of an Icofaedron, it became water, The figure
of a Cube Earth as being the moſt folid and ſtaple of all the Ele
ments. The figure of a Dodecaedron, he uſed in the fabrick of the
Univerſe. Superficies come nigher the nature of Principles then all
thefey for they are before folids. Of its nature, therwo Parents
(as it were) are two Triangles, moſt fair and rectangular 5 one a
Scalenum, the other an Ifofceles; a Scalenum is a triangle having
one right angle, the other of two thirds, the laſt of one third.
Ascalenum therefore is the element of a Pyramidy and an › Quaéz
dron, and an Leofaedron. A Pyramid confifteth of foure triangles,
having all fides equall to one another, each whereof is divided
as we laid, into fix fcalenous triangles. The Octaedors confist of
eight like fides, whereof each is divided into fix Scalenums. The
Icofaeders of twenty in the fame manner; but the element of h
Cube is an Ifofceles triangles for foure fuch triangles 'concurring
make a fquare, and fix fquares a Cube. God made ufe of a D
decaedron in the conſtruction of the Univerſe, whence there are
twelve figures of living creatures in the Zodiack, whereof each
is divided into thirty parts. Likewife in a Dodecaedrong which
confifteth of twelve Pentagones, if each be divided into five tri
angles, there are in every one fix triangles, fo that in the whole
Dodecaedron, there will be 360 triangles, as many as there are de
grees in the Zodiack.
*}
+
When matter was put into thofe figures by God, firftit was
moved rudely without order, untill at laſt he reduced it to or-
der, each being conjoyned to one another, and compofed in due
proportion: Neither are theſe diftin&t in place, but are in perpe-
tuall motion, which they give likewife into matter: For, being
ftraitned by the compaffe of the world, and agitated by mutu-
all
P LOAEQ I
73
all juflings, they are drivewy the rare alwakes into the region of
the folid, whence nothingis left vacuous nothing void of body,
The inequality which amaneth among them caufeth con-
vulfion, for matter is agitated amongst them, and they recipro
cally by matter i bie di
3
noth v..
*
901
*}
1
CHAP. XIV
1. ORAL ALU
1
1
421
131 7
MATTO
6 i
·
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Of the Soul of the World, the Sphears and Stars. ✨
>
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ps.
>
Rom Bodies hee alloweth that we collect the powers of the
Soul, for leeing that we difcern all things by the Soul, hee
juiftly placed the principles of all things therein, that whatfoever
Thould occur, we might contemplate it by that which is of kin and
neighbour unto it, and attribute an effence thereunto confonant
to the functions. Then therefore he called one fubftance intelli-
gible and indivifible; he placed another divifible amongſt bodics,
to fignifie that the knowledge as well of the one as of the other
may be had by Intellect. And knowing that in things intelligi-
ble and fenfible, there is identity and diversity, he fitly compofed
the Soul out of all thefe, For, either the like is known by the like,
as the Pythagoreans hold, or, as Heraclitus the Naturalift,unlike al-
wales by unlike.
ન
That he would that the World ſhould be generate; we muſt
not to underſtand, as if there fhall be any time wherein the world
is not, but in as much as it alwaies peritheth in generation, and
declareth, that there is fome more excellent and principall caufe
of its effence.
CATTO
}
{
The foul of the world which was from all eternity, was not made
by God, but only adorned by him, in which refpect he is fome-
times faid to have made it, for that he exciteth it, and converteth
the mind thereof, as out of a profound fleep unto himſelf, that
beholding his intelligibles and affecting his notions,it fhould from
thence receive Species and form, whence it is manifeft, that the
World was endued by God, both with a Soul and mind. For,in-
tending it to be the beſt, he muſt have made it animate and in-
telligent, fince an animate thing is more excellent then an inani-
mate, and an intelligent then an unintelligent; perhaps the mind
alſo could not fubfift without a Soul.
This Soul,being diffuſed from the Centre of the world to the
extreams, comprehendeth the whole body of the World, fo as it
is extended throughout the Univerfe, and in that manner
joyneth and conferveth the whole. The externall prefide over
the internall, for they are not divided, but theſe are divided into
feven Circles; from the firſt diſtributed according to duple and
Tt
triple
1
74
PIATOI A
triple Intervalls, That which is comprehended by the indiviſible
Iphear, is correfpondent to it, that which is divided to the other.
For the motion of Heaven which comprehendech allthings, be
ing not uncertain, is one and ordinate but that of the things
within it, is changeable, varied by rifing and fetting y whelice
called Planetary. The outermoft fphear moveth to the right
hand from Eaft to weft, the innermoit contrariwifey storthe left
hand from weft to East, meeting the World..
God framed alfo the Stars and conftellations; fome fixed for:
the Ornament of Heaven and might, very many in number. The
Erratick are leaven, forying for number and tithe and the illumi-
nation of all things; for time is an intervall of the motion of the
World as an image of eternity, which is the measure of the fate
of the eternall World. The Planers are not of equall power the
Sun is the leader of all, who illuminateth and theweth all things
to the eye, Next the Moon, which in refpece of her power harh
the fecond place. The rest of the Planets, each according to their
feverall proportions The Moon maketh the measure of a Month,
in that fpace compleating its circle, and overtaking the Sun. The
Sun, meaſureth the few for running through the circle of the
Zodiack, he compleateth the foalons of the year. Of the other
ſtarts each hath its proper revolution, with which all men are no
acquainted, but only the Learned. By all thofe revolutions the
abſolute number of time is compleated,when coming all to the
fame point, they are in fuch order as if we should imagine as
right line to be drawn from the fphear of fixed ftars to the Earth,
the Centers of them all would be feen in that line alon
5
atib
24
There being sleven Orbes in the Planetary fphear, the maker
of the World, framed in them feven confpicuous bodies of matter
for the moſt part fiery, and inferted them into the fphears belong
ing to the other Erratick Circle. The Moon he placed in that
Circle which is next the Earth, the Sun in the fecond, the Mor-
ning-ftar, and the facred Star of Mercury in that Orbe which is,
equall in ſwiftneffe with the Sun. The reft higher, each in his
proper fphear. That of Saturn the floweft of all, he placed in that
Orbe which is next to the fixed fars/Second to this is that which
they call the fphear of Jupiter, next that of Mars the eighth
which is the Supream pamen includeth all. Thefe are all living inter
ligent Creatures, and Gods endued with a fphericall figure.
}
1.
*
2
7
IX
17 AMMAL.
*
t
Àtorat tað að
**
Yogade uptonska
21 to 9, ni
HOOD CHAPAT
136
>
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>
1
3
1
OPLATO.
75
Am
guutt s 10.
CAAP.XV
Of Damous and Elements
F }
嬉
​grala téves
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sinot
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2
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11
Hi t
محمية
Here are other Demons alſo which we may call Intelligent
Gods, in each of the Elements partly vilible, partly invifi-
blein the æther, fire air and water that there be not any part
of the World void of Soul, or of an animate creature more ex-
cellent then humane nature. Below thefe are all carthly fubluna-
rythings; God is maker of the World,of all Gods and Demons.
This univerfe by his Divine Wil fhall not be diffolved. Over the
reft his sons prende, who by his command and example order
whatſoever they do. By theſe los, nocturnall vifions, dreams, Ora-
clesize and whatsoever meni deferre to animation is artificially
wrought, gub
Thatzuk is fixed in the mid of all round about the Axle-
tree which paffeth through the midſt of the World. I the ob-
ferver of night and day, the moſt antient of all Gods in Heaven.
Newthe Soul of the World is affordeth us molt muriture; about
it the Heavens move, and ipfelf is a kind of Starre: It remaineth
in improper place which by reafon of its even weight is the
Contheythem the exteriour is divided into the fphear of fixed -
Staurs and that of Planets. Next to thefe is the Airy in the midſt
the Harth with its humidityaung
zat: y 3 bulan
-100cm da polarnip misimi
dikem lo zion in thos
Mamadout alo
41
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Bohmutuatos at CHAP. XVI,
点
​1
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cactus Of the younger Gods makers of men.
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For that all theſe were framed, there remained three kinds
at Creatures which were to be mortall, F'olatile, Aqua-·
tile, and 7 refiniall; the generation whereof he committed to his
Son, left if he himſelf had begotten them, they fhould have been
immortall as well as the relt. They borrowing fome little parts:
from firit matter for a certain time, formed mortall living Crea
tures, and becauſe of Mankind, as being next to the Gods,both the
Father of all things, and his Sons likewife have a particular care,
the Maker of all things fent down himself their Soules into the
earth equall in number to the Starrs, & ha ving impofed each one
his proper Star as a vehiculum, like a Lawgiver, he pronounced
decrees unto them, that he himſelf might be inculpable, which
2
was
+
1
76
PDAFO.
was that there ſhould ariſe mortall affections from the body, firſt
fenfes, next pleaſure, then grief, and fear, and anger, which thofe
foules that thould overcome, and not fuffer themſelves to be
tranſported by them, fhould juſtly be accounted Victors, and at
the laſt return to their proper Star, though they which should be
tranſported by injuſtice, fhould in the ſecond generation under
goe the lives of women, wherein if they ceafed hot from their
wickedneffe, they ſhould at laft tranfmigrate into the Nature of
brute Beafts, the end of thefe Labours fhall then be when the
have overcome the innate affections of the body and then return
to their proper habit
* 9:
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*
* }
}
CHAP. XVII.
Of the Body, and parts of man, and Powers of the
Sonl.
2012 J
+
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​- t
The Gods firft formed man of Earth, Fire, Air and Water,
borrowing fome parts from matter, (to be reftored in their
due time) which they fo connected to one another by fegrettes,
as that of all thefe they framed one body. The moft excellent
part of the foul that was fent down from Heaven, they placed
in the Head, for which as a manured Field they prepared the
Brain. About the face they difpofed Organs proper for fenfe;
Marrow they made of ſmooth ftraight triangles, of which the E-
lements were formed, that it should be the Origine of prolifick
feed. Bones they formed of Marrow and Earth, the Earth moist-
ned, and often dipt in Water and Fife. He is compounded of
falt and ſharpe, as of a kind of ferment. Marrow they encloſed
with bones, bones with finenes inſtead of chaines, that by thefe in-
flexions the knitting of the joints might be plyant. Over thefe as
a cover is extended the Skin, partly white, partly black, for
beauty and uſe. Of thefe likewife confift the internall bowells,
and the belly, and the inteftines,every where rolled about it.And
from the mouth above the afpera arteria, and the efophagus, of
which one commeth down to the ftomack; the other to the
Lungs. Meat is digefted in the belly by fpirit and heat,and thence
diftributed to the whole body according to their feverall conſti-
tutions. The two veines paffing along the fpine of the Back, meet
and croffe at the head, where they fpread into many parts.
Thus when the Gods had made man, and given him a foul as
the Miftreffe of his body, they placed the principall part of that
foul to which Reaſon appertaineth, in the head. Whence is de-
rived marrow and finewes, and by the different affection of this,
the
1
}
O PLATO.
77
ཉ་
1
{
the minde likewife is altered, Moreover they gave him
fenfes,as the attendants of Reafon, and the power of judging and
contemplating with Reafon. Thofe parts of the foul, which are
moved by meaner affections, they feated in lower places; the ira-
fcible part in the heart, the concupifcible about the belly, and
the parts next to the Navell, of which hereafter.
Ako
J
ی تر
al
K
CHA P. XVIII.
of fight.
1
}
Fter that the Gods had placed the eyes (conduits of light)
Ain the face, they included in them a fiery light, which being
the
ſmooth and in ſome manner thick, they conceived of kin to diur-
nall light. This breaketh forth every where at the Eyes,but chief-
ly through the Eye-balls, as being there moſt pure and clear.
This agreeing with the externall light, as like with like affordeth
the fehle of fight, whence in the night, when the light vanifheth
and is obfcured, this ray of ours no longer mingleth with the im-
médiate air'; but, on the contrary, withdrawing it felf inwards,
fiooths and diffufes the motions that are in us, and fo bringeth
on fleep, whereby the eyelids are fhut. If it bring much reft, the
fleep is httle difturb'd with dreams, but if there remain any moti-
ons behind, we are troubled with many illufions. In this manner
phamtafies, whether true or falſe, arife: Of the fame Nature are
images, which we ſee in glaffes,or other ſmooth pellucid bodies,
which exift only by reflection. For, as the glaffe is concave or
Convex, or oblong, the object is differently reprefented to the be-
hölder. The light being reflected to other parts, thoſe which
are difperfed in convex meet in the concave, for in fome, the
Fight and left fides feem quite inverted, in others alikes in others,
Those which are upwards feem downwards,and on the contrary,
thore which are downwards, upwards.
upwardsampai kil
0077 278 uta
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CHAP. XIX i emmagad ɔɔnline
Of the rest of the Senfes.
Faring is given for the perception of voice, it arifeth from a
motion made about the head, and fetteth in the liver. Voice
is that which paffeth through the ears, brain, and bloud to the
V u
Soul
78
PLATO.
7
Soul. A fharp voice is that which is moved fwiftly, deep which
flowly, great which much, ſmall which little.
Next followeth the fenfe proper to the Noftrills, perceptible
of odour. Odour is an affection which paffeth from the veines of
the Noftrills to the parts of the Nawell. The Species thereof
have no name, except the two that are moft common, pleaſant,
and unpleaſant, commonly called fweet and ſtinking. All Odour
is more thick then Air, more thin then Water ; for Odour is pro
perly faid to be of thoſe things which have not yet received
per-
fect mutation, but confift of a communion of Air and Water
as ſmoke and miſts.For,by the refolution of theſe into one another,
the fenſe of ſmelling is made.
Taft was made by the Gods to be the judge of different fa-
vours. Hence are veines extended to the Heart, by which feveral
favours are examined. Theſe Veins by dilating or contracting
themſelves feverally according to the Sapors prefented to them,
difcern their differences. The differences of Sapours are ſeven
fweet, fharp,fowre, picqueant, falt, acid, bitter; the Nature of
Tweet Sapour is contrary to all the reft, for by its power it footh-
eth and pleaſeth the moisture of the tongue, whereas of the reft
fome difturb and difpell it, as acute Sapors, fome heat, and fly
upwards,as the hot; others being abfterfive, diffolve it, as the bit-
ter; others are by degrees purgative and abfterfive,as the falts
Of thefe fome contract the paffages; they, which do it more
roughly, are called acid, they which more gently, auftere.
The fenfe of touching was formed by the Gods to difcern hot
and cold, foft and hard, light and heavy, fmooth and rough, and
to judge the differences of each of thefe; Yielding bodies, we call
thoſe which yield to the touch, refifting thofe which yield not
this proceedeth from the bafes of bodies, thofe which have large
bafes are firm and folid, thefe which have narrow bafes are
yielding, foft, and easily changed. Rough is that which is uneven
and hard, fmooth that which is plainand thick As warm and
cold qualities are moft oppofite, fo they proceed from the moſt
different cauſes. That which cutteth by the acuteneffe and rough-
neffe of its parts, begetteth a hot affection, that which is more.
thick,in penetration,a cold,whilft the more rare are expelled,and
the more denfe compelled to penetrate into their room. Thence
arifeth a concuffion and trepidation, and (an affection which is
from hence begotten in bodies,) rigof:
>
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الثمان
>
CHAP.
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A
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PLATO
*
A L
CHAP. XX.
mes Of Heavy and Light.
Hplace, nothing
>
Eavy and light ought not to be defined by higher or lower
place, nothing is high or low; for Heaven being abfolutely
round, and its convexe extremity even we cannot term any
thing higher or lower; yet may we call that heavy, which is
hardly drawn to a place different from its Nature, light which
eafily; or, heavy is that which confifleth of moft parts, light of
fewelt.
}
*
A
£ . . :
CHAP. XXI.
1
WE
Of Refpiration
TE breath after this manner. The externall Air compaſſeth
us round about,and paffeth in at our mouth, noftrills, and
inviſible Pores of the body, where being warmed, it floweth back
again to the externall Air, by that part out of which it flowed, it
again thruſteth the externall Air to the interiour. Thus there is
an unintermitted fucceffion of infpiration and expiration.
Of
>
KA
<
CHAP. XXII.
X 40.
Of the Canfes of Difeafes.
>
or
>
F Difcafes Plato alledgeth many cauſes. The firft is defect
or exceffe of the Elements, and a change into places which
agree not with their Nature. The fecond a prepofterous genera-
tion of homogeneall parts, as when of filefn is made blood
choler, or flegme for all theſe are nothing but colliquation
or putrefaction Flegin is anew colliquation of felhg fweat and
tears, are a kind of Serum of flegm. Flegm intercepted in the
outward parts, begetteth Scarfe and Leprofie, in the inward
being mingled with Melancholy, it caufeth the falling-fickneffe.
Sharp,and falt flegme engender thoſe affections which confift in
rigour, for all bodies that are inflamed with choler muſt ſuffer
that. A world of various diſeaſes are engendred by choler and
Flegm.
80
POLYATY.
flegm. As concerning feavours; Plato conceiveth that a continu-
all feavour proceedeth from exceffe of fire, a quotidian from
exceffe of air, a tertian from exceffe of water, a quartan from ex-
ceffe of Earth. It remaineth that we here begin to ſpeak of the
Soul, though not without fome danger of repeating the same
things.
$
CHAP. XXIII.
>
Of the three principall, powers of the Soul.
+
THE Gods, the makers of mortall Creatures,having received
from the firſt God the Soul of Man immortall, added unto it
two mortall parts; yet left the immortall divine part might be
infected with mortall extravagances, they feated as Prince of all
in the tower, as it were of the body, the Head, in figure reſem-
bling the Univerſe. The reft of the body they appointed as a ve-
hiculum to ferve this. To each mortall part they affigned its pro-
per habitation, placing the irafcible in the heart, the concupifci-
ble in the midſt betwixt the Navell and the Diaphragme, bind-
ing it there as a furious favage Beaſt. They framed the Lungs in
refpect of the heart, foft, bloodleffe, hollow, and fpungy, that
the heart being fomthing heated with anger, might thereby be
refrigerated and affwaged; the Liver to excite and allay the con
cupifcible part, having both fweetneffe and bitterneffe, as
likewife for the clearing of divinations which are given by
dreams: for as much as in it by reafon of its ſmoothneffe
fhining and brightneffe, the power which proceedeth from the
mind doth fhine forth. The Spleen was made for the benefit of
the Liver, to purge and cleanfe it; fo that thofe corruptions,
which by fome difcafes, are contracted about the Liver, retire
thither.
>
}
+
+
T
CHAP. XXIV.
Of the diftinction of the parts of the Soul.
Hat the Soul and parts thereof according to their proper.
faculties are threefold, every part appointed by reafon
their ſeverall places, is manifeft from hence. Thofe things which
are feparated by Nature, are divers; paffionate and reafonable
are ſeparate by nature; this being converfant in Intelligibles,that
in
PLATO
81
in things fad or joyful, to omit the paffive part which is common
likewife to bruit Beafts. Now thefe two being diftinct by Nature,
muſt likewife be diftinguifhed by place, becaufe for the moſt
part they diſagree, and are repugnant to one another; but no-
thing can be repugnant to it felf, neither can thoſe things which
are contrary to one another confift together in the fame. In Me-
dea anger feemeth to conteft thus with reafon;
I know what I intend is ill, ·
But anger over-rules my will.
In Laius, when he raviſhed Chryfippus, concupiſcence conteſted
with Reaſon; for fo he faith;
Men to this crime the Gods confine,
* To know the ill that they decline.
Y
That the rationall power is different from the Paffive, is evi-
dent from this, that they ordered by feverall means, one by diſci-
pline, the other by habituall practice.
CHAP. XXV.
Of the Immortality of the Soul.
Hat the Soul is immortall Plato proveth by theſe Arguments.
The Soul to every thing, wherein it is, conferreth life, as be-
ing naturally innate in her felf, but that which conferreth life to
others never admitteth death, but what is fuch is immortall.
L
一览
​The Soul being immortall, is likewife incorruptible, for it is
an incorporeall effence which cannot be changed fubftantially
and is only perceptible by the Intellect, not by the eyes, and is
uniform. Hence it must be fimple, neither can be at any time
diffolved or corrupted. The body is contrary, for it is fubject to
fight and other fenfes, and as it is compounded, fo fhall it again
be diffolved, and it is multiform. When the Soul adhereth to
thofe things which are preceptible by Intellect, it acquiefceth;
Now to that by whofe prefence ſhe is difturbed, fhe cannot poffi-
bly be like, wherefore the is more like to thofe things which are
perceptible by Intellect; but what is fuch is by nature incorrup-
tible and perishable.
Again, the Soul naturally doth prefide over the body, not the
body over the Soul, but that which by nature ruleth and com-
mandeth is of kin to Divinity, wherefore the Soul being next un-
to God, muſt be immortall, not fubject to corruption.
7
X X
Again,
82
PLATO:
Again, Contraries which have no medium, not by themſelves
but by fome accident are fo ordered by Nature, that they may
be mutually made of one another. But that which men call life
is contrary to that which they call death; as therefore Death
is a feparation of the Soul from the body 3 fo islife a conjuncti-
on of the Soul with the body, præexiftent to the Body But if
The be præexiftent,and fhall fubfift after the body,itfolloweth that
The be fempiternall, for there cannot any thing be imagined
whereby the may be corrupted.
Again, if learning be Reminiscence, the Soul muſt be immor-
tall, but that it is reminifcence we prove thus: Learning cannot
otherwiſe confift then by remembrance of thoſe things we for-
merly know. For, if from Singulars we underſtand univerfalls,
how could we diſcourſe by fingulars which are infinite? or how
from a few perceive Univerfalls? we ſhould therefore neceffarily
be deceived, as if we judged that only to be a living Creature
which breatheth; or how could the notions themſelves have the
reaſon of principles. By reminifcence therefore, from fome few
which we have conceived in our mind, we underſtand the reſt
and from fome occurrent particulars we remember thoſe which
we knew long before, but were then given over to oblivion, when
the Soul firſt deſcended into the Body.
{
Again, if the Soul be not corrupted by its own proper ill, nei-
ther can it be deſtroy'd by that or any other, nor fimply by any
ill, and being fuch, fhall remain uncorrupted.
Again, that which is moved in it felf, as being the principle of
motion in thoſe things which are moved, is alwaies moved; that
which is fuch is immortall; but the Soul is moved of it ſelf, that
which is moved of it felf is the principle of all motion and gene-
ration; and a principle is expert of generation and corruption,
wherefore the Soules of men and of the Univerſe it felfare fuch,
for both partake of the fame miftion. He affirmeth the Soul to be
moveable in her ſelf, becauſe it hath an innate life, alwaies ope-
rating by its power.
That rationall Soules are immortall, máy clearly be affèrted
out of Plato ; but whether the irrationall be fuch feemeth doubt-
full; yet is it probable that being guided only by Phantafie,
not endued with reafon or judgement, neither do they contem-
plate any thing, or difcern, or collect from it, nor can they dif-
cern ills, but generally underſtand nothing, nor are of the fame
nature with thoſe Soules which have Intellect and Reafon, but
are capable of dying and being corrupted. For as much as they
are immortall, it followeth that they are put into bodies, being
planted into the formed Nature of Embrio's, and tranfmigrate
into ſeverall bodies as well humane as others, either according to
ſome certain numbers which they expect, or by the wil of the
Gods, or for intemperance of life, or for love of the Body. For
the
+
PLATO.
83
,
the Body and Soul have a kind of affinity, as Fire and Brimstone.
Moreover the Souls of the Gods have a dijudicative faculty,
› called Gnoftick and impulfive to fome action, called Pa-
raftatick, which faculties being likewife in humane Soules, be-
come changed as foon as they come into the bodie, the affiftent
into the concupifcible, theimpulfive into the Irafcible.
1
5
ނ
CHAP. XXVI
Of Fate and Free-will,
>
Oncerning Fate Plate held thus. All things are in fate, yet all
things are not decreed by Fate. For Fate, though it be like a
Law, yet it uſeth not to fpeak in this manner, that this man fhall
do thus, and to that man, that fhall befall (which were to pro-
ceed into infinite, there being an infinite generation of men, and
infinite accidents happening daily to them, befides that, this
would take away our free-will, our praiſe or difpraiſe, and
whatfoever is of that kind) but rather thus; Whatſoever Soul
chooſeth fuch a life, and doth fuch things, theſe fhall follow,
the Soul therefore is free, and it is left within its power to do or
not to do, without any compulfion or neceffity. But that which
followeth the action is performed by Fate. As from Paris's ra-
vishing of Helena, (which it is within his power to do or not to
do) fhall follow that the Grecians contend with the Trojans a-
bout Helena. Thus Apollo foretold Laius;
لو
7
If thou beget a Son, that Son fball kill thee,
In the Oracle a comprehended both Laius and the begetting
of a Son, that whitehall follow upon the begetting of the Son
depends on Plato.
६
*
:
•
That which may be done is of a middle kind betwixt true and
falfe, and being fo indefinite by Nature that which is in our
power, is carried on as it were unto it. That which is done by our
election, is prefently either true or falfe; that which is in power,
is different from that which is faid to be in habit and act. That
which is in power declareth an aptitude in that thing, wherein
the habit is not yet perfect.So a boy may be faid to be a Gramma-
rian, a Mufician, a Carpenter in power. He is in habit of one or
more of theſe when he hath acquired that habit. He is faid to be
in act, when he operateth according to that acquired habit. That
which we call poffible to be done is none of theſe. Indeterminate
is that which is in our power, and to which part foever it incli-
neth, will be true or falfe.
+
CHAP.
84
PLATO.
•
W
,
CHA P. XXVII.
ETHICK.
Of the chief Good, and of Virtues.
•
1
E muft next give a fhort account of Plato's Ethicks. That
which is worthy of all honour, and is the Supreame
good, he conceived not eafie to be found, and if found, not ſafe
to be declared.For this reafon, he communicated the contempla-
tion of the chief good to very few, and thofe of his moft intimate
acquaintance, of whom his judgement made choice for this pur-
pofe. But our good,if we examine his books dillgently, we ſhall
find he placed in the knowledge of the firft good, which may
rightly be called God, and the firſt mind. For all things which
men call good, he conceiveth to be called good in this reſpect, for
as much as they derive fomthing from that good, as all fweet and
hot things are termed fuch from fome participation of the firſt
fweet, and firſt hot. Of thoſe things which are in us, only the
mind and reaſon have-a fimilitude or the firſt good. Wherefore
he calleth our good, Fair', Venerable, Amiable, Proporti-
onate and laſtly Beatitude. Of thoſe which are commonly call-
ed good, as health, beauty, ftrength, there is none good, unleffe it
be employed towards the practile of Vertue. For being fepara-
ted from Vertue, they are like matter only, and to thoſe who
make ill uſe of them only ill. Yet theſe Plato fometimes calleth
mortal goods.Beatitude he reckoneth not amongſt humane goods,
but amongſt the divine and immortall. Whence he afferteth that
the fouls of true Philofophers are repleniſh'd with vaft admirable
goods, and after the diffolution of their mort body, are admit-
ted to the table of the Gods, and with them walk over and fur-
vey
the field of Truth, becauſe they did fee they ufed the utmoſt
endeavours of their Soules to know it, and eſteemed it the moſt
precious of all things, by the benefit whereof they illuftrated and
excited their mind as a loft or blinded fight, preferring the con-
ſervation thereof before many corporeall eyes. Foolih men are
like thoſe who lead all their life in fome Cave under ground,
where they never faw the light of the Sun, but only fome empty
thin fhadows of fuch bodies as are with us upon the Earth,which
fecing, they think they fee true bodies. As thefe, if ever they
ſhould be brought out of darkneffe into the clear light, would
queſtionleffe deſpiſe all things which they faw before, and them-
felves much more, as having been abfolutely deceived; So they
who rife up out of the darkneffe of this life to thoſe things which
are divine and fair, in all likelyhood will contemn what be-
fore they moſt eſteemed,and love more vehemently this contcm-
1
1
plation.
ker
$
85
PLATOS
plation. Thus it appeareth that only what is good is honeſt, and
that Vertue fufficeth to Felicity,
Moreover, that good and fair confift in knowledge of the first
good, he declareth in whole volumes. As concerning thoſe which
are good by participation, he fpeaketh thus in his firſt Book of
Laws. Good is twofold, Humane and, Divine, &c. If any thing
be difjoyned from the firſt good, and void of the effence thereof,
that is called good by the foolish, which in Euthydemo, he affirm-
eth to be a greater ill to the Poffeffor.
That he conceiveth the Vertues to be eligible in themſelves,
is manifeft, in as much as he affirmeth that only to be good which
is honeft, which he demonftrateth in many Dialogues, particu-
ly in thoſe of the Common-wealth.
Hence he conceiveth that man to be moſt happy and bleſſed,
who hath attained the Science we mentioned; yet not in reſpect
of the honours which attend fuch a perfon, nor of any other re-
ward; for though he be unknown to all men, and fuch things, as
are commonly accounted Ills, as, difhonour, banishment and
death happen unto him; he is notwithſtanding happy. On the
contrary, a man who wants this knowledge, though he poffeffe
all things commonly efteemed good, riches, power, health,
ftrength, and Beauty, he is nothing the more happy.
•
>
He afférteth an ultimate end, conformable to all theſe which
is to be made like unto God, as far as Humanity is capable of be-
ing fuch. This he expounds varioufly, fomtimes as in Theateto)
he affirms our reſemblance to God to confift in being prudent
juft, and holy; wherefore we muſt endeavour to Hy with all
poffible celerity from hence to thoſe. This flight is the reſem-
blance to God, as much as is poffible: The fimilitude confiſteth
in Prudence, Juſtice, and Sanctity; fomtimes in Juſtice only, as
in his laſt Book of the Common-wealth.For a man is never defer-
ted by God,whilſt he endeavoureth to be juft, and by the very
act of Vertue, as much as man is capable of, he is rendred like
unto God. In Phadone he afferteth, that this reſemblance to God
is acquired by Temperance and Juftice, thus. Are not they bleffed
and happy, and from hence ſhall go into the best place, who have practifed
the popular civilt Vertue which they call Temperance and Justice? A-
gain, fomtimes he affirmed, that the end of life is to be like
unto God, fomtimes to follow God, as when hee faith
God indeed according to the old faying, containing the beginning,
midale and end of all things, &c. Somtimes he joyneth both toge-
ther, as when he faith, The Soul following God, and being rendred like
unto bim, &c. The principle of Utility is good it felf, but this is
faid of God, therefore the end conformable to the principle, is to
become like unto God, to the Celeſtiall, or rather fuperceleftiall
God, who hath not Vertue, but is more excellent then all Ver-
tue.Wherefore it is rightly faid, that xaxıdaquoría, mifery, is a per-
Y y
>
verſity
86
PLATO.
verſity of the Genius,
Genius.
This fimilitude to God we ſhall obtain,if we enjoy convenient
nature; in our manner, education and fenfe, according to Law,
and chiefly by reafon, and difcipline, and inftitution of wifdom
withdrawing our felves as much as poffible from humane affairs,
and being converfant in thoſe things only which are underſtood
by contemplation:the way to prepare,and,as it were,to cleanfe the
Demon thatis in us,is to initiate our felves into higher diſciplines,
which is done by Mufick, Arithmetick, Aftronomy and Geome-
try, not without fome refpect of the body by Gymnaftick, where-
by it is made more ready for the actions both of Warre and
via Beatitude is a good habit of the
Peace.
ગ
ᏙᎬ
CHAP.XXVIII.
The definition and kinds of Virtue.
Ertue being divine, is the perfect and beſt affection of the
Soul, which adorneth a man, and rendreth him more excel-
lent and ready, as well for ſpeech as action, whether he do it a-
lone or with others.
Of the Vertues,fome are placed in the rationall part, fome in
the irrationall. For whereas the Nature of the rationall part is
one, that of the irafcible another, that of the concupifcible ano-
ther, the perfection of theſe muft likewife be different. That of
the rationall is Prudence,of the irafcible, Fortitude,of the concupif-
cible, Temperance...
Prudence is the Science of things, Good, Bad, and betwixt
both.
Temperance is an apt moderation of defires and appetites;when
when we call Temperance a moderation and obedience, we mean
only this, that it is a faculty caufing all appetites to be fubjected
unto it, in decent order, and fubmiffe abedience to be comman-
ded by nature. This is the rationall part.
·
- Fortitude is a lawfull obſervation of a command difficult,or not
difficult, that is, it is a faculty which keepeth a lawfull precept.
Jufticelis an agreement amongſt all theſe, which caufeth that
the three parts of the Soul agree with one another, and that each
be worthily converfant in thoſe things which are proper, andbe-
long unto it.
Thus it is a common intire perfection of thefe three Vertues,
Prudence, Fortitude and Temperance, in fuch manner that reafon
commandeth, and the reft of the parts,each according to its ſe-
veral
PLATO
87
verall property, are reftrained by Reafon; and obey it.
Hence it followeth,that the Vertues are mutally confequent
to one another; Fortitude being the confervation of a lawfull
precept, is likewife confervative of right reafon. Right reafon
proceedeth from Prudence; Prudence cohereth with Fortitude,
for it is the knowledge of good things, but no man can diſcerp
that which is good,if he be diftracted by fear, or involved in the
like troubles. In like manner, neither ean any man be wife, and
intemperate, for then he is overcome by affections. If a man do
fomthing contrary to reafon, Plato affirmeth he doth through ig-
norance and imprudence,fo that can be prudent that is intempe-
rate or fearfull. Whence it followeth, that the perfect Vertues
cohere to one another, and are infeparable.
T
CHAP. XXIX.
Of Virtues, Vices, and their differences.
"He gifts of Nature and progrefs in them are called Vertues
allo, by reafon of their fimilitude with the perfect Vertues,
affuming the fame name. In this fence we call all fouldiers ftout,
and fometimes call imprudent and rafh perfons ftout, when we
fpeak not of the perfect Vertues, for the perfect neither increaſe
nor decreafe but Vices are intended and remitted. One man is
more imprudent and more unjuſt then another, neither do all
the vices follow one another, for they are certain contraries
which are not competible to the fame. Such is fury to Cowar-
dice and prodigality to covetoufneffe, nor can there be any man
at once poffeffed of all Vices, no more then a body tormented by
all diſeaſes.
Moreover,there is a mean affection which inclineth not plainly
either to Vice or Vertue for it is not neceffary that all men muit
be good or bad; they are fuch, who have arrived at the height
of thefe; for it is not eafie to paffe fuddenly from Vertue to Vice,
becauſe betwixt extreames there is a great intervall and
diſtance.
Of Vertues fome are principall, others concomitant; princi-
pall are thoſe which are in the rationall part of the Soul, and by
which, the other Vertues are perfected. Concomitant are
thoſe which are in the other part which are fubject to
Affections. Theſe act honeft things according to Reaſon, not
that which is in them, for they have none, but that which they
receive from Prudence, which is confirmed in them by cuſtom and
exerciſe.
Now for as much as neither ſcience nor art confifteth in
any
part
8.8
PLATO
part of the ſoul, but in the rationall, thofe vertues which are in
the other part, that is fubject to affections, cannot be taught, be-
cauſe they are neither Arts nor Sciences, neither have they a pe-
culiar Doctrine. Prudence is a Science, which prefcribeth unto
every one what is proper to him, as a Pilot, or Maſter of a Ship
to inferiour ignorant Sailors. The' like in a common Souldier
and a Generall.
•
་
گر
For as much as Ills are intended and remitted, offences cannot
be equall, but fome muſt be greater,others leffer, for which rea-
fon, they, who make Lawes,puniſh fome more gently, other more
feverely. And though Vertues are certain Heights, as being per-
fect, and like unto that which is right, yet in another refpect they'
are called mediocrities,becauſe all or the moſt of them are placed
betwixt two Vices, whereof one finneth in exceffe, the other in
defect; as on the one fide of Liberality is Covetousneffe, on the other
Prodigality. For in affections we recede from the mean, when
we relinquish that which is placed in Vertue, either by exceffe or
defect. But neither he, who beholding his Parents wronged is no-
thing moved thereat, nor he who is incens'd at the ſmalleſt mat-
ters void of paffion or moderate, but the quite contrary. He who
at the death of his Parents grieveth not, is void of paffion; He
who deſtroyeth himſelf with grieving, is overpaffionate and im-
moderate; he who grieveth moderately., is moderately paffio-
nate. In like manner, he, who feareth upon all occafions, and
more then needs, is timerous; he who feareth nothing is rafh; He
only is ftout that can keep a mean betwixt fear and rafhneffe; the
like in all the reft. And for as much as that which is mean in 'af
fections is likewiſe beft, and mediocrity is nothing but a mean
betwixt exceffe and defect, there are thefe Vertues termed Medi-
ocrities, becauſe in humane perturbations and paffions they affect
ú's a middle kind of way.
,!
V
น
CHAP. XXX.
That Vertue is voluntary, Vice involuntary.
•
ག ཚ མ
Ertue being chiefly of thofe things which are in our power,
not compulfive (for it could not deferve praife, if it came
either by nature or divine decree ) it followeth, that Vertue is
voluntary, begotten by a fervent, generous, and firm impulfion.
<
From this, that Vertuc is voluntary, it followeth that Vice is
involuntary: For, who, in the moſt excellent part of himfelfe,
would ever voluntarily chooſe that which is the greateſt of all-
Ills? When a man is carried on to Vice, he firft inclineth to it,
not as if it were ill, but good, and if he fall into ill, doubtleffe, he
.2*
"
1
is
1
PLATQ
89
I
is deceived, with thinking, that this way by a leffer ill, he may
arrive at a greater good, and goeth in this manner unwillingly
to it. For, it is not poffible,, a man fhould purfue ill as it is ill,
without any hope of good, or, fear of a greater ill. All ill things
therefore, which an ill man doth, are involuntary; for, injuſtice
being involuntary, to act unjustly is fo much more involuntary,
as the action of Vice is beyond the idle habit thereof. Yet, though
wicked actions are involuntary, the wicked nevertheleffe ought
to be puniſhed, and that not after one manner; but, according to
the variety of hurt which they do to thoſe they wrong. That
which is involuntary confifteth in ignorance of perturbations,
all which may be diverted, either by reafon, or civill cuftome, or
diligence.
30.
CHAP. XXXI.
Of Love and Friendship.
Riendſhip, properly fo termed, is made by a mutuall recipro-
calf benevolence. This is, when either is as much concerned
for the happineffe of the cter,as of his own, which equality is
preferved only by fimilitude of manners: For, the like, is friend
to its like, if they be both moderates but, the intemperate cannot
agree, either with themſelves, or the moderate.
There are other things which are thought friendſhips, but are
are not fuch, in which there appeareth fome fhew of vertue. Of
thefe, is the naturall goodwill of Parents to their Children, and
of Kindred one to another, as alfo that which is called civill and
fociable: Thefe are not alwaies accompanyed with mutual be-
nevolence. Likewife, the amatory art is a kind of friendship. That
which is honeft is proper to a generous foul, difhoneft, to a per-
verfe; mean, to one meanly affected. For, as the habit of the ra-
tionall foul is three-fold, fight, diſhoneft, and mean; fo many
different kinds are there of love, which appeareth moſt clearly
in the difference of the ends they propofe unto themſelves. The
difhoneft aimes only at corporeall pleaſure, and therefore is ab-
folutely bruitiſh. The honeft confidereth the minde only, as far
as vertue appeareth in it. The mean defireth both the beauty of
the foul and of the body; of which love, he who is worthy, is
mean likewiſe; that is, neither abfolutely honeſt nor diſhoneſt.
Hence that love which aimeth only at the body, ought to be
tearmed a Demon(rather then a Deity,which never defcendeth to
an human bodie) tranſmitting divine things to men, and human
to God.
Of the three kinds of love, that which is proper to a good man,
Z z
being
90
PLATA
&
being remote from vicious affections, is artificiall, whence it is
placed in the rationall part of the foul. The contemplations
thereof are thefe to difcern who is worthy of love, and to con-
tract friendship with him, and enjoy it: This difcernment is made
from his aimes or defires, whether they are generous, and dire
Ated to a good end, or violent and fervent. The contraction, or
acquifition of friendship, is made, not by wanton exceffive praffe,
but rather by reprehenfion, fhewing him, that it is not conveni-
ent he ſhould live in that manner he doth, when he enjoyeth the
love of him whom he affects, he muft alwaïes exhort him to thofe
things, by exerciſe whereof, he may arrive at perfect habit.
Their end is that of lover and beloved, they may at laft become
friends.
"
110
CHA P. XXXII.
Of Paſſions v 10
Njuſtice is fo great an ill, that it is better to fuffer wrong then
to do wrong; for one belongeth to a wicked man, the other to
a weak than both are difhoneft, but to do wrong is worfe, by
How much it is more difhoneft. It is as expedient that a wicked
than be puniſhed, as that a fick man fhould be cured by a Phylici
an; for all chaſtiſement is a kind of medicine for an offending
Soul.
Since the greater part of Vertues are converfant about paffi-
ors, it is neceffary that we define paffion. Paffion is an irratio-
hall motion of the Soul, arifing out of fome good or ill; it is call-
ed an irrationall motion, becauſe neither judgments nor opini
ons are paffions; but motions of the irrationall parts of the Soul
For in the irrationall part of the Soul, there are motions, which
though they are done by us,are yet nothing the more in our pow-
er. They are often done therefore contrary to our inclination and
will; for fomtimes it falleth out; that though we know things
to be neither pleaſing nor unpleafing, expetible nor avoidable,
yet we are drawn by them, which could never be if fuch paffions
were the fame with Judgement. For we reject judgement when
we diſapprove it whether it ought to be fo or otherwife. In the
definition is added, arifing from fome good or fome ill, becauſe
of that which is mean or indifferent betwixt thefe, no paffion is
ever excited in us. All paffions arife from that which Teemeth
good or ill. If we fee good prefent, we rejoice, if future,we de-
fire. On the conrrary, if ill be prefent, we grieve, if imminent,we
fear.
The fimple affections, and, as it were, elements of the reſt are
two;
PLATO.
ཨོ་
c
two; Pleaſure and Grief 3 the reſt conſiſt of theſe. Neither are fear
and defire to be numbred among the principall paffions, for
he who feareth, is not wholly deprived of pleafure, nor can a
man live the leaft moment, who defpaireth to be freed or eafed
of fome ill. But it is more converfant in'grief and forrow, and
therefore he, who feareth,forroweth. But he who defireth, like
all those who defire or expect fomthing, is delighted infomuch
as he is not abfolutely confident, and hath not a fifm hope he is
grieved. And if defire and fear are not principall paffions, it will
doubilelle follow,that none of the other affections are ſimple', as
anger, love, emulation and the like; for in thefe, Pleafure afd
Grief are manifeft, as confifting of them.”
1
a
Moreover of Pallions, fome are rough, others mild the mild
are thofe, which are naturally in men, and if kept within their
bounds, are neceffafy and proper to man, if they exceed, vitious.
Such are Pleaſure, Grief, Anger, Pitty, Modefly, for it is proper
to man to delight in thofe things which are according to Nature,
and to be grieved at their contraries. er is neceflary to repell
and puniſh an injury. Mercy agreeth with Humanity. Modesty
teacheth us to decline for did things. Other paffions are rough,and
præternaturall, arifing from fome depraved or perverfe cuftom.
Such are excelfive laughter, joy in the misfortunes of others, ha-
tred of Mankind, Thefe, whether intenfe or remiffe, after what
manner foever they are,are alwaies erroneous, and admit not a-
ny laudable mediocrity.
As concerning Pleafure and Grief, Plato writeth this. Thefe
paſſions are excitedin us by Nature. Grief and forrow happen to
thoſe who are moved contrary to Nature; Pleaſure to thoſe who
are reſtored to the proper conftitution of their Nature. For he
conceiveth the naturall ftate of man to cònfift in a mean betwixt
Pleáfure and Grief, not moved by either, in which ftate we live
longeft. He afferteth feverall kinds of Pleafure, whereof fome re
late to the Bodly, others to the Sout. Again, of Pleaſures fome are
mix'd with grief, fome are pure. Again, fome proceed from the
remembrance of things paft,others from hope of things to come. A
gain, fome are dishonest, as being intemperate and unjuft; others
moderate, and joyned with good, as joy for good things, and the
Pleafure that followeth Vertue. Now becaufe moft Pleaſures
are naturally difhoneft, he thinks it not to be difputed whether
Pleaſure can be fimply and abfolutely a good, that being to be
accounted poor and of no value, which is raifed out of another,
and hath not a principall primary effence. For Pleafure cohereth
even with its contrary Grief, and is joyned with it, which could
not be,if one were fimply good, the other fimply ill.
*
CHAP.
92
PLATO."
1
4:
1
་
CHAP. XXXIII,
ふ
​પ
A. JI
་
Of the formes of Commonwealths.
2
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1
Y
•
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•
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1
1
A
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F the formes of Common-wealth, fome are fuppofed only;
and conceived by abftract from the reft. Thefe he delivers in
his book of a Commonwealth, wherein he defcribeth the firft con-
cordant, the fecond difcordant, enquiring which of thefe is the
moſt excellent, and how they may be conftituted. He alfo di-
videth a Commonwealth like the Soul into three parts, Keepers,
Defenders,and Artificers. The office of the firft is to Counfel,to ad-
vife, to command; of the fecond, to defend the Commonwealth,
upon occafion, by armes, which anfwereth to the irafcible pow
er; To the laft belong Arts and other fervices. He will have Prin-
ces to be Philofophers, and to contemplate the first good, affirm-
ing that fo only they fhall govern rightly. For Mankind can never
be freed from ill, unleffe either Philofophers govern, or they who
govern be infpired with Philofophy after a divine manner. A
Commonwealth is then governed beft, and according to Juftice,
when each part of the City performeth its proper Office. So that
the Princes give Laws to the People; the Defenders obey them,
and fight for them, the reft willingly fubmit to their Superiours.
Of a Commonwealth he afferteth five kinds, the first, Aristo-
cracy, when the beſt rule; the fecond, Timocracy, when the ambi
tious; the third Democracy, when the people, the fourth, Oligar
chy, when a few; the laft, Tyranny, which is the worst of all.
+
} .X
TJ
He defcribeth likewife other fuppofed formes of Common-
wealth, as that in his Book of Laws; and, that which reformeth
others, in his Epiftles, which he ufeth for thofe Cities that in his
Books of Laws he faith are fick. Thefe have a diftinct place, and
ſelect men out of every age, as according to the diverity of their
nature and place, they require different inftitution,education and
armes. The Maritime people are to ſtudy Navigation and Sea-
fight; the Iland fighting on foot, thofe in mountanous Countries
to ufe light armour, thefe on the fhore heavy.Some of thefe to ex-
ercife fighting on horfeback. In this City he alloweth not a Com
munity of women. Thus is Politick a Verue converfant both in
Action and Contemplation; the end wherof is to conftitute a
City, good, happy, and convenient to it felf. It confiders a great
many things, amongſt the reft, whether War be to be waged or
not.
1
CHAP.
PLATO.
93
"
•
3
1
嚣
​CHA P. XXXIV.
Of a Sophift.
Itherto we have spoken of a Philofopher, from whoma So-
phift differeth; In Manners,becaufe he teacheth young men for
gain, and defireth rather to feem then to be good. In matter, for a
Philofopher is converfant in thoſe things which alwaies are, and
continually remain in the fame manner; but a Sophift in that
which is not, for which reafon he feeketh darkneffe, that he may
not be known to be what he is. To things that are, that which is
not, is not oppofed as contrary, for it neither exifteth, nor is par-
ticipant of any effence, nor can be understood. So that if any man
endeavour to expreffe it in words, or comprehend it by thought;
he is deceived, becauſe he putteth together things contrary and
repugnant, Yet that which is not, as far as it is fpoken, is not a
pure negation of that which is, but implyeth a relation to ano-
ther, which in fome manner is joined to Ens. So that unleffe we
affume fomthing from that which is to that which is not,it cannot
be diſtinguiſhed from other things, but thus, as many kinds as
they are of Eas,fo many are there of Non-Ens, becauſe that which
is not an Ens is a Non-Ens.
Thus much may ferve for an introduction into Plato's Philo-
fophy: Some things perhaps aré faid orderly, others difperfedly,
or confufedly, yet is all fo laid down, that by thofe which we
have delivered, the reft of his Affertions may be found out and
contemplated.
محمد
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·A a a
After
PLATO
}
94
After fo ferious a Difcourfe, it will not be amiffe
to give the Reader a Poeticall entertainment upon
the fame Subject, being
A PLATONICK DISCOURSE
ޕު .
霍
​Written in Italian by
JOHN PICUS Earl of MIRANDULA,
In explication of a Sonnet by
HIERONIMO BENIVIENI
The firft PART.
Sec. I..
ག་
200 1
آزمان
$
Tis a principle of the Platonifts, That every
created thing hath a threefold being; Caufal,
Formal, Participated. In the Sun there is no
heat, that being but an elementary quality
not of Celeſtiall nature: yet is the Sun the
cauſe and Fountain of all heat. Fire is hot by
nature, and its proper form: Wood is not hot
of its felf, yet is capable of receiving that quality by Fire. Thus
hath heat its Caufall being in the Sun, its Formall in the Fire, its
Participated in the Fuel. The moſt noble and perfect of thefe is
the Caufal : and therefore Platoniſts affert, That all excellencies
are in God after this manner of being; That in God is nothing
but from him all things; That Intelle&t is not in him, but that he
is the original ſpring of every Intellect.Such is Plotinus's meaning,
Ennead.6. when he affirms,* God neither understands nor knows ; that is to fay,
after a formall way, As Dionyfius Areopagita, God is neither an I'm
tellectuall nor Intelligent nature, but unspeakably exalted above all In-
tellect and Knowledge.
lib.7.37.
Plomprehends
Se&t. II.
,
Latonifts diftinguiſh Creatures into three degrees. The firſt
comprehends the corporeall and viſible;as Heaven,Elements,
and all compounded of them: The laſt the invifible, incorporeal,
abfolutely free from bodies, which properly are called Intel-
lectuall (by Divines, Angelicall) Natures. Betwixt theſe is a
middle nature, which though incorporeall, inviſible, immortall,
yet moveth bodies, as being obliged to that Office; called, the
rational
1
PLATO.
95
$
rationall Soul; inferiour to Angells, fuperiour to Bodies; ſubje&
to thoſe, regent of thefe: Above which is God himſelfe, author
and principle of every Creature, in whom Divinity hath a ca-
fuall being; from whom, proceeding to Angells, it hath a for-
mall being, and thence is derived into the rationall Soul by
participation of their luftre below which, no nature can affume
the Title of Divine.
-207 2
20.5.
T
Sect. III.
{
Hat the first of these three Natures cannot be multiplyed,
who is but one, the principle and caufe of all other Divini-
ty, is evidently proved by Platonifts, Peripateticks, and our Di-
vines. About the fecond (viz.) The Angelick and Intellectuall,
Platonifts difagree. Some (as Proclus, Hermias, Syrianus, and ma-
ny others) betwixt God and the rationall Soul place a great
number of creatures; part of theſe they call Nére, vise, Intelligi-
ble, part intellectuall; which termes, Plata fometimes confoun-
deth, as in his Phado. Plotinus, Porphyrius, and generally the moſt
refined Platoniſts, betwixt God and the Soul of the World, af-
figne only one Creature, which they call the Son of God, be-
caufe immediately produced by him. The firſt opinion complies
moſt with Dionyfius Areopagita, and Chriſtian Divines, who af-
fert the number of Angells to be in a manner infinite. The fecond
is the more Philofophick, beft fuiting with Ariftotle and Plato,
whoſe ſenſe we only purpoſe to expreffe; and therefore will de-
cline the firſt path (though that only be the right) to purſue the
latter.
VV
1
Seat. IV.
E therefore, according to the opinion of Plotinus, con-
firmed not only by the beft Platonifts, but, even by
Ariftotle, and all the Arabians, eſpecially Avicenna, affirm, That
God from eternity produced a creature of incorporeall and in-
tellectuall nature, as perfect as is poffible for a created being,
beyond which, he produced nothing; for, of the moft perfect
caufe, the effect muſt be moſt perfect, and the moſt perfect can
be but one; for, of two or more, it is not poffible but one ſhould
be more or leffe perfect than the reft, otherwiſe they would not
be two, but the fame. This reafon for our opinion I rather
chooſe, then that which Aricen alledges, founded upon this
principle, That from one caufe, as one, can proceed but one ef-
fect. We conclude therefore, that no creature but this firſt
minde proceeds immediately from God: for, of all other effects
iffuing from this minde; and all other fecond caufes,God is only
the mediate efficient. This by Plato, Hermes,and Zoroafter,is called
the Daughter of God,the Minde, wifdome, Divine Reafon, by fome
interpreted the Word; not meaning(with our Divines) the Son of
God,
PLATO.
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God, he not being a creature, but one effence coequall with the
Creator.
Sect. V...
1
A
LL underſtanding agents have in themſelves the form of
that which they defign to effect: as an Archite& hath in his
minde a figure of the building he undertakes, which as his pat-
tern he exactly ſtrives to imitate: This Platoniſts call the Idea or
Exemplar, believing it more perfect, then that which is made
after it: and this manner of Being, Ideal, or Intelligible, the o-
ther Materiall and Senfible: So that when a Man builds a houſe,
they affirm there are two, one Intellectuall in the Workmans
mind; the other fenfible, which lie makes in Stone, Wood, or the
like; expreffing in that matter the form he hath conceiv'd: to this
·Dante alludes.
r
None any work can frame,
Unless himself become the fame.
Hereupon they fay, though God produced only one creature,
yet he produced all, becauſe in it he produced the Ideas and
forms of all, and that in their moſt perfect being, that is the Ideal,
for which reaſon they call this Mind, the Intelligible World.
Sec. VI.
Fter the pattern of that Mind they affirm this fenfible
AWorld
World was made, and the exemplar being the moſt perfect
of all created things, it muſt follow that this Image thereof be as
perfect as its nature will bear. And fince animate things are more
perfect then the inanimate; and of thofe the rational then the
irrationall, we muſt grant, this World hath a Soul perfect above
all others. This is the first rationall Soul, which, though incorpo-
reall, and immateriall, is deftin'd to the function of governing
and moving corporeall Nature: not free from the body as that
mind whence from Eternity it was deriv'd, as was the mind
from God. Hence Platonifts argue the World is eternall; its
foul being fuch, and not capable of being without a body, that
alfo muſt be from eternity; as likewife the motion of the Hea
vens, becauſe the Soul cannot be without moving.
+
TH
Sect. VII.
He antient Ethnick Theologians, who caft Poeticall vails
over the face of their myfteries, expreffe thefe three natures
by other names. Calum they call God himſelf; he produc'd the
firſt Mind, Saturn: Saturn the Soul of the World, Jupiter. Calum
imples Priority, and excellence, as in the Firmament, the first
Heaven. Saturn fignifies Intellectuall nature, wholly imploy'd in
con-
A
PLATO.
!
contemplation; Jupiter active life, confifting in moving and go-
verning all fubordinate to it. The properties of the two latter a-
gree with their Planets: Saturn makes Men Contemplative, Jú-
piter Imperious.The Speculative bufied about things above them;
the Practick beneath them.
&
Sect. VIII.
Whic
Hich three names are promifcuoufly uſed
upon theſe
grounds In God we underſtand firft his Excellence,
which as Cauſe, he hath above all his effects; for this he is called
Celus. Secondly, the production of thoſe effects, which denotes
converfion towards inferiours; in this refpect he is fometimes
called Jupiter, but with an addition, Optimus, Maximus. The firſt
Angelick nature hath more names, as more diverfity. Every crea-
ture confits of Power and A&t: the first, Plato in Philebo, calls In-
finite: the ſecond, Finite: all imperfections in the Mind are by
reaſon of the firft; all perfections, from the latter. Her operati-
ons are threefold.About Superiours, the contemplation of God;
about the knowledge of her felf; about inferiours, the production
and care of this fenfible World: thefe three proceed from Act,
By Power ſhe deſcends to make inferiour things; but in either re-
fpect is firm within her felf. In the two first, becauſe contempla-
tive, ſhe is called Saturn: in the third, Jupiter, a name principally
applyed to her power, as that part from whence is derived the
act of Production of things.For the fame reaſon is the foul of the
World, as the contemplates her felf or fuperiours, termed Sa-
turn; as the is imployed in ordering worldly things, Jupiter: and
fince the government of the World belongs properly to her; the
contemplation to the Mind; therefore is the one abfolutely called
Jupiter, the other Saturn.
Sect. IX.
His World therefore (as all other creatures) confifteth of a
Soul and Body: the Body is all that we behold, compoun-
ded of the four Elements: Theſe have their cafuall being in the
Heavens, (which confift not of them, as fublunary things; for
then it would follow that theſe inferiour parts were made before
the Celeſtiall, the Elements in themſelves being fimple, by con-
courfe caufing fuch things as are compounded of them:) Their
formal being from the Moon down to the Earth: Their partici-
pate and imperfect under the Earth, evident in the Fire, Air,and
Water,experience daily finds there; evinc'd by naturall Philo-
fophers: to which the antient Theologians enigmatically allude
by their four infernall Rivers, Acherons Cocytus, Styx, and
Phlegeton.
*
G
We may divide the body of the World into three parts: Ce-
leſtiall, Mundane, Infernall: The ground why the Poets feign
Bbb
the
97
+
98
1
PLATO
the Kingdom of Saturn to be shar'd betwixt his three Sons, Jupi-
ter, Neptune, and Pluto: implying only the three-fold variation of
this corporeall World; which as long as it remains under Sa-
turn, that is, in its Ideal Intellectual being, is one and undivided;
and fo more firm and potent: but falling into the hands of his
Sons, that is, chang'd to this material Being, and by them divided
into three parts, according to the triple exiſtence of bodies, is
more infirm and leffe potent, degenerating from a ſpiritual to a
corporeal eſtate. The first part, the heavenly, they attribute to
Jupiter; the laſt and loweſt to Pluto; the middle to Neptune. And
becauſe in this principality is all generation and corruption, the
Theologians exprefs it by the Ocean,ebbing or flowing continual
ly:by Neptune underſtanding the Power or deity that prefides over
Generation. Yet we must not imagine theſe to be different fouls,
diftinctly informing thefe three parts: the World herſelf being
one, can have but one Soul; which as it animates the fubterrane-
all parts, is called Pluto; the fublunary Neptune; the celeftiall,
Jupiter. Thus Plato in Philebo averrs by Jove is understood a regall
foul, meaning the principall part of the World which governs the
other. This opinion,though only my own, I fuppofe is more true
then the expofitions of the Grecians.
NEX
Sect. X.
Ext that of the World, Platonifts affign many other rational
fouls. The eight principall are thofe of the heavenly Spheres;
which according to their opinion exceeded not that number;con-
fifting of the feven Planets, and the ſtarry Orb. Theſe are the
nine Muſes of the Poets: Calliope (the univerfall foul of the
World) is firſt, the other eight are diſtributed to their ſeverall
Spheres.
1
*
Sect. XI.
* In Timeo. Plato afferts, That the Author of the world made the mundane,
and all other rationall fouls, in one Cup, and of the fame Elements ;
the univerfall foul being most perfect, ours leaft: whofe parts we may
obſerve by this divifion : Man, the chain that ties the World to-
gether, is placed in the midft: and as all mediums participate of
their extreams, his parts correfpond with the whole World;
thence called Microcofmus. In the World is firft Corporeall Na
ture, eternall in the Heavens; corruptible in the Elements, and
their compounds, as Stones, Mettals, e. Then Plants. The third
degree is of Beaſts. The fourth rationall fouls. The fifth Angeli-
call minds. Above thefe is God,their origine.In man are likewife
two bodies; one eternall, the Platoniſts Vehiculum cœlefte, imme
diately inform'd by the rational foul: The other corruptible, fub-
ject to fight, confifting of the Elements: Then the vegetative fa-
culty, by which generated and nouriſhed. The third part
is Senſitive and motive. The fourth Rational; by the
J
Latine
PLATO.
1.99
Latine Peripateticks beliey'd the laft and most noble part of the
Soul: yet, above that is the Intellectuall and Angelick, the moft
excellent part whereof, we call the Souls Union, immediately
joyning it to God, in a manner refembling him as in the other
Angels, Beafts, and Plants. About theſe Platonists differ, Proclus
and Porphyrius only allow the rationall part to be Immortall,
Zenocrates and Speufippus the fenfitive alſo; Numenius and Plo-
tinus the whole Soul.
Sect, XII.
Deas have their cafuall being in God, their formall in the fift
Minde, their participated in the rationall Soul. In God they are
not, but produced by him in the Angelick nature, through this
communicated to the Soul, by whom illuminated, when the re-
flects on her intellectuall parts, the receives the true formes of
things, Ideas. Thus differ the Souls of Men from the Celeſtiall :
thefe in their bodily functions recede not from the Intellectuall,
at once contemplating and governing. Bodies afcend to them,
they defcend not. Thofe employ'd in corporeall office are de-
priv'd of contemplation, borrowing fcience from fence, to this
wholly enclin'd, full of errors: Their only means of releaſe from
this bondage, is, the amatory life; which by fenfible beauties,
exciting in the foul a remembrance of the Intellectuall, raiſeth
her from this terrene life, to the eternall; by the flame of love re-
fined into an Angell.
The Second PART.
Sect. I.
HE apprehenfive faculties of the Soul are em-
ploy'd about truth and falfhood; affenting to
one, diffenting from the other. The firſt is af-
firmation, the ſecond negation. The defide-
rative converfe in good and ill, inclining to
this,declining to that. The firft is Love,the ſe-
cond Hate. Love is diftinguiſh'd by its objects;
if of riches, termed covetoufneffe; of honour, ambition; of hea-
venly things, piety; of equalls, friendship: theſe we exclude, and
admit no other fignification, but, the defire to poffeffe what in it felfe,
ors at least in our esteem, is fair: of a different nature from the love
of God to his Creatures, who comprehending all, cannot de-
fire or want the beauty and perfections of another: and from that
of friends which must be reciprocall. We therefore with Plato
define it, *öpsĝis sõ xan*The defire of beauty. Defire is an inclina-
tion
1
100
PLATO.
1
१
tion to reall or apparent good. As there are divers kinds of good,
fo of defire. Love is a fpecies of defire, Beauty of good. Defire
is Naturall or Knowing. All creatures have a particular perfe-
&tion by participation of the divine goodneffe. This is their end,
including that degree of felicity whereof, they are capable, to
which center they tend. This defire we call Naturalls a great te-
ftimony of Divine Providence, by which they are unwittingly
(as an Arrow by the Archer) directed to their mark. With this,
all Creatures defire God, as being the Originall good imprinted
and participated in every particular. This is in every Nature, as
more or leffe capable; addreffed to ends more or leffe noble; yet,
is the ultimate end of all the fame, to enjoy God, as far as they
may: Thus as the Pfalmift, Every thing worſhips and praifeth God;
like fuppliants', turning and offering themselves up to him, faith
~Theodoret.
THe
Sect. II.
บ
He other Species of Defire is employed only about things
known, given by Nature, that to every apprehenfive facul-
ty, there might be a defiderative; to embrace what it judgeth
good, to refuſe what it efteemeth evill; in its own nature en-
clin'd to good: None ever defires to be miferable; but, the ap-
prehenſive Vertue many times miſtaking Evill for Good, it oft
*falls out that the defiderative (in its felfe blind) defires evill.
This in fome fence may be faid voluntary, for none can force
it; in another fence, not voluntary, deceived by the judgment of
* In Timeo
Kands its Companion. This is Plato's meaning, when he faith, No man
π gap
Exovides. fins willingly.
3.9.
ἐδώς.
Sect. IÏÏ.
1 £
*
Tis the Property of every defiderative Vertue, that He who
defires, poffeffeth in part the thing he defires, in part not: for,
if he were wholly deprived of its Poffeffion, he would never de-
fire it: this is verified two waies. Firſt,nothing is defired unleffe it
be known; and to know a thing is in fome part to poffeffe it. So
* De Anima, Aristotle, * The Soul is all, becauſe it knowes all. And in the Pfalmiſt
God faith, All things are mine, I know them. Secondly, there is al-
waies fome convenience and refemblance betwixt the defirer and
defired: Every thing delights and preferves it felfe by that,
which by naturall affinity is moft conformable to it; by its con-
trary is grieved and confum'd. Love is not betwixt things un-
like; Repugnance of two oppofite natures is naturall hate, Hate is
a repugnance with knowledge. Hence it followeth, that the na
ture of the defired, is in fome manner in the defirer; otherwife,
there would be no fimilitude betwixt them: yet imperfectly;
elſe it were vain for it to ſeek what it entirely, poffeffeth.
$
Sed.
1
PLATO.
101
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AS defire generally followes knowledge, fo feverall knowing
are annexed to feverall defiring Powers: We diftinguith
the knowing into three degrees; Sence, Reafon, Intellect; atten-
ded by three defiderative Vertues, Appetite, Election, Will,
Appetite is in Bruits, Election in Men, Will in Angels. The
fente knowes only corporeall things, the Appetite only defires
fuch; the Angelick Intellect is wholly intent on Contemplation
offpirituall Conceptions, not inclining to Materiall Things, but
when divefted of matter, and fpiritualiz'd, their Will is only
fed with interpórall fpirituall Good. Rationall Nature is the
Mean betwixt thefe Extreams; fometimes defcending to Sente;
fometimes elevated to Intellect; by its own Election complying
with the defires of which fhe pleaſeth. Thus it appears, that cor-
porcall Objects are defired, either by Senfuall Appetite, or Ele-
ction of Reafon inclining to Senfe: Incorporeall by Angelick
Will, or, the Election of Reafon, elevated to Intellectuall
Height.
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··· Sect. V. ...
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Eauty in generall, is a Harmony refulting from Severall things,
proportionably concurring to constitute a third: In refpect of which
temperament, and mixture of various Natures, agreeing in the
compofition of one, every Creature is Fair; and in this fence no
fimple being is Beautifull, not God himſelfe; this Beauty begins
after him, arifing from contrariety, without which is no com-
pofition; it being the union of contraries, a friendly enmity, a
difagreeing concord; whence Empedocles makes difcord and con-
cord the principles of all things; by the firft, underſtanding the
varietie of the Natures compounding; by the fecond, their Uni-
on: adding, that in God only there is no Difcord, He not being
the Union of feverall Natures; but, a pure uncompounded Uni-
ty. In theſe compofitions the Union neceffarily predominates
over the contrariety, otherwife the Fabrick would be diffolved:
Thus in the fictions of Poets, Venus loves Mars: this Beauty can-
nat fubfift without contrariety; fhe curbs and moderates him,
this temperament allaies the ftrife betwixt theſe contraries. And
in Aftrologie, Venus is plac'd next Mars, to check his deftructive
influence as Jupiter next Saturn, to abate his malignancy. If
Mars were alwaies fubject to Venus (the contrariety of principles
to their due temper) nothing would ever be diffolved.
Sect. VI.
TH His is Beauty in the largeft fence, the fame with Harmony's
whence God is faid to have framed the World with muſicall
harmonious temperament. But Harmony properly implies a
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102
1
PLTATO
* Symposi
Tedy
melodious agreement of Voices; and Beauty in a reftrict accep
tion relates to a proportionable concord in vifible things, as Har-
mony in audible. The defire of this Beauty is Loves afifing only
from one knowing faculty, the Sight and that gave Thous
(Ennead, 3. lib. 5. 3.) occafion to deprive Love from herds
Sight. Here the Platonift may object, If Love bo only of wilble
things, how can it be applyed to Ideas, invifible natireside
anfwer, Sight is twofold,corporeal and Ipiritualls the fur fisthar
of Senfe, the other the Intellectuall faculty, by which we agree
With Angels; this Platonifts call Sight, the corpescall being only
an Image of this. So Ariftotle, Intellect is that to the soul which be
s to the Body: Hence is Minerva (Wiſdom) qby Homen called
Youx ans, Bright-ey'd. With this fight Mofes, Saint Panty and othbf
Saints, beheld the face of God: this Divines call, Intellectuall}
Intuitive cognition, the Beatificall vifion, the Reward of the
Righteous.
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Sect. VII.
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Š Sight, fo Beauty (its object) is twofold (the two en §
As
celebrated by Plato, [Sympos.] and our Poet) Senfible, called
Vulgar Venus. Intellectuall in Ideas (which are the object of the
Intellect,as colour of fight) nam'd Celeſtiall Venus. Love
Love allo
twofold, Vulgar, and Celeſtial; for as Plato faith There muftiner
ceffarily be as many Loves as Venus's.
V
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Sect. VIII.
JAA
1
•
poprot
Enus then is Beauty, whereof Love is generated: properly
his Mother, becauſe Beauty is the caule of Love, not as pro-
ductive principle of this act, to Love, but as its object: the Soul
being the efficient caufe of it as of all his acts; Beauty the mate-
riall: For in Philofophy the efficient is affimilated to the Father,
the material to the Mother.
· Sect. IX.
{
7
Eleſtiall Love is an Intellectuall defire of Ideall Beauty: I
deas, (as we faid before) are the Patterns of things in God,
as in their Fountain; in the Angelick Mind, Effentiail; in the
Soul by Participation, which with the Subſtance partakes of the
Ideas and Beauty of the firſt Mind: Hence it follows, that Love
of Celeſtial Beauty in the Soul, is not Celeftiall Love perfectly,
but the neareſt Image of it. Its trueft being is with the defire of
Ideal Beauty in the first Mind, which God immediately adorms
with Ideas.
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-ised bra llerßollsıni oda sın quod rɔn) ¿ɔbai's wei¿noštovnoɔ
tindi painicado ɔdividebiɔ plno zackrodi ban, Hano
-re (faith Plae) was begot on Penly by andthe Soniof
Jayates in Mites Orchard, being drunk vinhblattar, when
-the frosmesing-stelebrate Banus Birth Naturesqueftinform,
when it receives form from God is the Angelick Mind, this form
As Jdeas, the firſt Braury); which in this del cent from their divine
fountain, mixing with a difftrom natire, become imperfedbi The
If mind, by its opacoufnels blipfingstheir luftrepidefies, schit
auty which they haveloft this dereidlovestegates Pardsalle
Huence of Ideas with with Penza theindigence of ohan informe
nature, we resmed Jupiter : (21. 8.) Inabaſe Garden the Ideals are
Rand, ishthofa the firft Mind adored, was by the Antithes
(named Paradiſed to which,contemplative life and Étornall fèliai-
ty Zoroaftres inviting us,faith,Seek,feek Paradife :our Divines tha
fer it to the Cœlum Empy dum, the fean of the happyisouls, whofe
helenalleonfils contemplation and perfibi of the In-
tellect, according to Plate This Love begot on Vienas kimbuday, that
is when the Ideal Beauty, though imperfectly, is infufed into the
Angelick Mind; Venus yet as a Child, mon grown to perfection.
All the Gods afambled at this Eeaft, that is their Ideas (as by Samuth
we understand both the Planet and his Idea) ankexpreffion bor-
Lowed from Penides. Thefe Gods then are thole Ideas that
precedevenus (She is the beauty and Grace refulting from their
variety.) Texited to a Banquet of Nectar and Ambrofio thoſe whom
God feafts with Nectar and Ambrofia are eternall beings, the
Fine Thefeildea's of the Angelack Mind agethe firfteret-
nals, Porus was drunk with Nestar this Ideal affluencefill'd with
Eternity, other Idea's were not admitted to the Feast, nor indu-
ed with Immortality.
3
عمر
Orpheus upon the fame grounds faith, Love was born before
all other Gods, in the boſom bf Chaos: Becauſe Nature full of
indiſtinctumperfect forms (the Mind repleniſhed with confuſed
Ideas) defires their perfection.
21m guidi VTS75 39.conamen
eid ai fod y dad no e
19
Sec. XI
Hile Angelick Mind defires to make thefe Idea's perfect, which
can only be done by means oppofite to the causes of their
imperfection; theſe are Receffion from their Principle and mixti
on with a contrary. Nature: Their Remedy, feparation from the
afulike Nature, and return and conjunction(as far as poffible) with
God. Loves the defire of this Beauty, excites the Mind to
converfion and reunion with him.Every thing is more perfect as
menter its Principle; This is the firft Circle. The Angelick Mind,
proceeding from the Union of God, by revolution of intrinfecall
knowledge returheth to him. Which with the Antients is Vénus
adulta, grown to perfection. Every Nature that may have this
converfion
tob
104
PLATOS
!
€
converfion, is a Circle; fuch alone are the Intellectuall and Rati-
onall, and therefore only capable of felicity, the obtaining their
first Principle, their ultimate end and highest good. This is pecu-
liar to Immortall Subftances, for the Material(as both Plato-
nifts and Peripateticks grant) have nor this reflection upon them-
felves, or their Principle. Thele, the Angelick Mind and Rati
onall Soul) are the two intelligible Circles; anfwerable to
which ing the corporeall World are two more; the tenth
*Heaven immoveable image of the firft Circle the Celeftiall
Bodies, that are moveable, image of the fecond The fire Plato
mentions not, as wholly different and irreprefentable by corpo-
reall Nature: of the fecond in Timed he faith, That all the Circles
of this vifible Heaven (by him diftinguished into the fixed fphiete
and feven Planets) reprefent as many Circles in the Rationall
Soul vic
SoSome lattribute the name of Circle to God, by the antient
Theologifts called Calus; being a Sphear which comprehends all;
as the outmoft Heaven includes the World. 197
-
{
In one refpect this agrees with Godin another not the property
of beginning from a point and returning to it, is repugnant to
him; who hath no beginning, but is himself that indivifible point
from which all Circles begin, and to which they return: And în
this fence it is likewife inconfiftent with materiall things, they
have a beginning, but cannot return to it.
4
SYK
In many other Properties it agrees with God He is the moſt
perfect of beings; this of figures; neither admit addition: The laft
Sphear is the place of all bodies, God of all Spirits: the Soul fay
Platonifts) is not in the Body, but the body is in the Soul,the Soul
in the Mind, the Mind in God, the outmoſt Place, who is there-
fore named by the Cabaliftsp.
T
7
Sect. XII.
เ
I's
He three Graces are Handmaids to Venus,Thalia,Euphrofyne,
Aglaia; Viridity, Gladneffe, Splendour properties attend-
ing Ideal Beauty. Thalia, is the permanence of every thing in its
entire being; thus is Youth called green, Man being then in his
perfect ſtate; which decaies as his years encreåfe, into his lalt
diffolution. Venus, is proportion, uniting all things. Viridity, the
duration of it; In the Ideall World, where is the first Venus, is al-
the firſt Viridity; for no Intelligible Nature recedes from its
being by growing old. It communicates this property to fenfible
things as far as they are capable of this Venus, that is, as long as
their due proportion continues. The two other properties of Ideal
Beauty are Illuſtration of the Intellect, Aglaia, Repletion of the
wil with defire and joy, Euphrofyne.
Of the Graces one is painted looking toward us; The conti-
nuation of our being is no reflex act. The other two with their
faces
PLATO.
105
faces from us, feeming to returns the operations of the Intellect
and Will are reflexive, what comes from God to us, returnes frøm us
ta Gádií Schoqui er a stoład out 160
4
Sec. XIII.
vis
{
Enus is faid to be born of the Seas Matter,the Inform Nature
nowhereof every Creature is compounded, is reprefented by
Water continually flowing, cafily receptable of any form. This
being firſt in the Angelick Minde, Angells are many times ex-
preft by Water, as in the Pfalms, The Waters above the Heaven's
praise God continually, fo interpreted by Origen; and fome Plato-
nifts expound the Ocean (fil'd by Homer Father of Gods and
Men) this Angelick Minde, Principle and Fountain of all other
Creatures 5. Gemiftius, Neptune; as Commander of all Waters, of
all Mindes Angelicall and Humane. This is that living Fountain,
whereof he that drinketh fhall never thirst: Thefe are the Wa
ters whereon (David faith) God hath founded the World.
5.3
F
Sect. XIV.
+
1
Orus (the Affluence of Ideas proceeding from God) is filed by
Plato the Son of Metis ( Counſell, ) in Imitation of the Scrip-
ture: whence our Saviour by Dionyfius Areop. is termed the
Angel of Counfell, that is, the Meffenger of God the Father; fo
Avicen calls the first Caufe conciliative, the Minde not having
Ideas from it felfe but from God, by whoſe Counſell fhe recei-
veth Knowledge and Art to frame this viſible World.
*
་
*
Sect. XV.
Ove, according to Plato, is Youngest and Oldeft of the Gods; Sympos.
They, as all other things, have a two-fold Being, Ideal and
Naturall. The firft God in his Naturall Being was Love, who
difpenc'd theirs to all the reft, the laſt in his Ideal. Love was
born in the Defcent of the Ideas into the Angelick Minde,
which could not be perfect till they, its Effence, were made fo,
by loves converfion to God. The Angelick Minde owing its na-
rurall being to Love, the other Gods who fucceeded this Minde,
neceffarily are younger then He in their naturall Being, though
they precede him in their Ideal, as not born till theſe Ideas,
though imperfectly, were joyn'd to the inform'd Nature.
T
*
Sect. XVI.
He Kingdome of Neceſſity is faid to be before that of Love. Every Plat. Sympos.
Creature confifts of two Natures, Materiall, the imperfect,
(which we here underſtand by Neceffity) and Formall, the oc-
cafion of perfection. That whereof it moſt partakes is faid to be
predominant, and the Creature to be fubject to it. Hence is Ne-
ceffity matter) fuppos'd to raigne when the Ideas were imper-
D d d
fect,
106
PLATO.
* Plat. Sympos.
feet, and all imperfections to happen during that times all per
fections after Love began his reign, for, when the Minde was by
him converted to God; that which before was imperfe&t in her,
was perfected.
*
V
>
Sed. XVII.!
Enus is faid to commend Fate. The order and concatenation
of caufes and effects in this fenfible World,called Fate,de-
pends on the order of the Intelligible World, Providence. Hence
Platonifts place Providence (the ordering of Ideas) in the firft
Minde, depending upon God, its ultimate end, to which it leads
all other things. Thus Fenas, being the order of thoſe Ideas,
whereon Fate, the Worlds order, depends, commands it.
Fate is divided into three parts, Clotho, Lachefts, and Atropos
That which is one in Providence, indivifible in Eternity, when
it comes into Time and Fate is divifible, into Paft, Prefent,
and Future. Others apply Atropos to the fixed Sphear, Clotko to
the feven Planets, Lachesis to fublunary things.
Temporall corporeall things only are fubjected to Fate; the
Rationall Soul being incorporeall, predominates over it; but, is
. fubjected to Providence, to ferve which is true liberty. By whom
the Will (obeying its Lawes) is led to the Acquifition of her de
fired end. And as often as the endeavours to loofe her felfe from
*this Servitude, of Free ſhe becomes a Servant and Slave to Fate,
of whom before fhe was the Miftreffe. To deviate from the Laws
of Providence, is, to forfake Reafon, to follow Senfe and Irrati-
onall Appetite, which being corporeall, are under Fate; he that
ferves theſe, is much more a fervant then thoſe he ferves.
A
Sect. XVIII.
1
>
S from God Ideas defcend into the Angelick Mind, by
which the Love of Intellectuall Beauty is begot in her
called Divine Love; fo the fame Ideas defcend from the Ange-
lick Minde into the Rationall Soul, fo much the more imperfect
in her, as ſhe wants of Angelicall Perfection: From theſe fprings
Human Love. Plato difcourfeth of the firſt, Platinus of the latter
who by the fame Argument, whereby he proves Ideas not acci-
dentall, but fubftantiall in the Angelick Minde, evinceth like-
wife the fpecificall Reaſons, the Ideas in the Soul, to be fubſtan-
tiall, terming the Soul Venus, as having a ſpecious fplendid Love,
in reſpect of theſe ſpecificall Reaſons.
+
Vulgar Love
Sect. XIX.
Ulgar Love is the Appetite of fenfible Beauty, through
corporeall fight. The caufe of this Beauty is the vifible
Heaven by its moving power. As our motive faculty confiſts in
Muſcles and Nerves (the Inftruments of its Operation,) ſo the
motive
PLATO.
107
motive faculty of Heaven is fitted with a Body proper for cir
cular fempiternall motion: Through which Body the Soul (as a
Painter with his Pencill changeth this inferiour matter into va-
rious Forms. Thus vulgar Venus (the beauty of materiall forms)
hath her cafuall being from the moving power of the Heavens,
her formall from colour, enlighted by the vifible Sun as Ideas
by the invisible; her participate in the Figure and juft order of
parts communicated to fight by mediation of light and colour
by whoſe Intereft only it procures love.
L
Sect. XX.
$ when the Ideas defcend into the Minde, there arifeth a
defire of enjoying that, from whence this Ideall Beauty
comes; fo when the fpecies of fenfible Beauty flow into the Eye,
there fprings a two-fold Appetite of Union with that, whence
this Beauty is derived; one Senfuall, the other Rationall; the
principles of Beftiall and Human Love. If We follow Senſe, We
Judge the Body wherein We behold this Beauty, to be its Foun-
tain; whence proceedes a defire of Coition, the moſt intimate
union with it: This is the Love of irrationall Creatures. But
Beafon knowes, that the Body is ſo far from being its Originall,
that it is deſtructive to it, and the more it is ſever'd from the Bo-
dy, the more it enjoyes its own Nature and Dignity: We must
not fix with the fpecies of Senfe in the Body, but refine that ſpe-
cies from all reliques of corporeall infection.
And becauſe Man may be understood by the Rationall Soul,
either confidered apart, or, in its union to the Body; in the firſt
fence, human Love is the Image of the Celeſtiall; in the ſecond,
Defire of fenfible Beauty; this being by the Soul abftracted from
matter, and ( as much as its nature will allow) made Intellectu-
all. The greater part of men reach no higher than this; others
more perfect, remembring that more perfect Beauty which the
Soul (before immers'd in the Body) beheld, are inflam'd with an
incredible defire of reviewing it, in purſuit whereof, they ſepa-
rate themſelves as much as poffible from the Body, of which the
Soul (returning to its firft dignity) becomes abfolute Miftreffe.
This is the Image of Celeſtiall Love, by which man ariſeth
from one perfection to another, till his Soul (wholly united to
the Intellect) is made an Angell. Purged from materiall droffe,
and tranfformed into fpirituall flame by this Divine Power, he
mounts up to the Intelligible Heaven, and happily refts in his
Fathers befome.
Sec. XXI.
Vulgar Love is only in Souls immerſt in Matter, and over-
come by it, or at least hindred by perturbations and paffi-
ons. Angelick Love is in the Intellect, eternall as it. Yet but
inferr'd,
108
PLATO
•
·
inferr'd, the greater part turning from the Intellect to fenfible
things, and corporeall cares.. But fo perfect are theſe Celeſtiall
Souls, that they can diſcharge both Functions, rule the Body;
yet not be taken off from Contemplation of Superiours: Theſe
the Poets fignifie by Janus with two faces, one looking forward
upon Senfible things, the other on intelligible: leffe perfect Souls
have but one face, and when they turn that to the Body, cannot
<fee the Intellect, being depriv'd of their contemplation; when to
the Intellect, cannot fee the Body, neglecting the Care thereof.
Hence thoſe Souls that muſt forfake the Intellect, to apply them-
felves to Corporeall Government, are by Divine Providence
confin'd to caduque, corruptible Bodies, loofed from which,
they may in a fhort time, if they fail not themſelves, return to
their Intellectuall felicity. Other Soules not hindred from Spe-
culation, are tyed to eternall incorruptible Bodies.
✔
1
Celeſtial Souls then (defign'd by Janus, as the Principles of
Time, motion intervening) behold the Ideal Beauty in the Intel-
-lect, to love it perpetually; and inferiour fenfible things, not to
defire their Beauty; but, to communicate this other to them.
Our Souls before united to the Body, are in like manner double-
fac'd; but, are then as it were, cleft afunder, retaining but one
which as they turn to either object, Senfuall or Intellectuall, is
deprived of the other.
་
Thus is vulgar love inconfiftent with the Celeſtiall; and many
raviſh'd at the fight of Intellectuall Beauty, become blinde to
fenfible; imply'd by Callimachus, Hymn. 5. in the Fable of Tyrefias,
who viewing Pallas naked, loft his fight; yet by her was made
a Prophet, clofing the eyes of his Body, the open'd thofe of his
Minde, by which he beheld both the Preſent and Future. The
• Ghoſt of Achilles which infpir'd Homer with all Intellectuall
Contemplations in Poetry, deprived him of corporcal fight.
+
Though Celeſtiall Love liveth eternally in the Intellect of
every Soul; yet, only thoſe few make ufe of it, who declining the,
Care of the Body, can with Saint Paul ſay, whether in the Body, or
· out of the Body they know not. To which ſtate a Man fometimes ar-
rivés; but, continues there but a while, as we fee in Extafies.
•
T
Sect. XXII.
Hus in our Soul (naturally indifferent to fenfible or intel-
ligible Beauty) there may be three Loves; one in the In-
tellect, Angelicall; the fecond Human; the third Senfuall: the
two latter are converfant about the fame object, Corporeall
Beauty; the fenfuall fixeth its Intention wholly in it; the hu-
man ſeparates it from matter. The greater part of mankind
go
no further then theſe two; but they whoſe underſtandings are
purified by Philofophy, knowing fenfible Beauty to be but the
Image of another more perfect, leave it, and defire to ſee the Ce-
leftiall
A
1
1
PLATO.
109
*
leftial, of which to have already a Taft in their Remembrance,
if they perfevere in this Mental Elevation, they finally obtain it
and recover that, which though in them from the beginning, yer
they were not ſenſible of, being diverted by other Objects.
1
The Sonnet.
1
I.
Ove, (whofe hand guides my Hearts ftrict Reins
Nor, though he govern it, difdains
To feed the fire with pious care
which first himself enkindled there)
Commands my backward Soul to tell.
What Flames within her Bofom dwell;
Fear would perfwade her to decline
The charge of fuch a high defigns
But all her weak reluctance fails,
Gainft greater Force no Force avails.
Love to advance her flight will lend
Those wings by which he did defcend
Into my Heart, where he to reft
For ever, long fince built his Nest:
I what from thence he dictates write,
And draw him thus by his own Light.
L
II.
Ove, flowing from the facred Spring
of uncreated Good, I fing :
>
when born; how Heaven he moves; the fout
Informs; and doth the World controwl;
How clofely lurking in the heart
With his fharp weapons fubtle art
From heavy earth he Man unites
Enforcing him to reach the skies.
How kindled, how he flames,how burns;
By what laws guided now he turns.
To Heaven, now to the Earth defcends,
Now refts 'twixt both, to neither bends.
Apollo, Thee 1 invocate,
Bowing beneath fo great a weight.
Love,guide me through this dark defign,
And imp my ſhorter wings with thine.
Eee
Ho
PLATO.
W
III.
Hen from true Heav'n the Sacred Sun
Into th' Angelick Mind did run,
"And with enliv'ned Leaves adorn,
Beftowing form on his first-born 3:
Enflamed by innate Defires,
She to her chiefeft good afpires;
By which reverſion her rich Breft
With various Figures is impreft;
And by this love exalted, tarns
Into the Sun for whom she burns.
This flame, rais'd by the Light that ſhin'd
From Heav'ninto th' Angelick Minds
Is eldeft Loves religious Ray,
By Wealth and want begot that Day,
When Heav'n brought forth the Queen,whofe Hand
The Cyprian Scepter doth Command.
T
IV.
His born in amorous Cypris arms,
The Sun of her bright Beduty warms.
From this our first defire accrues,
which in new fetters caught, purfues
The honourable path that guides
where our eternall good refides.
By this the fire,through whofe fair beams
Life from above to Mankindſtreams,
Is kindled in our hearts, which glow,
Dying, yet dying greater grow
By this th' immortal Fountain flows,
which all Heaven forms below, beftoms;
By this defcends that shower of light
which upwards doth our minds' invite z
By this th' Eternall Sun infpires
And fouls with facred luftre fires,
ASS
V.
S God doth to the Mind difpence
Its Being, Life, Intelligence,
So doth the Mind the foul acquaint
How't understand, to move, to paint;
She thus prepard, the Sun that ſhines
In the Eternal Breaft designs,
And here what fhe includes diffufes,
Exciting every thing that uses
>
C
t
+
Mo-
&
K.
PLATO.
TAN
f
Motion and fenfe beneath her ſtate)
To live, to know, to operate.
Inferiour Venus hence took Birth ;
who fhines in heav'n,but lives on earth,
And o're the world her shadow spreads :
The elder in the Suns Glaf's reads
Her Face, through the confufed skreen
Of a dark ſhade obfcurely feen;
She Luftre from the Sun receives,
And to the Other Luftre gives;
Celestiall Love on this depends,
The younger, vulgar Love attends.
F
VI.
11.
}
}
1
'
'Orm'd by th' eternal Look of God,
From the Suns moft fublime abode,
The Soul defcends into Mans Hearts
Imprinting there with wondrous Art
what worth fhe borowed of her ftar,
And brought in her Celestiall Carre &
As well as humane Matter yields,
She thus her curious Manſion builds ;
Yet all those fames from the divinè
Impreffion differently decline :
The Sun,who's figurd here his Beams
Into anothers Bofom ftreams;
In whofe agreeing foul be ftaies,
And guilds it with its virtuous Raies,
The heart in which Affection's bred,
Is thus by pleafing Errour fed.
VII.
He heart where pleafing Errour raigns,
This object as her Child maintains
>
By the fair light that in her fbines
(A rare Celestiall Gift,) refines;
And by degrees at laft doth bring
To her first Splendours facred Spring,
From this divine Look, one Sun paffes
Through three refulgent Burning-glasses,
Kindling all Beauty, which the Spirit,
The Body, and the Mind inherit.
Thefe rich Spoiles,by th' eye first caught,
Are to the Souls next Handmaid brought,
who there refides: She to the breft
Sends them; reform'd, but not expreft:
The heart, from Matter Beauty takes,
>
1
典
​of
112
A
PLATON
*
Of many one Conception makes ;
And what were meant by Natures Lams,
Diftin&t, She in one Picture draws
T
VIII.
He heart by Love allur'd to fee
within her Self her Progeny,
This, like the Suns reflecting Rayes
Upon the Waters face, furvaies;
Yet fome divine, though clouded light
Seems here to twinckle,and invite
The pious Soul, a Beauty more
Sublime, and perfect to adore.
who fees no longer his dim fhade
Upon the earths vaft Globe display'd,
But certain Luftre of the true
Suns trueft Image, now in view.
The Soul thus entring in the Mind,
There fuch uncertainty doth find,
That he to clearer Light applies
Her aimes, and near the first Sun flies :
She by his ſplendour beautious grows,
By loving whom all Beauty flows
Wpon the Mind, Soul, world, and All
Included in this ſpacious Ball.
B
IX.
A
+
纛
​Ut hold! Love flops the forward Courfe
That me beyond my Scope would force,
Great Power! if any Soul appears
Who not alone the bloffoms wears,
But of the rich Fruit is poffeft,
Lend him thy Light, deny the reft.
}
1
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1
ބ
The
PLATO.
1
The Third PART.
t
O treat of both Loves belongs to different Scien-
ences Vulgar Love to. Naturall or Morall
Philofophy; Divine, to Theology or Meta
phyficks. Solomon difcourfeth excellently of
the first in Ecclefiaftes, as a Naturall Philofo-
pher, in his Proverbs as a Morall: Of the fe-
cond in his Canticles, eſteemed the moſt Di-
vine of all the Songs in Scripture.
Stanza I:
t
'
The chief order eſtabliſhed by Divine Wiſdom in created
things, is, that every inferiour Nature be immediately governed
by the fuperiour; whom whilft it obeys, it is guarded from all ill,
and lead without any obſtruction to its determinate felicity; but,
if through too much affection to its own liberty, and defire to
prefer the licentious life before the profitable, it rebell from the
fuperiour Nature, it falls into a double inconvenience: Firſt, like
a Ship given over by the Pilot, it lights fometimes on one Rock,
fometimes on another, without hope of reaching the Port. Se-
condly, it loſeth the command it had over the Natures fubjected
to it, as it hath deprived its fuperiour of his. Irrationall Nature
is ruled by another, unfit for its Imperfection to rule any. God
by his ineffable Excellence provides for every thing, himſelfe
needs not the providence of any other: Betwixt the two ex-
treams, God and Bruits, are Angells and Rationall Souls, gover
ning others, and governed by others. The firft Hierarchy of An-
gells immediately illuminated by God, enlighten the next un-
der them; the laft (by Platonifts termed Demons, by the He-
brewes, as Guardians of Men) are ſet over us as We o-
ver Irrationalls. So Pfalm 8. Whileft the Angells continued fub-
ject to the Divine Power, they retained their Authority over o-
ther Creatures; but when Lucifer and his Companions, through
inordinate love of their own Excellence, afpir'd to be equall
with God, and to be conferved, as He, by their own ſtrength,
they fell from Glory to extream Mifery; and when they loft the
Priviledge they had over others, feeing us freed from their Em-
pire, enviovfly every hour infidiate our good. The fame order is
in the leffer World, our Soul: the inferiour faculties are directed
the fuperiour, whom following they erre not. The imagina-
tive correas the miſtakes of outward fenſe; Reaſon is illumina-
ted by the Intellect, nor do we at any time mifcarry, but when
the Imaginative will not give credit to Reafon, or Reafon con-
fident of it ſelfe, refifts the Intellect. In the defiderative the Ap-
Fff
petite
$
1
114
PLATOAS
·
}
}
petite is govern'd by the Rationall, the Rationall by the Intelle-
ctuall, which our Poet implies, faying
[Love whofe hand guides my hearts ftriat reins. ]
The cognofcitive powers are feated in the Head, the defidera-
tive in the Heart: In every well order'd Soul, the Appetite is go-
vern'd by Intellectuall Love; implyed by the Metaphor of Reins,
borrowed from Plato in his Phædrus.
X
[ Love to advance my flight,will lend!
The wings by which he did afcend
Into my heart]
C
*
When any fuperiour vertue is faid to defcend, we imply not
that it leaves its own height to come down to us, but drawes us
up to it felfe; its defcending to us, is our afcending to it; other-
wife fuch conjunction would be the imperfection of the vertue,
not the perfection of him who receives it.
-
•
II.
[ Love flowing from the facred Spring
Of uncreated good
]
*
T
From the Fountain of divine goodneffe into our Souls,in which
that influx is terminated.
[when born, &c.]
The order, participation, converfion of Ideas, fee Part 2.
Sect.
[ how Heaven he moves, the Soul
Informs, and doth the world controul.]
Of theſe three properties, Love is not the efficient: God pro-
duceth the Ideas in the Angelick Minde, the Minde illuftrates the
Soul with Ideal Beauty; Heaven is moved by its proper Soul:
But, without Love, thefe principles do not operate: He is cauſe
of the Mindes converfion to God, and of the Souls to the Minde;
without which, the Ideas would not defcend into the one, nor
the Specifick reafons into the other: the Soul not illuminated by
theſe, could not elicite this fenfible form out of matter, by the
motion of Heaven.
}
ና
}
We
III.
Hen the firft emanation from God (the plenty of Ideas)
deſcended into the Angelick Minde, fhe, defiring their
perfection, reverts to God, obtaining of him what ſhe covets;
which the more fully fhe poffeffeth, the more fervently fhe
loves. This defire, (Celeſtiall Love, ) born of the obfcure Minde
and Ideas, is explain'd in this Stanza:
[---true Heaven--]
God who includes all created beings, as Heaven all fenfible,
lib.
PLATO.
"
115
lib.z. Sect. Only Spirituall things, according to Platoniſts, are
true and reall, the reſt but fhadowes and images of theſe.
६
[---the facred Sun]
The light of Ideas ftreaming from God.
[---enlivened leaves---]
A
The Metaphore of Leaves relates to the Orchard of Jupiter,
where theſe Ideas were planted 2. 10. Enlivened, as having in
themſelves the principle of their operation, Intellection, the no-
bleft life, as the Pfalmift, Give me understanding, and Ifball live.
So the Cabalift to the fecond Sephirah, which is wifdome, attributes
the name of Life.
LA
{--adorn bestowing form--~},
To adorn denotes no more then accidentall perfection, but I
deas are the Subftance of the Minde, and therefore he adds,
bestowing form; which though they come to her from without,
The receives not as accidents, but as her firft intrinfecall a&i
which our Author implies, terming her defires innate..
[And by this love exalted, turns
Into the Sun, for whom she burns.]
Love transformes the Lover into the thing loved.
{---Wealth and want--]
Porus and Penia, 2. 10.
IV.
The properties of Celeſtiall Love are in this Stanza difcovered.
[---in new fetters caught---]
4
The Soul being oppreft by the Body, her defire of Intellectuall
Beauty fleeps; but, awakened by Love, is by the fenfible Beauty
of the body, led at laſt to their Fountain, Ġod.
[--which glow
Dying, yet glowing greater grow.]
-
Motion and Operation are the fignes of life, their privation of
death: in him who applies himfelfe to the Intellectuall part, the
rationall and the fenfitive fails by the Rationall he is Man, by the
Intellectuall communicates with Angels: As Man he dies, re-
viv'd an Angell. Thus the Heart dies in the flames of Intellectu-
all Love; yet, confumes not, but by this death growes greater, re-
ceives a new and more fublime life. See in Plato the Fables of Al-
ceftes and Orpheus.
{
1
V.
This Stanza is a deſcription of fenfible Beauty.
[ The elder in the Suns glaffe reads
Her faces through the confused skreen
Of a dark ſhade obfcurely ſeen.]
Sen-
་་
116
OR LAT 0.
•
Senfible light is the act and efficacy of Corporéall, fpirituall
light of Intelligible Beauty. Ideas in their deſcent into the in-
form Angelick Minde, were as colours and figures in the Night:
As he who by Moon-light feeth fome fair object, defires to view
and enjoy it more fully in the day; fo the Minde, weakly behol-
ding in her felfe the Ideal Beauty dim and opacous (whch our
Author calls the skreen of a dark ſhade) by reafon of the Night of
her imperfection, turns like the Moon) to the eternall Sun, to
perfect her Beauty by him; to whom addreffing her felfe, the be-
comes Intelligible light; clearing the Beauty of Céleftiall› Venus
and rendring it viſible to the eye of the firſt Minde.
In fenfible Beauty we confider firſt the object in it ſelfe, the
fame at Midnight as at Moon: Secondly, the light, in a manner
the Soul thereof the Author fuppofeth, that as the first part of
fenfible Beauty (corporeall forms) proceeds from the firſt part of
Intellectual Beauty (Ideal forms)fo fenfible light flowes from the
intelligible, defcending upon Ideas.
VI. VII. VIII.
Y
Corporeall Beauty implies, firft, the materiall difpofition of
the Body, confifting of quantity in the proportion and diſtance
of parts, of quality in figure and colour: Secondly, a certain qua-
lity which cannot be expreft by any term better then Graceful-
neffe,, fhining in all that is fair: This is properly Venus, Beauty,
which kindles the fire of Love in Mankinde: They who affirm it
reſults from the difpofition of the Body, the fight, figure, and co-
lour of features, are eafily confuted by experience. We fee many
perfons exact, and unaccuftomable in every part, deftitute of this
grace and comlineffe; others leffe perfect in thofe particular con-
ditions, excellently gracefull and comely; Thus Catullus,
Many think Quintia beautious, fair,and tall,
And freight she is, apart I grant her all:
But altogether beautious I deny;
For not one grace doth that large shape fupply.
>
He grants her perfection of quality, figure, and quantity; yet
not allowes her handfome, as wanting this Grace. This then
muft by confequence be afcribed to the Soul, which when per-
fect and lucid, transfufeth even into the Body fome Beams of its
Splendour. When Mofes came from the divine Vifion in the
Mount, his face did fhine fo exceedingly, that the people could
not behold it unleffe vail'd. Porphyrius relates, that when Ploti-
nus his foul was elevated by divine Contemplation, an extraor
dinary brightneffe appeared in his looks; Plotinus himfelfe a-
verres, that there was never any beautifull Perfon, wicked, that
this Gracefulneffe in the Body, is a certain fign of perfection in
the Soul, Proverbs 17.24. wifdome fbineth in the countenance of the
wife.
From
PLATO.
From materiall beauty wee afcend to the firſt Fountain by fix
Dégrées ::
:the Soule through the fight reprefents to her felf the
Beauty of fome particular perfon, inclines to it, is pleaſed with
it, and while ſhe refts here,is in the first, the most imperfect mate-
rial degree.2.She reforms by her imagination the Image fhe hath
received, making it more perfect as more fpirituall; and fepara-
ting it from Matter, brings it a little nearer Ideal Beauty. 3. By
the light of the agent Intellect abftra&ting this Form from all fin-
gularity, the confiders the univerfall Nature of Corporeal Beau-
ty by it felf: This is the highest degree the Soul can reach whilſt
fhe goes no further then Senfe. 4. Reflecting upon her own Ope-
ration, the knowledge of univerfall Beauty, and confidering that
every thing founded in matter is particular, fhee concludes this
univerfality proceeds not from the outward Object, but her In-
trinfecal Power: and reaſons thus: If in the dimme Glaffe of Ma-
teriall Phantafmes this Beauty is reprefented by vertue of my
Light, it follows,that beholding it in the clear Mirrour of my fub-
ſtance divefted of thofe Clouds, it will appear more perfpicuous:
thus turning into her felf, fhee findes the Image of Ideal Beauty
communicated to her by the Intellect, the Object of Celeſtiall
Love. 5. Shee afcends from this Idea in her felf, to the
place where Celeſtiall Venus is,in her proper form; Who in ful-
nefs of her beauty not being comprehenfible, by any particular
Intellect, fhe, as much as in her lies, endeavours to be united to
the firſt Mind,the chiefeft of Creatures,and general Habitation of
Ideal Beauty, obtaining this, the terminates, and fixeth her jour-
ney:this is the fixt and laſt degree: They are all imply'd in the 6,7,
and 8 Stanza's.
[Form'd by th' Eternal look, &c.]
Platonifts affirm fome Souls are of the nature of Saturn, others
of Jupiter,or fome other Planet; meaning, one Soul hath more
Conformity in its Nature with the Soul of the Heaven of Saturn,
then with that of Jupiter, and fo on the contrary; of which there
can be no internal Cauſe affigned; the External is God, who (as
Plato in his Timæus ) Soweth and fcattereth Souls, fome in the Moon,
others in other Planets and Stars, the Inftruments of Time.
Many imagine the Rational Soul defcending from her Star, in
her Vehiculum Cælefte, of her felf forms the Body, to which by that
Medium ſhe is united: Our Author upon theſe grounds fuppo-
feth,that into the Vehiculum of the Soul,by her endued with Pow-
er to form the Body, is infufed from her Star a particular forma-
tive vertue, diftinct according to that Star; thus the afpect of one
is Saturnine, of another Joviall, &c. in their looks wee read the
nature of their Souls.
But becauſe inferiour matter is not ever obedient to the Stamp,
the vertue of the Soul is not alwaies equally expreft in the viſible
Effigies hence it happens that two of the fame Nature are un-
Ggg
like
118
PLATO
like; the matter whereof the one confifts, being leffe difpo-
fed to receive that Figure then the other; what in that is com
pleat is in this imperfect;our Author infers,that the figures of two
Bodies being formed by vertue of the fame Star, this Conformity
begets Love.
[From the Suns moft fulime aboad]
3
The Tropick of Cancer: by which Soules according to
Platoniſts deſcend, afcending by Capricorn. Cancer is the Houfe of
the Moon, who predominates over the vitall parts, Capricorn of
Saturn prefiding over Contemplation.
[The Heart in which affection's bred
Is thus by pleasing Errour fed.]
Frequently, if not alwaies, the Lover believes that which hee
loves more beautious then it is, he beholds it in the Image his
Soul hath formed of it; fo much fairer as more ſeparate from
Matter, the Principle of Deformity; befides, the Soul is more In-
dulgent in her Affection to this Species, confidering it is her own
Child produc'd in her Imagination.
[--one Sun paffes
Through three refulgent Burning-glasses.]
One Light flowing from God, beautifies the Angelick, the Ra-
tional Nature, and the Senfible World.
[--the Souls next Hand-maid--]
The Imaginative
[--to the Breaft]
The Breaft and Heart here taken for the Soul becauſe her neareſt
Lodging; the Fountain of Life and Heat.
[--reform'd but not expreft.]
Reform'd by the Imagination from the deformity of Matter ;
yet not reduc'd to perfect immateriality, without which true
Beauty is not Exprest.
1
SPEU
1.
SPV SIPPVS.
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19
+
رحمه و
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SPEVSIPP VS.
CHAP. I
His Life.
4
3
7
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7
1
11
+
*
PEU SIP P U S was an Athenian,born at Myr- a Laert.
rhinus [which belonged to the Pandionian
Tribe This Father named Eurymedon, his
Mother Potone, Siſter to Plato.
the pattern of his own.
-
C
Plat.
He was brought up in the domeſtick bapul. dogmà
documents of his Uncle Plato, who (as he clut. de adu
uſed to fay) reformed Speufippus's life, after lat. & amici.
difcrim.
Plato had foure Kins-women, Daughters of his Neeces; d Chio.Epift.ad
the eldeſt of theſe he married to Speufippus, with a ſmall portion, Matrid.
thirty Mine, which Dionyfius had fent him: To this fumme Chio,
glad of the occafion, added a Talent, which Speufippus earnestly
refuſed, untill at last he was overcome by the juft importunities
of the other to receive it, alledging that he gave it not as mony,
but as kindeneffe; that fuch gifts were to be entertained, for they
encreaſed honour, the reft were difhonourable; that he ought
to accept of the good-will, though he defpifed the mony. The
reft of thoſe Virgins were Married richly to Athenians, only
-Speufippus, who beſt deſerved, was poor. With thefe arguments
Speufippus was induced to accept of "Chio's gift; whereat Chio
much congratulated his own good fortune, as having laid hold
of an occafion, fuch, as perhaps, faith he, I shall not meet again in all
my life.
When Dion came to Athens, Speufippus was continually in
company with him, more then any other friend there, by Plato's
advice, to foften and divert Dion's humour, with a facile com-
panion, fuch as he knew Speufippus to be; and that withall, he
knew diſcreetly how to obferve time and place in his mirth :
whence Timon (in Sillis) calls him, a good Feafter.
>
The laſt time that Plato, upon the importunity of Dionyfius
went to Sicily, Speufippus accompany'd him. Whileft they lived
at Syracufe, Speufippus kept more company with the Citizens then
Plato did, and infinuating more into their mindes, at first they
were afraid to ſpeak freely to him, miſtruſting him to be one of
Dionyfius's fpies: But within a while they began to confide in
him,
Flut.vit. Dions
120
SPEVSIPPV S.
I
a Laert
b Laert.
Laert.
him, and all agreed in this, to pray Dion to come to them, and
not to take care for fhips, men, or horſes, but to hire a ſhip for
his own paffage; for the Sicilians defired no more, then that he
would lend them his name and perfon againſt the Tyrant.
Speufippus at his return to Athens, perfwaded Dion to warre
againſt Dionyfius, and deliver Sicily from the bondage of Tyran-
ny, affuring him the Country would receive him gladly. Dion
upon this information received fuch encouragement, that he be-
gan fecretly to levie men: The Philofophers much advanced
his defigne. When he went to Sicily, he beſtowed a Country-
houfe, which he had purchaſed fince his comming to Athens,
upon Speufippus.
E
P
CHAP. II.
Aist
His profeffion of Philofophy
$
ANTHA
1 A
Lato dying in the firſt year of the 108th Olympiad, Theophilus
being Archon,Speufippus fucceeded him in the School of the
Academy, whom he followed alfo in his Doctrine.
b
He firit, as Theodorus affirmes, looked into the community and
mutuall affiſtance of Mathematicall Diſciplines, as Plato did
into that of the Philofophicall.
He firft, according to Cenaus, declared thoſe things, which
Ifocrates conceived not to be divulged, the fame perhaps which
d Epift. ad. At.ªCicero calls the of Ifocrates.
2. I.
* He affirmed, that the minde was not the fame, either with
eStob.Phyf.I.I. Good or One, but of a peculiar nature proper to it felfe.
f Laert.
fHe fet up in the School which Plato had built the Images of
the Graces.
He exacted mony of his Diſciples, contrary to the cuſtome of
Plato.
The two Women who were Plato's Auditors, Lafthenia the
Mantinean, and Axiothea the Phliaſian, heard Speuſippus like-
wife.
Having continued Master of the School eight years, he at laſt,
by reaſon of his infirm diſpoſition, much debilitated by the
Palfie, fent to Xenocrates,defiring him to come and take from him
the government of the School, which Xenocrates did.
R
CHAP.
SPEVSIPPVS
121
+
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#
-If
CHAP. III.
His wrrtings? › 3.
E wrote many things, chiefly in Philofophy, Commentaa Lart. Spidą,
ries and Dialogues, of which were
}
>
..
*
Ariftippus the Cyrenaick.
Of Riches 1.
Of Pleasure 1.
3 *.
1
за
of Fustice 1.
Of Philofophy I.
Of Friendship 1.
Of the Gods 1.
The Philofopher I:
To Cephalus 1.
Cephalus I.
I;
Clinomachus,or Lyfias x.
The Cittizen
Of the Soul 1.
To Gryllus 1.
Ariftippus 1.
•
J
A
liv
?
The confutation of Arts Ĭ.
Commentary Dialogues.
Artificiall I.
Dialogues of likeneſſe in things 10.
Divifions and arguments to things like.
Of the genus's and fpecies of Examples.
To Amartyrus.
Encomium of Platò.
Epiftles to Dion, Dionyfius, Philip.
Of Law..
The Mathematician.
Mandrobulus,:
Lyfias.
1
th
...!
D
Definitions, of all theſe writings the only extant
Orders of Commentaries.
Verfes.
P
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#ton
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0 260
b
b Phavorinus, in the fecond of his Commentaries, faith, that Ederr
Ariftotle paid three Talents for his Books,
1
Hhh
CHAP
SPEVSIPPUS.
1
CHAP. IV.
a Laert.
b Laert.
€ Laert,
d Deipn.lib.
Laert.
2
His Death.
E was (as Timotheus faith) very infirme of body, infomuch,
HE
that he was fain to be carried up and down the Academy in
a kinde of a running chair: Riding in this manner, he one day
met Diogenes, whom faluting, he faid, Joy be with you: But, not
with you, anſwered Diogenes, who can endure to live being in
that condition. At length he dyed willingly through griefe, as
Laertius affirmes, who elsewhere citing Plutarch in the lives of Ly-
fander and Scylla, faith, he dyed of the Phthiriafis; but there is
no fuch thing extant in Plutarch.
C
Though he followed Plato in his opinions; yet, he did not i-
mitate his temper, for he was aufteer, cholerick, and had not fo
great command over his pleaſures. In anger he threw a Dog in-
to a Well, and indulging to pleaſure, he went to the marriage
of Callander in Macedonia: He was alfo fo great a Lover of mo-
ny,
that fome Poems which he had written, not very good, he
fung publickly for gain: for which vices, Dionyfius writing to
him, thus derides him: And we may learn Philofophy from our Arca-
dian fhe-Scholler. Plato took no mony of his Schollers, you exact it whe-
ther they are willing or not. Athenæus cites the fame Epiſtle, after
he had reproached him for avarice and voluptuoufneffe, he ob-
jects his collections of mony from many perfons; his love to
Lafthenia, the Sardian Curtezan; after all this adding, why do you
accufe us of avarice, who your felfe omit not any fordid way of gain?
Did not you after Hermias's debt was fatisfied, make collections in his
name amongst his friends, to your own use?
d
To a rich man in love with a deformed perfon; what need you
ber, faith he, for ten Talents you may have a handfomer.
To him Simonides wrot Hiſtories, wherein he related the acti-
ons of Dion and Bion.
There was another Speufippus, a Phyſitian of Alexandria.
1
1
XENO-
123
F
XENOCRATES.
CHAP. I.
His Country, Parents, living with Plato.
Enocrates was of Chalcedon, Son of b Agatho, or a Laert.
Agathenor. From the years of his life 82. b Suid.
which in all probability ended when Polemo
fucceeded in the School, the first year of the
116.Olympiad,it may be gathered that he was
born in the fourth year of the 95. Olympiad.
He heard Plato from his Childhood. He was
dull of apprehenfion, whence Plato comparing him with Aristotle,
faid,one needs a fpur,the other a bridle;what an afs & what an horfe have
I to yoke together! He was fevere, and had a fad look, for which
reafon Plato oft faid to him, Xenocrates, facrifice to the Graces, which
wàs an uſuall phrafe to melancholy people. Another time Plato c Ælian. 14.9º
ſharply reprehended the roughneffe of his difpofition, which hee
took quietly, and unmoved; faying to one that inftigated him to
reply in his own defence, No, this is an advantage to me.
C
е
е
He accompanied Plato in his voyage to Sicily, where at a d Laert.
drinking Feaft, with Dionyfius, being honoured with a wreath of Ath. Deipn
Gold, inſtead of a Garland of flowers, which were beftow'd up-
on the gueſts upon fuch occafions, when he went away,he put it
upon the Statue of Mercury, where they uſed to leave their ordi-
nary Garments.
When Dionyfius fell out with Plato, and threatned to find f Laert.
one that ſhould cut off his head, Xenocrates made anſwer, not be-
fore he hath cut off this, fhewing his own.
19.
8 Elian faith, that xenocrates having taken a journey into his gVar.hift. 3:
own Country, Ariftotle with his Difciples came to Plato. Spèufip-
pus was at that time fick, and therefore could not be with plato.
Plato being fourfcore years old, (which falls upon the fourth year
of the 107. Olympiad, the year before his death) his memory
through age much decay'd, Aristotle fell upon him with ſubtle
fophifticall queſtions, whereupon Plato gave over walking in
publick, and retired with his friends to his own houſe. At the
end of the three months Xenocrates returning from his travel,finds
Ariftotle walking where he had left Plato, and feeing that he and
his
124
XENOCRATES.
a Laert.'
b Laert.vit:
Arift.
c Laert, vit,"
Arift.
Xen,
e Ethic. Serm.
37.
his friends when they went out of the School went not to Plato,
but to fome other part of the City, hee asked one there preſent,
what was become of Plato,thinking he had been ſick,the other an-
fwer'd,he is not fick,but Ariftotle hath molefted him, & driven him
out of the School, ſo that now he teacheth Philofophy in his own
Garden Xenorates hearing this went immediately to Plato, whom
he found difcourfing to his Difciples perfons of great worth and
eminence. As foon as he had ended his difcourfe, he faluted Xeno-
crates, as he uſed, very kindly, and Xenocrates him. When the
company was difmifs'd, Xenocrates without fpeaking a word of
it to Plato, getting his friends together, after he had chid Speufip-
pus for permitting Aristotle to poffeffe the School, made a head
againſt Aristotle, and oppofed him with his utmoſt force, untill at
laſt he reinſtated him in the School. Thus Alian But this story.
which he acknowledgeth to have taken up on no better autho-
rity then vulgar report, difagrees with
difagrees with many circumfta
Ariftotle's life, fupported by farmore credible Teftimonie
AF
J
17
CHAP II.
His Profeffion of Philofophie.
C
of
Fter Speufippus had held the School eight years, finding him-
felf not able to continue that charge any fonger, hee fent to
Xenocrates intreating him to take it upon him, which Xenocrates
did, a in the fecond year of the 110. Olympiad, Lyfimachides be-
ing Archon, not without emulation and diffenfion with the Pe-
ripateticks, for Ariftotle, at his return out of Macedonia, finding
Xenocrates poffefs'd of the Academy, inftituted a School, in oppo-
fition to him, in the Lyceum, faying,
b
Silent to be now moſt diſgracefull were,
And fee Xenocrates poffefs the Chair.
e
rb
$
Some affirm, that Alexander falling out with Ariftotle, to vex
him, fent a preſent to Xenocrates of 50. Talents, whereof Xeno-
d Laert. vit. crates took but 3000. Atticks, and fent back the reft, faying, that
he needed it most that was to maintain fo many. Or, as Stobaus relates
it, having entertained the Meffenger, after his ufuall fashion, go
and tell Alexander, faith he, that after the rate I live, I ſhall not
need 50. Talents in all my life. The money being brought back
Serm. 77. to Alexander, he asked, if Xenocrates had not any, friend, adding
that as for his own friends, the wealth of Darius was too little for
them.
fStob.Eth.
་
He
'
XENOG RATES
125
ཝཱ
1.3.
8 He afferted Unity and Duality to be Gods; the first as it wereg Stob. Ec.Phyf.
Mafculine, in the nature of a Father, raigning in Heaven,
whom he called alfo Jupiter, the Odds and the Minde! The other,
as it were Female, and the Mother, commanding all things un-
der Heaven. This he called the Minde of the Univerfe. He like-
wife afferts Heaven to be divine, and the fiery ftarrs to be Olym-
Plan Gods, the reft fublunary invifible Deities, which permeate
through the clements of matter, whereof that which paſſeth
through the air is called Juno, that which through the water
Neptune, that which through the earth Ceres: This the Stoicks
borrowed from him, as he the former from Plato. 1.
7.
·
h. He continued Maſter of the School twenty, five years, untill h Laert.
the firſt year of the hundred and fixt Olympiad, then his Diſci-
ple Rolemo fucceeded him. During that time, he lived very reti-
red in the Academy, and if at any time he went into the City,
all the tradeſmen and other people thronged to ſee him,
C
**
ን
*
f
(
*
MOL CHAP. III.
Among
1
His Vertues and Apophthegmes.
Mongſt his other Vertues, he was very remarkable for his a Lært. Val.
Continence, of which there is this inftance: Phryne, a fa- Max. 4.3.
mpus Athenian Curtezan, having laid a wager with feme young
men his Difciples, that he could not refift her enticements, ftole
privately into his bed: The next morning being queſtion'd and
laught at by his Difciples, fhe faid, The wager they laid
was of a man, not of a ftone. To this end he uſed to mortifie him-
felfe by incifion, and cauterifing of his fleſh.
}
b Val. Max. z.
His wifdome and Sanctity was much reverenced by the A- io. Cic. pro.
thenians for being to give his teftimony, and to fwear, as the Balbo, Laert.
cuftome was, that he spoke nothing but truth, the Judges all rofe
up, and cryed out, that he fhould not fwear, indulging that to
his fincerity, which they did not allow to one another.
C
Being fent with others to Philip on an Embaffy, the reft re- è Laert.
ceived gifts from him, and went to treat in private with him;
Xenocrates did neither, and for that part was not invited by him':
The Ambaffadours returning to Athens,faid, that Xenocrates went
along with them to no purpofe: whereupon the Athenians were
ready to impofe amulet upon him; but when they understood
by him, that they were at that time to confider chiefly concer-
ning the Common-wealth, Philip having corrupted the reft with
gifts, and that he would not accept any, they beftowed double
honours upon him. Philip faid afterwards, that of thoſe who
came to him, only Xenocrates would not take any gifts.
Being ſent in the time of the Lamiack war (which was about
Iii
the
}
1
126
XENOCRATES
•
d Ælvar.
hift. 30. 3.
Laert:
* Laert.'
F Laert.
1
the ſecond year of the 104th Olympiad) Ambaffadour to Anti-
pater, about the redemption of fome Athenian Prifoners, Anti-
pater invited him to fit down to fupper, whereto he anſwer'd in
the words of Ulyffes in Homer,
Q Circe, what man is there that is good,
3
Before his friends are freed can think of food?
♪
Antipater was fo pleafed with the ingenious application of
theſe Verſes, that he cauſed the Priſoners immediately to be
ſet at liberty.
d His clemency, faith Alian, extended not only to men, but,
often to irrationall creatures, as once, when a Sparrow, purſued
by a Hawk, flew to his bofome, he took it, much pleafed, and
hid it till the enemy were out of fight; and when he thought it
was out of fear and danger, opening his bofome, he let it go,
faying, that he had not betrayed a fupplyant.
Bion deriding him, he refufed to make any anfwer in his own
defence; for, a Tragedy, faith he, being mocked by a Comedy,
needs not a reply.
To one, who though he had neither learn'd Muſick, Geome-
try, nor Aftronomy; yet, defired to be his Difciple: Away, faith
he, you have not the handles of Philofophy. Some affirm he faid, I
teach not to card wool.
Antipater comming to Athens met and faluted him; which ſa-
Jute he returned not, untill he had made an end of the difcourfe
he was about.
... He was nothing proud; he affigned a particular bufineffe to
Stob. Eth. 126. every part of the day, a great part thereof to meditation, `one
part to filence.
g Stob. Ser.39.
8 Whenfoever he pierc'd a veffell of Wine, it was fower'd
before he fpent it, and the broaths that were made for him were
often thrown away the next day; whence proverbially was uſed,
the Cheefe of Xenocrates, of things that laſt well, and are not cafi-
ly confumed.
Val. Max.7.2. Holding his peace at fome detractive difcourfe, they asked
him why he ſpoke not? Becauſe, faith he, I have fometimes re-
pented of fpeaking, but never of holding my peace.
Yet, this man, faith Laertius, becauſe he could not pay the
fine impofed upon Aliens, the Athenians fold: Demetrius Phake-
reus bought him, contenting both parties, the Athenians with
their Tribute, Xenocrates with his liberty.
}
CHAP.
¿KENOGRATES.
127
t
''શ
:
•HE
A
CHAP. IV.
His Writings.
E left many Writings, Verfes, Exhortacións, and Orati- a Lacīt»
ons, their Titles theſe,
*
A
1
Of Nature 6 Bookes.
of wisdome 6.
of Riches 1.
Arias 1.
OfIndefinite
of a Child 1.
1.
Of Continence I..
Of Profitable 1.
Of Free I.
$
1
鑫
​Of Death 1. which ſome conceive to be the fame with
that which is extant amongst the fpurious Platonick
Dialogues, under the title of Akus
Of Voluntary 1.
Of Friendſhip 2.
Of equity 1.
Of Contrary 2.
Of Beatitude 2:
Of writing 1.
Of Memory 1.
Of Falfe 1.
.. Callicles 1.
こ
​Of Prudence a
Oeconomick I.
Of Temperance 1.
*Of the power of Law 1.
Of a Common-wealth 1;
Of Sandtity 1.
T
That vertue may be taught 1;
3. Of Ens 1.
* Of Fate 1.
Of paffions I.
Of Lives 1.
:: Of concord 1.
Of Difciples 2.
of Justice 1.
of Vertue 2.
of Species I.
Of Pleasure 2.
Of Life 1.
of Fortitude 1.
1
Of
}
128
XENOCRATES.
Of One 1.
Of Ideas 1.
719AHJ
of Art i.
Of Gods 2.
Of the Soul 2.
~ Of Science 1.1
2
Politick 1.
of Scientificks I.
of Philofophy 1.
Of Parmenides opinions 1.
Archidemus,or of Justice 1.
Of Good I.
7
1
Of things which pertain to Intellect 8.da
Solutions concerning Speech 1.
Phyficall aufcultation 6.
A Summary 1.
Of Genus's and Species i. i
Pythagorean affertions. I
Solutions 2.
Divifions 8.
Pofitions 3.
Of Dialectick 14,& 15,& 16.
4
Of Difciplines, concerning diftinctions 9.
Concerning Ratiocination 9.
Concerning Intelligence 4.
Of Difciplines 6.
Concerning Intelligence 2.
of Geometry 5.
Commentaries I.
Contraries I.
Of Numbers I.
Theory of Arithmetick 1.
of Intervalls 1.
Aftrologick 6.
►
allw
។
·
→
27.
Elements, to Alexander concerning a Kingdom 4.
To Arybas
To Hephastion.
of Geometry 2.
Verfes 345.
I
1 2
}
CHAP.
な
​POLEMO.
129
CHAP. V.
His Death.
E died in the 82 year of his age by a fall in the night into a a Laert.
Bafin, (wherein he was drown'd) probably in the first yeare
of the 116. Olympiad, for in that year Polemo his Succeffour took
upon him the School..
Laertius faith, there were fix more of this name, but mentions
only five. One, very antient, skilfull in Tacticks; another of the
fame City and Family with this Philofopher, Author of the O-
ration upon the death of Arfinoe; the fourth, faith he, a Philofo-
pher, who writ in Elegiack verfe, but not happily, perhaps the
fame, who, Suidas faith, was nothing inferiour to this Xenocrates
for Continence; the fift a Statuary, the fixt, a writer of Songs,ás
Ariftoxenus affirm.
POLEM O
B
OLEMO was an Athenian of OEa [a Towne a Laert.
belonging to the Oenian Tribe, ] his Father b Laerts
Philoftratus (who according to Antigonus Ca-
ryftius) was a Citizen of great account, and
kept a Chariot and horſes.
Polemo in his youth was very intemperate, Laert.
and diffolute; he frequently took a fum of
money, and hid it in a private corner_ of fome ſtreet, to fup-
ply his extravagances upon occafion. Even in the Academy
were found three oboli, which he had hid under a Pillar, upon
the fame account. This wildneffe caufed difcontent betwixt him
and his wife, who,thinking her felf not wel uſed by him,accufed
him ὡς μειρακίας σωνόντα,
"Neither did he delight (faith Valerius Maximus,) in Luxury c 6.9:
onely, but even in the infamy thereof. On a time,coming from a
Feaſt, not after the fetting but rifing of the Sun; and feeing the
door of Xenocrates the Philofopher open, full of Wine, fmelling
fweet of unguents, crown'd with Garlands, richly attir'd, hee
rufh'd into his School, which was filled with a croud of learned
perfons. Nor contented with fo rude an intrufion, he fate down
alfo, intending to make fport at his excellent eloquence and pru-
dent precepts. Hereupon all were offended as the affront defer-
ved, onely Xenocrates, continuing the fame Countenance and
Kkk
gefture
130
ROLEMO.
* Laert.
Ath. Deipn.
lib.z.
Stob.phyf.1.3
gefture, fell from the difcourfe in which he was, and began to
1peak of modeſty and temperance, with the gravity of whole dif-
courſe, Polemo being reduced to repentance, firft took his Gar-
land off from his head, and flung it on the ground; foon after he
withdrew his arme within his Cloake; Next hee laid
afide the cheerfulneffe of that look which he had formerly,
when he affected feafting; laftly, he wholly devefted himfelfe of
Luxury, and being thus cured by the wholfom Medicine of one
difcourfe, he, from an infamous Prodigall became a moſt excel-
lent Philofopher, being from that time forward ſo addicted to
ftudy,that he ſurpaſs'd all the reſt,and fucceeded Xenocrates in the
government of the 3chool, which he began in the firſt year of the
116. Olympiad.
After he began to ftudy Philoſophy, he had fuch a conſtant be-
haviour, that he retain'd alwaies the fame Countenance, and
kept the fame tone in all his fpeech, whereby Crantor was taken
with him. A mad dog having bit him by the Knee, he alone of
all the Company feem'd to be unconcern'd in it, and a tumult
happening thereupon in the City, he asked without any diſtur-
bance, what was the matter? In the Theatres alfo,he was nothing
moved. When Nicoftratus the Poet, firnamed Clytemnestra,recited
fomthing to him and Crates, Crates was much taken therwith
but hee made no more ſhow then as if he had heard nothing, and
was altogether fuch as Melanthius the Painter in his Books of
Picture hath defcrib'd him,for hefaith in his actions was exprefs-
ed a ſtubbornneffe and hardneffe.
>
>
Pole mo uſed to ſay, we ought to exerciſe our felvesin things
not in Diale&ick Difciplines, left, fatisfying our felves with
the taft and meditation of the fuperficiall parts of Science, we
become admired for fubtlety in difcourie, but contradict our
felves in the practiſe of our life.
-
He was facete and ingenious, fhunning that which Ariftopha-
nes imputes to Euripides, fowerneffe and harfhneffe. He taught,
not fitting, but, walking. The Athenians much honour'd him for
his great Integrity, hee tooke great delight in Solitude, whence
for the moſt part ne dwelt in a Garden, "about which his Difci-
ples built themſelves little lodges, near to his School. He was a
ftudious imitatour of Xerocrates (who, Ariftippus faith, much
loved him) alwaies remembring his innocence, feverity and
gra-
vity, to which, like a Dorick meaſure, he conformed his owne
ſteps.
>
44
Antigonus Caryftius faith, that from the thirtieth year of his age
to his death he drunk nothing but water.
He held that the World is God.
He much affected Sophocles, chiefly in thofe places where(to uſe
the phraſe of the Comick Poet)a Moloffian dog feemeth to have writ-
ten together with him. And whereas Phrynicus faith, he was
No
CRATES.
1.31.
?
Ngt fweet, nor flat, but gently smooth ; he ſaid, that Homer was an
Epick Sophocles, Sophocles a Tragick Homer.
He died very old of a confumption, and left behind him many
writings. Laertius hath this Epigram upon him;
Wert thou not told, that Polemo lies here,
On whom flow fickness (man's worst paffion)prey'd?
No, 'tis the robe of flesh he us'd to wear,
which ere to Heav'n he mounted down he laid.
Of his Difciples are remembred Crates, Zeno the Stoick, and
Arcefilaus.
CRATES
RATES was a Thriafian, Son of Antigenes Laert.
he was an Auditor of Polemo, and loved by
him; He fucceeded him in the government
of his School. They both profited fo much
by one another, that living they onely fol-
low'd the fame inftitutes, but even to their
laſt ends were alike, and being dead, were
buried in the fame Sepulchre. Upon which
upon them both,
occafion Antagoras writ thus
I
1
who ere thou art, fay ere thou paffeft by,
Crates and Polemo bere buried lie i
Both for their mutual love no less admir'd,
Then for their eloquence, by which inspir'd,
Oth' wisdom they profefs'd, the age was proud,
Yet gladly to their facred precepts bow'd.
Hence Arcefilaus, when he went from Theophraftus, and ap
ply'd himſelf to them,ſaid,they were Gods, or certain reliques of the
golden age o
They were nothing popular, but what Dionyfiodorus an antient
Muſician was wont to fay, may be apply'd to thefe, when he
boaſted; that none had ever heard him fing, as they had Iſmenius,
nor had ever ſeen him in a Ship, or at the Fountains,
і
Antigonus faith, that, he fojourn'd at Crantors, when he & Arcefi-
Tus lived moft friendly,and that Arcefilaus dwelt with Crantor, Po
Imo with Crates, together with Lyfscles,who was one of the Citi-
zens,and truly, Polemo,as is before mention'd,loved Crates,Crantor,
Arcefilaus. But Crates dying, as Apollodorus in the third of his
Chro-
132
CRANTOR.
1
i
Laert.
Chronicle, left Books which he had written, partly of Philofo-
phy, partly of Comedy; Orations ſuited for publick pleading, or
Embaffie.
He had many eminent difciples, of whom was Arcefilaus, & Bi-
on the Borifthenite,afterwards called a Theodorean from that Sect.
There were ten of this name.The Firſt an antient ComickPoet.
The Second, an Oratour of the Family of Ifocrates.
The Third, an Ingencer,that went along with Alexander in his
expeditions.
The Fourth, a Cynick.
The Fift, a Peripatetick.
The Sixt, this Academick.
The Seventh, a Grammarian.
The Eighth, writ of Geometry.
The Ninth, an Epigrammatick Poet.
The Tenth, of Tarfis, an Academick Philofopher.
A4
CRANTOR
Rantor was of Soli, much admired in his own
Country. He came to Athens where hee heard
Xenocrates, and ſtudied with Poleomo.
He writ Commentaries, 3000. Verfes, whereof
fome afcribe part to Arcefilaus.
Being asked how he came to be taken with Pole-
mo, but anſwer'd, from the tone of his ſpeecht, never exalted nor
deprefs'd.
Falling fick, he went to the Temple of Æfculapius,and walked
there;
where many reforted to him from ſeverall parts, not
thinking he ſtai'd in refpect of his fickneffe, but that he meant to
erect a School in that place; amongst the reft came Arcefilaus
whom, though he lov'd him very much, he recommended to Po-
lemo, whom he himſelf after his recovery heard alſo, and was ex-
treamly taken with him.
د
He bequeath'd his eftate, amounting to 12. Talents to Arce-
filaus, who asking him where he would be buried,he anfwer'd,
In Earth's kind bofom happy 'tis to lie.
He is faid to have written Poems, and to have depoſited them,
fealed up in his own Country, in the Temple of Minervas of him
thus Theatetus,
Pleafing to men, but to the Mufes more.
Crantor too foon of life was difpoffeft,
Earth his cold body we to thee reftore:
That in thy arms he peacefully may reft.
}
Cran
ARCESILAUS.
133
Crantor above all admired Homer and Euripides, ſaying it
was hard in proper language to ſpeak at once tragically and
paffionately, and quoted this verfe out of his Bellerophon.
Alus, yet why alas,
14
Through fuch fate mortals paffe..
Antagoras the Poet alledgeth theſe verſes, as writtenby him.
*
,
* Soul's in doubt, for doubtleffe is his race,
My
whether I love first of all Gods ſhall place
which drew from Erebus their old defcent,
And Night beyond the Oceans vaft extent;
Or whether to bright Venus, or to Earth,
Thou oweft thy double form and facred birth.
He was very ingenious in impofing apt names.
>
$
C
He ſaid of an ill Poet, that his verſes were full of moths; and
of Theophraftus, that his Thefes were written in a fhell.
He wrote a Treatife concerning Griefe, which was generally
much admired, as Cicero and Laertius atteſt.
He died before Polemo and Crates of the dropfy.
}
ARCESILAVS
CHAP. I.
442
His Country, Parents, Teachers.
t
* Read 'Er foun
Ep
fur Duries, 8-
wot,15c. as Cal
limachus hymn:
1. 'Ev dañ µá.
λα θυμός, ἐπει
γένος αμφήρι
Sov. One doubt-
Leffe imitating
the other, which
both the inter◄
preters not abo
•
ferving have
Atrangely rendred
this place.
Reefilaus (whom Cicero calls Arcefilas) was a Pi-
tanean of Æolis; his Father, according to
Apollodorus, in the third of his Chronolo-
gicks, named Seatbus, or as others Scythus. He
was the youngest of foure brethren, two by-
the fame Father, only the other by the fame
Mother; the eldest was named Pylades : of
thoſe who had the fame Father, the eldeft was Mareas, Guardis
an to his Brother Arcefilaus.
*
• Heavas born by computation from his death (which was in
the fourth
year of the hundred thirty and fourth Olympiad, * Aldobrandi-
the feventy fift of his age) in the first year of the hundred and nus his edition
fixteenth Olympiad.
reads the 130.
LII
He
134
ZARGESIMUS.
A
S.
}
1
"He firſt heard Autolychus the Mathematician, his Country-
before he came to Athens, with whom he travelled to
1500
}
man,
Sardis.
Next he heard Xanthus an Athenian, a Maſter of Muſick.
..
He heard alfo Hipponicus the Geometrician, who, excepting
his skill in that Art, was otherwife a gaping dull fellow, for
which Arcefilaus deriding him, faid, Geometry flew into his
mouth as he gaped. Of Hipponicus falling mad, he took fo great
care, that he brought him to his own houſe, and kept him there
untill he were quite cured.
་བ་་ He likewife, by the compulfion of his Brother, ftudied Rhe-
torick, and being by nature vehement in diſcourſe, and of inde-
fatigable induſtry, he addicted himſelfe likewife to Poetry.
There is an Epigram of his extant upon Attalus, to this effect;
↓
For armes and horfes oft hath been the name
of Pergamus through Pifa fpread by fame ;
But, now ſhall (if a mortall may divine)
To future times with greater glory ſhine.
There is another Epigram of his upon Menèdorus, ſon of Es-
demus..
Far hence is Thyatire, far phrygian earth,
whence Menodore thou didst derive thy birth.
But down to Acheron unpierc'd by day,
From any place thou knew ft the ready way.
To thee this Tcmb Eudemus dedicates,
whom Love hath wealthy made,though poor the Fates.
C
Although his Brother Mareas would have had him profeffed
Rhetorick, yet was he naturally more enclined to Philofophy;
to which end, he first became a hearer of Theophrastus, in which
time Crantor being much taken with him, ſpoke that verſe of
Euripides to him, out of his Andromeda:
Mayd, if I fave thee, wilt thou thankfull be?
He anſwer'd in the following verſe
j
ง
Stranger, for wife or flave accept of me.
I porn
0.57 bia
*
From thence forward they lived in intimate friendſhip, whereat
Theophraftus troubled, faid, He had lost a youth of extraordinary wit
and quickneſſe of apprehension:
He emulated Pyrrho as fome affirm, and ftudied Dialectick
and the Eretriack Philoſophy, whence Arifto faid of him, 99, 11
譬
​199.
Pyrrho
ARCESILAUS
135
Pytrho behinde, Plato before,
And in the middle Diodore.
And Timon,
Next leaden Menedemus he purfues 5
And Pyrrho doth, or Diodorus choofe.
And foon after maketh him fay thus;
Ile Swim to Pyrrho,and crook'd,Diodore.
7
He was a great admirer of Plato, whofe Bookes he had.
量
​CHAP. II.
;
4
در
Upon what occafion he conftituted the middle Academy.
Rates dying, Arcefilaus took
the
Rates dying, Arcefilaus took upon him the government of a Laert.
the School, which was yielded to him by Socratides. Being
poffeffed of that place, he altered the Doctrine and manner of
Teaching, which had been obſerved by Plato and his fucceffors
upon this occafion.
>
>
Plato and his followers down to Arcefilaus, held, (as was
faid) That there are two kinds of things, fome perceptible by.
Sence, others perceptible only by Intellect: That from the latter b Acad.quaff.
arifeth Science, from the former Opinion: That the Minde only lib. 1.
feeth that which alwaies is fimple, and in the fame manner, and
fuch as it is; that is, Ideas. But, that the Senfes are all dull and
flow, neither can they perceive thofe things which feem fubje-
ated to Senſe, becaufe either they are fo little, that they cannot
fall beneath fenfe, or ſo movable and tranfient, that not one of
them is conftant or the fame; but, all are in continuall lapfe and
fluxion. Hence they called all this part of things Opinionable, af-
firming that Science is no where, but, in the notions and reafons
of the minde... ↑
{
Yet, did they profeffe againſt thofe, who faid, the Academy e cic. Acad.
took away all fence; for, they affirmed not, that there was no quaft.4.
fuch thing as colour, or taft, or fapor, or found; but, only main-
tained, there was no proper mark of true and certain in the
fenſes, there being no fuch any where.
I
Hence they allowed, that we make uſe of the fenfes in acti-d plut. cont.
ons, from the reafon that appeareth out of them; but, to trust Color.
them as abfolutely true and infallible, they allowed not.
1
་
e
IC
Thus held the Academicks down to Poleme, of whom Arce- è cic. Acad.
filaus and Zero were conftant Auditors; but Zeno being older quast. 1.
then Arcefilaus, and a very fubtle difputant, endeavoured to
correct his doctrine, not that, as Theophraftus faith, he did èner-
vate vertue; but, on the contrary, he placed all things that are
reckon'd among the good, in vertue only: and this he called
honest
136
ARGESLAAWS
*
Cic. ibid.
A
g Cic. ibid.
ibid…………
- A
honeſt, as being fimple, fole, one good: Of the reft, though neither
good nor evill, he held, that fome were according to Nature, o-
thers contrary to Nature, others Mediate: Thofe which are ac
cording to Nature, he held to be worthy estimation, the contrary
contrary; the neuter he left betwixt both, in which he placed no
value. Of thoſe which were eligible, fome were of more æſti-
mation, fome of leffer thoſe which were of more he called pre-
ferred, thofe of leffe rejected. And as in thefe, he did not change
fo much the things themſelves as the words, fo berwixt a kali-
tude and a fin, an office and a præteroffice: he placed fome things
mediate, holding that Rectitudes confifted only in good acti-
ons, fins in evill; but, offices either performed or omitted, he
conceived mediate things. And whereas the Philofophers of
the old Academy did not hold all Vertue to confft in Reaſon,
but fome vertues to be perfected by nature or cuftome: Zeno on
the contrary placed all Vertue in Reafon; and whereas the Aca-
demicks held, as we faid [in the life of Plato,] that all thofe ver-
tues may be feparated, Zeno maintained that could not be, a-
verring, that not only the ufe of vertue (as the Academicks held )
but the habit thereof was excellent in it felfe, neither had any
oņe vertue', who did not alwaies make uſe of it. And whereas
the Academicks took not away paffion from man, affirming that
we are fubject to compaffion, defire, fear, and joy by nature;
but, only contracted them, and reduced them within narrower
limits; Zeno affirmed, that from all thefe, as from fo many dif
eafes, a wife man muſt be free. And whereas they held, that all
paffions were naturall and irrationally and placed in one part of
the Soule Concupifcence, in the other Realon: Neither did Zeno
herein agree with them, for he afferted, that paffions, are vou
luntary, that opinions are taken up by judgment, that immode-
rate intemperance is the Mother of all paffion. Thus much för-
Ethicks.
}
31. 2
"As for Phyfick, He did not allow that fift nature befides the
foure Elements, of which the Arddewicks held Sence and Minde
tobe effected; for, He afferted Fire to be that nature which bes
getteth every thing, both Minde and Sence. He likewife diffen
ted from them in that he held, nothing can be made by a thing
which hath no body, (of which nature, Xenocrates, and the ola
Academicks thought the foule to be) and that wharfoever made
any thing, or was it felfe made, muft of neceffity be a Body.
A
He likewife afferted many things in the third part of Philofo
phy, wherein He afferred fome things new of the Senfes them-
felves, which he conceived to be joyned by a certain extrinſes
call impulfion, which he called Phantafe. To thofe phantalles
received by the Senfes, He added Affet of the mind, whiene
held to be placed in us, and voluntary. He did for allow al
phantafies to be faithfull and worthy. Credity but, only there
which
f
ARCESILAUS.
137
which have a proper declaration of thoſe things which they
feem, which phantafie when it is feen, is called comprehenfible,
when received and approved, he calleth it comprehenfion. That
which was comprehended by fenfe, he calleth Senfe, and, if it
were ſo comprehended, that it could not be pulled away by rça-
fon, Science, if otherwife, Ignorance, of which kinde was opinion,
infirme, and common to falfe or unknown things. Betwixt Sci-
ence and Ignorance he placed that comprehenfion we mentio-
ned, not reckoning it among the good nor the bad; but affirming
that only was to be credited, whence he likewife attributed
faith to the Senfes, for as much as he conceived the comprehen-
fion made by the Senfes to be true and faithfull, not that it com-
prehended all things that are in being, but that it omits nothing
that can fall beneath it, as alfo, becauſe nature hath given it as
á rule of Science and principle of it felfe, whence notions are
afterwards imprinted in the minde, from which not only prin-
ciples, but certain larger waies towards the invention of reaſon,
are found gut. Errour, temerity, ignorance, opination, fufpicion,
and in a word, whatſoever is not of firme and conſtant affent
he took away from Vertue and Wiſdome. In theſe things con-
fifteth almoſt all the change and diffention of Zeno from the old
Academicks.
Zeno thus maintaining many things contrary to Plato, as that
the Soul is mortall, and that there is no other World but this,
which is fubject to Senfe, Arcefilaus perceiving this Doctrine to
fpread and take much, prudently concealed the doctrine of the
Academy, left the myfteries of Plato being divulg'd and made
too common, fhould become defpicable: and therefore (faith St. h Contra Acit
guftine he thought it fitter to unteach the man that was not well demic. lib.
taught, then to teach those, whom by experience he found not to be do-
cite enough.
Ꮒ
Hereupon Arcefilaus undertook to oppoſe and conteft with i cic. Acad.
Zeno, not out of any pertinacity or defire of glory, but led there- quaff. 1.
unto by that obſcurity of things, which had brought Socrates to
a confeffion of his own ignorance; as likewife Democritus, Anaxa-
goras, Empedocles, and almoſt all the antient Philofophers, who
affirmed, That nothing could be understood, nothing perceived,
nothing known: That the fenfes are narrow, our mindes weak,
our lives fhort, and truth(as Democritus faith ) drown'din an abyffe.
That all things are held by opinion and inſtitution, nothing left
to Truth: and finally, That all things are involved in darkneffe.
*Thus Arcefilaus denyed there is any thing that can be k cic. ibid.
known, not ſo much as that which Socrates referv'd, [that he knew
nothing I conceiving all things to be hid in fuch darkneffe, that
there is nothing which can be feen or underſtood. For theſe rea-
fons we ought not to profeffe or affirm any thing, or to approve
any thing by affent; but, alwaies to reftrain and withhold our
haftineffe
Mmm
}
#38
ARGESILAUS.
1 Cic. ibid.
m Eufeb.
'
haftineffe from errour, which then proveth great, when it ap
proveth a thing falfe or unknown. Neither is there any thing
more vile, then by affent and approbation to prevent knowledge
and perception.
>
K
He did, as was agreeable to this tenent, difpute again all
affertions and doctrines; and having found, that in the fame thing
the reaſons of two opinions directly oppofite, were of equall
weight, he thence inferr'd, that we ought to with-hold our af
fents (me) from both: [This Laertias means, when he faith,
that he took away propofitions, by reafon of the repugnance of fpeech,
and was the first that taught to argue on both fides.]" And that neither
n Eufeb.prapar. the fenfes nor reafon are to be credited. He therefore praiſed that
Apophthegm of Hefiod;
Evang.
dem. lib. 3.
} -
'
The Gods all knowledge have conceal'd from men.
O
• Contra Aca-But this Saint Auguftine affirmes was only done, to conceal
myfteriouſly the meaning of Plato; but, they nevertheleffe had
and held his doctrines and decrees, which they uſed unfold to
thofe who lived with them till they were old.
He likewife, as Laertius faith, firft alter'd the manner of difpu-
ting which Plato deliver'd, and made it more litigious by question and
p De finib. 1. 2. anſwer, of which, thus Cicero: Socrates ufed to finde out by que
ftion and anfwer, the opinions of thoſe with whom he difcour-
fed, that, if there were occafion, he might fay fomething upon
that which they answer'd: This cuftome not retained by his
fucceffors, was taken up by Arcefilaus, who inftituted, that they
who would learn of him fhould not queftion him; but, them-
felves tell him what they thought, which when they had done
he diſputed againſt it; but, his Auditors were to maintain the
own opinion as much as they could poffibly. This courfe took
Arcefilaus, contrary to all other Philofophers, amongft whom,
he that would learn held his peace; which courle, faith Cicero,
is at this time held in the Academy, where he that will learn
fpeaks in this manner, Pleaſure ſeems to be the chiefe good
whereupon in a long Oration it is difputed against it, where-
by may cafily be understood, that they who fay, a thing feemeth
to me to be fo, are not really of that opinion, but defire to hear
the contrary maintained.
9 Acad. quaft. I.
q
This School conftituted by Arcefilaus, was called the fecond
Academy, in relation to its defcent from Plato; or, the middle Aca-
demy, in refpect of the new one which was afterwards ſet up by
Carneades; though Cicero feemeth to make no diftinction be
tween this and that, but calleth this the new Academy: But
though 'tis likely, that it was not at firſt ſo called; yet, upon the
introduction of a newer, it was afterwards more generally
known by the title of the middle, or, fecond Academy.
b
Thefe Academicks differ from the Scepticks, in as much, as,
though
1
PRARCESILAUS.
139
I
}.
though they affirmed that nothing can be comprehended; yet
they took not away true or false from things. On the contrary,
they held that fome Phantafies were true, others falfe, but the
Scepticks hold that they are both indifferent; alike defenfible by
reafon. The Academicks affert fome things to be wholly improba-
ble, fome more probable then others, and that a wife man
when any
of there occur, máy anfwer yes, or no, following ther Eufeb.pr ap.
probability, provided that he withold from affenting. But the evang. lib. 14,
Scepticks hold all things to be alike indifferent, not admitting
Judgement, nor allowing that either our fenfes or opinions can
perceive true or falſe, and therefore no faith is to be given to
them, but we ought to perfift firm and ummoveable without opi-
nion, not faying of any thing that it is, any more then that it is
not !!
T
1
ง
CHAP. IH.
His Vertues and Apophthegms.
3
E preferred Homer above all Writers, of whom he conftant- a Laert.
I read fome piece before he went to bed, and as foon as he
Fofe in the morning. When he went to read any thing in him, he
faid, he went to his Miftrefs.
Pindar alfo he ſaid was proper to raife the voice, and give us
ſupply of words:
Hee was fententious and fuccinct in fpeech, often uſing ex-
preffions of doubtfull meaning. He uſed to reprehend and chide
Tharply, and freely, whence Timon faith of him,
*
When thou chidft young men, think thou once wert young.
In this kind, Laertius inftances his fayings to a young man?
ſpeaking confidently, &c. to an immodeft young man, G.
Emara Chian, who though very deformed, thought himſelf ve-
ry handſom, asking him as he put on a rich Cloak, whether hee
thought a wife man might not love, Arcefilaus anfwered, do you
mean if he be as handfom and as fine as you?
To an effeminate perfon, who upbraiding him as it were of
pride, fpoke this verſe,
Shall we demand, great Sir, or filent be ?
He immediately anſwered,
'
~15"*: Woman, wby speak thou these harſh words to me?
Being troubled with the talk of an inconfiderable mean perſons
he faid,
►
1
The
1
140
ARCESILAUS.
:
The Sons of flaves intemperately speak.
#
Of another, who talk'd impertinently,and loudly,he faid, he had
à peevifh nurſe. For fome he would make no anfwer at all.
To an Ufurer,who faid there was fomthing he knew not, hee
anſwer'd in theſe verſes out of Sophocles's OEnomaus,
The courfe of ftorms hid from the bird doth lie,
Untill the time that she must lay draw nigh.
To a Dialectick Philofopher of Alexinus's School, who was
not able to fay any thing worthy Alexinus, he related what Phi-
loxenus did to a maker of Bricks, who overhearing him fing
his verſes falſe, trod upon his bricks and broke them, faying,
as you ſpoil mine, fo I yours.
He was angry at thoſe who learned not the liberall Sciences
in due time.
In difpute, he uſed this word, Ifay, and will not fuch a one,
(naming the perfon ) afsent to this which many of his Dif-
ciples affected to imitate, as alſo his manner of ſpeaking and
geſture.
He was moſt acute in anfwering appofitely, and converting
his diſcourſe to the prefent fubject, and fitting it for every time.
He was very efficacious in perfwafion? whence many Difci-
ples reforted to him, though fometimes he ſharply touched
them, which they took patiently.
He was very good, and much excited hope in his Auditors.
As to the neceffaries of life, he was very liberall and commu-
nicative, ready to do good, and much endeavouring to conceal it,
avoiding all that kind of vain-glory. Vifiting Ctefibus, who was
fick, and perceiving him to be poor, he privately put a purſe un-
bQuam difcern. der his pillow, which when he found, this, faith he, is the fport
adul. ab. amic. of Arcefilaus. Another time he fent him 1000. drachms. Plutarch
relates this as done to Apelles the Chian Painter, whom Arcefilaus
beſides many other teftimonies of kindneffe coming to vifit as he
lay fick, and perceiving how poor he was,departed, and return-
ing foon after, bringing twenty drachmes with him, then fitting
cloſe to Apelles's bed ſide, Here is nothing ſaies he, beſides Empedo-
cle's four Elements,
c
Laert.
Fire, Water, Earth, and Ether mounting high, but me thinks you
lie not at your eafe, and with that taking occafion to remove his
pillow, he convey'd the purfe privately under it, which when the
old woman that tended him found, and wondring, fhew'd to A-
pelles, he laughing, faid, This is one of Arcefilaus's thefts.
He recommended Archias, an Arcadian to Eumenes King of
Pergamus, by whom he was exalted to great dignity.
He
ARCESILAUS.
141.
He was very liberall and free from covetoufneffe, as appeat
red by his Utenfills of filver, and vying with Archecrates and
Callicrates. He had many veffells of gold, which he lent unto
many upon occafion of feafting. Thefe filver veffells a certa
man borrowed to entertain his friends withall; Arcefilaus know-
ing him to be poor, would never fend for them back: Others re-
port he lent them to him on purpoſe, and when he brought them
back, becauſe he was poor, he freely beſtowed them on him.
He had a fair eſtate at Pitane, from which Pylades his brother
continually ſupplyed him. Eumenes alfo, fon of Phileterus gave
him many large prefents, whence to him only of all Kings he
applyed himfelfe.
When Antigonus was much followed, and many perfons
thronged to his houfe, he forbore, declining his acquaintance.
He was intimate with Hierocles, the Governour of Munichia and
Pireum, and conſtantly, on holidaies, went thither to vifit him:
Hierocles often entreated him to vifit Antigonus, but he refuſed,
and went along with him as far as the dore, and there parted
with him. After Antigonus's fight at Sea, many writing confola-
tory Epiftles to him, Arcefilaus was filent. Being fent by his
Country on an Embaffy to Antigonus at Demetrias, he returned
fruftrate of his defigne.
He lived the greateſt part of his time in the Academy, avoi-
ding to meddle with publick bufineffe; but-fometimes went to
the Pireum, as we faid, out of love to Hierocles; for which fome
reproved him.
He was very magnificent (indeed a fecond Ariftippus) in the
entertainment of his friends. He openly profeffed love to Theodote
and Phileta, Curtezans of Elis, for which being reprehended, he
rehearſed the Chria's of Ariftippus. He was very amarous, and
much affected the company of young men, whence Arifto of Chi-
os, a Stoick, called him a corrupter of youth, temerarious, and
impudent. Of thoſe whom he affected are mentioned Demetrius
and-Leochares; Demochares fon of Laches, and Pythocles ſon of Bu-
gerus, much affected him.
For theſe things he was much inveighed againſt at the houſe
of Hieronimus the Peripatetick, who had invited his friends to
celebrate the birth day of Alcyoneus, fon of Antigonus, for the
keeping of which Feaft, Antigonus fent yearly much mony. At
this Feaft Arcefilaus would not difpute amidst the cups and when
Aridelus propounded a queſtion to him, requiring that he would
fay fomething to it, he anfwer'd, it is the beſt property of a Phi-
loſopher to know the ſeaſons of all things.
But, he was fo free from pride, that he counſelled his Difci-
ples to go and hear other Maſters; and when a certain Chian
youth of his School declared, that he was not pleaſed with what
he faid fo much as with the diſcourſes of Hieronimus, he took
him
Nnn
142
ARCESILAUS
d Stob: Ser?
143.
e Sitob. Ser.2127
£Stob.Ser.212.
g Stob.Ser.235.
a Laert.
him by the hand and led him to the Philoſopher, defiring him
to cheriſh him according to his quality.
To one that asked why men went from other Sects to the Epi-
reans, but never from the Epicureans to other Sects: Becaufe
faith he, of men, fome are made Eunuchs, but of Eunuchs never
any are made men.
He faid, where there are many medicines, and many Phy-
ficians, there are moſt diſeaſes; and where there are many
Lawes, there is moſt iniquity.
e
* He adviſed to ſhun Dialectick, becauſe it turneth all things
upfide down.
He compared Logicians to Gamfters that play at Dice, who
take delight whilft they are cofen'd.
He affirmed, that poverty is rugged as Ithaca, but good to
bring up a child, in that it enureth to frugality and abftinence,
and is generally a good School of vertue.
"Whis
CHAP. IV.
His death.
Hen he drew nigh the end of his life, he bequeathed all
his eſtate to his brother Pylades; to which end, Mæreas
not knowing it, he ſent him firft to Chios, and from thence fent
for him back again to Athens. He fent three Copies of his Will,
one to Amphicritus at Eretria, an other to fome friends of his at
Athens, the third to Thaumafias his neer kinſman, to be kept by
them; with the laſt he ſent this Letter.
Arcefilaus to Thaumafias, health.
Gave Diogenes my will to bring to you, for being often fick and in-
firm of body, I thought fit to make my will, left if any fuddain acci-
dent should befall me, I fhould depart this life with fome injurie done
to you, whom I have found fo bountifull towards me. I defire that you
the most faithfull of all my friends, will take it into your cuftody. Ap-
prove your felfe just to that extraordinary truft which I have repofed in
you, that it may appear I have made a right choice.
He died, as Hermippus faith, in a kinde of phrenzy, after he
had drunk much Wine, 75 years old, in the fourth year of the
134th Olympiad, as may be conjectured from the fucceffion of
Lacydes, in the School which began at that time. The Athenians
buried him with ſuch folemnity as never any was before.
He took not any women into the houſe with him, neither
had
LACT DES.
143
had he any children. He flouriſh'd according to Apollodorus in the
120. Olympiad.
There were three more of this name, one an antient Comick
Poet, the ſecond an Elegiack Poet, the third a Statuary.
LACYDES
Acydes fucceeded Arcefilaus; he was a Cyrenean, (his Father Laert:
„named Alexander ) a perfon of much gravity, and had many
Emulators.He was from his youth much given to ſtudy,poor,but
pleafing to all company, and of a delightfull converfation.
As concerning his managing his houfhold affairs,it is reported
that when he took any thing out of the place where he kept his
Provifions, he locked the dore, and threw the key in at a hole
that none might ſteal ought from him; which his fervants obfer-
ving, frequently took it, and, opening the dore, carried away
what they thought good, and then put it in the fame place again,
in which fact they were never diſcover'd.
But the moſt pleaſant part of the ftory,is, that (as* Numenius af- * Eufeb. prap÷
firms)he was thereby perfwaded to be of the opinion of the mid-evad.lib. 49
dle Academicks; that nothing is comprehended by fenſe, arguing
thus;why ſhould I think that fenfe can comprehend any thing cer-
tainly,when I know that my own fenfes are ſo often deceived;for
when I go abroad, I think that I fee with my eies thofe things
which I leave in my ftorehouſe; when I return I find none of
'them; which could not be unleffe our fenfes were fallible and
uncertain.
Lacydes upon the death of Arcefilaus, being made maſter
of the School in the 4th year of the 134. Olympiad, taught in the
Academy, in the Gardens which were made by Attalus the King,
which from him were called the Lacydean Gardens. Laertius, and,
from him, Suidas, make him Inftitutor of the new Academy; but
erroneouſly. He continued this charge 26 years, at the end
whereof he refigned it, whilft he was yet alive, to Telecles and
Euander, Phocians, his Difciples,in the fecond year of the 141. 0-
lympiad.
Attalus fending for him to come to him, he returned him an-
ſwer, that Pictures make the best fhew at a diſtance..
Studying Geometry in his old age, one ſaid to him, is it now
time? he anſwered, when, if not now?
?
Atheneus faith, that Lacydes and Timon Philofophers, being in-
vited by one of their friends to an entertainment of two daies
and defirous to ſuit themſelves to the company, drunk very free-
ly. Lacyd s went away firft, half drunk, and perceiving Timon to 11. x.
fteal away too, faid out of Homer:
Το
1
144
LACT DES.
II. E.
Var, bift.
To our great glory Hector we have flain.
The next day meeting Timon again at the fame place, and ſeeing
him, not able to take off his cups at once, make a pauſe, when he
put
it to his mouth the ſecond time, he ſaid out of another place
of Homer,
Those are unhappy who contest with me.
Ælian likewife numbers theſe two amongst the great drinkers,
and perhaps not unjustly; for by exceffe of Wine ne fell into the
palfie, of which hee died in the fecond year of the 141. O-
lympiad.
He wrote Philofophicks and of Nature.
In the School, he was fucceeded, as are ſaid, by Eu AN-
DER, Euander, by his Diſciple, E GESINUS, whom Clemens
Alexandrinus calleth Hegefilaus, of Pergamus, Egefinus, by CAR-
NEADES.
1
1
CARNEA
CARNEADES.
1
145
怎么
​2
}
CARNEADES.
CHAP. I.
His Country, Parents, Time, Mafters.
CARNE ADES (fucceflour of Egefinus) was
of a Cyrene, whence Cicero faith, he was a Laert.
b
an acute perfon, as being an African. Heeb Acad.quaff.4.
was fonne of Epicomus,or Philacomus. Apollo-
dorus, as cited by Laertius, affirmeth he died
in the 162. Olympiad; but there is a mi-
ſtake in the Text; for the words of Apollodo-
rus relate doubtleffe to the time of his birth,
which upon that Authority, we may affirm to have been in the
first year of 162. Olympiad. Florus (cited by Plutarch ) addes,
C
S. I.
he was born on the 7th day of Tharlegion, at what time the Car- c Sympos. quæft
nean Feſtivalls were celebrated at Cyrene, whence perhaps he took
his name.
તા
This time falling after the Callippical period, we fhall compute
it according to Peravius his method, which although it be not
exempt from queſtion, yet is better then that of Scaliger, whofe & Dor. semp
method is not reconciléable to Ptolomy's obſervations.
The fourth of the i 64, Olympiad, was
Of the Julian period
4585.
Epoche of the Callippick period 4383.
Which fubducted, there remains
Subduct two perionods more
202.
152.
$
remains
50.
P.
The year propounded therefore is the 50th of the third peri-
od. The Neomenia of Hecatombeon,June 26. which is the 177th day
of the Julian years the 7th of Thargelion (according to Petavius)
at that time was the 302. of the Attick year.
Ooo
•T•
146
GARNEADES.
To
177.
adde
302.
Summe
479.
Subdu&t
365
Remains
114.
e Laert.
£ Cic. Acad.
quaft.4:
Eufeb.
The 114th day of the Julian year is the 24th of April, on which
fell the 7th of Thargelion, which,the Dominicall Letter being B. fell
on Sunday, Proleptically taken.
с
• He was Diſciple to Egefinus the Academick, and flearned Lo-
gick of Diogenes the Stoick, whence in arguing he would many
times fay, If I have concluded right, the caufe is my own, if not rights
Diogenes must return the mina he had of me; which was the price.
the Dialectick Philofophers took.
H
CHAP. II,
How he constituted the new Academy.
E fucceeded Egefinus in the School, and is by Cicero réckon’d
the fourth from Arcefilaus,(who conſtituted the middle Aca-
demy, introducing a ſuſpenſion of Affent, grounded upon the un-
certainty of things: ) Carneades, conftituted the new Academy,
maintaining the fame kind of fufpenfion, with no leffe eagernefs;
yet upon more moderate grounds:*for he held that the incompre-
* Numen. apud. henfibility of things, proceeded not from the nature of the things
themſelves, as Arcefilaus maintained; for as much as every thing
really exiſteth in it ſelf, and if any thing be affirmed or denied of
another, it is true or falfe, as to the thing it felf; but the things
themſelves remaining firm, we derive from them a Phantafie and
fimilitude, which for the moſt part like falfe meffengers lie and
deceive us. To all true things there fome falfe adjoined, and
thoſe ſo like,that,there is no certain note of Judication and affent,
wherefore we cannot perceive any thing to be true.
quaſt. 4.
But he was nothing leffe rigid as to the Academicall fufpen-
fion, for* he denied that any thing could be perceived, not fo
*Cic. Acad. much as that very maxime; Nothing can be perceived, arguing
thus. All Phantafmes are of two kinds; the firft included the
perceptible, and imperceptible; the fecond kind, the probable;
and the improbable. Thoſe which are contrary to fenfe and evi-
dence,
CARNEADES.
147
dence, pertain to the former divifions againſt the latter we ought
not to fay any thing. Wherefore there is no Phantaſie fol-
lowed by perception, but by approbation many; for it were con-
trary to nature that nothing fhould be probáblé.
2
More fully * Sextus Empericus. Carneades, faith he, did not on- Adv. Mathema
ly oppoſe the Stoicks, but all that went before him, as to judg-
ment. His firft and common argument againſt all, is, that, by
which he ſhoweth abſolutely, that there is nothing from which
truth can be judged; not reafon, not fenfe, not phantasy, nor any
thing, for all theſe in a word deceive us. His fecond argument
is that whereby he fhewes, that although there be fomething
that doth judge, yet it cannot exiſt without an affection from
evidence. For an animall differeth from inanimate things by the
fenfitive faculty, it apprehendeth thereby both it felfe and ex-
ternall things; but fenfe remaining immovable, impaffible, and
immutable, is not fenfe, nor apprehendeth any thing, but being
changed, and after fome manner affected by incurfion of evi-
dents, then it declareth things. In that affection therefore of the
foul which arifeth from evidence, we are to feek that which
judgeth. This affection is declared when that appeareth from
which it proceedeth, which affection is nothing elfe but phan-
tafy. Phantafy therefore is a certain affection in an animall
which fheweth both it felfe and ſome others, as when we ſee
any thing, our fight is affected in fome manner, fo, as it was not
before that act of feeing. By this alteration we apprehend two
things: Firſt, the alteration it felfe, that is the phantafy. Second-
ly, that from which this alteration proceeds, the thing viſible.
The like in the rest of the fenfes. As therefore light manifefteth
it felfe and all things in it, ſo phantafy being the chiefe guide
of knowledge in an animall, muft like unto Light, manifeft both
it ſelfe, and that evident object which effecteth it. But becauſe
it doth not alwaies fhew that which is true, but often erreth and
differeth from the thing whence it proceedeth, like ill meffen-
gers, it neceffarily followeth that all phantafies cannot leave a
judgment of truth, but only if it be true. Again, becauſe there
is no phantafie fo true, but it may be falfe; and of all phantafies
that feem true there are fome falfe, which differ little from
them, that which judgeth muſt confift in common phantafy of
true and falfe. But the common phantafy of theſe comprehen-
deth not, and if it comprehendeth not, neither is there any thing
that judgeth. And if phantafy have not a judicative power
neither can reafon judge, for that is derived from phantafy, and .
¿
justly: For, that whereof it judgeth, ought firft to appear unto
it; but nothing can appear but through fenfe void of reaſons
therefore neither ſenſe void of reafon, nor reafon it felfe is that
which judgeth.
Thus
}
148
CARNEADES
Thus difputed Carneades against all other Philofophers, to
ſhew there is not any thing that judgeth. But, being demanded
what judgeth, as to the leading of life and acquifition of beati-
tude, he hath recourſe to probable phantafy; and together with
probable, undiſtracted and circumcurrent, their differences theſe.
Phantafy is the phantafy of fomthing, viz. of that of which it is
made, and of that in which it is made: That of which it is made
is the externall ſenſible object; that in which, the Man. It hath
two relations, one to the object phancyed, the other to the phan-
tafm derived from that object. From the relation to the object
it is either true or falfe; true, when it agreeth with the object;
falſe, when it diſagreeth: From its relation to the phantafme
there is one which feemeth true, another falfe. That which fee-
meth true is by the Academicks called Emphafis, and probability
and probable phantafie; that which feemeth not true is called
Apemphafis, improbability, and not-probable phantafy. For, neither
that which feemeth falfe, and is fuch; nor that which is true,
and feemeth not fuch, have any thing in their nature perfwafive.
But, of theſe phantafies, that which is manifeftly falſe, and
feemeth not true, limiteth the judicatory, but is not that which
judgeth, as likewife produceth from that which is, but differs
from it, fuch as was that of the fury proceeding from Electra to
Oreftes. Of that which feemeth true, one kinde is tenuious, as
that which is in a thing fo little, as that it is not vifible, either
becauſe it takes not up room enough, or by reaſon of the weak-
neffe of fight, which receiveth things confufedly, and not di-
ftinctly. The other is that which hath this common property
with the true, that it feemeth to be very true. Now of thefe, the
tenuious, loofe, remiffe phantafy cannot be that which judgeth;
for that which cannot clearly manifeft it felfe, nor the thing that
effected it, cannot attract us, nor invite affent; but that which
feemeth true and is manifeft enough, that, according to Carneades,
is the judge of truth.
This being that which judgeth, it hath a great latitude, and
being extended into another fpecies, hath a more probable and
vehemently effective phantafy. Probable is taken three waies;
firſt, for that which is true, and ſeemeth true; ſecondly, for
that which is falſe, and feemeth true; thirdly, for that which is
true, common to both. Whence that which judgeth muſt be that
phantafy which feemeth true, which the Academicks call pro-
bable. Sometimes the falfe incurreth; fo that it is neceffary to
uſe the common phantafy of true and falfe; yet, not becauſe that
more feldome incurreth, I mean that which imitateth the truth,
we are not to give credit to that which is for the greater part
true, whereby it happeneth our judgment and actions are for the
moſt part directed.
That
>
CARNEADES
149
That which firſt and commonly judgeth, Carneades held to be
this. But forafmuch as phantaſy ſometimes is not of one kinde,
but like a chain, one dependeth on another, there muſt therefore
be a fecond judge, which is probable and undistracted phantafy. As
he who receiveth the phantafy of a man, neceffarily receiveth
the phantaſy of ſuch things as are about him, and without him;
of the things about him, as colour, magnitude, figure, motion,
fpeech, cloathing, fhooes; of things without him, as aire, light,
day, heaven, earth, companions, and the like. When therefore
none of theſe phantafies ſeems falfe, but all agree in ſeeming
true, we credit it the more. That fuch a one is Socrates we be-
lieve, becauſe he hath all thoſe things which Socrates uſeth to
have, as colour, magnitude, figure, gefture, cloak, in none of
theſe diſagreeing with it felf. And as fome Phyfitians argue a
man to be in a feaver, not from one fymptome, as from a high
pulfe, or great heat, but from the concurrence of that heat with
the pulſe, as alfo from ulcerous touch, redneſſe, thirſt, and the
like, all agreeing together. So the Academick maketh a judgment
of truth, from a concurrence of phantafies, and when none of
all the phantafies that joyne in the concurrence retract him as
falfe, he faith, that which incurreth is true.
That there is a credible undistracted concurrence, is manifeft
from Menelaus: Having left in his fhip an image of Helene which
he had brought from Troy, as if it had been Helene her felfe, lan-
ding at the Iſland Pharos, he there met with the true Helene, and
from her attracted a true phantafy, but would not believe that
phantafy, being diſtracted by the other, which told him, that he
nad left Helene in the Ship. Such is undiſtracted phantaſy there-
fore, which likewife feemeth erroneous, for as much as there
are fome more undiſtracted then others. Of undistracted phanta-
fies, that is moft credible and perfeЯ which maketh a judg-
ment.
Moreover, there is a circumcurrent phantafy, the form where-
of is next to be declared. In the undistracted we only enquire
whether none of thoſe phantafies which joyne in concurrence
attract us as falfe, but that they all feem true, and not impro-
bable. But in that which is made by concurfe, which uſeth cir-
cumcurrence, ftrictly examines every phantafy which is in that
concurrence, as in Affemblies, when the people take account
of every particular perfon that ſtands for the Magiftracy, whe-
ther they deſerve that power and right of judging. In the place
of Judgment, there is that which judgeth, and that by which
the judgment is made, the diſtance and intervall, figure, time,
manner, affection, and operation, each of which we examine
ftrictly. That which judgeth, whether the fight be dimme,
for if it be, it is too weak for judgment; that which is judged,
whether
Ppp
150
CARNEADES.
+
Cic. Acad.quaft:
4.
whether it be not too little; that through which, whether the
air be obfcure; the diſtance, whether it too great; the medium,
whether confuſed; the place, whether too wide and vaft; the
time, whether too luddain; the affection, whether not phrene-
ticks the operation, whether not unfit to be admitted. For if all
theſe be in one, that which judgeth is probable phantafy, and to-
gether, probable, undistracted, and circumcurrent. Wherefore as
when in life we enquire concerning fome little thing, we exa-
mine one witneffe; when we enquire into fomthing of greater
conſequence, we examine more; but when of a thing moſt ne-
ceffary, we examine each of the witneſſes by the joynt teſtimony
of all. So faith Carneades, in light, inconfiderable matters, we
make uſe of probable phantafy, only for judgment; in things of
fome moment, of undistracted phantafy; in things that concern
well and happy living, circumcurrent phantaſy.
And as in things of great moment they take diverſe phanta-
fies, ſo in different circumftances they never follow the fame;
for they fay, they attend only probable phantaſy in ſuch things
wherein the circumftance of time alloweth not a strict exami-
nation: As for inftance. The enemy purfues a man; he comming
to a Cave, takes a phantafy, that there are fome enemies there
lying in wait: tranfported by this phantafy as probable, he
fhunneth and flyeth from the Cave, following the probability of
that phantafy, before he accuratly and diligently examine, whe-
ther there really be any enemies in ambuſh in that Cave or no.
Probable phantafy is followed by circumcurrent, in thoſe things
in which time allowes a curious examination of each particu-
lar, to uſe judgment upon the incurrent thing. As a man com
ing into a dark room, and feeing a rope rolled up, thinking it to
be a ferpent, he flies away; but afterwards returning, he exa-
mines the truth, and perceiving it not to ftir, begins to think
it is not a ferpent; but withall confidering, that ferpents are
fomtimes frozen or nummed with the cold, he ſtrikes it with
his ſtaffe: and having thus by circumcurrence examined the phan-
tafy which incurred to him, he affenteth, that the phantafy ne
had taken of that body as a ſerpent is falfe. And again, as I ſaid,
when we manifeftly behold, we affent that this is true, having
firſt over-run in our thoughts that our fenfes are all entire, and
that we behold this waking, not in a dream; that the air is per-
fpicuous, and a convenient diftance from the object. Hereby we
receive a creditable phantafy, when we have time enough to
examine the particulars concerning the thing feen. It is the
fame in undistracted phantafy, which they admit, when there is
nothing that can retract us, as we faid of Menelaus. Hitherto
Sextus.
Yet, though nothing can be perceived, a wife man may
affent
to
}
CARNEADES.
151
to that which is not perceived; that is, he may opinionate; but fo
as he knoweth himſelf to opinionate, and that there is nothing
which can be comprehended and perceived.
He afferted the ultimate end to be the enjoyment of naturall
principles, which,faith Cicero, he maintained, not that he really De fin. lib. 2.
thought fo, but in oppofition to the Stoicks.
He read the Books of the Stoicks very diligently, and difputed Laert.
againſt them with fo good fucceffe, that it gave him occaſion to
lays If Chryfippus had not been, I had not been.
+
Clitomachus ufed to fay of him, he could never underſtand what
Cic. Acad
he really held; for he would fomtimes argue on one fide, fome- quaft. 4.
times on the other; and by the calumny of his wit, faith Cicero,
many times deride the beſt cauſes. Of the Scrites uſed by him,
fee Sextus Empiricus:
}
•
CHAP. III.
Upon what occafion be was fent on an Embaſſy
to Rome.
Macr. Satur.
HE Athenians being fined by the Romans about 500. Ta- a Plut vit.Cat.
lents, at the fuit of the Orepians and Sicyonians, for deftroy- Agel. 7. 14.
ing Oropus a City of Baotia,fent three Philofophers on an Embaſſie I.S.
to the Romane Senate, to procure a mitigation of this fine, which
had been impoſed upon them without hearing their defence;
Carneades the Academick, Diogenes the Stoick, and Critolaus the Pe-
ripatetick.About the time of this Embaſſy there is much difagree-
ment amongſt Authors. Agellius faith, they came after the fecond
Punick War, and maketh Ennius later then their coming; which
Petavius justly conceiveth to be falfe, for as much as Enni-
us died in the 585th year from the building of the City. But Cice-
ro affirmeth this Embaffy to have been when P. Scipio and M.
Marcellus were Confuls, which was the 599th year. Paufanias
reckoneth it upon the 603dyear of the City, which Cafaubone
approveth.
>
Each of theſe Philofophers, to fhew his learning, made choice
of feverall eminent parts of the City, where they difcourſed be-
fore great multitudes of people to the admiration of all. The E-
loquence of Carneades was violent and rapid; that of Critolaus
neat and ſmooth, that of Diogenes modeft and fober. Carneades one
day diſputed copiouſly concerning juftice before Galba and Cato,
the greateſt Orators of that time. The next day he fubverted all Inft. lib. st
he had faid before by contrary Arguments, and took away that
Juſtice which he had fo much commended. This he did the bet-
ter
La&ant, de
152
CARNEADES.
1
Plut.
ter to confute thofe, that afferted any thing. That diſpute where-
by he overthrew Juſtice is recorded in Cicero by L. Furius.
To theſe three Philofophers reforted all the ftudious
young
men, and frequently heard and praiſed them. Chiefly the
fweetneffe of Carneades, which was of greateſt power and no leffe
fame then power, attracting eminent and benigne hearers, filled
the City with noife like a great wind; and it was reported that a
Grecian perfon qualified to admiration, attracting all, had infu-
fed a ſerious affection into the young men, whereby forgetting
other divertiſements and pleafures, they were carried on as it
were with a kind of madneffe to Philofophy. This pleaſed all
the Romans, who gladly beheld their Sonns inftructed in Greek
learning by fuch excellent men. Onely Cato at the firſt noiſe of
Admiration of the Greek Learning, was troubled, fearing the
young men ſhould apply themſelves that way, and fo preferre
the glory of eloquence before Action and Military difcipline.
The fame of Philofophers encreafing in the City, and C. Acilius,
(whom Agellius and Macrobius call Cæcilius) an eminent perfon,
having at his own requeſt been the Interpreter of their firſt Ora-
tion to the Senate Cato (who was then very old ) under a fair
pretence, moved, that thefe Philofophers might be ſent out of
the City, and coming into the Senate-houſe, blamed the Magi-
ftrates, that they had fo long fuffered fuch Ambaffadors to con-
tinue amongſt them without any anfwer, who were able to per
fwade them to any thing wherefore he firſt deſired that ſome-
thing might be determined concerning their Embaffie, that they
might be fent back again to their own Schools, and inſtruct the
Sons of Gracians, and that the Romane youth might, as they did
before, apply themſelves to the obfervance of their own Laws
and Magiftrates. This he did not out of anger to Carneades,as fome
thought, but out of an ambitious æmulation of the Greek huma-
nity and Literaturę.
}
Lib. 8.c.7.
CHAP. IV.
His Vertues and Apophthegmes.
was a perſon infinitely induftrious, leffe converfant in
Phyfick then Ethick, and fo ftudious that he neglected to cut
his hair and nailes. Valerius Maximus faith, hee was fo ftudious,
that when he lay down at meales, his thoughts were fo fixt, that
he forgot to put his hand to the Table, and that Meliffa,who lived
with him as a wife, was fain to put him in mind thereof,and help
him:
He
CARNEADES.
153
He was fo ewinent for Philofophy, that the Oratours them-
felves would many times break up their ſchools and come and
hear him.
He had a great and loud voice, whereupon the Gymnafiarch
fent to him not to ſpeak fo loud, whereto he anſwering, fend me
the meaſure by which I should speak; the other wifely and appofitely
repli'd, you have a measure, your Hearers.
He was ſharply invective, and in argument almoſt invincible.
He avoided feafting, out of the reafon we mentioned, his great
ftudioufneffe.
One named Mentor a Bythinian, as Phavorinus faith, who had
endeavoured to feduce a Miftris that he kept, coming into the
ſchool, he preſently jeaſted at him, in turning theſe words of
Homer,
Hitherto comes one opprefs'd with hoary years,
Like Mentor in his voice and looks appears,
who from the School I charge you turn away.
The other rifing up, reply'd,
V
He thus proclaim'd, the reft did ftreight obey.
Being to difpute with Chryfippus, he purg'd himſelf by white
Hellebore to fharpen his wit, left any corrupt humours in his
ftomach might oppreffe the vigour and conftancy of his mind.
}
He compared Dialectick to the fish Polypus, which when its Stob. Ser. 212.
claws grow long, bites them off; fo Logicians, growing fubtle,
confute their own affertions.
*
He adviſed men in their greateſt profperity to be mindfull of a Plut.de tranp.
change,for that which is unexpected is moſt grievous.
anim.
&
Hs faid the Sons of rich men and Kings learn nothing well but Plut de adul.
Riding, for their Maſters flatter them; they who conteft with Am.dis.
them, willingly yield to them; but a horſe confiders not whether
a private man or a Prince, a poor man or a rich bee on his back,
but if he cannot rule him, he throws his Ridér.
He ſeemed to be extreamly averfe from death, whence he of- Lan
ten ſaid, the fame Nature which hath put us together will diſſolve us ;
and hearing that Antipater dyed by drinking poifon,he was a litle
animated by his conftancy in death, and faid, then give me too,
they asking what, VVine, faith he,
In the midf of the night he was ſtruck blind, and knew not of Lart
it, but waking, bid his fervant bring a light; the fervant did ſo,
telling him he had brought one, then, ſaid he, read you.
CHAP
154
CARNEADES.
Laert.
Η
CHAP. V.
His Death and Writings.
HE lived according to Laertius 85. years, or according to Cice-
cero. 90. The words of Apollodorus that he died in the
fourth year of the 1624 Olympiad, which falleth upon the 626th
year from the building of Rome, may eaſily be evinced to be falſe,
by the greateſt part of the Circumftances of his life; particularly
from this; that Antonius in Cicero faith, when hee went Pro-
Confull into Afia, he found Carneades the Academick at Athens
who oppofed all in difpute, according to the manner of his Sect.
The year of Antonius's Pro-Conſulfhip was the 652. year from
the building of Rome. But this account as we faid before, is to be
applyed to the time of his birth, from which the 85th falleth upon
the firſt year of the 184th Olympiad, the 90 th upon the 24 of the
185th
>
Laertius faith, at his death there was a great Eclipfe of the
Moon, which fome interpreted to proceed from a Sympathy with
his loffe. Upon this Eclipfe Iconceive Petavius grounded his
*Do&.temp. computation of Carneades's death, when he faith, it was upoh
the first year of the 163. Olympiad. May 2. fer: 2. hora. 5. 46. at A-
thens. But there being a mistake of the year, there is confequent-
ly a greater in the account of the feria and hour.
Carneades, as Cicero faith, wrote four Books of Sufpenfion of
Affent. He wrote likewife Epiftles to Ariarathes King of Cappado-
cia, the only monument left behind him, extant in Laertius's time.
Whatſoever elſe went under his name, Laertius faith, was writ-
ten by his Diſciples, of whom hee had many, the moſt eminent
Clitomachus.
There are remembred two more of this name, one a Philofo-
pher, Difciple to Anaxagoras, mentioned by Suidas; the other an
Epigrammatick Poet, mentioned by Laertius.
CLITO.
155
CLITOMACHVS
LITOMACHUS was a Carthaginian, ſon of b Diognetus. a Laert.
b Stephan.
He was firft called Afdrubal, as Plutarch and Laertius af-
firm, and profefs'd Philoſophy in his own Country, and native c Lari:
Language. Being forty years old, he went to Athens, and heard
Carneades, who being much taken with his induſtry, inftructed.
and exerciſed him in Philofophy. With Garneades, Cicero faith,
he lived untill he was old, and fucceeded him in the School, and
chiefly illuftrated his Doctrines by his writings, the number of
which bookes being above foure hundred, were a ſufficient tefti-
mony of his induſtry, and that he had no leffe of wit, then a cie. Acad.
Carneades of eloquence. He was well vèrs'd in three Sects, the 2. I. 4. Laertò
Academick, Peripatetick, and Stoick.
c
с
Of his books are remembered by Cicero, one of Confolation to è cic. Tufc. Qn.
his captive Country-men, Carthage being then fubdued by the 4
Romans another to Caius Lucilius the Poet, wherein he explained fcic. Acad.
and defended the Academick fufpenfion of Affent, having written Q. 4.
before of the fame things to L. Cenforinus, who was Conful with
M. Manilius, the fummè of which diſcourſe was this.
8 The Academicks hold there are fuch diffimilitudes of things, & Cic. Acad. 4.
that fome ſeem probable, others on the contrary. But this is
not ground enough to fay that fome things may be perceived,
others cannot, becauſe there are many falſe that are probable,
but no falfe can be perceived and known. Thoſe therefore ex-
treamly erre, who affirme the Academicks to take away ſenſe g
for they fay not, there is no colour, fapor, or found; but difpute,
that there is not any proper inherent note in theſe of true and
certain: (which having expounded, he adds) A wiſe man fuf-
pends affent two waies; one, when [ as we know ] he abfolutely
refuſeth to affent to any thing another, when he with-
holds from anfwering, either in approbation or improbation of
fomthing, fo that he neither denyeth nor afferteth it. the
firſt way he affents to nothing, in the fecond he will follow
probability, and according as he finds it or not, anſwers yes or
no. He who withholdeth his affent from all things, is yet moved,
and acteth ſomthing. He referves therefore thefe phantafies by
which we are excited to action, and thoſe of which being que-
ftion'd, we may anſwer on either part, only as of a thing that
feemeth
156
CLITOMACHUS
h Cic. Tufc.
quaft. 5.
i Sext. Empir.
adu. Math.
k Stob. Ser.
212.
ſeemeth to us fo, but without affent; neither are all fuch phan-
tafies approved, but only thoſe which are not obſtructed by any
thing.
h
In afferting good, he joyned pleaſure with honeſty, as Cal-
lipho alſo did.
He was a great enemy to Rhetorick, as Critolaus the Peripate-
tick, and Charmidas were alſo. Arts they did not expell out of
Cities, knowing them to be very profitable to life, no more then
they would drive Oeconomick out of Houſes, or Shepheards
from their Flocks; but they all perfecuted, and every where
ejected the art of fpeaking, as a moft dangerous enemy.
* He compared Dialectick to the Moon, which is in continu-
all increaſe or decreaſe.
A Slob: Ser. 48. ¹Falling fick, he was taken with a fit of a Lethargie, out of
which he no fooner came, but he ſaid, Love of life ball flatter me
no longer; and thereupon with his own hands ended his life.
7
}
}
?
A
:
R
f
PHILO.
>
ར
157
:
PHILO
PHILO
C
Ethic.
HILO was of Lariffa, he heard Clitomachus many years, a Stob. Eclog.
and is named by Sextus Empericus, as Conftitutor of à
fourth Academy; but Cicero affirmes, he diffallowed the di-
ftinction of Academies, and wrote expreffely to prove the
first and the new Academy to be both one. Whilft he lived, c Cicer.
the Academy wanted not a Patron, The Romans admired & Plut.vit.Cic.
him, as Plutarch affirms, above all Clitomachus's Schollers, for
his excellent diſcourſe, and loved him for the fweetneffe of
his difpofition. Cicero no fooner went out of the firft fchooles and
rudiments of learning, but he became an auditor of Philo, as he
acknowledgeth himſelfe.
:
Amongst other excellent things (faithf Stobaus) he gave this fEclog. Ethic,
Divifion of Philofophy. He compared Philofophy to a Physician:
As the office of a Phyfician is fitft to perfwade the fick perfon
to permit himſelfe to be cured; next to confute the reafons of
his adverſary So is it of a Philofopher, both which confift in
exhortation. Exhortation is a difcourfe inciting to vertue;
whereof one part explaineth its great ufe, the other refelleth
adverfaries, or fuch as any way calumniate Philofophy. The
compariſon holds in a fecond manner, thus: As the part of a
Phyfitian, after he hath perfwaded the Patient to admit of cure,
is, to apply the means thereof, as well to remove the cauſes of
the diſeaſe, as to induce and fettle health; fo is it in this Science.
After exhortation, he endeavoureth to apply the cure, by re-
moving falfe opinions wherewith the foul is infected, and by
fubftituting true. In the fecond place therefore it treats of good
and evill, for the fake of which the exhortation was made.
Thirdly, the comparifon holds thus: As all Medicines refer to
one end, health; fo all Philofophy to Beatitude. That part
which treats of ends is joyned with another which treats of
life. For as in Medicine, it is not fufficient to reſtoré health
unleffe it likewiſe deliver rules by which it may be preſerved
fo in life, fome precepts are required for confervation of the
end: And this part alfo is twofold; private, or common: One,
confiders the affairs of particular perfons, as, whether a wife
man fhould mannage a Common-wealth, whether, he may
live with Princes, whether he may marry: The other confiders
RrF
the
158
ANTIOCHUS
Sex. Emp.
33.
the bufineffe of all in generall; as, what Commonwealth is
beſt, how Magiſtrates are to be chofen. This common part is
called Politick, and is treated of diftinctly by it felfe, as being
of greateſt latitude. Now if all were wife men, there would
be no need of more places, for the more fubtle divifions would
emerge from the precedent. But becauſe there muſt likewiſe
be a care of the middle fort of men, who cannot apply them-
felves to long difputations, either through want of time, or
diverſion of buſineffe, there must not be omitted a treating of
precepts, which delivereth ſhort rules concerning the ufe of
each.
}
As to the Stoicall judicatory, comprehenfive phantafy, he held all
Pyrrh. Hyp.. things to be incomprehenfible; as to the nature of the things
themſelves, comprehenfible. Thus he took away the comprehen-
five phantafy afferted by Zeno.
Sex. Emp.
Fyrrh. Hyp. 2.
II.
Tufc. Qu. 1.2.
He held that to be a good connex, which beginneth from
true and endeth in falfe, as (if it be day, and I difpute) this,
If it is day, I difpute. According to which tenet there may be true
axioms three waies, a falfe only one way: For, when it begin-
neth from true, and endeth in true, it is true; as, If it is day, it is
light: And when it beginneth from falfe, and endeth in falfe, it
is true; as, If the earth flies, the earth bath wings. Likewiſe if it
beginneth from falſe and endeth in true, it is true; as, If the
earth flies, it is earth. That which is falfe, is that which beginneth
from true, and endeth in falſe; as, If it is day, it is night; for, the
antecedent, it is day, is true; but the confequent, it is night, is
falle.
He appointed, that the precepts of Oratours fhould be deli-
vered at one time, thofe of Philofophers at another.
2
a Plut. vita
Cicer.
I.
c Acad. Qu. 4.
lib. 2.
e Vit. Cicer.
ANTIOCHVS
·
NIIOCHUS was an Afcalonite, brother of Ariſtus,
Difciple of Philo. He lived with L. Lucullus, the Quæ-
A Di
e
с
ર્ત
>
b Cic. Ac.qu. 1. ftor and Generall; he was alſo a great friend to Atticus, whom
d Cic. de Leg. he invited to the Academy. He is named by Sextus Empericus
as Conftitutor of a fifth Academy: For, as Plutarch faith, he fell
off from the Sect of Carneades, either moved by the evidence of
fenſe, or, as fome thought, by ambition, and diffention with
the Diſciples of Clitomachus and Philo. So that with fome little
altera-
ANTIOCHUS.
159
%
alteration, he made ufe of the Doctrines of the Stoicks; and
fthough he were called an Academick, he had been, but for f Cic. Acad.
fome alterations, an abfolute Stoick; whence it was faid of Quaft. 4.
g Sext. Empir;
him, He taught the Stoicall Philofophy in the Academy; for he mani- Pyrrh. Hypot.
fefted, that the Doctrines of the Stoicks were in Plato. In his old 1.33.
age,
1
k
1
lib. 5.
Deor. l. I.
m Cic. Acad.
faith h Cicero, he betook himſelfe to the old Academicks, for- hAcad.Quafi.4.
faking the new, and diligently enquiring into the opinion of i Cic.de finib.
the Antients, endeavoured to follow Ariftotle and Xenocrates, kAcad. Queft.4
¹ profeffing, that the Stoicks and Peripateticks agreed in the thing, Cic.de nat.
and differed only in words. To which effect Cicero mentions a
another againſt Queft. 4.
Book which he fent to Balbus: He wrote alfo "another againſt
his Maſter Philo, entituled Sofus. "Cicero being at Athens heard n Flut. vit.
him, and was much taken with the eloquence and volubility Cicer.
of his diſcourſe, (° declaring him to be the moſt polite and acute Quaff. 4.
of all Philofophers in his time) P but not with the new Doctrine p Fit.
which he introduced.
Thus far there is a continued feries of the Academick Phi-
lofophers.
o Cic. Acad.
FINIS.
}
t
THE
HISTORY
OF
PHILOSOPHY.
The Sixt Part,
Containing the Peripatetick Philofophers.
1
LONDON,
Printed for Humphrey Moſeley, and Tho: Dring.
An. Dom. 16 5 6.
1656
ARISTOTELES.
ARISTOTLE
*
CHAP. I.
His Country, Parents, and time of his Birth.
Pon the death of Plato his Difciples feparated
themſelves into two Sects. The first continu-
ed in the ſame ſchool, where he taught, the
Academy; the other poffefs'd the Lyceum.
The firſt was known by the generall name of
Academicks, or Peripateticks of the Academy;the 2 Ammin. fub.
the other by the generall name of Peripate- finem:comment
ticks, or more particularly, Peripateticks of the Lyceum. Of the in proem. Pot-
firſt we have difcourfed already; we come now to the other, of
which Ariftotle was the Head.
C
તા
a
ª
phyT.
с
Ariftotle was born at Stagira, a City of Thrace, according to b Laert.
• Herodotus, & Thucydides, Paufanias and Suidas,by others placed in Polym.
d Lib. 4.ds.
Macedonia, to take from him the imputation of a Barbarian. It e Eliac.
was feated upon Strymon a River which parts thofe two Coun-
tries, having a Haven called, and a little Ifland of the fame
name belonging to it.This place,to which Ariftotle ow'd his birth;
he afterwards requited with extraordinary Gratitude.
g De compos.
$
f His Father was named Nicomachus, defcended from Nicoma- f Laeri.Ammoni
chus Son of Machaon (whofe skill in Medicine is celebrated
by Homer) Son of Afculapias, from whom Nicomachus, Ariſtotle's
Father, derived not only his Pedigree, but his art alfo,for he was
a Phyſician. Suidas faith, he wrote fix Books of Medicine, and
one of Phyfick. & Galen alledgeth a Plaiſter of one Nicomachus, ei-
ther this or the elder. This Nicomachus (h whom fome affirm to medicam.
have been grandfon to Hippocrates the Phyſician) lived in the h Baßus,
time of Amyntas King of Macedonia, (Father of Philip) a Prince
(as Juſtine witneffeth) eminent for all Royall Vertues. To him
Nicomachus was not only Phyfician, but friend and favourite.
i Tzetzes forgot theſe relations of Aristotle (as Nunnefius obferves) i Chilíat.
when he affirmed that he was called an Æfculapian figuratively,
in reſpect of his skill in Medicine, though it be true alfo that hee
did profeffe that Art.
His Mother Laertius and Suidas name Theftias, Dionyfius Hali- men.
1 Vit. Arift. if
carnaſſeus, and Ammonius, Phaftis.¹ Ammonius faith, the alfo was he were the
(aaa 2)
k
k Epift.ad Am.
mæum.
defcen- Author.
ARISTOTLE.
defcended from Afculapius, alledging in teftimony thereof this
Epigram,
His Mother Phæfis Sire Nicomachus,
Defcended both from Efculapius.
3
But Dionyfius Halicarnaffeus faith, the was daughter a Chalci-
dian, one of the Colony which was fent from Chalcis to Stagira.
Her Picture, Ariftotle,in piety to her memory, cauſed to be made
by Protogenes an eminent Painter of that time, which Picture
m Lib.3s.cap. m Pliny reckons among the choiceft pieces of that Mafter.
9.
n Laert.
o Epift. ad
Ammaum;
p Deipn. lib.
Ariftotle (as Suidas affirms) had a Brother named Arimneftus
and Sifter Arimnefte. His Brother died before him with me,
as appears by his will.
Ariſtotle was born, according to the teſtimonres of Apollo
rus, Dionyfius Halicarnaffaus and others, in the firft year of the
99 Olimpiad, at what time Diotrephes was Archon at Athens,
44. years after the Birth of Plato, as Athenæus accounts, more
justly then Ammonius and Suidas, who reckon but 42. before the
q Lib.1.cap. birth of Demofthenes, three years. Agellius affirms, he was born
21.
r
I
the ſeventh year after the recovery of the City of Rome from the
x Nunnes. in Gaules by Camillus; but becauſe (as Plutarch faith) it is hard
vit. Ariftot. to find out on what year the City was taken, it will be hard alfo
repeated by
Schettus in vif. to find upon what year it was recovered. The recovery was leven
comparat. A months after its taking, but, in the following year, for it was ta-
rist. demofth. ken in July, recover'd in February. If therefore as Valerius Flaccus,
Agellius, and Caffius Hemina account, the taking of the City was
in the 3634 year from the building thereof, it was recover'd in
the 364th. Thus Aristotle was born in the first year of the 99th O-
lympiad, the 370th from the building of Rome.
But, if as Livy affirms, the taking of Rome was in the 365th year
from the building thereof, and its recovery in the 366th, Aristotle
according to that account muſt have been born in the third
year
of the 99th Olympiad, in the 3724 year from the building of the
City. Again, if the City were taken, in the 364th year after the
building thereof, and recover'd in the 365th year, as Varro, Pliny,
Dionyfius Halicarnaffaus áccount, whom Scaliger followeth, A-
riftotle muſt have been born in the fecond year of the 99th Olym-
piad, the 371. from the building of the City, reckoning alwaies
ten months for a year, and not cafting them off, as Pliny and o-
thers feem to do,and beginning immediately the next year, which
months being reckoned, the account will agree with ours;
therto Nunnefius«
.hi-
:
CHAP.
ARISTOTLE
3
No
CHAP. H
His firft Education and Studies,
„OPC
1
i
Icbmachus and Phasis the Parents of Ariftotle being both a Ammoni
dead, he was brought up by Proxenus an tarnean, during
which time being yet very young, he learned the Liberall Scien-
ces, as appeareth, faith Ammonius, from thofe writings of his
which partly concern Poetry, partly the Poets themſelves as
likewife from his Homericall questions, and feverall Books of the
Art of Rhetorick.
責
​•
,3
་་
In gratitude for this care taken by Proxenus in his education¸ ↳ Ammon.
•Aristotle afterwards; not only bred up in like manner Nicanor,
the Son of Proxenus, in all kinds of Learning, but adopted him
his Son, and with his Eftate bequeathed his Daughter to him.
He likewife caufed the Statues of Proxenus and his wife, to be c Lært. în
made and fet up in honour of them, as is manifeft by his Teftam. Arift.
Will.
d
e
in
.
}
e Var. biſt. 5.9%
* Athenæus (citing an Epiftle of Epicure) and Ælian relate, & Deipn. lib.8.
that having confumed the inheritance left by his Father in prodi-
gality and luxury; he betook himſelf to the Warres, wherein
having ill fucceffe, he profefs'd Medicine, and by chance,coming
into Plato's School, and hearing their difputes, being of a wit far
beyond the reft, he addicted himſelf to Philofophy, and became
famous therin.But this agrees not wel with the circumftances of
his ſtory, as related by Authors of greater credit and leffe pre-
judice.
CHAP. III.
How he heard Plato.
"Having attained the age of 17. years, he went (in obedience a Ammon.
to the Pythian Oracle, which adviſed him to addict himfelf
to Philoſophy) to Athens, Laertius faith (out of Apollodorus) that
he was then but ſeventeen years old, in which year Naufigenes
was Archon; Dionyfius Halicarnaffæus faith, it was the year fol-
lowing, at what time Polyzelus was Archon, perhaps it was upon
Naufigenes's going out of his Office, whom Polyzelus fucceeded.
But b Eumenys is much miſtaken, who faith, he was thirty years b L'aëri.
old when hee came firſt to Plato, perhaps (as Nunnefius con-
jectures) becauſe he had read in Plato, that Dialectick ought not
to be ftudied till the thirtieth year. And no leffe erre Ammonius,
(if he be Author of that Life) and Olympiodorus, who affirm, that
1
*
Aristotle
4
ARISTOTLE.
æternit.
d Vet. Interp.
J
Ariftotle coming to Athens in the feventeenth year of his age,
heard Socrates three years, whereas Socrates was put to death
when Laches was Archon, thirty two years before Naufigenes,
under whom Ariftotle was feventeen years old.
Being recommended to Plato, he became his Difciple, and ſo
continued twenty years, as an Epiftle of his to Philip (cited by
the old Interpreter of his life)did teftific.
d
Plato much loved him, and admired his acuteneffe of appre-
c De mundi henfion, and diligence in ftudy; for which (Philoponus faith)
Plato uſed to call him the Minde of the Schoole; and when he
was not at his Lectures, he would fay, The Intellect is not here,
or, as Rhodiginus, The Philofopher of truth is abfent. And compa-
ring his acuteneffe with the dulneffe of Xenocrates, Plato was
wont to fay, what an horfe, and what an affe have I to yoke toge-
ther: Xenocrates needs a fpur, Ariſtotle a kit.
e Laert.
f Ammon.
g Interp.
hvit, Epic.
e
Ꮒ
Whilft he lived with Plato, he was extreamly ftudious, and
given to reading, infomuch that Plato called his houfe, the house
of the great Reader, and would often fay, Let us go to the great
Readers houfe. This may be confirmed by that great number of
antient Authors which are cited in his works. And though h La
ertius (either in his own, or Carneades's words) faith, that Ari-
ftotle hath thruſt in as many ſentences of old Authors in his
writings, as both Zeno and Chryfippus; yet, every one that is ac-
quainted with the writings of Ariftotle, knoweth how judici-
oufly and conciſely he giveth an account of their opinions, not
for oftentation, but difquifition.
Some report there was a great enmity betwixt Plato and
¡ Ælian• 3.19. Äriſtotle, which firſt arofe from Plato's diſlike of his manner of
habit: For, Ariftotle wore rich garments, and rich fhooes, and
contrary to Plato's rule, cut his hair fhort, and wore rings. He
had likewiſe (ſay they) a fcornfull derifion in his look, and te-
nacious contradiction in his difcourfe, which Plato not appro-
ving, preferred before him Xenocrates, Speufippus, Amyclas, and
others, to whom he communicated his Doctrine and many fa-
vours; but repudiated Ariftotle, who thereupon, whilst Plato
was yet alive, fet up a School in oppofition to him, in the Lyce-
um: at which ingratitude, Plato much troubled, faid, Aristotle
kicks at us as young Colts at the damme that foaled them, when they have
Ælian. var. fucked their fill, and ¹ for that reafon, ufually called Ariftotle the
hift. 4. 9. Hel- Colt.
k Laert.
ladius,apud pho-
oth.
m Ælian.
m
1
k
tium, in bibli- They add, that Xenocrates being gone into his Country, and
Speufippus not well, Aristotle came into Plato's School with fome
of his followers, and circumvented him with fallacious argu-
ments, whereupon Plato retired to his own houfe, and there
taught privately, leaving Ariftotle in poffeffion of the Schoole,
which he kept, till Xenocrates returning, ejected him, and rein-
ſtated Plato. The chiefe author of this report fçemes to have
been
ARISTOTLE.
5
lib, 15.
• In
been Ariftoxenus, cited by "Eufebius, who as Suidas obſerves, n Prap. Evang.
affoon as Ariftotle was dead, caft many afperfions upon him, Ariftexéño.
out of a malitious revenge, becaufe Ariftotle preferred Theophra-
fus before him in the fucceffion of the School, notwithſtanding
that Ariftoxenus had gained a great name and credit among the
Difciples.
·
>
But as Ammonias argues; it is not likely that Ariftotle, if he
would, could have ejected Plato out of the School, or have ob-
tained licence to erect a new one in oppofition to him; for as
much as at the fame time, Chabrias and Timotheus, Plato's kinf-
men, were in great power, and Generalls of the Athenian for-
çes. Yet, fome there are who affirm this, grounding it only on
Ariftotles contradicting of Plato in many things; to which Ammo-
nius anfwers, that Ariftotle doth not fimply contradict Plato
but thofe who mifinterpret his writings. For, if he do fometimes
contradict Plato, what wonder? ſeeing that therein he followeth
Plato his Author, whofe faying it was, that Truth ought to be
preferred before all things; as alſo that ſaying; Socrates indeed
is dear, but Truth moſt dear: And elſewhere, What Socrates
faith, we muſt not fo much regard, as we ought to be folicitous
concerning Truth. The fame courſe Ariftotle took, if at any
time he confuted Plato's affertion, therein obeying him, by fol
lowing the Truth, and it is obſerved by 'fome, that he is very p Licetus de
fparing in naming him, where he oppofeth his doctrine, and piet. Ariftot.
that thrice he makes honourable mention of him in his 9 Rheto- q Lib.1.cap ≤5.
rick, his Book of the world, (if that be his) and his Problems.
f
t
I
r Probl; 1.30.
True therefore it is, (as Apollodorus, Dionyfius Halicarnaffeus, [Laert.
but eſpecially Aristotle himſelfe, in his Epiftle to Philip, af- t vet. Interp.
firm, that he was a conftant, fedulous hearer of Plato twenty
years, "unto the thirty feventh of his age, even untill Plato died, uvet. Interp.
and then was fo great an honourer of his memory, that in te-
Atimony of his extraordinary affection, he erected an Altar to
him, bearing this infcription:
x
* This Altar Ariftotle's band did raife
To Plato, whom the impious must not praife.
x Ammon.
y Comment. in
Y Olympiodorus ſpeaking of the honour which Aristotle gave to
his Mafter, confirmeth it by this argument, that he writ a Gorg P lat.
whole oration in commendation of Plato, wherein he firſt made
a relation of his life, then praiſed him. He adds, that Ariftotle in
his Elegies to Eudemus, extolls him thus:
And coming to the fam'd Cecropian Town,
In figne of friendſhip did an Altar raife
To him, whom impious perfons must not praise:
who straying man to vertue did reftare
Much by his precept, by example more.
Onê
6
ARISTOTLE
•
z Athen.deipn.
8.
One to the Gods fo pious, good to men,
No future age must think to ſee again.
Some affirm, that whilft he lived with Plato, he profefs'd
a
Elian. 9. 22. Medicine, and kept a ſhop: but thoſe ª Ariftocles confutes.
dr.5.9.
a Euſeb. præ.
par. Evang.
CHAP. IV.
}
a
How he lived with Hermias,
a Laert. Suid. Lato dying in the first year of the 108th Olympiad, and
Speufippus his Nephew fucceeding in the School, Ariftotle
wentto Hermias the Eunuch, King of Atarna, a City of Myfia in
Afia, who heretofore had been his fellow Difciple under Plato,
and had a particular kindneſs for him. Hermias received him with
great teftimonies of love and refpect. With him he lived three
years, [inftru&ting him in Philofophy,] at the end whereof,
Hermias was (as Strabo faith) ſurpriſed by Memnon, a Rhodian,
and ſent to Artaxerxes, King of Perfia, who put him to death.
Pythais his fifter, a woman of extraordinary vertue, (whom
Hermias, having no children, had deſign'd his heir) being upon
this accident reduced to great extremities and afflictions, Ari-
ftole, in a pious gratitude to the memory of his friend, (as his
b Suid.
c Lib. 13.
ત
с
e
d Eufeb. cont. own Letter to Antipater atteſteth) took her to wife, and fet
the ftatue of Hermias in the Temple at Delphi, with this In-
Philos.
e Laert.
1
up
fcription.
}
This man the Perfian King against all right
A facrifice to his fierce anger made
Not like a foe by martiall armes in fight ;
But as a friend by fhow of love betray'd.
He wrote likewiſe a Hymne to Vertue, in memory of his
Friend, to this effect.
Vertue, whom we all obtain
With much labour, but more gain,
For your fake to dy would pleaſe,
Toyle and torments were but eaſe.
You direct men in purfuit
Of immortall facred fruit,
Richer far then gold refin'd,
Soft as fleep, as parents kinde.
Great Alcides for your fake
Labours vaft did undertake.
}
Leda's
ARISTOTLE
7
{
Leda's valiant twins made known
More your glories then their own;
Ajax and Achilles too
Only dy'd for love of you;
Ah! for you Atarna's pride,
Hermias untimely dy'd.
But his name we will revive;
That our Mufe fhal keep alive,
Paying hospitable Jove
Pious thanks for a friends love.
}
There wanted not thofe who caft many afperfions and calum-
nies upon
this Vertuous friendſhip: fome affirm'd that Hermias
lov'd Ariftotle inordinately (an imputation not well fuiting with
an Eunuch) and that for this Reafon, he gave him Pythais to
wife, whom Suidas and the Greek Etymologift affirm to have been
his Daughter either by Nature or Adoption, Demetrius Magnéfi-
us his Neece, Ariftippus his Concubine, fo little do they agree in
their relation. They adde that Ariftotle was fo paffionately in
Love with her, that he facrificed to her after the fame manner,as
the Athenians to Ceres at Eleufis. This Laertius relates as done
whilſt ſhe was alive; But Lyco first Author of this calumny, that
it was after her death. Moreover, that Ariftotle in a thankfull ac-
knowledgement of his Bounty, wrote a Paan in-praife of Hermi-
as, meaning the Hymn laft mentioned, which Athenæus, provéth f DeipnJib, 15.
againſt the calumniations of Demophilus not to be a facred hymne
or Pean, but a Scolion or Feftivall Song. Hence Theocritus the
Chian derides him in this Epigram,
f
To the flave Eunuch who Atarne war'
An empty tombe empty Ariftotle made,
who from the Academy did retire
To wallow in vain pleasures faithlefs mire.
•
In anſwer to theſe calumnies (firſt raiſed by Lyco, difperfed
further by Aristippus, and continued by thofe that maligne the
memory of Ariftotle) Apellieo writ certain Books, wherein he ac-
curately confutes thofe who durft in this manner impudently
blafpheme (fuch are his words) the name of Ariftotle, fo much
prejudice and malice being in the accufation, as might easily ar-
gue the falfeneffe thereof.
Upon the death of Hermias, Aristotle (hand with Xenocrates) g Laert.
fled from Atarna to Mitylene, as Apollodorus and Dionyfius Halicar-h Strab.lib.13.
naffeus affirm in the fourth year of the 108. Olympiad, Eubulus
Being Archon.
(bbb)
I
CHAP.
8
ARISTOTLE.
A Boty
CHAP. V.
How he lived with Philip and Alexander.
3
Bout this time Philip King of Macedonia, Father of Alexan-
der, taking care for the Education of his Son, now growing
a Vit. Alexand. towards mans eftate, and unwilling (faith Plutarch) to com-
mit his Education to Profeffors of Mufick, or any other of the
Jiberall Sciences, as knowing him fit for higher defignes, fent to
Ariftotle the most famous and learned of Philofophers, to come
b Lib.9.cap. 3. and inftru&t him. Agellius recites his Epiftle, which was to this
effect.
c Laert.
d Ammon.
b
Philip to Ariſtotle, health.
t
•
K Now that I have a Son, I render the Gods many thanks; not fo
much for his birth, as that he was born in your time, for I hope
that being educated and instructed by you, he will become worthy both of
us, and the Kingdom which he fhall inherit.
C
3
Ariſtotle at this requeſt of Philip, went to Macedonia to him, in
the 4th year of the 108. Olympiad, as Apollodorus and Dionyfius
Halicarnaffæus affirm, at what time Alexander was fifteen yeares
old.
с
* He lived there infinitely eſteem'd and beloved of Philip and O-
eVet. Interp. lympia his Wife, Alexander's Mother, They caufed his Statue
to be made and ſet up in honour of him. Philip had a kindneffe fo
particular for him that he allo'wd him in manner an equal ſhare
in the Government of the Kingdom, which intereſt, Ammo-
nius faith, he employed to the advantage as well of private per-
fons, as of the publick, as appeareth (faith the Latine Interpre-
ter of his life) by his Epiftles to Philip. Plutarch affirmnes,that Phi-
lip as a recompence to Ariftotle, reedified the Town where hee
was born, Stagira, which he had before laid waft. He likewife
affign'd him a School and ſtudy, near Mieza a Town of Macedo-
mia not far from thence, where, unto this day (faith Plutarch')
they ſhew the ſtony feats and thady walks of Ariftotle.
Vit. Alexand.
g Pluto
• He inftructed Alexander in the deepeſt parts of Learning, not
only in Ethick and Politicks, but his moſt reſerved and folid
Doctrines call'd Acroatick and Epoptick; never communicated to
the Vulgar.
That he taught him likewiſe the Art of Medicine, Plutarch ar-
gueth, for as much as Alexander was not only exceedingly de-
lighted with the Theory thereof,but practifed it fucceſsfully up-
on many of his friends,to whom he prefcribed Receipts and diets,
as appeareth, faith he, by his Epiftle.
Hence
ARISTOTLE.
h Perceiving Alexander to be much taken with Homer's Iliads, h Plut.
as conceiving, and calling it the best institution of military Vertue,
he took much pains in correcting and reftoring the text, and then
gave it to Alexander; which copy, he infinitely prifed.
He writ a Book to Alexander, intituled; of a Kingdom, menti-
oned by Laertius and Ammonius, wherein he inftructed him how
to rule.
So much did he incline the mind of Alexander to do good,iver. Interp..
that he uſed to ſay, if any day paſs'd wherein he had not con-
ferred fome benefit, 1 have not reign'd to day.
k Alexander fo much affected him, that he profcffed he admi-k Pluvit.
red and loved him no leffe then his Father, becauſe his Father, Alex.
he faid, only gave him being, but Ariftotle well-being.
The love which Philip and Alexander bore him was fo great,
that Theocritus the Chian caft the fame afperfion upon it, as hie
did on his friendſhip with Hermias:
In the firſt year of the 111th Olympiad; Pythodorus being Archon;
Philip dyed,and was fucceeded by his Son Alexander, whofe active
ſpirit, foon after his coming to the Crown, defigned an expediti-
on againſt the King of Perfia.Hereupon Ariftotle having now lived
with Alexander eight years, though Juftine faith but five, which
fome interpret of the time before Philips death, but not without
fome violence, for that was above feven) preferring the quiet of
a Contemplative life before the troubles of War, took leave of
him, returned to Athens, leaving in his room Callisthenes an O-
lynthian, his Kinfman (Son of his Cozen Hero) and Diſciple;
whom before his departure obferving to ſpeak with too much 1 Lar
liberty and obstinacy to the King, he reproved in theſe words,
Son,if thou thus employ thy tongues
Thy thread of life cannot be long.
>
And fo it came to paffe not long after upon this occafion. Hermo-
laus Son of Sopolis, a youth of a noble Family that ſtudied Philofo-
-phy under Callifthenes, hunting the Wild Bore with Alexander
prevented the King by cafting his dart first at him, for which he
was by the Kings command punished with many ftripes. Trou-
bled at the ignominy thereof, he confpired with Softratus, Anti-
pater, and iome other companions of his to murther Alexander,
which treafon being difcovered by Epimenes one of the Confpi-
rators, they were all put to death. Ariftobulus and Ptolemæus Son
of Lagus affirms they accufed Callifthenes, as him who inftigated
them to this attempt. Hereupon Callifthenes was put into an iron
Cage, and fo carried up and down in a miferable fordid conditi-
on, and at laft, as Laertius relates (though others otherwiſe)
thrown to Lyons and devoured.
(bbb 2)
CHAP:
I Laert.
10
ARISTOTLÊ.
a Laert.
b Epist. ad
Amm.
€ Laert.
T
CHAP. VI.
His School and manner of Teaching.
a
Hus Ariftotle having lived eight years with Alexander
returned to Athens, as Apollodorus and Dionyfius Halicar-
naffeus affirm, in the fecond year of the hundred and eleventh
Olympiad, Pythodorus being Archon, where he found Xenocrates
teaching in the Academy, which place was refigned unto him
by Speufippus, in the fourth year of the hundred and ninth Olym-
piad.
ત
с
!
Hence it appeareth, that Hermippus erreth, in affirming, that
Xenocrates took upon him the School of Plato, at what time Ari-
ſtotle was fent by the Athenians on an Embaffy to Philip. For as
& Diſcuſſ. Perip. Patricius hath obſerved, it can no way agree in time, it being
certain, as Laertius attefts, that Speufippus fucceeded Plato in the
School in the first year of the hundred and eight Olympiad, im-
mediately upon Plato's death, and continued therein eight years,
that is, to the end of the hundred and ninth Olympiad; in the
fecond year of which Olympiad, Ariftotle, as we faid, went to
Philip, not on an Embaffy, but upon his invitation to educate
Alexander.
e Laert.
£ Suid.
g Laert.
>
Neither is the Author of Aristotles life leffe miftaken, who
faith, that upon the death of Speufippus, the Athenians fent to
Ariftotle, and that both of them, Ariftotle and Xenocrates, took
upon them Plato's School, Xenocrates in the Academy, Aristotle in
the Lyceum. But this errour is eaſily detected by the fame com-
putation; for at the time of Spenfippus's death, Ariftotle was with
Alexander, nor did he leave him untill fix years after, all which
time Xenocrates profefs'd Philofophy in the Academy.
"The Academy being prepoffefs'd by Xenocrates, Aristotle made
choice of the Lyceum, (a place in the ſuburbs of Athens, "built
by Pericles for the exercifing of Souldiers.) Here he taught and
difcourfed of Philofophy, to fuch as came to him, walking con-
ftantly every day till the houre of anointing, which the Greeks
ufually did before meals, whence he and his followers are called
a'nòt meinanir, from walking Peripateticks. Others fay, he was cal-
led Peripatetick from walking with Alexander, newly recovered
of a fickneffe, in which manner he uſed to difcourfe of Philofo-
phy with him.
'
The number of his auditors encreafing very much, he gave
over walking, and taught fitting, ſaying,
A
Now to be filent most disgracefull were,
And fee Xenocrates poffeffe the chair.
Though
ARISTOTLE
II
h
Though Cicero and Quintilian affirm, he uſed this verſe againſt
Ifocrates, in emulation of whom, he taught Rhetorick to his
Diſciples every morning. So many Difciples reforted to him; h Laert.
that he made Lawes in his School, as Xenocrates did in the Açà-
demy, creating Archons that ruled ten daies.
The difcourfe and doctrine which he delivered to his Dif-i Agell. lib. 21
ciples was of two kinds. One he called Exoterick, the other Acro- cap.5.
atick. Exoterick were thoſe which conduced to Rhetorick; medi-
tation, nice difputes, and the knowledge of civill things. Acro-
atick thofe in which more remote and fubtile Philofophy was
handled, and fuch things as pertain to the contemplation of ná-
ture, and Dialectick difceptations. Acroatick Difcipline he
taught in the Lyceum in the morning, not admitting every one
to come and hear them, but thofe only, of whofe wit and prin-
ciples of Learning, and diligence in ſtudy, he had before made
tryall. His Exoterick Lectures were in the afternoon and even-
ings; theſe he communicated to all young men without any
diltinction, calling the latter his evening walk, the former, his
morning walk.
1
CHAP. VII.
His Philofophy.
a
N Philofophy (faith Ammonius) he feemeth to have done more a Vit. Ar.
then Man, for there is not any part of Philofophy whereof he
treated, but he doth it moſt accurately, and many things he
himfelfe(fuch was his fagacity and acuteneffe) finding out, com-
pleated and finished.
↳ In Logick it was his invention, that he feparated the precepts b Aramon. vit.
of Difputation from the things themfelves of which we dif- Ar.
pute, and taught the manner and reafon of difputation. For
they who went before, though they could demonftrate, yet they
knew not how to make a demonſtration; as they who cannot
make fhooes, but only wear them. Alexander Aphrodifæus af-
firmes, that he firft reduced Syllogifmes to Mood and Figure.
Philoponus, that he invented all Dialectick Method, whence Theo-
dorus calls him, both inventer and perfecter of Logick, which he
indeed in a manner challengeth (but modeftly) to himselfe, in
the laſt Chapter of his Elenchs, affirming nothing had been
done in that kinde before, but what the Erifticks and Sophifts
taught. As for the Categories, the invention whereof ſome af-
cribe to the Pythagoreans, it is much more probable that they
were wholly his own; for thoſe books entituled, under
the name of Archytas, from which fome conceive Aristotle to
have borrowed much, the particulars whereof are inftanced by
C Patricius
{
12
ARISTOTLE.
ripat.
C
c Differtas. Pe- Patricius, Themiftius affirmes, to have been written, not by the
Pythagorean (neither hath Laertius made mention of any writings
of his, for the Pythagoreans at that time wrote but little, the
firſt that wrote any thing being Philolaus) but by fome Peripate-
tick, who thought his work might paffe with greater credit, if
publiſhed in the name of fo antient a Philofopher,
In Phyfick the fift effence, whereof celeftiall bodies confift, di-
ftinct from the foure Elements, is generally afcribed to his in-
vention, only Simplicius citeth the authority of Xenocrates, in his
book of the life of Plato, that Plato conftituted five fimple bo-
dies, Heaven, and the foure Elements afferting they differ no
leffe in nature then in figure, for which reafon he af-
figned the figure of a Dodecaedron to Heaven, differing from
the figure of the foure Elements. But thefe, as the learned
Nunnefius obferves, feem to be rather Symbolicall, and Pytha-
goricall, then the true meaning of Plato. For Plato in his Time-
us expreffely averrs, that the Heavens are of their own nature
diffolute, but by the divine Will, are kept together, as it were,
by a Tye from being diffolved. Xenarchus, a Philofopher, wrote
against the fift Effence, introduced by Ariftotle, whom Alexander
Aphrodifaus exactly anfwereth. Theodorus calleth Ariftotle, the
Perfeder of Phyfick, adding, that only his writings upon that
fubject were approved by following ages, who rejected whatfo-
ever others had written in the fame kinde, as appeareth by their
loffe. What Epicure and others have objected against him as a
d Vet. Interpr. fault, that he enquired with fuch diligence into the minute, and mean-
eft things of nature, is afufficient teftimony of his excellence and
exactneffe in this ſtudy.
e Ammòn,
f Ammon.
die
In Ethick, whereas Polyanus placed Felicity in externall
goods, Plato in thofe of the foule only, Aristotle placed it chiefly
in the foul; but affirmed it to be defiled and straightned if it want
exteriour goods, properly uſing theſe terms. For thoſe things
which are defiled have the fame beauty within, but their fuper-
ficies only is hidden; and thoſe which are ftraightned have the
fame reall magnitude.
C
In Metaphyfick, which he calleth First-Philofophy, and wif
dome, and (as the more antient Philofophers before him) Theolo-
gie, though there be not any invention of his extant, yet, he per-
fectly went through all the parts thereof. For he was not only
acquainted, as fome falfely imagine, with terreftriall things,
and thoſe which belong to this World; but even with thofe
things which are above this World, as may appear from the
eight book of his Phyfick, where he faith, that the first cauſe is not
Subject to motion, neither in it felfe, nor by accident, in which words
he declareth, that God is not a body, nor any way paffible. And
in his 12th book of wisdome, or Metaphyficks, ne difcourfeth accu-
rately of God and Intelligences, in a rationall clear way, not in-
volv'd in Fables, or Pythagoricall Symbols; but, founding his
affer-
1
ARISTOTLE.
13
affertion upon reafon and demonſtration, as much as the ſub-
ject, and human reafon alloweth. & Patricius labours much to g Difert. Peri-
prove that whatſoever he had in this kind excellent, he borrow'd par.
from Hermes Trismegiftus. But (as we have already faid,) Mr. h In the life of
Cafaubon hath fully evinc'd that Book to have been impoſed upon
the World by fome later writer.
і
Plato.cap.
vit. Arift.
What is added by the antient Latine Interpreter concerning
Ariftotle's fentence of that vifuall Hexagonall Pyramid, (which ai Nunncus in
learned perfon hath obferved to be chofen as a midle way be-
twixt the ſentence of thoſe who made the optick penicill a pyra-
mid of a quadratick baſe, and thoſe who made it of a Conick fi-
gure,) is very obfcure, and hardly admits of an Interpretation
worthy fo great an Author.
CHAP. VIH.
J
His correspondence with Alexander.
Hilft Ariftotle taught Philofophy at Athens, his Difciple
Whil
Alexander was employed in an Expedition to Afia a-
gainſt Darius King of Perfia, incited thereunto by the principles of
Honour, which were infufed into him by Ariftotle, particularly
from the Prefidents of Achilles, Ajax, and other Heroes celebra-
ted by Homer, whofe Iliads Ariftotle had fo carefully recommen-
ded unto him. He began this expedition in the third year of the
17th Olympiad,at which time Cteficles was Archon at Athens, im-
mediately after the departure of Ariftotle, who it is probable)
{
came only for this reafon from him, as preferring a quiet and ſtu-
dious life before the troubles of War.
The first thing that Alexander did, was to vifit the Tombe of
Achilles in the Sigaum, at the fight whereof he broke forth into
thefe words; O fortunate young man, that badft a Homer to celebrate
thy praife! for had it not been for his Iliads,addes a Cicero,in the fame a In Licin,
Tombe where Achilles's his body lay, his name alſo would have
been buried. He took with him the Iliads of Homer, corrected by
Ariftotle, and made it his conftant companion, infomuch that hee
put it every night with his dagger, under his pillow. And in a
Victory ovet Darius, having taken a Casket of Unguents of ex-
traordinary value amongst the fpoiles of Darius, befet with
Pearles and precious ftones, (as Pling deſcribes it,) his friends b Lib. 29.
telling him how many ufes it might be put to, becaufe Unguents
did not become a Souldier; Yes, faith he, it ſhall ſerve to keep
the Books of Homer, that the moſt precious work may be kept in
the richeft cafe; hence was this correct copy called, as Plutarch
faith, vxos.
b
Whilft he was in Afia, engaged in the Warrs againſt Darius,,
in
14
ARISTOTLE.
d Agell. 20. S.
Blut.vit. Alex.
e Agel. 20. 5.
Epift. Grac.
f Lib.8.16.
g Lib. 9.
h De affe. lib.
2. 19.
in the midſt of his continuall Victories and bufineffe, hearing
that Ariſtotle had publiſhed his Acroatick books of naturall Philo-
fophy, he fent this Letter to him ;
You
ત
Alexander to Aristotle, Health,
1
"Ou have not done well in publiſhing your Acroatick difcourfes,
for wherein fhall we excell others, if this Learning, wherin we
have been inftituted, be made common to all? As for me, I had rather
excell others in knowledge then in power, Farewell:
To which Ariftotle returned this anſwer.
You
c
not
Aristotle to Alexander, health.
Ou wrote to me concerning my Acroatick Difcourfes, that they
ought not to have been communicated's but kept fecret. Know, that
they are made publick,and not publirk, for none but they who have heard
us can understand them. Farewel.
go
Thus, notwithſtanding Alexander were bufied in the Warres,
yet he forgot not his Mafter Ariftotle, but kept a friendly corre-
fpondence with him. So conftant was he in his love to Learning,
and particularly fo much enflam'd(as f Pliny faith)with a curious
defire of underſtanding the natures of living Creatures, that he
fent thouſands of men, throughout all Afia and Greece to procure
all kinds of living Creatures, birds, beafts and fishes, at an ex-
ceffive charge; Athenæus faith, 800. Talents,which according to
hBudæus's account is 840000.crowns:theſe men he fent withwhat
they took to Ariftotle, that he might not be ignorant of any thing
that any Nation afforded; by which information, he compofed,
as Pliny affirmeth, 50. excellent Volumes, of Living Creatures,
of which ten are only left, undeffe we put into the fame number,
thofe Books of his which have fome near relation to this fübject;
as of the going of living Creatures, 1. Of the parts of living Crea-
tures and their caufes, 4. Of the Generation of living Creatures; 5. If
this were done by Alexander, as Pliny and. Athenæus atteft(though
i Lib. 4. 19. Ælian afcribe it to Philip) it muft neceffarily have been whilft
he was in his Afiatick expedition. For Ariftotle, as hath been al-
ready proved,ſtaid but a very ſhort time with him after the death
of his Father.
Ariftotle made the fame uſe of this correfpondence with Alex-
ander, as he had done of the Intereſt he before had with Philip,
the advantage not only of particular perfon, but of whole
Cities.
This City of Stagira, the place of his Birth, did acknowledge,
which, at the fuit of Ariftoìle, Alexander cauſed to be reedified,
and
ARISTOTLE
15
-
and repeopled, and reſtored to its former ftate, having before
by Philip been laid levell with the ground, For, though Plutarch
relate this as done in the time of Philip, Laertius, Ammonius,
Dion, Chryfoftome, Elian, and others hold, that it was done by
Alexander, to which Valerius Maximus addes, that it was not
long before Ariftotles death. In memory of which Benefit, the
people of Stagira uſed to celebrate a yearly Feſtivall, which they
called the Ariftotelean Feaft, naming the month in which it fell
Stagirites.
Ereftus likewife, the Country of Theophraftus, which Ale- 1 Ammon.
xander determined to puniſh very ſeverely; by the mediation of
· Aristotle was pardoned.
i
That he benefited nany particular perfons is evident, faith
Ammonius, from his Epiftles to the King, yet extant, wherein he
recommends ſeverall perfons to him.
Hence it is manifeft, that the Author of his life is miſtaken,
when he affirmes, that in Alexander's Afiatick expedition, Ariftotle
accompanyed him to the Brachmanes, where he writ that noble piece
of the Lawes and inſtitutions of 255 Cities. That likewife he travelled
over all Perfia with Alexander, where during the war, Alexander
died, and Ariſtotle returned into his own Country. This relation a-
grees not with the other circumſtances of Aristotles life. Alex*
ander died in the fourth year of the hundred and thirteenth
Olympiad, two years before Aristotle's departure from Athens.
But as it is apparent, that this miſtake proceeded only from
ignorance (yet that fo great, that " Patricius argues from thence, m Dißert Pe²
neither Ammonius nor Philoponus to be the Authors of his life)
fo are there fome other errours, which no leffe manifeftly ap-
pear to have proceeded from malice, raiſed, it is likely, by the
Authors of the other ſcandalls and imputations, wherewith they
fought to blaft his memory.
n
о
ripat. I. I.
"Some affirm, that Alexander upon the treafon of Callisthenes, n Laert.
took a great diſpleaſure againſt Ariftotle, for having recommen-
ded him to him. For though at firft, writing to Criterus, Attalus,
and Alcetas, immediately upon this accident,he fent them word,
that the youths had confeffed, the plot proceeded only from
themſelves, not by the inftigation of any other: Yet afterwards, o Plut. viro'
in an Epiſtle to Antipater, he imputes the fame crime to Calli Alex.
fthenes, not without this fharp reflection upon Ariftotle: The
youths, faith he, were stoned to death by thè Macedonians; but, as for
the Sophift, I will puniſh him my felfe, and those who fent him, and
thoſe who entertain in their Cities fuch as are Traitors to me. Here-
upon they interpret the bounty of Alexander to Xenocrates, and
favour to Anaximenes, as not proceeding from the magnificence
of his difpofition, but from the difpleafure he had conceived p Laert.
againſt Ariftotle, whom he endeavoured to vex, by obliging his
adverſaries and æmulators.
(ccc)
Upon
}
16
ARISTOTLE.
Upon this fuppofed difpleaſure was grounded another re-
q Plut. Alex: port, that 1 Aristotle confpiring with Caffander againſt Alexander,
fent him, by Antipater,fome of the water of Styx, wherewith he
poiſoned Alexander. But the Relators hereof differ not a little
amongſt themſelves: Diodorus Siculus and Suidas affirmę, that
Alexander was poifoned by Caffander fon of Antipater; Arianus
by Jolla his younger fon: Porphyrius faith, that nothing but the
horn of an Affe, fuch as the Affes of Scythia had, would contain
the poyfon: Juftine and Paufanias, the hoofe of a Horfe; Pliny
and arrian of a Mule; Plutarch and Zonaras, of an Affe. They
differ no leffe about the place whence the water was fetch'd.
Neither indeed can it be expected there ſhould be a better har-
mony amongſt the Relators of this Fable when there is fo great
diffention, and variety of relations, concerning the occafion and
manner of his death. But the moſt creditable is that of Ephip-
1 Deipn. 10. 11. pus(cited by Athenæus) Orofius, fuftine, and others, who averr,
ftib.3.cap.21. that Alexander died of a Feaver cauſed by exceffe of drink-
t
t Lib. 12..
ing..
a Laert.
b Odyſſ. §.
a
CHAP. IX.
Upon what occafion he left Athens, and went to Chalcis.
Ariſtotle
Twelve years Arifto: le profeffed Philofophy in the Lyceum
not moleſted by any; for though his eminence in Learning
procured him many Emulators and enemies, yet, the favour
he had with Alexander, whilſt he lived, awed them fo much
that they durft not make any diſcovery of the ill will they bore
him. No fooner was Alexander dead (according to Dionyfius Ha-
licarnaffæus) but fome of them confpired againſt his life. To
which end, Eurymedon, a Prieft, or (according to Phazorinus )
Demophilus, accuſed him of impiety; that he introduced fome Phi-
lofophicall affertions, contrary to the Religion of the Athenians; that
he celebrated Hermias as a God, with a hymne, and had caufed his
Statue to be set up in the Delphian Temple, with an honourable infcrip-
tion. Some affirm hereupon he made an Oration in defence of
himſelfe, at the Court of Areopagus, wherein he openly pro-
nounced this verſe, made out of two in Homer.
b
Peares upon pears, and figs on figs grow here ;
By ouzov ¿m cún, (figs on figs) reflecting upon the multitude of
Sycophants which fprung up every day in the City. Hence Pha-
vorinus faith, he was the firft Philofopher that pleaded for him-
felfe, and there was an Oration to that purpoſe went about ma-
ny years after under his name, But, of the truth hereof, Athena-
us maketh queſtion.
< Others
C
ARISTOTLE.
17
Others affirm, that Ariftotle perceiving the confpiracy that c Laert.
was againſt his life, ftole privately out of Athens, and went to
Chalcis, where he spent the reft of his daies, returning to his
friends, who demanded the reafon of his going, this anfwer,
C
c Origen.contr
We left Athens, that we might not give the Athenians occafion to d Ælim, var.
commit again the fame wickedneffe they committed against Socrates, hift.
that they might not be guilty of a double crime against Philofophy. To Celfum lib.
Antipater he wrote the fore-mentioned verfe,
Treat "Pears upon pears, and figs on figs grow here.
>
محمد
í tu
Giving him to underſtand how dangerous it was for him to live
in Athens, fince the Athenians were wholly addicted to Syca
phantifme and calumny. This departure of Aristotle, from
Athens, Dionyfius Halicarnaffeus placeth in the fecond year of the
hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, Apollodorus a yeer latter,
perhaps leffe rightly.
1,
Being neer lixtie two yeers of age, very fickly, and without f Agell, 13. 6.
hope of living much longer, the whole company of his follow-
ers came to him, and befought him to make choice of a Succef
for, whom after his death they might look upon as the perfe-
Ater of thoſe ſtudies whereinto he had brought them. There
were at that time many excellent Scholars in his School, but
efpecially two, Theophrastus and Menedemus, or father as Pa-
tricius reads, Eudemus. Thefe excelled the reft in Wit and Lear-
ning. The firſt was of Lesbos, Eudemus of Rhodes. Ariftotle an-
fwered them, he would do as they requeſted, when he faw
it convenient. Soon after, the fame perfons being preſent who
had made this request to him, he complained,the wine which he
then drank did not agree with his health, but was unwhol-
fome and harſh; and therefore defired they would fend for other
forts, both Rhodian and Lesbian, faying, he would make uſe of
that which he ſhould finde beſt for him. They go, feek, finde,
bring. Ariftotle first calls for the Rhodian, tafts it, a ftrong wine,
faith he, and pleaſant: then calls for the Lesbian, which having
rafted, both, faith he, are good, but Bios, the Lesbian is the
Sweeter; whereby every one understood that his choice was not
of the wine, but of his fucceffour, which was Theophraftus of
Lesbos, a man of extraordinary (weetneffe in difcourfe and con-
verſation: Whence not long after, affoon as Ariftotle was dead,
all his Difciples applyed themſelves to Theophraftus.
t
(cec 2)
CHAP.
I
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ARISTOTLE.
3
Laert.
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prinury
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CHAP. X
19.1
His Apophthegms.
Fhis Apophthegmes are remembered thefe
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Being demanded what a man got by lying, he anſwe
red, not to be believed when he spoke truth.
Being reproved for giving mony to a wicked man: I, faith he,
gave it compaffionating, not rar remors the condition ; but, virá v Opantov :
or as Stobaus, not to the man, but to humanity.
He uſed this faying frequently amongft his difciples and
friends, the eye receives light from the air, the foul from learning.
Inveighing againſt the Athenians, he faid, They had invented
two things, Corn and Law, but made use only of one, the Corn.
He faid, The root of learning is bitter, the fruit fweer.
Being demanded what growes old fooneft, he answered, a
20: Benefit.
2.
}
....
Being demanded what is Hope, he answered, a waking
Dream.
·Diogenes the Cynick offered him a fig: Aristotle perceiving
that Diogenes had prepared fome fharp faying; in cafe hé fhould
have refuſed it, took the fig, telling Diogenes, he had loft both
his figg and his conceit. Then throwing it up into the aire, and
catching it, as boyes uſe to do, O worthy Diogenes, faid he, and re
ftored it.
v. He ſaid, to Learning three things are requifite, Nature, Inſtitution,
Exerciſe.
J.
!
Being told, that one had reviled him when I'am abfent, faid
he, let him beat me too.
*
He faid, Beauty wás a better recommendatión” then
any Letter
Others aferibe this to Diogenes, adding, that Arftotle called
beauty, the gift of a fpecious form.
He called Socrates a fhort-liv'd Tyranny; Plato, Natures Pre-
b Meant per rogative; Theophraftus filent fraud; Theocritus, fpecious hurt;
haps of that b Carneades, a guardleffe Kingdome.
Carneades
who was Difci- Being demanded what difference there is betwixt the learned·
ple to Anaxa-and unlearned, he anfwered, as much as between the living and
goras.
the dead:
He faid, Learning in profperity is an ornament, in adverfity a
refuge.
He faid, they who educated children well, are more to be honoured,
then they who beget them; for thefe only gave them life, others well-
living.
To one, boafting of the greatneffe of his Country: That, faith
he, is not to be confidered, but whether a man deferve to be of a great
Country."
He faid, Friends are one foul in two bodies.
He
ARISTOTLE
· 19
He faid, fome men lived fo fparingly as if they were to live alwaies,
others fo prodigally, as if they were to die to morrow.
To one that asked why we love the company of thofe that are
fair That, faith he, is a queftion for a blind man to ask.
Being asked what he had gotten by Philofophy, hee an-
fwer'd, to do thoſe things voluntarily, which others do for fear of the
Law.
Being demanded how Difciples thould profit moſt; he an-
fwer'd, if they follow thofe that are before them, and stay not for thoſe
behind them.
To a foolish talker, who after a long Diſcourſe faid to him, I
am afraid I have been tedious to you ; not at all, anſwer'd he, for I did
not mind you.
喊
​-Being asked how we thould behave our felves towards our
Friends, he anfwer'd, as we would have them do towards us.
He ſaid, fuftine is the vertue of giving to every one according to his
defert.
He faid, Learning was the best provision against old age.
He uſed, as Phavorinas relates in the fecond of his Commen-
taries, to lay frequently, be who hath many friends hath none;which
islikewife extant in the feventh book of his Ethicks.
He faid, when things happen not as we would, we must will as they Sitob. fer.28.
happen.
Seeing a youth very felf-conceited, and withall ignorant 5 Ser. 45.
young man, faith he, I wish I were what you think your felf,and
iny enemies, what you are.
Seeing a young man proud of a fine Cloak, why boaft you, ſaith Ibid.
he, of a sheeps Fleece ?
He faid, they who demonstrate plain things, light a candle to fee the
Sun
Ser. 46.
Being reviled by an impudent perfon 5 Thou, faith he, who art Ser. 101.
vers'd to bear all things, Speakeft them with delight, I who am not uſed
Speak them, take no delight in hearing them.
Being demanded why he who taught others to ſpeak, himſelfe Ser. 128,
held his tongue, a whetstone, faith he, cannot cut, yet it fets an edge
upon Swords.
Being asked who can keep a fecret, He, faith he, that can hold ibid.
a glowing toul in his mouth.
Seeing a young man very neatly drefs'd, are you not aſham'd., Ser. 161.
faith he, when Nature made you a man, to make your felf a woman.
A handfome young man, much courted, faid to him, If I were 1bid.
hated of the Citizens as you are, I would hang my felf; And I, reply'd
he, would bang my ſelf if I were lov'd by them as you are.
Being demanded how a man fhould come to be rich, he an- Serm.
fwer'd, by being poor in defire.
It repented him of three things; that he had ever committed a fe- Ser. 305.
cret
}
10
ARISTOTLE
a Laert.
cret to a Woman; that he had rid when he might have gone a foot ; that
he had lived one day not having his will made.
CHAP. XI.
His will and Death.
1
"Rom that ſpeech of Aristotle laſt mentioned, may be gathered
how carefull he was to make his Will, but more from the
exact form thereof which was thus:
B
E all well; but if it happen otherwiſe, thus Arifto-
tle maketh his Will Be Antipater my fole Executor
during the Minority of Nicanor. Let Ariftomenes,
Timarchus, Hipparchus,Dioteles, (and if he pleaſe, and
have leisure) Theophraftus,be Guardians of the children &
of Herpylis, and all that I leave. I will that my Daughter,
affoon as ſhe ſhall be marriageable be given Nicanor, för
Wife. If any thing happen otherwiſe ( which God forbid)
before she be married, or, after fbe be married before fhe bath
any Children, let Nicanor have the ordering of my Sonne,
and the difpofall of all other things, for his reputation
and mine. Let therefore Nicanor take care of the Maid Py-
thais, and my Son Nicomachus, and order their Eftates ac-
cording to their condition, as a Father and a Brother. If in
the mean time any thing ſhall happen to Nicanor (which
God forbid) either before my Daughter be married, or, if
married, before ſhe hath any Children, if he make any Will,
as he appointeth, fo let it be. Otherwise, if Theophraftus
approve of it, let him marry the Maid, and have the fame
power, that Nicanor ſhould have had. Other wife let the
Eftates as well of the Maid as the Boy be difpofed with the
joint conſent of the Guardians, and Antipater, as they shall
think fit. Let likewife the Executors of Nicanor take care
to remember us and Herpylis, fince that he hath been faith-
full to me, and, if he will take a husband, that fuch a one
be given unto her as may be no difparagement unto us. Let
them give her out of my Eftate, befides what is already
mentioned
ARISTOTLE.
21
・mentioned, a Talent of Silver, three Maid-fervants, if fbee
So pleaſe, and the handmaid which fhe bath, and the boy
Pyrrhaus. And moreover,if she will dwell at Chalcis, let
her have that habitation which joyneth to the Garden, if at
Stagira, our Patrimoniall feat ; which, how foever Herpy-
Iis fball choose, let the Executors furnish it, as they fhall
think convenient and proper for Herpylis. Let likewiſe
Nicanor take charge of the Boy Mirmax,that he may be re-
ftored bonourably, as becommeth us, unto his own, with all
his goods which we delivered to our Trust. Let likewife
Ambracis be a free woman, and have bestowed upon her, at
her marriage, fifty Drachmes, and the Girle which fhe
bath. I will likewiſe that to Thales, be given, befides the
Handmaid he hath bought, a thouſand Drachmes, and ano-
ther Handmaid. Likewife to Simo, befides that money
which he bath already received to buy a Servant'; let ano-
ther Servant be bought, or the like Sum be given again,
wherewith he may purchase one. As soon as my Daughter
fhall be married, let Tycho, Philo, Olympias and his Son
be free men. Of those boyes which ferved me, let none be
Jold, but let my Heirs make use of their fervice, and when
they come to age, as they deferve let them be manumitted.
Let the Executors take care to thofe Statues of Nicanor,
and his Mother, and Proxenus, which I gave order for to
Gryllius, as foon as they are perfected, be fet up Let like-
wife the Statue of Arimneftus be fet up, that this monu-
ment may remain of him; fince he died without Children. I
will likewife that the Statue of my Mother be confecrated
to Ceres in the Nemaan Temple, or where else shall be
thought fitting. Wherefoever my Body is buried by the Ex-
ecutors, thither let the bones of Pythais, according as fhe
défired, be brought, and laid with mine. Let likewife Nica-
por,if he continue well in health,dedicate at Stagira, to Ju-
piter Soter, and Minerva Sotira, Statues of Beafts, of
ftone, of four cubits, in performance of the vow which wee
Dowed for him.
He
$2
ARISTOTLE.
B Laerts
C Lib. 1.
d Paran. ad
gent
estelieut 1.
He died at Chalcis, in the third year of the 114th Olympiad,
Philocles being Archon, in the 63. the great Climactericall year,
of his age (not asb Eumelus, 70. years old) as appeareth by the
computation of Apollodorus and Dionyfius Halicarnaffeus ; `thus,
He came to Athens åt
Heard Plato
Lived with Hermias
With Philip and Alexander
Taught in the Lyceüm
Lived at Chalcıs
y.
1.8.
20.
3.
8.
1-2.
2.
in all
63:
C
1
The manner of his life is variouſly related, Strabo, Hefychius Illu-
ftris, and from him Suidas relate, that he drunk Hemlock, either
being condemn'd thereunto by the Athenians, as Socrates was; or
to prevent their Judgement.
ત
c
Juftine Martyr, Gregory Nazianzene, Cœlius Rhodoginus; the
Greek Etymologist, Nonnus,and others follow the common report,
E Ant lett. 19.8 that a queftion was propos'd to him of the wonderfull nature of
Euripus, an arm of the Sea, coming into Chalcis ( as Lucian averrs)
which ebbeth and floweth ſeven times in 24. hours. Not being
able to refolve it, ne died of fhame and anxiety. Some affirm
that as he fate on the bank, having confidered long upon it, he at
laft threw himſelf headlong into the River, faying, fince Ariſtotle
could not take Euripus, Euripus take thou Ariftotle.
g Laert.
k
Epift. ad
Amm.
¡
De die. natali
|
k Antiq. lett.
18.31.
1
h
But the Authors of greatest credit, Apollodorus, Dionyfius Ha-
licarnalaus, Cenforinus, Laer ius and others affirm, that he died
of a pain in his ſtomach, cauſed by over-watching, and exccffe of
ftudy. For Laertius affirms he was a moft indefatigable ftudent,
and when he went to bed, he held a brazen ball in his hand,that
when he fell aſleep, the noiſe of it falling into a Bafin fet under
it for that purpoſe, might awake him, which Alexander his Dif-
ciple imitated. To this pain of the ftomach he was very ſubject,
and fomtimes affwaged it by applying a bottle of hot oile: to his
Breaſt. Notwithstanding this naturall infirmity of his ftomach, faith
Cenforinus, and the frequent indifpofition of a fickly conftitution, bee
preferved himself a Long time through his Vertue and Temperance,
for it is much more ftrange that he attained the age of 63. jears, then
that he lived no longer.
The Author of the book de Pomo, affirmeth, that when he was
dying, he faid to his Difciples ftanding about him, it was not
without reaſon that Homeaid, the Gods came down to earth
to relieve mankinde. Coelius Rhodoginus adds from the fame
Author, that when he felt the pangs of death to come upon him,
weeping between griefe and hope, he often repeated theſe
k
words
ARISTOTLE.
23
words, Thou Caufe of Caufes, have mercy on me: And his Disciples,
when they faw he was departing, faid, He who receiveth the fouls
of Philofophers, may be take thine likewife, and lay it up in his own
Treasury, as the foul of a right and perfect man, as we have known thee
to be. Of this, there is no teftimony more antient, then that of
the Author of the book de Pomo, who (as Patricius clearly ob-
ferves from his writings) was a Chriftian.
The Stagirites fetch'd his body from Chalcis to Stagira, where 1 vet.Interp.
they buried it with much folemnity, building a magnificent
Tombe for him, and erecting an Altar to his memory.
a
CHAP. XII.
His Perfon and Vertues.
t
(
;
}
a Laert.
S concerning his perfon, he was flender, having little eyes,
and a ſmall voice. When he was young, Laertius and Plu-
tarch affirm, he had a great heſitation in his fpeech. He went in blian. var.
a rich habit, and wore rings: his beard was fhaven, his hair cut hift.
fhort; he had a high nofe, if we credit the head put up by Ful-
vius Urfinus, found at Rome, at the bottome of the Quirinall
hill. He was of a fickly conſtitution, troubled with a naturall
weakneſſe of ſtomack, and frequent indifpofitions, which he
over-maſtered by his Temperance.
Saint Hierome affirmeth, he was the Prince of Philofophers,
an abfolute Prodigie, and great miracle in nature, into whom
feemeth to have been infufed whatſoever mankinde is capable
of.
He was extreamly pious towards God and Man, upon
fubject, Fortunias Licetus hath lately written two books.
which
Eufebius, Caffiodorus, and others affirm, that many perſons, emi-
nent for fanctity, efpecially followers of School-learning, have,
through the means of Ariftotles Philofophy, been carried on to
Infpection into the higheſt doctrines of true Faith; as, that there
is one God, &c.
As concerning his gratitude to men, beſides thoſe inſtances
already mentioned to Proxenus and his fonne, to Hermias and his
fifter, to his Maſter Plato, to his own Mother, Brother, and Coun
try, and infinite others; many Philofophers, whofe opinion he
takes occafion to alledge, he mentions with their due praiſe: of
which were his Mafter Plato (of whom we have already ſpoken)
whom, as we have faid, he fometimes mentioned honourably,
and ſometimes concealeth his name, where he preferreth his
own opinion. Amongst others, of whom he maketh honourable
mention, are obferved Democritus, in his firſt book de Generatione &
Diogenes Apolloniates in the fame book, Anaxagoras, in the first of
his Metaphyficks.
(Add)
For
>
24
ARISTOTLE.
a
* Enfeb.prapar.
Evang.
For that he was very moderate, the Interpreter of his life con-
firmes, inftancing in his book of Categorems, where he ſaith, we
ought not to determine any thing hastily, but to confider often, and to
doubt of every thing, is not unufefull. And again, in his book of Good,
We must remember, being men, not only that we are happy, but that we
ought to be able to prove it by firm reafon. And again, in his Ethicks
to Nicomachus: Man is our friend, Truth our friend; but above all,
we ought to honour Truth. And in his Meteorologicks: As concerning
thefe, we doub: of fome of them, others we touch fuperficially. And in
the fame, not once or twice, but infinite times, Men do happen
upon the fame opinions, therefore we ought not to be proud of our cwne
wifdome, in any thing whereof we conceive our felves to be the Inven-
tors.
The common report therefore (grounded upon no authority)
that he collected the books of the antient Philofophers, and ha-
ving taken out of them what he intended to confute, burnt them,
is manifeftly falſe; for any one that reads Cicero, will finde, they
were moſt of them extant in his time.
་་
CHAP. XIII.
His Wives and Children.
す
​1
HE had two wives, the firſt Pythais, fifter to Hermias, the Eu-
nuch, Tyrant of Atarna, and his adopted heir. Of the fcan-
dals that were caft upon him by this marriage, Ariftotle fully
acquits himſelfe in his Epiftles to Antipater, where he profef-
feth, that he married her only out of the good will which he
bore unto Hermias, and out of a compaffion, for the great mif-
fortunes that had happened to her Brother; adding, that the
was a woman endowed with extraordinary modeity, and all
other vertues.
1
His fecond wife was named Herpylis, a woman of Stagira,
whom Apellico (cited by Eufebius) and (perhaps from him) su-
das affirm, he married after the death of Pythais: With her he
lived to his end, as Hermippus, cited by Athenæus, and Timotheusy
by Laertius affirm. Timeus, a profefs'd calumniator of Ariftotle,
faith, fhe was his Concubine, and that Arifto le lived with her,
following the counfell of Hefiod in his Georgicks; from which
calumny, Hefiod is fully vindicated by Proclus.
b
a
By Herpylis he had one fon, as Apellico affirmeth, whom he
named after his own Father Nicomachus: To him he dedicated
b Defin. l. 5. his great Moralls, which Cicero thinks to have been written by
Nicomachus himfelfe: For 1 fee not faith he, why the fon might not
be like the Father.
e Euſeb'.
C
• This Nicomachus was a difciple of Theophraftus, and much be-
loved
ARISTOTLE
25
A
loved by him, under whom he profited exceedingly in Philoſo-
phy, and arrived at much eminence therein. Suidas faith, he writ
eight Books of Phyfick, four of Ethick. Cicero compares him both
with his Tutor and Father. Ariftocles cited by Eufebius affirmeth
he was bred up an Orphan, by Theophraftus,afterwards died young
in the Warrs, which relation agrees not with Ariftotle's Will,nor
with Suidas or Cicero, who averr that he writ Books, out of
which Laertius brings a citation, in Eudoxo.
He had a Daughter alfo called Pythais, who as Sextus Empericus
affirmes, was thrice married. Firſt to Nicanor the Stagirite, friend
to Ariſtotle. Secondly,to Procles, who derived his pedigree from
Demaratus King of Lacedemonia. By him fhe had two Sons, Procles,
& Demaratus, who ſtudied Philoſophy under Theophraftus.Her laft
husband was Metrodorus,Difciple of Chryfippus the Gnidian, Ma-
fter of Eraftratus. By him the had a fon named, after her Father,
Ariftotle. Of this Aristotle there is mention in the Will of Thec-
phrastus, where he is called the Son of Midias, not Metrodorus.
Suidas affirmeth, he died before his Grandfather.
CHAP. XIV.
His Difciples and Friends.
that
THe Difciples of Ariftotle were ſo many and fo eminent, that
Nicander of Alexandria, wrote an expreffe Book upon
fubject, which, had it been extant, would doubtleffe have given
us an exact account of them, whereas now we must reft fatisfied
with an imperfect Catalogue.
To omit the three Princes that were his Difciple, Hermias, A-
lexander (of whom already) and Antipater, Succeffor to Alexan-
ander in Macedonia(who amongſt other things wrote two books
of Epistles, in one whereof he related the death of Aristotle in the
first place is mentioned,
*Theophraftus of Ereffus a City of Lefbos, the moft eloquent of his
Difciples. Him he appointed to fucceed him in the School.
• Phanias of Ereffus alfo. He wrote many Books often cited by
Athenæus, amongst the reſt, Ammonius cites hisCategories, Analyticks,
and of Interpretation.
Eudemus of Rhodes efteemed by Ariftotle in the fecond place
next to Theophraftus. His life was written by Damias, as Simplici-
affirmes, who often mentions him. He wrote Analyticks, and a
Geometricall History (both cited by Simplicius) and fome other
Hiftories cited by Laertius, wherein hee faid the Magi were
of opinion, that men ſhould rife again after death. He fürvived
Aristotle.
( ď ď ď 2 }
*
Eudemus
26
ARISTOTLE.
A
1
'In Platone.
In Socrate.
Eudemus of Cyprus, who died in Sicily where he took Dion's
part, as appeareth from Plutarch. Ariftotle in honour of him,called
his Dialogue of the Soul after his name.
Paficrates, Brother of Eudemus the Rhodian. To him fome
aſcribe the firſt leffer Book of Metaphyficks, as Philoponus
affirmeth.
1
Theodectes; To him Ariftotle dedicated fome Books of Rheto-
rick, mentioned by Valerius Maximus, which hee afterward re-
tracted. Patricius conceives hee was rather a companion then a
Difciple of Ariftotle, becauſe he mentions him ſeven times in his
Rhetorick, which he is never obſerved to have done of any
Diſciple.
Clear chus, of Soli. He wrote many Books often cited by Athe-
ELUS.
Dicæarchus, Son of Phidias of Meffena in Sicily, a Philofopher,
Oratour and Geometrician, as Suidas affirmeth. He is cited
by Cicero, mention'd often by Plutarch amongſt the beſt Philo-
phers.
Ariftoxenus, Son of Mnefias a Mufician of Tarentum in Italy, who
going to Mantinia there ftudied Philofophy and Mufick. He
heard his Father; and Lamprus an Erythrean, and Xenopholus a
Pythagorean, and laft of all Arifto.le, whom after his death he
calumniated and wronged much, becauſe he had left Theophra-
ftus his fucceffour in the School, whereas himimſelf was in great
eftecm amongſt the Diſciples. Thus Suidas.
Nicanor, mentioned in his Will.
Philo, who wrote against one Sophocles, who caufed the Philo-
fophers to be voted out of Attica.
Plato, the younger,mentioned by Laertius and Philoponus.
Socrates aBithynian, mentioned by Laertius.
Mnafon, a Phòcian, mentioned by Alian as one of hoſe who
affifted Ariftotle in the ejection of Plato out of the Academy, Galen
likewife mentions him as Author of fome medicinall writings
aſcribed to Aristotle.
Phrafidemus, a Phocian, mentioned by Laertius as a Peripatetick
Philofopher. It is likely he was a Difciple of Ariftorle, for he was
contemporary with, Theophrastus.
Palephatus of Abydas, an Hiftorian much beloved of
Aristotle.
*
Callifthenes an Olynthians Ariftotles Sifters Sonne, of whom
already.
مر
Hipparchus, a Stagirite; of kin to Ariftotle. He wrote, as Suidas
affirmeth, of the distinctions of Sexes amongst the Gods, of mariage 3
and the like.
4
Lears a Byzantine, a Peripatetick Philofopher and Sophift.
Some affirm he was a Difciple of Ariftotles. He was fo exceffively
fat, that coming to Athens, upon an Embaffy, the people laught
at
ARISTOTLE.
7
ユウ
​f
at him; to whom he ſaid, do you laugh to fee me thus fat, I have
a wife a great deal fatter; yet, when we agree, one bed will
hold us both, but when we difagree, not the whole houfe. The
people fufpecting him of confederacy with Philip, upon a Letter
of his, came in a tumult to his houfe, whereupon fearing to be
ftoned, he ftrangled himſelfe.
• Efchrion of Mitylene, a heroick Poet, loved much by Aristotle,
as Suidas faith.
Callippus an Athenian, who alſo heard Plato.
Satyrus, whole books of lives and characters are cited by Aibe-
naus.
Hieronimus the Rhodian, eminent in Philofophy. That he was
Aristotle's difciple is acknowledged by Athenæus.
Heraclides of Pontus,a great Philologist.
To theſe add of leffe note, Echecratides a Methymnæan, and
Adraftus a Macedonian, both mentioned by Stephanus. Euxithius,
mentioned by Plutarch: Clitus a Milefian: Menon the Hiſtorian 3
Dioteles and Timarchus.
A bet
CHAP. XV.
His Detra&tours.
S the friends and followers of Ariftotle were more in num
ber then thofe of any other Philofopher, fo were alfo his
detractours,of whom having already had occafion to make fome
mention, we fhall not need to give anyfurther account then this
of Ariftotles, alledged by a Eufebius.
a Prepar. E-
How then is it poffible, that what Epicure relates of Ariſtotle vang.lib. is.
can be true, that when he was a young man, he wafted prodi-
gally all the means his father left him, whereby he was neceffi-
tated to betake himſelfe to the Warres; but therein being un-
fortunate, he fet up an Apothecaries fhop, and Plato keeping
open School, amongst the reft admitted him?
And who will credit Timaus the Tauromenite, who writes,
that being come to riper years, he ſhut up his poor fhop, and
gave over his mercenary profeffion?
Who can be perfwaded to believe what Ariftoxenus the Mu-
fician faith in the life of Plato, that when he was from home
fome ſtrangers roſe up, and fet up a School in oppofition to him
which words fome interpret of Aristotle, but erroneoufly; for
Ariſtoxenus alwaies commendeth Ariſtotle; [ yet Suidas, as we
faid, averrs the contrary.]
+
• Who does not eftéem the Commentaries of Alexinus ridicu
lous? for he bringeth in Alexander as a youth talking with his
Father Philip, fleighting the inftructions of Ariftotle, but appro-
ving thoſe of Nicagoras, furnamed Hermes.
Eu-
28
ARISTOTLE.
}
1
Eubulides manifeftly falfifies in the book he wrote against
Aristotle: For firſt, he bringeth in ſome dull Poems as written by
others, upon his marriage and affinity with Hermias: then he
faith, that he injured Philip, that he was not prefent with Pla
at his death, and that he corrupted his writings.
As for the accufation of Demochares againſt Philofophers, it is
not worth the mention; for he afperfeth not only Ariftotle, but
all the reft; and whofoever looks upon his calumnies, will fay
they are triviall; for he affirmes, that fome Letters of Ariftotle's,
againſt the Citty of Athens were intercepted and diſcovered;
that he betrayed his own Country Stagira to the Macedonians;
that when Olynthus was taken, he informed Philip upon the fale
and ranfome of the goods and prifoners, which were the moſt
wealthy of the Olynthians.
No leffe foolishly doth Cephifodorus, difciple of Ifocrates, ca-
lumniate him as an effeminate perfon, and a glutton, with ma-
ny other aſperſions of the fame kinde.
But of all, the moft fooliſh is that of Lyco, who profeffed
himſelfe a Pythagorean, for he faith, that Ariftotle facrificed
to his wife after ſhe was dead, as the Athenians to Ceres ; and
that uſing to bath himſelfe in warme oyle, he afterwards fold
it; and that when he went to Chalcis, thoſe who bought his
goods, found in one bark 75 braffe pots. Indeed neer fo many
were the firſt calumniators of Ariftotle, from whom fprung up
others, fome in the fame age, others little after, all Sophifts,
Litigious perfons, and Orators, of whofe names and bookes no
more remains then of their bodies.
As for thoſe who flouriſhed after thefe, fome repeat only
what theſe had ſaid before, and therefore we need not take any
notice of them; much leffe of thoſe, who not lighting upon thoſe
books, have fram'd fome inventions of their own, fuch as they
who affirm, he had 3oo pots, for there was not any Author of
that time who made mention thereof, but Lyce, and he faith,
there were found only 7 5 pots.
And not only from computation of time, and from the per-
fons who affert thefe calumnies, may any man perceive all
they ſay to be but falfe, but alſo from this, that not any two of
them lay the fame thing to his charge, but every one hath a par-
ticular calumny different from the reft. But, if any one of thefe
had been true, Ariftotle ſhould have heard of it, not only once
from them, but a thouſand times.
It is manifeft therefore, the fame thing befell Ariftotle which
happened to many others, that as well for the refpect and friend-
fhip he had with Princes, as for the excellency of his Differta-
tions, the envy of the Sophifts of that age perfecuted him. But
fuch as are ingenious ought not to minde calumniators, but
簿
​thofe
MRISTOTLE.
29
thoſe who have praiſed and imitated him, whom they will finde
to fall nothing ſhort of the others, either for number or worth.
Hitherto Aristocles.
1
い
​CAP. XVÍ.
His writings.
Aertius hath given a large Catalogue of his writings, as a
teftimony of his excellency in all kinds of learning. Their
Titles, as reduced to their ſeverall heads by Patricius, are theſe.
LOGICK.
}
THe Sophift 1.
of Sciences I.
Sophiftick diftinctions 4,
Of Eriftick 2.
Eriftick folutions 4.
Of Genus and Species 1.
of Proprium 1.
Epichirematick
Inftances 1.
Commentaries 1.
}
篝
​Of those which are faid many waies, as according to the propo-
fitum I.
For Science 1.
Distinctions 17.
Diæreticks 1.
of interrogation and anſwer 2.
Propofitions I.
Eriſtick Propofitions 4.
Syllogifmes 1•
Firft Analyticks 9.
Second Analyticks 2.
Of Problems 1.
Methodicks 8.
Termes Antetòpical 7:
Syllogifmes 2.
Syllogiftick and Termes :
Ante-Topicks 1-
Topicks to Termes 1.
Diæretick 1.
Definitions 13
Argumentations 2.
Propofitions 1.
Epichiretick Thefes 25.
Methodick 1.
30°
MARISTOTLE.
!
Of Speech 1....
Categories 1.
Of Interpretation I.
In all 123.
PHYSÏCK, A
F the Soul 1.
3
}
Of Suffering and being paſſive 1.
Of Elements 3.
Of motion 1.
Thefes of the Soul 1.
Of Nature 3.
Phyfick 1.
Of Animals 9.
Anatomy 7.
Anatomick felections :
Of compound Animals İ. ´·
Upon not Generating 1.
Of Plants 2:
Phyfiognomick 1.
Signes of Tempeft. 1.
Phyficks by Elements 38.
Perfpective Problems 2.
Of Stone I.
Oo
In all, 75.
ETHICK.
F Juſtice 4.
Of Philoſophy 3
Politick 2:
Of Riches I.
Of Nobility 1.
of Pleasure 1.
Alexander; ot, of Colonies I
Of a Kingdome 1.
af Education I.
of Good 3.
Oeconomick 1.
of friendship 1.
Propofitions concerning Vertue 3-
Of the paſſions of anger 1.
Ethicks 4.
Of the Better I.
Of Elegible and Accident 1.
Of Pleasure 1.
of Voluntary 1.
of Faire 1.
A
Amicable
ARISTOTLE
31
Amicable Thefes 2.
Patirics
Laws 4.
Conftitutive Law I.
Politick Aufcultation 8.
Of Just 2.
Of Confultation 1.
Jurisdictions
Paſſions 1.
1:
Governments of Cities 158.
Proper Democracies,
Oligarchicks.
Aristocraticks.
Tyrannick's
In all 217.
I A.
METAPHYSICK.
F Contraries 1.
Oof
of Idea 1.
of Principle 1.
In all 3.
MATHEMATICK.
Athematicks I.
Mof Magnitude i
Of
of Unity i
Aftronomicki.
Optick 1.
Of Mufick 1.
Mechanicks 1.
In all 7.
PHILOLOGICK.
OG
F Poets 3.
Gryllus, of Rhetorick
Works of Rhetorical art 2.
Collection of the Theodetick art;1
Rhetoricall Enthymemes I.
Homericall Difficulties 6.
Poeticks I.
Comparisons 1.
The Olympionica.
Pythianick Musiek.
Pythick 1.
Pythionick Elenchs 1.
The Dyonyfiack Victories 1.
of Tragedies i:
?
(ece)
Poems,
32
ARISTOTLE
1
Poems; 3. So Hermias, to Democritus, Elegies
UNCERTAIN, or EX
TRAORDINARY. 怎
​In all 27
...I
N
Erinthus 1.
Menexenust.
*
F
Erotick 1.
Symposium 1.
Protreptick 1.
Of prayer 1.
Collection of arts. 12.
Art i.
Another art I.
Collection. 2.
Of fabulous living creatures 1.
Medicine 2.
Memorialls 1.
Encyclicks 2.´
Inordinate 12.
Expounded by their Genus 14.
Doctrines i.
Proverbs 1.
'N
In all 46.
EPISTLES.
To Philip and Alexander 4:
To Antipater 9.
To Mentor I.
To Arifto 1.
To Olympias 1.
To Hephaſtion 1.
from and
To Themiftagoras 1.
To Philoxenus 1.
{
Inall 19
AGAINST THE ANCIENT PHILO
O
SOPHERS.
Ut of Plato's Laws 2.
Out of Plato's Commonwealth 2.
Out of Timæus and Archytas their writings
Problems out of Democritus z
Against Meliffus 1.
Against Alcmeon 1.
Against Gorgias 1.
Against Xenophanes
Against Zeno 1.
试
​1
of
ARISTOT LE.
33
Of the Philofophy of Archytas 3.
Of the Philofophy ofSpeulipppus and Xenocratès 1.
In all 19:
The Sum of all theſe Books,excepting the Epiftles,is 513.Laer-
tius reckons them to be, near 400. perhaps accounting the feve
rall Books that are upon the fame fubject for one. But of theſe
the greateſt part is loft, and of many that are extant, the Titles
altered; of the extant there are only thefe:
·
ADILOGICK
Ategories 1.
Cof
f Interpretation 1.
First Analyticks 2.
Second Analyticks 2:
Topicks 8.4 1
Elench's 1.
C
PHYSICK:
F natural Auſcultation 8.
Of Heaven 4.
4.71
Of Generation and Corruption 2:
of Meteors 4.
Of the World 1. Suspected:
Of the Soul 3*
Of Senſe and Şenfibles i.
Of memory and Reminiscence 1.
Of sleep and waking 1.
of Dream I.
Divination by dreams 1.
Of the motion of living Creatures t.
Of the length and shortneſſe of life t.
Of youth and age, life and death i.
Of Refpiration
Of the going of Animals
Of Breath T
Of the generation of Animals 5.
Of the parts of Animals 4.
of
**The Hiftorie of Animals 10.
Of Colours 1
Of Physiognomy
Spurious
*
ETHICK.
Thick,to Nicomachus 10.
Erbi
Great Ethick 2.
Ethick to Eudemus 7.
(eee 2)
34
ARISTOTLE.
of vertues 1.
SPOJ
I want
2.
geconomick rogailu eyja
Politick 8:
Mc
+
V
METAPHYSICK Polo mut
D
Etaphyfick 14.ORTROU ONE LOAremalo
of the abftrufe part of Divine Wiſdom according to
the Ayptians tranflated out of Arabick butdur.
pected to be fpurious 14.
MATHEMATICKS.
Athematick 2.
M
Mechanick 1.
Of infecable lines 1.
J
PHILOLOGICK.
R Hetorick 3.
Rhetorick to Alexander 1.
Poetick I.
Saoir
EXTRAORDINARY.
T
عليكم
J
Roblems 38.
PRO
Wonders 1.
Of Zenophanes;Zeno and Gorgias 1.
Beſides theſe, there are many other Books cited for his, under
thefe Titles.
Magick, Laert. Protem,
+
Y
ic
Epitome of Oratours, Laert. Aristip.
Of Beanes, Laert. Pythag
Of Mixtion, Ariftot. de fenfu. cap. 3.
Of Sapors, Arift. de fenfu cap. 4.
Physical History, Arift.de inceff Animal.cap.76
of Nutriment, Arift. de Somno, cap. 3.
Selection of Contraries, Arift. Metaph. lib. 3. cap. 2.
Divifion of Contraries, Arift. Metaph. lib. 1. cap. 3.
of Oppofites, Simplic. in cap. de Oppofit, Comm. 8.
Collection of Pythagon Opimons Simplic, in lib. 2.
de Cœlo. Com. 4.
Of Idea's, Alexand. in lib. 1. Metaphyf. Comm. 59.
where he cites the fourth Book, though Laertius,
but one, as if there were no more.
Of Enunciation, Alexand. in lib. 4. Metaphys. Com.
25. & 44.
Of Affirmation, Alexand. in lib. 4. Metaphyf. Com.
62,
of
'
•
F DARISTOTLE.
36
Of Platonisk affertions, Plut. contra Colot.
ajit Fudemus, Plut. Confol; ad Apollon.
of Prunkenneffe, Plut: Sympoliac. 3. Atheneus cites the
tenth book hereof.
Animal or of Filbes, Athen, Deipn. 7:
10 B
Of Living Creatures, and of things pertaining to living Crea-
tures, Athen. C
J
Of the manners of living Creatures, Athen.
of Pheasants, Athen,
Of Confanguinity, Athen.
Of monderful luxury, Athen.
Bit Apologie, Athen,
Hiftories, Athen.
Barbarous Jurifdi&ions:
of Audibles, Porphyr. Comm. in Ptol. Mus. Proclus in
Timeum Plat.
The Cohabitant, Proclus. Proam. in Repub. Platon.
yuiva, Macrob. Saturnal. lib. 1.
of Nature. Clem. Alexandrin. Strom. lib. 6.
We ſhall not add the Peplus cited by Nicephorus, and the Chri
by Stobæus, under his name, fince it is manifeft they belong not
to the fame Aristotle, as Patricius bath evinced.
Thefe Books Ariftotle gave to Theophraftus, when he made
him his fucceffor in the School, as Strabo affirmeth; adding, that
Ariftotle was the first, we know of, that made a Library, which
the Egyptian Kings learned of him to do. Theophrastus bequea-
thed all his books to Nelius a Scepfian, who carried them to
Scepfis, and dying, left them to his heirs, men of no Learning,
who only kept them confufedly locked up: And when they un-
derſtood what care was taken by the Attalick Kings (in whoſe
juriſdiction Scepfis was to make a Library in Pergamus, they
hid them in a hole under ground [where they continued about
130 years, ] by which means they received fome injury by the
wet and worms. At last, fome that were defcended from Ari-
Hole and Theophraftus, fold them to Apellico a Teian, [who, ac-
cording to Athenæus, was made free of the City of Athens, a
perfon very rich, who, befides many other Libraries, bought
this of Ariftotles being himfelfe a lover of Peripatetick Philofo-
for a great fumme of mony. This Apellico was more a
lover of Books, then of Learning, fo that, becauſe they had re-
ceived fome injury, he caufed them to be tranfcribed, fupplying
the defects not rightly, and by that means put them forth full
of faults. The antient Peripateticks that fucceeded Theophraftus,
wanting Books, as having but very few, and thofe Exoterick,
could not treat exactly upon any part of Philofophy. They that
lived latter, after that thefe books were published, had much
greater helps to Philofophy, and the imitation of Ariftotle, al-
though
36
ARISTOTLE.
·
though by reaſon of the infinite faults, they were forced to fay
many things by gueffe Hereunto Rome conduced not a little;
for, (foon after the death of Apellico, Sylla taking Athens, in the
fourth year of the 173 Olympiad feifed upon his Library, and
caufing it to be carried to Rome, Tyrannid, a Grammarian, a
perfon ftudious of Ariftotle, obtained leave of the Library-Kee-
per to be permitted the uſe of them) the Book-fellers not ha-
ving good writers, and not comparing well the Copies, it oc-
cafion'd many faults, as well in thoſe Books that were at Rome
as in thoſe tranſcribed and fold into Alexandrias Plutarch adds,
that from this Tyrannio, Andronicus the Rhodian had them, whe
firſt made them publick, fetting forth thofe volumes, which,
faith he, we have.
75
་་
Thus Strabo and Plutarch; Athenæus faith, that Nelius fold
them to Ptolemæus Philadelphius; by whom they were tranflated
to Alexandria, where how long they lay hid is uncertain, which
Library was afterwards burn'd by Julius Cefar
No
CHAP. XVII.
1
His Commentatours.
1
[
}
►
ኑ
•
}
martodr
>
fooner were the writings of Ariftotle communicated to
the world, but they were entertained with generall ap-
probation, which fome expreffed by employing themſelves in
Commenting upon them, whofe example was followed by má-
ny in all following ages. To omit Paficrates the Rhodian, brother
of Eudemus, who wrote, as Galen affirmeth, upon the book of
Categories, we fhall name in the firſt place,
Andronicus the Rhodian, who first published Ariftotles writings,
put forth a Paraphrafe or Comment upon the greateft part of
/them.
Next, his Difciple Boethus, a Sidonian, took much pains in the
expoſition of Ariftotle, whence he is often mentioned honours-
bly by Ammonius and Simplicius.
;
Arifto a Coan, Difciple alfo to Andronicus as a Strabo affirms
a Geogr.lib.14. living in the time of Nicias, Tyrant of Coos, is reckoned by Sim
phcius amongſt the old Commentatours upon Ariftotles Catego-
น
ries.
• Nicolaus Damafcenus, who lived in the time of Auguftus, by
whom much loved, is cited by Simplicius and Averroes, as an
Expofitor of Aristotle.
144
Aihenodorus of Tarfis, a Stoick, who lived alfo under Auguftus,
as Plutarch affirms, is cited by Simplicius, as having written up-
on Ariftotle's Categories; but, rather by way of confutation then
interpretation, as did likewiſe Alexander. Ægeus Nero's Tutor
mention'd
+
+
37
ARISTOTLE.
mention'darmplitius; Cornutus, who lived at the fame time; ci
ted by: Porphyrius and simplicius; Lucius and Nicoftratus a Macedo
nian, who lived under Antonius:
potion of alexandria, and Acharius, feem to have written upori
the Categories being often cited by Simpltius upon that ſubject.
-Taurus the Berijian, a Platonick Philofopher,living under Anto-
nius, wrote firſt concerning the difference between the Doctrines
of Flats and driftotle.
Adraffus the Aphrodifean; wrote a Comment on Ariftotle's Ca-
gories, and of his Phyficks, and a Book concerning the Method of
his Philofophy.
Afpafius, wrote a Comment on all Aristotle's Works,taking par-
ticular care to reflore the Text, to which end he is often quoted
by Simplicias and Boetius. There is, a Comment upon fome books of
the Ethicks extant under his name.
Herminus, fomwhat latet, ſeems to have written upon all, or
the greateſt part of Aristotle's works, cited by all the Greek
Commentatours that are extant, and by Boetius.
Alexander the Aphrodifaan, who lived under Antonius and Se-
verus, wrote upon the Analyticks, Topicks and Elerichs, whence
ftiled by the latter Interpreters, wins the Expofitor.
Galen, who lived at the fame time, wrote three Books upon
Ariftotle of Interpretation, four Books upon the first of the first
Analytick, four upon the ſecond of the firft, fix
upon the first of
the ſecond Analyuck, five upon the ſecond.
Atticus a Platonick Philofopher, befides feven Books wherein b Suid.
he proved Plato and Ariftotle to be of the fame Sect, contrary to
the affertion of Taurus, he wrote alfo a Dialogue upon the Cate-
gories extants ſeven Boks upon the Categories cited by Simplicius,a
Comment upon the Book of Interpretation, cited by Boetius. Nor
to mention what he wrow upon Ariſtotle de Anima, fince it ap
pears from Suidas, that it was rather by way of oppofition then
expofition, which Theodoret sewife confirmes.
C
c
12.
#amblicus of Chalcis in Calofyria Mafter to Iulian the Emperour, Gre.affic..
wrote in an abſtruſe way upon the bok of Categories.
Dexippus, by fome thought to be fonte of Tamblicus; wroté a
Dialogue on the Categories, extant.
Maximus a Byzantine, Difciple of Iamblicus wrote Commen-
taries on the Categories, and other Books of Autotle, as Simpli
ous and Suidas affirm.
Plutarch the younger Son of Neftorius flouriſhing under Valen-
traise the fiths Gratian and Theodofius the firft, according Suidas-
and Rhiloponus's wrote Commentaries upon fome Books of
Ariftotle's meta.
Syrianus, furnamed the great, of Alexandria, a Philofopher,
who flouriſhed under Arcadius, Honorius, Theodofius the ſecond,
and Valentinian the fecond, wrote Commentaries upon Ari-
fotle's
1
38
ARISTOTLE.
1
Stotle's Books of Nature, of Motion, of Heaven, and upon the Cate-
gories, cited by Simplicius and Philoponus. Likewiſe upon the 24. 5.
and 6. Book of Metaphyficks, which are extant.
Olympiodorus, an Alexandrian, who derived himſelf from Am-
monius Saccus, and was contemporary to Plutarch and Syrianus,
wrote upon Ariſtotle's Meteors, extant, He was later then that
Olympiodorus, who writ upon Plato.
F
Themiftius, living, according to Suidas, under Julian and Jovi-
nian, wrote a Paraphrafe upon Ariftotle's Phyfick, 8. Books; a Pa-
raphrafe on the Analyticks, 2. Books; upon his Books of the Soul;
7. Books. Of the ſcope and title of the Book of Categories, one
Book.
t
Proclus, Difciple of Syrianus, wrote two Books concerning
Motions, wherein he made an abſtract of Ariftotle's fecond Book
of Motion. That he wrote alfo upon his book of Heaven,and the E-
lements may be conjectured from the frequent citations of Simpli-
cius.
Marinus, who fucceeded Proclus in the School, feemeth to
have written ſomthing upon Ariftotles Book of the Soul, being of-
ten cited upon that fubject by Philoponus.
Ammonius Hermaus wrote upon Ariftotle's Categories, and up-
on his Book of Interpretation, both which are extant; as likewiſe
upon his Books of the Soul,cited by Philoponus.
Damafcius,a Platonick Philofopher, Difciple to Ammonius, befides
what he wrote in confutation of Ariftotle concerning Time, epi-
tomiz'd the four firft, and the eight Book of his Phyfick, and the
first Book of Heaven. To theſe adde
t
ཚ"
Philoponus and Simplicius, and Afclepius, Difciples to Ammonius.
Johannes Damafcenus, whofe compendium of Ariftotles Logick
and Phyfick are extant; he lived about the year 770.
Euftathius wrote upon fome of the Nicomachian Ethicks ; and
Euftratius upon his book concerning Demonftration.
Michael Pfellus, about the year 8oo. and Michael Ephefius, upon
the parva naturalia.
Magentinus upon the Categories and the book of Interpretation.
Nicephorus Blemmydes,( vnder Iohannes duca,) upon the Logick
and Phyfick.
Georgius Plachymerias and Theodorus Metochita lived about the
year 1080. and wrote Epitoms extant.
}
Of Arabick Commentatours were Avicenna and Averroes; about
the year 1216.
The later writers it wil be unneceffary to mention, there being
a Catalogue of them annexed to Ariſtotles works of the Paris Edi-
tion.
W
"ARISTO-
ARISTOTLE.
39.
Epift Gracan,
ARISTOTLE SRG
21 202
↓
7
EPISTLES
To Philip 1
'
ས ། སུམྨནྟི
Hey who undertake a Command for the good of their
Subjects, not preferred thereunto either by Fortune or
Nature; truft not in their own power, which they know fubjec
to chance, but grow great in Vertue, whereby they order the
Commonwealth wifely. For there is nothing amongſt men fo
firm,and folid,but the rapid motion of the Sun changeth it ere the
Evening. Nature, if we enquire into the truth, varieth all lives,
interweaving them like the Action of a Tragedy with fif
fortunes. Men like flowers, have a fet time wherein they flou-
fiſh and excell others. Wherefore behave not your felf towards
Greece tyrannically or looſely, for one argues perulance, the other
temerity. Wife Princes ought not to be admired for their Go-
vernment, but Governance; fo that though Fortune change, they
fhall have the fame praiſe.As for the reft, do all things well, pre-
ferring the health of your Soul, by Philofophy, that of your bo
dy by exerciſe.
Mo
To Philip
Oft Philofophers affert beneficence to be fomthing equall
to God. To ſpeak the truth, the whole life of Mankind
is comprifed in conferring and returning Benefits. So as, fome
beſtow, others receive,others return. Hence is it juft to commife-
rate all that are in adverfity, for pitty is the figne of a mild Soul,
fernnefs of a rude,it being diſhoneſt & impious to neglect vertue
if misfortunes. For this I commend our difciple Theophraftus, who
faiths we never repent of doing good, it brings forth good fruit
the prayers and praifes of the obliged Wife men therefore muft
ftudy to oblige many; thinking that, befide the praife, there may
fome advantage accrew from hence in the change of Affaires,
and if not all, at leaſt fome one of thoſe to whom he hath done
good, may be in a capacity to requite him. For this reafon, en-
deavour to be ready in doing good, but give not way to your
paffions, for that is kingly and civill, this barbarous and odious.
As you fee occafion, practife and neglect not this uſefull adviſe.
(fff)
To
·
40
ARISTOTLE
ty
To Philip. 3.
1
THE moſt excellent Princes, whofe honour toucheth the
Starrs, have conferred moſt benefits, and not accommoda-
ting their ſway only to the prefent, but confidering the inftabili-
of Fortune, have treafured up good deeds as uſefull in either
condition. In profperity it procures them Honour, for Honour is
proper to Vertue, in adverfity Relief, for friends, are much better
try'd in bad fortune then in good. The fight of benevolent për-
fons is like to that of Land to men in a ftorme. All Fortune apt
to defert us, is the true fcope which they propofe to themfelves
who war, or do unjuſtly, or comply difhoneftly, only the clear-
neffe of Vertuous perfons is not unacquainted with the inftability.
of Fortune, but, by reaſon, fuftaining all accidents, and being
as Plato faith, above them, they are never difordered. Take heed
therefore of the rapid motion of things; look upon them as a
Circle which reverts into it felf; caft up the accounts of life, for
chance impoſeth many things upon life, and maketh our inclina-
tions follow it. Pardon thoſe that offend ignorantly; be ready to
acquite thoſe that do good. This if you perform not once, but
continually, your Court will be fecure from all danger. This,con-
fidering the greatneffe of the things, I have faid is but little, but
confidering the perfon to whom I write, All.
To Alexander. 4.
រ
>
Am in doubt how to begin, for upon whatſoever I reflect, all
feems great and wonderfull, not fit to be forgotten, but pro-
per for remembrance, and exhortation, not to be defaced by
Time. Good precepts and exhortations of Mafters have Eternity
for their Spectator. Endeavour to make nfe of your power, not
to oppreffe, but to oblige others, then which nothing can bee
greater in Man's life. Mortall Nature, which often yieldeth
and is overcome by Fate, obtaineth eternall memory by the
greatneffe of fuch works. Confider this well; you are not unrea-
fonable as fome are, who think good advice ridiculous. Your
deſcent is honourable, your Kingdome hereditary, yourLearn-
ing found, your glory admirable; and as much as you exceed o-
thers in the Goods of Fortune, fo ought you to be excellent a-
mongſt the good in Vertue. In fine, do that which is profitable,
and finish what you defigne.
$
To
!
ARISTOTLE.
To Theophraftus 5.
Sudden Injury is better then a flow benefit, for the remem-
brance and harme of that lafts but a little while, but this
groweth old, as if it hated to build a work to perpetuity, and
many times deferring what we intend to beflow upon another
he meets with a calm elfe-where which allaies the tempeft of
his mind. Wherefore I fays mutuall fociety ought not onely to
do no wrong, but, if any be received, to be ready to forgive it ;
for perhaps to do no wrong is above the power of Man. As for
him who hath erred, to make ufe of reproof, is the property of a
good well-feated Judgement. <!
?
(fff 2)
THE
41
t
ARISTOTLE.
1
42
a Edert:
}
THE
DOCTRINE
OF
ARISTOTLE.
The First PART.
*
CHAP.I.
a
Of Philofophy in generall, and particularly
of DIALECTICK.
HE Philofophy of Ariftotle is well known
many abftracts thereof have been publiſhed,
many are read daly in Univerſities by pub-
lick Profeffours; yet, will it be requifite to
our defigne, to give a ſhort account thereof,
that it may appear wherein the doctrine and
method of the Peripateticks is diffèrent from
that of the Academicks and Stoicks.
* Philofophy, according to Ariſtotle, is two-fold, Practick and Theo-
wetick. To the Practick belongs Ethick and Politick; this, concerning the
well ordering of a City, that of a Houfe. To the Theoretick belongs
Phyfick and Logick; but Logick is not properly a part thereof, but a most
expedient Inftrument.
Of Logick he afferted two ends, probable and true; for each he makes
ufe of two faculties, Dialectick and Rhetorick for the probable; Analy-
tick and Philofophy for the true, omitting nothing towards Invention,
•Judgment, and uſe. For Invention, his Topicks and Methodicks afford
plentifull fupply, out of which may be taken problems for probable ar-
guments. For Judgment, his first and fecond Analyticks: in the first,
propofitions are examined; in the fecond, he treats exactly of their com-
pofition, and the form of Syllogifme. To use belongs his Agonifticks
and his Books concerning Interrogation, and his Erifticks, and his So-
phiftick Elbs, and of Syllogifmes, and the like. Hitherto Laertius.
Of his Logick we have only thefe books remaining, Of Catego~
ries, of Interrogation, Analyticks, Tepicks, and Sophiftick Elenchs.
The first confiders fimple terms: The fecond Propofitions: The
reſt
ARISTOTLE.
43.
reſt Syllogismes; Demonftrative, Dialectick, and Sophiftick. The Cates
gories are placed firft by the generall confent of all Interpreters,
neither is it to be doubted, but that the rest are difpofed accor
ding to the genuine method of Ariftotle. For, in the beginning
his Analyticks, he faiths. We must speak of Syllogifm before we come b Lib. 1,cap. 2.
to Speak of Demonftration, because Syllogifme is the more generall.
C
And in his Elenchs Of Didafcalick and demonftrative Syllogifmes, we © Cap. 8.
have spoken already in the Analyticks of the Dialectick and Pirestick
in the book immediately preceding thefe we come, now to speak of the
Agonistick and Eriftick.
CHAP. II.
of Termes.
Ermes are of three kindes, Homonymous, Synonymous, and Pa- a Categ. cap.
ronymous. Homonymous, whofe name only is common, their
effence divers: Synonymous, whofe name and definition are com-
mon to either: Paronymous have denomination from the fame
thing, but differ in caſe or termination.
Synonymous, ( or Univœcall termes, are reduced to ten générall
heads, called Categories.
•1 Subftance, of two kinds: First, which is moft properly fub- b cap. s.
ſtance, is neither prædicated of, nor inherent in a fubject. Se-
cond fubftances are fpecies and genus's, which fubfift in the firſt.
The properties of firft-fubftances are, 1. Neither to be in, nor
prædicated of a fubject. 2. To be all fubftances equally. 3. To
fignifie this particular thing. 4. To have no contrary. 5. Tó
admit no degrees of more or leffe. 6. To be fufceptible of con-
traries.
2. € Quantity, of two kinds; Difcrete, as Number; Continuous, c Cap. 6.
as a Line. Their properties, 1. To have no contraries. 2. To ad-
mit no degrees of more or leffe.. 3. To denominate things equall
or unequall.
3.d Relatives, whofe whole being is in fome manner affected d Cap. 7.
towards one another; their properties, 1. To have contraries,
as Father and Son. 2. To admit degrees of more and leffe, as in
kindred. 3. To follow one another mutually. 4. To be natural-
ly together.
>
e
4. Quality from which things are denominated qualited: © Cap. 8.
it hath foure kinds. 1. Habit and difpofition. 2. Naturall power and
impotence. 3. Paffible qualities and paffions. 4. Form and figure.
The properties, 1. To have contraries, as black and white.
2. To admit intenfion or remiffion. 3. To denominate things,
like or unlike.
£5. Adion. 6. Paffion. Their properties are, to admit contra- fcap 9.
ries,
t.
44
ARISTOTLE.
g Cap. 10:
ries, to admit degrees of intenfion and remiffion.
7. When. 8. where. 9. Pofition. 1o. Habit. Theſe admit not con-
traries, nor degrees of intenfion or remiffion..
},"
Of thoſe which cannot be reduced to any certain Category
are 1.Oppofites. 2. Precedents. 3. Coequals. 4. Motion. 5. Poffef
fion
# Of Oppofites there are foure kinds Relatives, Contraries, ex-
treams in the fame kinde, as black and white: Privatives, as pri-
vation and habit,light and darkneffe: Contradictoriesywhich affirm
and deny, as learned, not learned.
a De Interpret. a
cap. I.
b cap. 2:
c Cap. 3.
d Cap. 4.
e Cap.5. &c.
f Cap. 12.
Voice
CHAP. III.
Of Propofition.
5
Toice is a figne of the notions of the minde; as, in the minde
are two kinds of Intellection, one fimple, expert of truth
and fallitie, the other either true or falfe: So in voice, fome is
fimple, fome complexe.
bA'noun is a voice fignifying according to inftititution,where-
of no part is fignificant by it felfe.
C
}
• A Verb is a voice implying time, whereof no part is fignifi-
cant by it felfe.
A Speech, y, is a voice fignifying according to inftituti-
on, whofe parts are fignificant feparate.
Of Speech, the enunciative only (called propofition) belongs
to Philofophy, the precatory and imperative, to Rhetorick, Po-
etry, &c.
Propofitions are divided foure waies; into fimple and com-
plex; into affirmative and negative; into univerfall, particular, inde-
finite and fingulars into pure and modall, the modall is either ne-
ceffary, poffible, contingent, or impofsible.
Propofitions have three accidents, oppofition, confectation, con-
verfion.
Oppofition is either contradictory of a particular to an uni-
verfall; or contrary, of an univerfall to an univerfall; or fub-
contrary,of a particular negative to a particular affirmative.
7
Confectation, (axoronos) or æquipollence, is the confideration of
thofe affections of a propofition, in refpe&t whereof, two propo-
fitions fignify together the fame thing, and are together true or
falle.
Conversion is a tranfpofition of the termes, preferving the af-
firmation, negation, and verity of the propofition: it is either ab-
folute, which reſerves the fame quantity, but alters the quality ;
or partiall, which referves not the fame quantity.
CHAP.
ARISTOTLE
45
CHAP. IV.
•Of Syllogifme.
1. 17
lib. 1. cap. I.
yllogifme is a fpeech, in which fome things being laid down, Analys. prie.
another neceffarily followes. Perfect Syllogifme is that which
requireth no other to fhew its power, clearneffe, and efficacy.
Imperfect requires another to that purpoſe, by converſion, of
tranfpofition of the propofitions."
b The matter of Syllogifme is threé termés, the form is the b cap.4.
right difpofition of the matter, according to figure and mood.
Figure is an apt difpofition of the medium with the ex-
treams, apt for concluding aright. Mood is a difpofition of pro-
pofitions, according to quantity and quality. There are three
figures.
The first, when the medium is firſt ſubject, then prædicate: It
hath nine moods, 4. uſefull, 5. ufeleffe and illegitimate: of the
uſefull, two are univerfall, two particular:
The firſt.
Every Ais B.
Every C is A.
f
Therefore every C is B:
S
No A is B.
#
The fecond. Every C is A.
Therefore no Cis B.
Every A is B
Therfore fome C is B.
The third.
Some C is A.
No A is B.
The fourth. Some is A.
Therfore fome Cis B.
In the fecond figure, the medium is prædicated of both the cos
extreams. It hath 16 Moods, 4 true, 12 falfe and illegitimate.
Of the true, two are univerfall, two particular.
}..
The firſt.
No Mis N.
Every⋅ O is. N.
}
Therforé no O is M.
Every Mis N.
The fecond. No O is N.
Therfore no O is M.
No Mis N.
The third. Some O is N.
Therefore fome O is not M.
1
1
The
46
{
ARISTOTLE
d Cap. 6.
Every Mis N.
The fourth.Some O is not N.
Therfore fome O is not M.
In the third figure, the medium is fubjected to both ex-
treams. It hath 16 Moods, 10 falfe and illegitimate; 6. legiti-
mate, which conclude particularly.
Every Pis R.
The firſt.
Every P is S.
'
Therfore fome S is R.
No P is R.
The fecond. Every P is S.
1
Therefore fome S is not R.
Some Pis R.
The third.
Every P is S.
--
Therfore fome Sis R.
*
Every P is R.
The fourth.
Some P is S.
Therfore fome S is R.
Some P is not R.
The fift.
Every Pis S.
Therefore fome Sis not R.
1
No P is R.
The fixt.
Some P is S.
è Cap. 23.
f Anal. Prior.
e
Therfore fome S is not Ŕ.
Every Syllogifme ought to be framed in one of these three
Figures; but thofe of the fecond and third being imperfect,
ought to be reduced to the first, which is the moft abfolute and
perfect.
There are fix other formes of argument, Conversion of Termes,
lib. a, cap. 22. Induction, Example, abduction, Inftance, Enthymem. All theſe have
Loc.
their efficacy from the power of Syllogifme, landare reducible
to Syllogifme.
ว
+
L
- 1
'
17 Sdredi
1591.
As concerning the invention, power, and converfionof Syllo-
giſme, he is exact and curious to admiration.
1
CHAP. V.
Of Apodeislick(or demonstrative) Syllogifme?
t
寶
​a Analyt. poffer." ALL difcurfive knowledge is made by a prænotion of the
things themſelves whereof we difcourfe; for ratiocination
is not concerning things unknown. Demonftration is a difcurfive
lib: 1. cap. 1.
1
know-
ARISTOTLE.
47
knowledge, and therefore requireth three præcognitions. Firſt,
that the fübject is, and what it is in a rude confuſed manner.
Secondly, what the prædicate is; and what it fignifieth. Thirdly,
that the principles are true:
b To know is to understand that a thing is, that this is cauſe b cap. z.
thereof, and that it cannot be otherwile. Demonftration is a ſci-
entifick Syllogifme. Demonftrative Science is from true, firſt, im-
mediate, more known, caufes of the conclufion. First, as having
none precedent, and being adequate to, and convertible with
the effect. Immediate or confectaneous, as having no terme be-
twixt to joyne them. More known, as being præmiles to the con-
clufion, not to be demonſtrated by any thing.
C
• Demonftrative Science is of a thing neceffary; whence the de- c cap. 4.
monftration it felfe confifts of neceffary propofitions; which
neceffity requireth explication of that which is prædicated, of
all by it felfe, and which is univerfall.
of all, is that which is attributed to every one and at all
times, as a living creature to man.
By it felfe, as being of effence, proper, competible per fé, and
competible to it ſelfe, for it ſelfe.
An univerfall attribute is that which is in every one by it felfe,
in as much as it is it felfe.
* Demonftration is of conclufions of eternall truth, for they are d cap. 8.
univerfall propofitions; whence it followeth, that neither de-
monſtration nor Science are of periſhable things; neither are de-
finitions of fuch, which are the principles of demonftration.
That there is demonftration, it is not neceffary to have re-
courſe to Plato's Idæas, feparate from fingulars; it is enough that
there are common natures which are in fingulars, and are præ-
dicated of them.
e
It is one thing to know that a thing is fo, another to know e cap. 11.
why it is fo. Hence there are two kinds of demonſtration, Nór,
and 7, the first is the true and moft perfect, of which hitherto.
fThe other kinde of demonſtration, viz., is more im-fc4.13.
perfect; it is made two waies in the fame Science: Firſt,
when the cauſe is demonftrated by the effect thus, Starres which
do not twinkle are nearest to the earth; but, the Planets do not twinkle,
therefore they are nearest to the earth.. Secondly, when the effect is
proved by a cauſe remote, and not reciprocall, or by an effect of
the remote cauſes as this, Every thing that breatheth is a living
creature; but no wall breaths, therefore no wall is a living creature.
To know on, is proper to fubalternat principle Sciences, as
Geometry and Arithmetick, which contemplate the first proper
cauſes; to know, is of the fubalternate and inferiour, as Op-
tick and Mufick.
8 Of all figures, the firſt is moſt accommodate to knowledge,g Cap. 14.
for that only concludes with an univerfall affirmative, and
there-
(ggg)
3,
48
ARISTOTLE.
h Cap. 15. &c.
a Topic. lib. 1.
cap. I.
b Cap. 3.
e Cap. 4.
dCap. 5. &c.
therefore in that only is a demonftrative Món.
h Thus far concerning Science; the oppofite to Science is Ignor
rance, which is two-fold: One of pure negation, as when a boy or
ignorant fellow knowes not that the Sun is greater then the
Earth, becauſe he is ignorant of Aftrologie. The other, of depra-
ved difpofition, as when an Aftrologer or ignorant Optick be-
lieves, that things are as they feem: this is errour, which erro
neous ignorance is in falfe propofitions, or in a Syllogifme
through a falſe medium,
{
2.0
Defect of fenſe cauſeth ignorance of pure negation, for if any
fenſe be wanting, it is neceffary, that ſome ſcience of fenfibles.be
likewife wantings for, we learn all things either by induction or
demonſtration, Induction is made of fingulars perceived by fenfe.
Demonftration is of univerfals, which are declared by induction;
wherefore the beginning of Science is from fingulars, which are
fenfibles. Hence it is impoffible for a man born blinde to have the
Science of colours. Yet no fcience is next and immediately from
fenfe, for ſenſe is of fingulars, which are here and now; but fci-
ence and demonſtration is of univerfals, which are every where
and ever, not fubject to fenfe. Yet, fenfe conduceth to fcience
and demonſtration,for as much as an univerfall is collected from
particulars, known by ſenſe.
a
CHAP. VI.
Of Dialectick Syllogifme.
Drobables
Ialectick Syllogifme is that which concludes from probables;
probables are thofe things which appear fuch to all, or to
moft, or only to the wife and moft eminent.
b Dialectick is a conjecturall Art, as Rhetorick and Medicine;
therofore (like thoſe) it attaineth not alwaies its end; it is enough
for a Dialectick, that he omit nothing of his Art for conclu-
ding probably.
C
All diſputation is of things controverted, either by Pro-
blem or propofition. A Problem queftions both parts, as, a living
Creature, is it the genus of man or not? A propofition questions but
one part, as, Is not living creature the genus of man? Every propo-
fition and problem is either genus, (under which is contained the
difference) definition, proprium, or accident.
Definition is a fpeech, fignifying what a thing is. Proprium is
that which declareth, not what a thing is, but is in it only, and
reciprocall with.it. Genus is that which is prædicated, in quid,
of many that differ ſpecifically. Accident is that which is neither
definition, nor genus, nor proprium, and may be, or not be, în
its fubject.
• Diale-
ARISTOTLE.
49
t
C
Dialettick propofition is a probable interrogation, received bye Cap. 10.
all or many, or the most excellent, yet fo as it is not wholly alie-
nate from the common opinion.
Dialettick problem is threefold; practick or Morall, pertaining tof Cap. 11.
election or repulfes Theoretick, pertaining to Science; neutrall,
which conduceth to the reft, viz. Logick.
Thefis is a paradoxall fentence of fome eminent Philofopher,
contrary to the vulgar opinion.
g Cap. 12.
• Dialectick Argument is twofolds Induction and Syllogifm.
ĥ C4.13. &c.
Arguments are gained by four inftruments, 1. Choice of propo-
fitions. 2. Diftinction of Equivoques: 3. Invention of differences. 4.
Confideration of Similitudes.
Problems are either univerfall or particular; the fame places
which confirm or confute one, confirm or confute the other.
From proprium, genus, and definition is immediately and fimply
made Demonftration, but not from Accident, becaufe that is exter-
nall, not neceffarily and intimately inhærent in the Subject. Wee
ſhall not here fay any thing of the multitude of places he hath
invented, which are more neceffary to thoſe that will learn the
Art, then fuitable to this abridgement.
The Difputant must first find out a place (or medium) fecond-
ly, difpofe and queſtion it within himſelf, thirdly, propoſe it to
his adverfary.
In difputation against the learned, Syllogifm is to be uſed, a-
gainst the vulgar induction.
The office of the opponent is to compell his refpondent to this i Lib.8.cap. 4.
incredible and abfurd confequent from his Thefis, of the Refpon-
dent to take care, that nothing abfurd bee collected from his The-
fis.
>
AN
CHAP. VII.
Of Sophistick Syllogifm.
NElench is a Syllogifm which contradicts the conclufion a Sophift.elench
afferted by the refpondent.Of Elenchs fome are true, fome cap. 1.
falfe; that proper to a Sophos, whofe office is to purfue and defend
truth, and to diſcover and confute falfhood; this to a Sophift,
who from ſeeming wiſdom acquireth gain, and had rather feem
then be.
C
b A Sophiſt hath five ends, whereto he endeavoureth to reduce
his adverſary; the first is Elench, or redargution, of which there
are two kinds; one in the word, the other out of the word.
Sophifms in the word, are fix. 1, By Homonymie, as that Ill is
good, for a N are good, but Ills are do. The fallacy con-
(ggg 2)
Lifts
b
Cap. z.
Cap. 3.
c
50
ARISTOT LE.
d Cap. 4.
fifts in the word Norra, which fignifies fometimes neceffarily
inevitable, fometimes beneficiall.
2. By Amphibolie, as Béredu naßer vi rès wouis, which fignifies ei-
ther that the Enemies would take me, or that I would take the
Enemies.
3. By compofition, as Suvadau xanμévor Badilow, that he who fits can
walk, which is true in a divided fenfe, not in a compounded.
4. By Divifions as five are two and three, therefore even and
odde.
5. By accent, which is not fo easily done in Logick as in Poetry.
6. By figure of the word, when things which are not the fame,are
interpreted in the fame manner as a male for a female.
d
Sophisms out of the word are feven. 1. From accident, when that
which is demanded is equally competent to the thing, and to the
accident; for whereas many things are competent to the fame,
it is not neceffary that they be all in the fubject and prædicate,
as,if Corifcus differs from a man, he differs from himself, for be is a
man.
2. From that which is fimply, or waari, when that which is ſaid in
part is taken as of all, as, if that which is not, is imaginativè, that
which is not,is.
3.From ignorance of the Elench,when not underſtanding the true
Nature of a contradiction, they think that to be an abfolute con-
tradiction which is none, omitting either the fame refpect in the
thing, or the fame refpect of the fame thing or the fimplicity, or
the time. To this all Sophifmes may bee reduced..
4.Of the confequent, when we allow thofe to be true reciprocall
confequences which are not fuch, as, it is yellow, therefore it is ho-
ney, and the contrary, it is not yellow, therefore it is not honey.
5. Of petition of the principle, neither by requiring that to bee
granted, which was to be proved, or proving the fame by the
fame, the termes only changed; as the Soul is immortall because it is
not fubject to death.
6. Of a not-caufe as a Caufe, as when that is taken to be the.
cauſe of the thing or conclufion, which is caufe of neither;as Arms
disturb peace, therefore they are to be taken away.
هر
7. Of Plurality of Interrogations as one, when many things are
asked in one; as Juftice and Impiety, are they Vertues or not?
Hitherto of Elenchs; the four other Ends whéreto a Sophiſt
endeavours to reduce his adverfary,are, Falfitie,Paradox,Solecism,
and Tautologie.
{
Sophifmes are folved either by diftinction or negation..
Thus much may ferve for a flight view of his Logick, whereof
we have but few Books left, in refpect of the many which he
wrote upon that part of Philofophy.
}
THE
ARISTOTLE
51
I
+
THE
་
SECOND PART.
Not
<
1/1
-
CHAP. 1.
of PHYSICK.
A
to queſtion the Method of Ariftotle's Books of Phyfick's
much leffe their titles ( as fome, to make them better agree
with Laertius's Catalogue, have done and leaſt of all their Au-
thority, with Patricius; we shall take them in that order which
is generally received; according to which, next Logick is placed
Phyfick.
a
1
Phyfick is a ſcience concerning that fubftance which hath the a Metaphyſ.s.1.
principle of motion and reft within it ſelf.,
The Phyficall Books of Ariftotle, that are extant, treat of theſe
nine generall heads. Of the principles of naturall things; of the Com-
mon affections of naturalll things, of Heaven; of Elements; of the acti
on and paffion of Elements; of Exhalation, of Plants; of Animals; of
the Soul.
a
T
CHAP. II.
Of the Principles of Naturall Bodies,
:
He Principles of naturall Bodies are not one, as Parmenides a Phyfic lib. k.
and Melifjus held; nor Homoiomeria's, as Anaxagoras; nor A. cap. 3. 4.
tomes, as Leucippus and Democritus; nor fenfible Elements, as Thales,
Anaximander, Anaximenes, Empedocles; nor numbers, or figures, as
the Pythagoreans; nor Idea's, as Plato.
b
न
That the Principles of things are Contrary (privately oppo-b cap. 5.
fite) was the joint opinion of the Ancients, and is manifeft in
Reafon. For Principles are thofe which neither are mutually of
one another, nor of others, but of them are all things.. Suchare
firft contraries;as being firft,they are not of any other as contrary,
not of another. 11
}
• Hence it follows, that being contrary they must be more c cap. &.
then one, but not infinite; for then naturall things would not be
comprenfible by Reaſon: yet more then two; for of contraries
only nothing would be produced, but that they would rather de-
ſtroy one another.
There
مسا
"
52
ARISTOTLES
d Cap. 7:
e Cap. 8.
È Cap. 9%
a Phyf. lib. 2.
cap. I.,
b Cap. 3.
There are therefore three Principles of naturall bodies; two
contrary; privation and form, and one common fubject of both,
Matter. The conftitutive Principles are matter and form; of
privation, bodies confift not, but accidentally, as it is competent
to Matter.
e
f
gene-
>
Things are made of that which is Ens potentially, Materia pri-
ma, not of that which is Ens actually, nor of that which is non-
ens potentially, which is pure nothing. Matter is neither
rated nor corrupted. It is the firft infite fubject of every thing
whereof it is framed primarily, in it felf and not by accident,and
into which it at laft refolveth. To treat of forme in generall is
proper to Metaphyficks.
L
CHAP. III.
Of Nature and the Canfes of Naturall bodies.
OFF
F Beings, fome are by Nature, as Plants, others from o
ther cauſes; thoſe have in themſelves the principle of their
motion; theſe have not. Nature is a Principle and Cauſe of the
motion and reft of that thing wherein it is, primarily, by it ſelf,
and not by accident. Materiall fubftances have nature; Natural
properties are according to Nature; Nature is twofold, Matter
and Form,but Form is moſt Nature,becauſe it is in act..
b Of Cauſes are four kinds; the Material, of which a thing is
made; the Formall, by which a thing is made, or reaſon of its
effence; The efficient, whence is the firft principle of its mutation
or reft as a Father; the Finall, for which end it is made; as health
is to walking. Cauſes are immediate or remote, principall or acci-
dentall; actuall or potentialls particular or univerfall.
A
c Cap. 4. &c. Fortune and Chance are Caufes of many effects; Fortune is an
accidentall Cauſe in thoſe things which are done by election
for fome end; Chance is larger; an accidentall cauſe in things
which are done for fome end at leaſt that of Nature. They are
both efficient.
d Cap.
€ Cap. 9°
d
Nature acts for fome end; not temerarioufly,or cafually; for
thofe things which are done by nature, are alwaies or for
the moſt part done in the fame manner, yet fomtimes ſhe is
fruſtrated of her end, as in Monſters, which the intends not.
e
• Neceſſity is twofold; abfolute, which is from Matter, conditional,
which is from the end or forms both kinds are in naturall things.
t
СНАР.
7
\ARISTOFLE.
53
"
CHAP.IV.
f
Of the affections of naturall Bodies, Motion, Place, Time.
Mway
-
Orion is of a thing which is not fuch, but may be fuch, the a Phyfic. lib. ž.
way of
or act by which it becommeth fuch as curing of a cap. 2.
body which is not in health, but may be in healthis is the way
and act by which it is brought to health. Neither is it abfurd
that the fame thing fhould be both in act and power, as to diffe-
rent refpects; for the thing moved, as water in warming is in
act, as to the heat which it hath, in power, as to the greater heat
which it is capable of.
6
+
ng bud
•
1
Infinite is that which is pertranfible without end, fuch an b cap. 7.
infinite in at there is not: not amongſt fimple bodies, for the
elements are confined to certain number and place; neither
amongſt mixt bodies, for they confift of the elements which are
finite. But, there are things infinite potentially; as, in addition,
Number which may be augmented infinitely; in divifion, Mag-
nitude, which may be divided infinitely; in time, and continu-
ed fucceffion of generation.
The properties of place are, that it containes the thing pla- c Lib.q. cap. 3.
ced, that it is equall to,and feparable from the thing placed; that
the place and thing placed are together; that it hath upwards
or downwards, and the like differences; that every Phyſicall
body tends naturally to its proper place, and there refteth.
7
Plage is the immediate immovable fuperficies of a continent
body. Thoſe things which are contained by another body are in
place; but thofe which have not any other body above or be
yond them are not properly in place. Bodies reft in their naturall
places, becauſe they tend thither as a part torn off from the
whole.
}
Vacuum is place void of body: fuch a vacuum there is not in d cap. §;
nature, for that would deftroy all motion, ſeeing that in vacuum
there is neither upwards nor downwards, backwards nor forwards.
Nor would there be any reaſon, why motion fhould be to one
part more then to another. Moreover it would follow, that it
were impoffible for one body to make another to recede, if the
triple dimenſion, which bodies divide, were vacuous. Neither
is the motion of rare bodies upwards cauſed by vacuity, for that
motion is as naturall to light bodies, as to move downwards is
to heavy.
• Time is the number of motion by before and after. Thoſe e cap. 10.11.
two parts of time are conjoyned by (d) the prefent, as the
parts of a line are by a point. Time is the meaſure of reft as well
as of motion; for the fame meaſure which ferves for the pri-
vation, ſerves for the habit. All motion and mutation is in time;
for
ARISTOTLE.
54
f Cap. 14.
for in every motion there is a fwiftneffe or flowneffe, which is
defined by time. The Heavens, Earth, Sea, and other fenfibles,
are in time, for they are movable.
Time being a numerate number, exifts not without a numèrant,
which is the Soule. The meaſure of time and other things, is that
which meaſureth the firft, and moft equall motion; this is the
motion of the primum mobile, for the firſt in every kinde is the
meaſure of the reft.
a Phyf. lib. 5. a
cap. a.
b Lib.6. cap.1.
e Cap. 2.
d Cap. 3.
e cap. 4.
f Cap. 5.
g Cap. 6.
h Cap. 7.
L
ba:
Moth
...
CHAP. V.
Of the kinds and properties of Motion.
Otion appertaines to three Categories, to Quantity, ac-
cretion and diminution; to Quality, alterations to Where,
letall motion:
-Reft is a privation of motion in a body, when, where; and how
It is apt for motion.
As all Magnitude is primarily, and per fe, continuous and
diviſible into infinite, fo is all motion, by reafon of magnitude,
and time it felfe. For whatſoever is not compofed of indivifi-
bles, is diviſible into infinite; but no continuous thing is compo-
fed of indiviſible things, for it is quantitative, whereas indivifi-
bles having no extreams or parts, can neither be conjoyned by
continuous nor contiguous motion.
"Yet it followeth not, that if there be infinite magnitude,
there can be no motion, for it is not infinite in act, but in power,
as are likewife time and motion.
4 Neither is there any motion in the inftant, ou, for nothing
is moved or refteth, but in time.
e
* Motion therefore is diviſible, as well in reſpect to the time
wherein it is made, as in refpect to the thing wherein it inheres;
as both thefe are alwaies diviſible, fo may motion it felfe be di-
vided according to theſe.
2
Whatſoever is changed, affoon as it is changed, muft necef-
farily be in the (next) terme to which, for it leaveth the ſtate or
form in which it was and affumeth that to which it tendeth :
yet though in motion, there is a firſt motion of perfection
wherein we may truly fay, the mutation is made, yet there is no
firſt motion of inception.
Whatſoever is moved in any whole time, is neceffarily mo-
ved in every part of that time.
h All motion is finite, for it is in time, which is finite.
Whatſoever is thus proper to motion, is to be applyed alfo
to reft and quiefcence.'
CHAP.
ARISTOTLE
35.
:
{
WH
CHAP. V.
Of the first Mover.
}
{
2, 5, 6, 7.
Hatfoever is moved muft neceffarily be moved by ano- a Lib.7.cap.1;
ther, either externall or internall. But left this pro-
greffion be into infinite, we muft of neceffity at laft come to one
firſt mover, which is not moved by another. This firſt mover,
the cauſe and origine of all motion,is immovable,one, eternall, and
indivifible, Lord of all quantity.
Lib.8.cap.6.
b Immovable, for whatſoever things are moved, are either b Lib.8. cap.6.
immediately moved by a firſt immovable mover, or by fome
other which is likewife moved by another, untill at laſt we come
to ſome firſt mover; for nothing can move it felfe', unleffe there
be a firſt mover: but of infinites there is no firſt.
с
One, for he is moſt perfect, as being Author of the moft per- ccp. 6.
fect and moſt fimple motion, that of the primum motile. Befides,
the beſt in every kinde is one for good is fimple, ill multipli-
cious.
t
,་:,
A
R
Eternall, for motion it felfe is eternall, as appears thus: The dc:
mover and the movable muſt either be from eternity, or have
had beginning in fome time; if they began at any time, it muſt
have been by motion, and confequently before the first motion
there was another, by which the mover and movable began,
which were abfurd. Again, if they were eternall, yet without
motion, irmust be either by reafon of the inaptitude of the mos
vable, or of its remoteneffe from the mover. But neither could
the movable be made more apt, or brought nigher to the niovers
except by motion, whence would follow, that there was a mo-
tion before the firft motion. Again, Time, the meaſure of moti
on is eternall, therefore motion it felfe is fuch. That Time is
eternall (befides that it is the generall agreement of Philofo
phers) is thus proved it cannot be conceived without the
inftant, which is intermediate betwixt the paft and future,
both the end of one, and the beginning of the other; but, if time
had a beginning, this would have been only a beginnings
not end; if time ſhould have an end, this inftant would be only
an end, not a beginning, both which are repugnant to the nature
of a moment.
2. ffudivifible, void of quantity, the proof whereof is grounded up-e Lib..
on three Theoremes. That no finite mover can move in infi
infi-1°
nite time; therefore the first mover is infinite, 2. That there cans
not be infinite power in finite quantitys therefore the first mover
is incorporcall 3. That there cannot be finite power in thas
which is infinite; therefore the first mover is infinite in powers
Hence may be collected that it is impoffible the first moveg
H
(hhh)
fhould
7
56
ARISTOTLE.
ſhould be diviſible, corporeall, or affected with quantity; for if
he had any,
it would either be infinite; of which kinde actuall
there is none; or finite, wherein could not confiſt his infinite
power.
$
CHAP. VI.
Of Heaven.
N
77
!
HAving treated of the principles, cauſes, and affections of
naturall bodies in generall, he proceeds next to particulars.
a De Cœlo lib. The World is perfect, becaufe it conſiſts of bodies which
are perfect, and comprehendeth all perfection, it felfe not being
comprehended by any other.
1. cap. I.
b cap. 2.
3
e cap. 3.
fo
A
bOf Bodies, fome are fimple, others compounded of the fimple,
All naturall bodies are movable locally per fe. There is a two-
fold locall motion, ſimple, which is competible to fimple bodies
and mixt, which to the mixt. Hence it followeth, that there are
many kinds of fimple bodies, as variations of fimple motion 5
for of one fimple body, there is one proper motion. Simple totall
motion is two-fold circular, about the center, and right: the
right is either upwards from the center', or downwards to the
center, and both thefe either fimply, of and . This foure-fold
variation of right motion, evinceth that there are foure fimple
bodies called Elements ; circular motion muſt be proper to fome
other fift effence, different from the conftitutions of the other
foure fimple bodies, more divine and precedent to all the reft:
This is Heaven.
dulins.lt
about the center,
A
n loz..
2
- Heaven-bath neither parity' nor levity's this is manifeft from
its motion which is circulare, not from the center which is prot
per to light things, nor to the center, as is proper to heavy, bur
sbited, duno19
seaven is doid of generation and corruption, and von fequendy
of accretion, diminutions and alteration, for ithath no contraryt
it is therefore the first body, not to be tonfumed by time and
agelland sylu:
hindicous bal
¿Cap. 5,7. Nobody can be infinite, therefore the world it felfe is hot
infinite; neither is there any body beyond it infinite; not intelli
gible or mathematicall.
é Cap. 8:...
f Cap: 12:
CI
1
• qe There is but one world for if there were more, the Earth of
´´ one would move to the Earth of the other (as being of one kind)
and aſcend out of its proper place. fluit
19f The world is eternall whatfoever is eternallas ingenerate
and incorruptible. Plad therefore erred, in affirming the world
to be generated but incorruptible. If he meant that as it was ge
Herated, it is by nature corruptible, yet, fhall never be actually
diffol-
ARISTOTLE.
57.
diffolved, becauſe of the eternall caufe of its confervation, God,
he erreth alfo, for then there would be fomthing that ſhould be
alwaies, and yet could not be alwaies.
:
Heaven is void of labour (a) for it hath no contrary tog Lib.2. cap., I
retard its motion,'
h
...
[
.+I.
Heaven bath the threefold difference of pofition, upwards and h Cap. 2.
downwards, backwards, right and left; for theſe are proper to
all animate things which have the principle of motion within
themfelves. The right fide of Heaven is the East, for from thence
begins its motion; the left fide the weft; and confequently the Ar-
tick pole is lowermoft, the Antártick uppermoft; forwards our
Hemiſphear, backwards the other.
¹ Heaven naturally moveth circularly, but this circular motion is
not uniform throughout all Heaven, for there are other Orbs
which move contrary to the primum mobile; that there may be a
viciffitude in fublunary things, and generation and corrup-
tion.
i Cap. 3.
Heaven is Sphericall, for to the furft body the first figure is k cap. 4:
moft proper. If it were quadrangular, triangular, or the like; the
angles would fomtimes leave a ipace without a body, and occu-
pate another ſpace without a body. The motion of Heaven is cir-
cular, as being the meaſure of all others, therefore moſt compen-
dious and ſwifteft.
S
The motion of the primum mobile is æquable and uniform, for 1 cap.6.
it hath neither beginning, middle nor end. the primum mobile
and firſt mover being eternall both, and fubject to no va-
riation.
n
Starres are of the fame body with that wherein they are car-m Cap. 7.
ried, but more thick and compact; they produce warmth and
light in inferiour things through frication of the Air by their
motion, for fwift motion fires wood, and melts lead ; yet the
fpheares themſelves are not heated, but the Air only, and that
chiefly by the fphear of the Sun, which by his acceffion towards
us increaſeth the heat, his beams falling more directly,and with
double force upon us.
Y
The Starres being infixed in the Heavens are moved not by n Cap. 8.
themſelves with a proper motion, as fifhes in the water, and
Birds in the Ait, but according to the motion of their Orbes. O-
therwife thofe in the eight Sphear would not be alwaies æqui-
diftant from one another; neither would the ftars have alwaies
the fame fide turned towards us, as we fee the Moon hath.
... The primum mobile is carried about with the fwifteft motion
the feven Örbes of Planets under it, as they are nearer to it, are
carried fo much the more fwiftly about by the motion thereof;
and as they are further diftant, more flowly. Whence by now
much the nigher they are to the primum mobile,ſo much the flow-
er is their proper motion, because it is contrary to that of the pri-
mum mobile, as being from Ɛaft to weft.
(hhh 2)
• The
Cap.
10.
58
CARISTOTLE.
PCap. 11.
q Cap. 13. 14.
* The Starres are round, for that figure is moft unapt for felf-
motion: wee fee the Moon is round by her orbicular.fections
therefore the other Starres are ſo likewiſe, for the reaſon is the
fame in all,
4 The Centre of Heaven is the Earth, round, feated immove-
> +able in the midft; which together with the Sea makes up one
Globe.
1
[*
GHAP. VII.
+
Of Elements.
a De Cœlo.lib.
3.cap 3.
b Cap. s.];
2
12
T
"He Element of Bodies is a fimple Body, into which other
Bodies are divided in which it is either actually or
potentially; as in fleſh, wood, and the like; there is fire and earth
potentially, for into theſe they are fegregated; but actually
they are not; for then ſhould the flesh and wood bee" fegre-
gated.
Whereas every naturall Body hathra proper motion; motions
are partly fimple, partly mixt; the mixt proper to mixt bodies
the fimple to fimple; it is manifeft that there are fimple bodies
for there are fimple motions; the circular proper to Heaven, the
right to the Elements....
V
The Elements are not eternall; for they are diffolved with
reciprocall mutations, and periſh, and are mutually generated of
c Lib. 4.cap.1. one another...
C
Į
The motive qualities of the Elements are gravity and levity.
Heavy is that which is apt to be carried downwards to the Cen-
tre or midſt of Heavens light is that which is apt to be carried up-
wards towards the extremities of Heaven. Thefe are either
fimple or comparative. Simply heavy is that which is below all,
as the Earth simply light is that which is above,as all the fire; Com-
paratively heavy and light are thofe in which are both thefe; above
fome, below others; as Air and Water: From theſe have mixt
things, gravity and levity; the heavy are carried downwards;
to a definite medium; the light upwards to a definite extream,
for nothing tends to infinite. Whence it followeth that two Ele
ments are extreamly contrary, fimply heavy, and fimply light
Fire and Earth; which tend to contrary places. Betwixt thefe
are two means, participating of the nature of each extream,Air
and Water. Thoſe Elements which are higheſt and lighteft are
moſt perfects and have the nature of forms in refpect of the infe-
riour, becauſe theſe are contained by thofe; tobe contained,is the
property of matter,to contain of form.
d cap. 5.
}
d
Hence it followeth that there are four kinds of particular ſe-
cond
>
•
ARISTOTLE.
59
cond matter,differing by the accidentall differences of heat,cold,
humidity, ficcity,levity and gravity, (fimple and comparative
though there be but one common matter of them all; for they are
made mutually of one another. The mean Elements are heavy
in their proper places; for Earth being taken away, Water
tending downwards, fucceeds in its room; Air defcends into the
place of Water, but not contrariwife; for Water afcends not in-
to its place of Air, unleffe by force. In the extream it is other-
wife for the Air being taken away, the fire will not defcend
into its place, nor the Earth afcend into the place of Water or
Air; for Fire is not heavy, nor Earth light, in their naturall
place; becauſe they are extream Elements.
}
e
Figure conduceth to the fwiftneffe or flowneffe of motion e Cap. 6.
either upwards or downwards, but is not fimply, and in it felf
the caule of motion; fo an acute figure cuts the medium fwiftly,
a broad obtufe figure flowly. Hence a thin plate of Lead or
Iron will ſwim on water, becauſe it comprehends much of the
fubjected body, which it cannot eaſily divide or penetrate.
CHAP. VIII.
Of generation, Corruption, Alteration, Augmentation
T
and Diminution.
Here is a perpetuall fucceffion of generation, as well fim- a Ďe gener. ¿
ple as accidentall, which proceeds from two cauſes, Effici- corrup.lib. 1.
ent, the firſt mover, and the Heavens, alwaies moving, and all-cap. 3.
waies moyed, and Materiall, the firft matter, of which, being
non-ens actually, ens potentially,all things generable and corrupti-
ble confift. This is incorruptible in its felf,fufceptible of all forms,
whereby the corruption of one natural ſubſtance, becometh the
generation of another, whatſoever matter remaineth upon the
corruption, being affumed towards the generation of another.
Generation and Corruption are twofold, fimple, of a ſubſtance,
ard, of an acccident, generation of the leffe noble fubftance is
called generation, in refpect of the more noble, as that
of Earth in refpect of fire.
Corruption alwaies fucceedeth generation, becauſe the
terme, to which of corruption (viz. non-ens) is the térme from
which of generations and the terme, to which of generation (viz.
ens in act) is the terme from which of corruption. The matter of
that which is generated, and that which is corrupted is the
fame, for as much as they are, or may be made reciprocally of
one another, as Air, of Water, water of Air; but differenly dif
pofed,
b Altera-
60
ARISTOTLE
b Cap. 40
c cap.3.
b Alteration and generation are different mutations; in altera-
tion the ſubject remaineth entire, the affections only are chan-
ged, as of fick found; in generation the whole is changed; not
any ſenſible ſubject remaining. Alteration is a mutation accor-
ding to quality; augmentation and diminution, according to quan-
tity; locall motion according to place.
C
Augmentation and diminution differ from other mutations!;
firft, in the object, generation and corruption concernes fub-
ftances; alteration, quality, lation, place, augmentation and
diminution, quantity. Again, in the manner, that which is ge-
nerated, or corrupted, or altered, not neceffarily changeth place,
but that which augments or diminiſheth, in fome manner chan-
geth place, for it is bigger or leffer.
Augmentation is an addition to præexiftent quantity; diminu-
tion a detraction. Whatfoever is augmented or decreaſed, is
augmented or decreaſed according to every part thereof, by
reception of fomething throughout all parts; decretion on the
contrary. The animate body encreaſeth, but not the aliment,
for the living creature remaineth, the aliment is converted into
the fubftance of the living creature. Hereupon that which is
augmented is like unto that which is altered, for both of theſe
remain. All parts of a living creature are augmented; the fimilar
firſt, as bones and fleſh; then the diffimilar, as conſiſting of the
others;
Augmentation is made by acceffion of fomething according to
form, not according to matter; for by it the whole is augmented,
and made more fuch. Acceffion of parts, according to matter, is
not augmentation, for by materialls only (deftitute of that form,
which the parts to be augmented have) the whole living crea-
tures cannot encreaſe. Aliment therefore, whereby the living
creature is augmented, muſt be the fame potentially which the
things augmented is in act. At first, it is contrary, and diffimi-
lar, being in power the part of a living creature, in act fome-
thing elſe: at laſt it becommeth affimilate to the living creature
taking the form of a part (by aggeneration) through the dige-
ftive power of the animate body, which changeth the aliment
into its own fubftance.
*
For this reafon augmentation prefuppofeth nutrition. Nutri-
tion is, when the aliment as fubftance is converted into the fub-
ftance of the living creature. Augmentation, when the fame ali-
ment as quantitative, is added to the quantity of the living
creature. Hence a living creature as long as it is founds alwaies
nouriſhed, but not alwaies augmented. As that which is added
is potentially quantitative fleth, fo it can augment flesh; as it is
potentially fleth only, fo it nourisheth; which when it can only
do(as when fo much wine is poured into water that it turnes all
into water) then there is a diminution of the quantity, but the
form remaineth.
CHAP.
!
1
1
ABISTOTLE
61
މ
CHAP. IX.
>
Of Action and Paffion.
$
//
10.
•
C
1.
+
*
*
A
Ontact is of feverall kinds, Mathematicall, by contiguity a De gener.
Phyficall, when the extreams of feverall bodies meet, and corrupt. lib. 1.
mutually act and fuffer; virtuall, by power and metaphoricall..
cap. 6.
The mutuall action and paffion of Phyficall contact is be- bc4.7.
twixt things, partly unlike as to their form, partly like ás to
their genus(for they are contraries) matter; each endeavouring
to reduce the patient to his own likeneffe, as fire, wood.
Every Phyficall agent in acting fuffers from the patient, for
both the agent and patient are active, endued with formes ele-
mentary, fufceptible of contraries. But as the first hover is im
mavable, ſo is the first agent impaſſible.
no
c
Every thing acts, as it is fuch, actually; fuffers, as it is fuch, Cay. 9.
potentially. The conditions of action and paffion are five:
1. What the agent is in act, the patient is in power. 2.The patient
is fuch according to each part. 3. That which is more difpofed
fuffers more, and fo on the contrary. 4. Every patient is conti
nuous, and not actually divided. 5. The agent must neceffarily
touch the patient, either immediatly or mediately.
40
-6. !
M
7977
CHAP. X..
>
·Of Mixtion and Temperament
113
#
2
.1
Ixtion is not generation, for the matter is not mixt with a De gener. &
the forme; nor alteration, for the quality is not mixed corrupt. lib. 1.
with the fubject; nor augmentation, for aliment, the matter of cap. 1o.
augmentation, is not mixed with, but converted into the ant-
mate body. Conjunction of fmall bodies is not true mixtion,
but coacervation, for thoſe bodies remain actually the fame ac-
cording to their forms, not compofing one third according
to every part. Things which have not the fame matter art
not mixt, becauſe they cannot beative and paffive reci-
procally. ybod
Thofe things which are properly faid to be mixed muſt have
one common matter, they inult mutually act upon, and ſuffer
one from another, they muſt be easily diviſible yet ſo, as that
one be not exceffive in refpect of the other, for then it is not
mixtion, but mutation into the more predominant, as a drop
of wine into a great quantity of water..
b
I
The principles and differences of Elements (fenfible tactile b De gener.
bodies) are tactile qualities, in as much as by fuck qualities, corrupt. lib. 2.
fenfible
cap. 2.
62
MARISTOTLE.
•
© Cap. 3:
1
& cap. 7.
Cap. I.
e Cap. 9.
fenfible bodies, as fuch, are conftituted and differ.Of tactile qua-
lities there are ſeven orders, hot, cold, moift, dry, heavy, light,
hard, ſoft, viſcous, arid, rugged, fmooth, thick, thin. From the
two firft orders, are derived the differences of Elements, for by
heat and cold, humidity and ficcity they act and fuffer, and are
mutually changed by alterative paffions. Of theſe firſt qualities
two are active, heat and cold, two paffive, humidity and ficcity.
Heat is that which congregates homogeneous things; cold that
which congregates heterogeneous things; humid that which is
not easily contained in its own bounds, dry the contrary.
C.
•
As there are four Elements, there must be four conjunctions
of the primary qualities, from each of which the Elements are
feverally collected. The first conjunction is of hot and dry,
whence proceedeth fire; the fecond of hot and moiſt, whence
Airs the third of moift and cold, whence Water the fourth of
cold and dry, whence Earth. In each of thefe one quality is præ-
dominants Earth is more dry then cold, water more cold then
moiſt, Air more moift then hot, Fire more hot then dry.
All theſe Elements may be mutually tranfmutated into one d-
nother; the Symbolicall which agree in one primary quality are
more easily tranfmutated into one another then the afymbolical,
becauſe it is leffe difficult to change one then many. This tranf
mutation is not a generation, but a kind of alteration
i
whence it is manifeft one Element cannot be the principle of
another.
Mixtion, whereby the Elements concur to the compofition of
a mixt body, is made by coacervation, as Empedocles held, but af-
ter fuch a manner that their contrary qualities remain in the
mixt; not potentially only, nor fimply actually in their height,
but in a mean kind of way, their extremities being reduced to
fome temper. From this contemperation come mixt bodies
differing according to the various proportion of the tempera-
ment; and as they are compounded of the Elements, fo they re-
folve into the fame.
All theſe mixt bodies confift of all the Elements of Earth, for
every things participates of the nature of that thing whereill it is
produced; of water, becauſe every mixt thing must be concrete
and terminated;which properties Water beft affordeth to Earth!
of Air and Fire, becaufe every perfect mixt body is made by
temperament of contraries, fuch is Airto Earth, Eire to Water.
Again, the nature of all mixt bodies as well animate as inani-
mate, as to mixture, is the fame, but that the animate confift
of all the Element, is manifeft in that they are houriſhed by
them.
с
1:
A.
DAICA
The caufes and common principles of mixt bodies are three
materiall, fomall,efficient. The Materiall is the power to be and
not to be, by which elementary things are generated and corrup
ted.
1
68.
ARISTOTLE.
f
ted, The formall is the reason of the effence of every things the f Cap. 10
univerfall efficient is the circular motion of Heaven, not onely as
being eternall, continuall and before generation, but chiefly be,
cauſe it bringeth nigh to us, and carrieth, far from us that which
hath the generative power of all things, that is, the Sun, and the
other Stars, which by their acceffion and receffion are the cauſes
of generation and corruption...
All theſe are fo difpofed, according to the order of Nature, g cq. 11.
that becaufe no naturall being can be permanent in the fame in-
dividuall ftare, they may be at left preferved by a continuall
fucceffion of many individuum's of the fame (pecies. Whence the
naturall caufe of generation is onely confervation of the
fpecies.
?
?
7.1
}
}
1 X D)
}.
CHAP. XI
་
Of imperfect mixt bodies.
C
A
}
b Cap.
M
Ixt bodies are twofold, imperfect and perfect: Meteors are a Meteor.lib.:
imperfect mixt bodies produced according to Nature,but cap. 1.
after a leffe orderly and conftant manner,The generall matter, C4.2i.
thereof are the Elements; the efficient,the celeftiall bodies which
act upon inferfours by a kind of coherence. Heaven is higheſt 5 c cap. 3.
next Heaven the Element of fire; next fire, air, under air, water
and earth. Clouds are not generated in the fphear of fire, nor in
the region of the air, partly by reafon of the hear which is there,
partly becauſe of the motion of the Heavens which carrieth a-
long with it the element of fire,and the upper region of the air,by
which motion heat is produced in inferiour bodies; for the
air being carried along by the Heaven, is heated by that motion,
and by the proximity of the Sunne and of the Element of
fire.
Flames that appear in the upper part of the air are made thus, a cap.4.
The Sun by his warmth extracteth a kind of breath out of the
Earth, which, if hot and dry, is called exhalation, and if hot and
moiſt, vapour. Exhalation afcends higher, as being higher, and
being got into the upper region of the air, is there enkindled by
the motion of the air, and proximity of the fire. Hence come
thoſe they call fire-brands, goates, falling-ftarres and the like.
с
e
• Hence are alfo Phafmes, fuch as are called gulfes, chafmes, bloody & cap.5.
colour's,and the like;the exhalation being varioufly colour'd by re-
flection of the light, but chiefly feeming purple, which colour ari-
feth from the mixture of fire and white.
fThe efficient cauſe of Comets are the Sun and ſtars; the ma- f Cap. 6, 7.
teriall an exhalation, hot, dry, condenfed, and combuſtible;
(iii)
fo
!..
,
64
ARISTOTLE.
& cap. 8.
h Cap. 9.
i cap. I.
k Cap. II.
1 Cap. 12.
m Cap. 13.
m Cap: 14.
fo as it burnes not much, nor is foon extinguifhed. It is called
a Comet, or airy ſtarre, when it is alike on every fide: a pogoneid
or bearded ftarre, when it hath a long train. That it confifts of fire
is manifeft, becauſe at the fame time, there is commonly great
winde and drought. It appears feldome, and then fingle, and
beyond the Tropicks, becauſe ftarres, eſpecially the Sun, diffi-
pate the matter whereof it confifts.".
་
8 The Galaxie is not the light of many ftarrs together, as
Anaxagoras held, but an exhalation hot and dry, kindled by the
motion of many great ftarrs, which are in that part where the
Galaxie appeareth.
A
h We come next to thofe meteors which are in the middle
and lower region of the air. When the Sun and other Starres
draw up vapours out of wateriſh places, into the middle region
of the air, they are there kept fo long, untill they are con-
denſed by the cold of that place into drops of water, which
if they come down very fmall, are called milling, if greater,
rain. This thick vapour, which is feen fufpended in the aire, and
changeth from air to water, is a Cloud. Mit is the fuperfluity
of a cloud, condenfed into water.
n Lib.2. cap.2.
ceil
il..
Vapour attracted by'a fmall heat not much above the earth,
and defcending mote condenfed by the nocturnal cold, becom
eth either dem or fro: Froft when it congealeth before it.refolves
into water; Dew, when it turnes into water, fo as the warmth
cannot dry it up, nor the cold freez it.
* Snow is a congealed cloud, rain, dew, frift, and from differ al-
moſt only in bigneffe and fmalneffe.
1
Haile, though it be of the fame nature as ice, yet is feldome
produced in winter, as being caufed by Antiperiftafis.
m
As the air above the earth condenſed, becommeth vapour,
and vapour by cold becommeth water, fo doth it alfo in the ca-
verns and receptacles of the earth, by a continuall mutation;
firft it turnes into little drops, then thofe little into greater.
Hence comes all ſprings, and heads of rivers, abundantly flow-
ing out at one part of the earth. Hence great, Rivers and Foun
tains commonly flow from great hills, which have greateft ca-
verns.
m The parts of the earth are in continuall mutation, fome-
times humid, ſometimes dry, fometimes fertile, fometimes de-
fert, by new eruptions or defections of rivers, or acceffe or re-
ceffe of the fea, according to certain periods of time. Thus have
the parts of the earth their youth and age, as well as plants and
living creatures, by the heat and converfion of the Sun. Time
and the world are eternall; but Nilus and Tanais were not al-
waies, for thofe places whence they firft iffued, were once dry
grounds.
>
" The proper place of water is the concave ſuperficies of the
aire.
}
ARISTOTLE.
65
•
CAMA
-
J
aire: This place the Sea, compaffing the earth, poffeffeth; for the
fwift and more rare water is drawn upwards by the heat of the
Sun the falt, more thick and terrene fetleth downwards, For
this reafon all waters tend to the fea, as to their proper place:
you hereby the Sea is not enlarged, for the fun drawern out of it,
by reafon of its expanfion, as great a quantity of water, as it re-
cerveth from rivers. The lea is, as the world, eternall, the C4. 3.
faltneffe thereof proceedeth from admixtion of fome terrene,
aduft, exhalation. From the top of the Sea is drawn up a freſh
vapours from the bottom, heated by the Sun, an exhalation,
which paffeth through the Sea, and commeth up with the va-
pour; but falling back into the Sea, bringeth that faltneffe with
it, as water paffed often through afhes.
P winds are produced by the Sun and Starrs, of a hot, dry ex- p Cap. 4.
halation, which aſcending, is driven down again by the cold-
neffe of the middle region of the air, and by reafon of the light-
nelle of its nature, cannot go directly to the bottom, but is car-
ried by the air up and down. We call it a hot and dry exhalati-
on, as being more dry then humid. Winde is weakeft in the
beginning, but gaineth ftrength, by taking along with it other
light exhalations, which it meets with by the way.
Winds are laid by heat and cold, exceffive heat confumeth 9 Cap. 5.
the exhalations, as foon as it commeth out of the earth: exceffive
cold binds up the pores of the earth, fo as it cannot paffe..
Earthquake is a trembling of the earth, caufed by an exhala-r ca. 8.
tion hot and dry, incloſed in the bowells of the earth, which
ſtriving to get forth, as its nature requireth, and not able, by
reafon of the folidity of the earth, to paffe, maketh the carth
hake, forcing a way through it, and bearing down whatſoever
oppofeth it. The more hot this included ſpirit is, the more vehe-
ment.
-
Of the fame nature is lightning, thunder, and the like. Thunder
is when an exhalation encloſed in a thick cold cloud, rolleth it
up and down, and at laſt breaketh through it with more or leffe
noife, according to the thickneſſe of the cloud. By this eruption
it acquireth a rare kinde of heat and light, which is lightning,
fubfequent to the noife of the cruption; yet, feen before the
other is heard, by reafon of the quickneffe of the fight beyond
the hearing.
As of dry exhalations, the rare and difperfed produce thun- £Cap. 9-
der and lightning; fo' of the great and condenſed is made Euvegia,
topar, wphs, and thunder-bolts.
τύρων,
t
Of lucid Meteors appearing in the clouds, äre Haloes, Rain- c Lib.3. cap.2.,
Lowes, Pärelies, and Streaks: All theſe are cauſed by refraction,
but differ according to the objects from which they are refle-
cted. A Hald appeareth about fome ftarre, when there happeneth
a cloud to be,” the middle part whereof, by reaſon of its rarity,
(iii 2)
being
66
ARISTOFLE.
u cap. 7.
being diffipated, the reft of the parts about, by reflection, repres
fent the colour of the ftar. Rainbow is a refraction of the Suns
beam upon a humid cloud, ready to diffolve into rain. In like
manner are cauſed Pareties and Streaks.
"There are likewife imperfect mixt bodies, under, or with-
in the earth, and thefe alfo of two kinds; fome caufed by exha
lation, called Mineralls; others by vapour, called Metalls,fufile
or ductile.
a Metcor. lib. z
4. cap. x.
b Cap. 2.
c Cap. 3.
!
A
CHAP. XII.
of perfect mixt bodies.
1..
$
S
>
He common affections of perfect mixt bodies, are thoſe
which proceed from the primary qualities of the Ele-
ments, whereof two are active, heat and cold, two paffive, hu-
midity and ficcity. The naturall effect of thefe is Generation,
when heat and cold overcome the matter; otherwiſe it is inqui-
nation and inconcoction. The oppofite to fimple generation is Pu-
trefaction; every thing unleffe violently diffolved putrifierh.
Hence thoſe things that putrifie, become first humid, then drys
for the externall heat expelleth the internall, and at laft confu-
meth it. All things therefore putrifie except fire, for putrefacti-
on is the corruption of the naturall heat in every humid body
by the externall. For this reaſon, things are leffe fubject to putri-
fie in cold or in motion, and the hotter or greater they are, as a
part of the fea may putrific, the whole cannot.
Out of putrid things are bred living creatures; for the naru-
rall, heat whilft it is feparating, endeavoureth as much as poffi-
ble, that what is taken afunder and fegregated by corruption,
may gather together in fome ſmall parts, which afterwards, by
help of the Sun, receive life. Thus are wormes, beetles, gnats,
and other infects bred.
b Concoction is the effect of heat, inconcoction of cold. Conco-
&tion is a perfection caufed by naturall heat of the oppofite paf-
five qualities, which are mixed with the matter, as being paf-
five. The end of concoction in fome things is mutation of the
effence, as when food is converted into fleſh or blood; in others
only a mutation according to quantity or quality, as in fruites
that ripen. Inconcoction is an imperfection in the oppofite paf-
five qualities, proceeding from defect of heat.
Concoction is three-fold, s,
alfo three-fold, ωμότης, μόλυνσις, εάπευτες,
C
so. Inconcoction
nes is the concoction of that Element which is in fruits
it is perfect, when the feeds that are within the fruit are capa-
ble of producing their like, hereto is oppofitems, the incon-
coction
}
·
ARISTOTLE
辞
​M
•
coction of fruits not able through want of heat to overcome the
humidity.
TALO
Efare is a concoction of an humid interminate by externall
humidity and heats Hereto is opposites, the inconcoction.
of a humid interminate, caufed by defect of externall humidity
and heat..
Ovie is a concoction by dry and externall heat, yet not ex-
ceffive, for then it were aduftion: to this is oppofedu, an in-
coction caused through defect of heat and fire, or excefs of humi
dity in the fubject.
As concerning the two paffive qualities; things are humid d cap. 4.
and dry, either actually, or potentially. Thofe things which are
mixt of humid and dry, are terminate, for theſe qualities mutu
ally terminate one another, whence bodies confift not withou
carth and water, this humid, that dry, And for this reafon Ang
mals can onely live in Earth and Water, which are their
matter."
LA*
+
The first affections of terminate bodies are hardneffe and foft
neffe; hard is that which yields not to the touch, foft the contra-
ry. Both theſe are ſuch, either abſolutely, or relatively. They
are made fuch by concretion, which is a kind of exiccation.
* Exiccation is of things that are water, or of the Nature of Cap.
← 6.
water, of have water in them, either naturally infite, or adven
titious. It is done principally by heat, accidentally by cold. Hu
mectation (its contrary) is the concretion of a vapour into wa-
ter, or liquefaction of a folid body, as Metall, Concretion is, when
the humidity being removed, the dry is reduced together and
condenfed, either by cold, as in generation of ftones, or by heat,
as in ſegregation of ſalt from water. To concretion is oppofite,
refolution, which is effected by its contraries. Thofe things
which are condenſed by heat only, are refolved by cold only,and
fo on the contrary.
Befides theſe principall affections, there are others ſeconda- £ cap. 8.
fy, chiefly competent to homogeneous bodies, fome paffive, fome
active.
Of paffive qualities in mixt bodies, there are 18: differences,
Concretile, Eliquabile, Mollificable, Humectable, Flexible, Frangible,
Impreffible, Formable, Compreffible, Tractile, Ductile, Fiffile, Sectile,
Undtious, Friables Condenfable, Combustible, exhalable, and their
contraries. From thefe are thus denominated, homiomerious mixt
bodies, as Metalls, Gold, Braſs, Silver, Stone and the like; and
whatſoever is made out of theſe, as likewife fimilar parts in A-
nimals and in Plants, as flesh and bone, whereof fome are more
cold, which confift moſt of water; others more hor; which moſt
of earth and air.
مهر
CHAP
68
ARISTOTLE.
}
Aas
GHAP.XIII.
!!...
Of Plants and Animals.
12062.
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T the end of hismeteors he propofeth to ſpeak of Similar parts;
as Blood, and the like; what they are, and to what end,their
matter and reaſon, but efpecially whence they have their moti-
on next to proceed to diffimilar parts, and laftly to fpeak of those
which confift therof, as men, Plants, and the like. Hence Patricius
conjectures that his Books of the parts of living Creatures did im-
mediately fucceed thofe of the Meteors, wherein he treateth (as
he propofeth) of Similar parts unto the tenth Chapter, of the fe-
cond Book, and from thence of the diffimilar. But to reduce his
Books of living Creatures to this method is the leffe certain, for as
much as many of thefe (befides thofe which treated particular-
ly of Anatomy) have been loft, of which perhaps were fome which
might better have cleared the feries, for in the Books themſelves
concerning Animals, there is nothing to ground it upon.
De anima
lib. 1. cap. 1.
b Capozi
For the fame reaſon, it is uncertain where his Books of Plants
ought to have been placed, which are loft. Perhaps they might
precede thoſe of Animals; for he afferts that Plants have fouls,
(contrary to the Stoicks Jendued with vegetative power;that they
live even though cut afunder, as infects, whereby two or more-
are made of one; that the fubftance they receive by aliment and
the ambient air is fufficient for the prefervation of their naturall
heat.
'
'
$
T
As concerning Animals,we have, of their Going, one Book. Of
their History, ten Books.Of their parts, four Books; of their Gene-
ration, five Books. So exquifitely hath he treated upon this fub-
ject, as cannot well be expreffed by an abridgement, and there-
fore we ſhall omit it; the rather becauſe little or nothing was
done herein by the Academicks or Stoicks, a collation with whom
is the principall defign of this fummary.
a
*O.
CHAP. XIV.
Of the Soul.
He knowledge of the Soul conduceth much to all Truth,and
efpecially to Phyfick, for the Soul is as it were the princi-
ple of animate things. Animate things differ from inanimate
chiefly by motion and fenfe.
b Whence the antient Philofophers defined the Soul by theſe;
Democritus
{
1
J
ARISTOTLE.
69
募
​Democritus the Pythagoreans, Anaxagoras by motion; Empedocles
and Plato by knowledge; others by both; others by incorporeity, or a
rare body; Thales fomething that moveth; Diogenes, air; Heraclitus,
exhalation, an immortall fubftance; Hippo, water; Critias, blood.
c
The foule doth not move it felfe, as Democritus held, for
whatfoever is moved, is moved by another. Again, if the foul
were moved per fe, it would be in place, and it were capable of
being moved violently, and it would be of the fame nature with
the body, and might return into the body after the feparation.
Neither is the foul moved by it felfe, but from its objects; for if
it were moved effentially, it might recede from its effence. The
foul therefore is not moved per fes but by accident only, accor-
ding to the motion of the body.
c Cap. 3°
The foul is not Harmony, (a proportionate mixture of con- & Cap. 4.
traries) for then there must be more fouls in the fame body, ac-
cording to the different conftitution of its parts. But though we
commonly fay, the foul grieveth, hopeth, feareth, &c. we are not
to underſtand that the foul is moved, but only that theſe are
from the foul in the body, that is moved, fome by locall motion
of the Organs, others by alteration of them. To fay, the foul is
angry is no more proper then to fay the builds; for it is the man
that is angry by the foul, otherwiſe the foul were liable to age,
decay, and infirmity, as well as the organs of the body.
e
Neither is the foul a rare body, confifting of elements, for e cap. 5.
then it would underſtand nothing more then the elements them-
felves; neither is there a foul diffufed through all things, as
Thales held, for we fee there are many things inanimate.
P
Some from the different functions of the foul argue, that there
are more fouls then one in man, or that the foul is divifible
the fupream intellectuall part placed in the head, the irafcible
in the heart, concupifcible in the liver: But this is falfe, for the
Intellect is not confined to any part of the body, as not being
corporeall, nor organicall, but immateriall and immortall.
་
The foul is the firſt intelechie of a naturall organicall body, £ Lib.z.cap, ta
having life potentially. First, Entel echie. ]Entelechie is two-fold,
ទ
the firft is the principle of operation, as Science; the ſecond,
the Act it felfe. Of a Naturall,] not of an artificiall body, as a g Laert.
Tower or Ship. Organicall body, that is, endued with inftru-
ments for operation, as the eye for feeing, the ear for hearing;
even plants have fimple Organs. Having life potentially, as it
were in it felfe, for potentially is leffe then actually; actually,
as in him that wakes; potentially, as in him that is afleep.
·
The four is otherwife defined, that by which we firft live,
feel, and underſtands whence appeareth, there are three facul-
ties of the foul, nutritive, fenfitive, intellective; the inferiour com-
prehended by the fuperiour potentially, as a triangle by a qua-
drangle.
CHAP.
ARISTOTLE.
1
70
a Cap. 4.
He
CHAP. XV. :
Of the Nutritive faculty.
*The firſt and moſt common faculty of the Soul is the Nutri-
tives by which life is in all things, the acts, and operation
thereof are to be generated, and to take nouriſhment...
+
Nutriment is received either towards Nutrition or augmen
tation. Nutrition is the operation of the Nutritive faculty con-
ducing to the ſubſtance it felf of the animate being. Augmenta
tion is the operation of the Nutritive faculty, whereby the a-
nimate body encreaſeth to perfect Magnitude. In nutrition are
confidered, the Soul nouriſhing, the body nouriſhed, and the
food by which the nouriſhment is made; hereto is required a
Naturall heat, which is in all living creatures. The aliment is
both contrary, or unlike, and like, to the body nourished: as it is
undigefted, we fay nouriſhment is by the contrary; as altered by
digeftion, like is nouriſhed by its like...
1
}
CHAP. XVI.
A
[
a Cap. 5.
b Cap. 6.
© Cap. 7.
a
Of the Senfitive Faculty.
*
THE
HE Senfitive faculty of the Soul is that by which fence is
primarily in Animals. Senfe is a mutation in the Organ
cauſed by fome fenfible Object. It is not fenfible of itſelf, nor
of its Organ, nor of any interiour thing. To reduce it to act, is re
quifite fome externall fenfible object, for fenfe cannot move it
felf being a paffive power, as that which is combuftible cannot
burn it felf.
?
!!
+
b Of fenfible Objects there are three kinds; proper, which is
perceived by one fenfe, without errour, as colour in refpect of
fight. Common; which is not proper to any one, but percei
ved by all. Accidentall; which, as fuch, doth, not affect the
senfe.
Senſe is either Externall or Internall, the externall are five,
Seeing, Hearing, Smelling, Touching, Tafting.
The object of Seeing is Colour, and fome thing without a
name that glifters in the dark, as the fcales of fish, glow-worms
and the like. Colour is the motive of that which is actually per-
fpicuous; nothing therefore is vifible, without light. Perfpicuous
is that which is vifible, not by it felf, but by fomic other colour
or light, as Air, Water, Glaffe. Light is the act of a perfpicuous
thing, as it is perfpicuous. It is not fire, nor a body,
14
for
ARISTOTLE
71
1
for then two bodies would be in the fame place.
To fight and all other fenfes is requifite a medium and conve-
nient diſtance. The object first affects the medium, then the organ.
The object of hearing is found. Sound is made by colliſion of & cap. 8.
two bodies, hard, fmooth, and hollow, in a medium, as air or
water, fwiftly and vehemently before the medium be diffipated.
Echo is a reflex found, when the air, gathered together and
forced into a veffell, or fome place which hindereth its diffufion
and progreffe, reverts as a baſe againſt a wall. Sound is alwaies
reflected, though not alwaies perceptibly, as light alſo, other-
wife all places would be dark, which were not directly oppo-
fite to the Sun, or fome lucid body.
Sound is made by that which moveth the air, and continu-
ally ſtirreth it,till it arive at the organ,wherein there is an infite,
connaturall, animate, immovable air; which being moved by
the externall air, yeeldeth the ſenſe of hearing. Hence it com-
meth that we can hear under water, for the water cannot get
into this air, becauſe of the winding narrow paffages of the ear:
If it do get in, or the membrane which containeth this air be
otherwife broken, it cauſeth deafneffe.
Voice is the impulfion of air attracted by refpiration, and
forced againft the vocall artery by the foul, which is in the
lungs, with fome intent of fignification. Voice therefore is not
proper to all animals, but to fuch only as have blood and breath.
Fishes therefore have not voice.
с
• The object of ſmelling is Odor. This fenfe is not ſo perfect in
men as in other creatures, whence men perceive not odors, un-
leffe with delight or diflike, when they are fo ftrong, as to ex-
cite one of theſe. This defect proceedeth from the organ of fmel-
ling, which in us is more obtufe. The medium of ſmelling is air
and water, for fiſhes ſmell. Hence all living creatures fmell not
after the fame manner; they which breath tmell by drawing in
the air, the reft not fo 5 becauſe of the different accommodation
of the Organ. Thoſe therefore which ſmell by drawing in the
air, cannot ſmell under water. Odor confifts chiefly in dry, as
Sapor in humid. The organ of fmelling is dry potentially, as the
object is actually.
e Cap. 9.
The object of Taft is fapor. Whatſoever is guſtable is tacti-fcap. io,
ble, and humid, either actually, or at leaft potentially. Dry
things are ſubject to taft as they are potentially humid, and melt
as falt. The taft perceiveth that which is guftable, and that
which is inguftable, as the fight darkneffe, the hearing filence;
for every fence perceiveth the prefence and abfence of its object.
That which is potable is perceived by the touch, as humid by
the taft, as having fapor. The tongue tafts not that which is dry,
becauſe the organ of taft must be fuch potentially, as the object
is actually; but without humidity nothing is guftable. The
kinds
1
(kkk)
•
1
2
ARISTOTLE.
72
g Cap.II.
h Cap. 12.
i Lib. 3. cap.1.
k De Senfu.
cap.6.
1 Ibid.
m Ibid.
kinds of fapors are fweet and bitter; to ſweet are referred
unctious, to bitter falt. The mean are ſharp, piccant, acid,
acute; guſtable is that which moveth the taft, and reduceth it to
a&.
# The objects of Touch are the primary qualities, the organ is
that part which is potentially that which the object is in act;
for that which is like cannot fuffer from its like. We feel not
things of equall heat, cold, hardneffe, or foftneffe. The flesh is
the medium; the firft fenfory is fomething more internall. Here-
in touch and taft differ from the other fenfes, whoſe objects are
at greater diſtance. Touch perceiveth things tactile and not
tactile.
h All theſe ſenſes receive fenfible fpecies without matter, as
wax the impreffion of a ſeal without the gold. The organ or
ſenſory is that in which the fenfitive faculty primarily exiftss
a vehement object deſtroyeth the organ.
1
That there are no more externall fenfes then theſe five, is
manifeft, in that there are no more in perfect animals; neither
is there any need of a fixt fenfe to perceive common objects,
which every ſenſe diſcernes by accident, as motion figure.
The act of the object, and the act of the ſenſe it ſelfe, as So-
nation and Audition, are really the fame, differ only intentio-
nally. This act is generally in the fenfitive, not in the object.
k
Senfible qualities are finite, as being bounded by extreams
and their contraries, but divifible by accident into infinite, ac-
cording to the diviſion of their continuous fubject.
¹ In fenfibles, fome are potentially fenfible, as a part joyned
to the whole; others actually, as the whole it felfe, or a part fe-
parated from the whole. But of feparate parts fome are fo little,
that ſenſe cannot actually perceive them, by reaſon of their want
of due magnitude.
m Sounds and odors are fucceffively generated in the medium,
and by degrees deduced to the organs but light is produced.in
an inftant in the medium, not carried through it by locall mo-
tion.
a Lib.3. cap.2. a
Eve
CHAP. XVII.
Of Common ſenſe.
Very externall fenfe perceiveth the differences of its own
object, as fight judgeth of black and white; but the diffe-
rences of divers objects cannot be perceived by the fame fenſe;
there is therefore a common fenfe, which judgeth the actions of
externall ſenſe, and the differences of all fenfible objects. The
judgment being of a fenfible object, muſt be done by fenfe, and
by
ARISTOTLE.
73
}
by one ſenſe only; for, if there were more, one would object
one object apart, the other another, and confequently could not
judge between them. For, that which judgeth muſt have know-
ledge of all that whereof it judgeth, which no exteriour ſenſe
can afford, as being confined to its proper object.
Common fenfe judgeth contrary or different fenfibles in the ſame
inftant, for it difcerneth together ſweet and black, bitter and
fweet. Hence it is like the center of a circle, which in diverſe
refpects is called one and many. It is one; as all the externall
ſenſes are united in it; many, as it is the fountain and judge of
them.
h Senfe differs from Intellect; for fenfe is in all living crea- b De anima,
lib. 3. cap. 3.
tures, intellect in few. Senfe erreth not about its proper object,
but is alwaies true, intellect often erreth by falfe opinions and
habits.
2
CHAP. XVIII. *
Of Phantafy and Cogitation.
F
Rom Senfe is derived Phantafy and Cogitation. Phantafy a Cap. ŝi
differs from ſenſe and intellect, though it exift not without
a previous knowledge of fenfe, as neither doth cogitation, which
is in action of the Intellect, comprehending ſcience, opinion,
and prudence.
The act of Phantasy differs from Cogitation, for we phanfy
things falſe and at our own plealure; but, we think only what is
true, and like unto truth, and that not as we pleaſe our ſelves,
but as the thing feemeth. Moreover, when we think that things
are ill or good, we are moved with fear, joy, hope; but when
we phanfy only without application of judgment, we are not
moved no more then we are trighted at a picture.
Phantafy is not properly Senfe, phantafy acteth in him that
fleepeth, fenfe doth not. Senfe was with us from our birth,
phantafy not. Senfe is in all animals, phantafy is not. Senfe is
true, phantafy often falfe. Senfe is only of things prefent, phan-
tafy of the abfent likewiſe.
Phantaſy is not Science or intellect, for that is alwaies of things
true and reall, phantafy often is of things falfe. Phantafy is not
opinion, for opinion is follow'd by faith, phantafy is not.
Phantafy is a motion in animals from fenfe in act, by which
motion they are variouſly affected, and conceive things fome-
times true, and fometimes falfe. The errour of phantafy arifeth
from the errour of the fenfes : Phantafy therefore is of neer affi-
nity with fenfe; for though it be not fenfe, yet it exiſts
not without fenfe, or in things that have no fenfe. It is de-
(kkk 2)
-
rived
?
1
2
74
ARISTOTLE.
rived or pos from light, for fight the moſt excellent of fenfes
cannot act without light.
Many things are done by Animals according to phantafie, ei-
ther becauſe they have not Intellect as Beafts, or that intellect is
obfcured in them.
a Lib. de Me-a
mor.
& Rem.cap. 1.
b Cap. 2.
F
CHAP. XIX.
Of Memory and Reminifcence.
Rom Phantafy proceeds Memory, which is of things paft, as
fenfe is of the prefent, opinion of the future. Senfe and Intel-
lection are neceffarily previous to memory.Hence thofe Animals
only which have fenfe of time, remember,as horſes and dogs ;yet
memory is not without phantafm, even not that memory which
is of Intelligible things, for he that remembreth, is fenfible that
he firſt ſaw, heard, or learn'd what he remembreth. Memory
therefore is reducible per fe to phantafie, as being of Phantafmes,
to intellect only by accident. Hence in the fame part of the Soul,
wherein Phantafie exifts,refideth likewife memory;for if it were
placed only in the intellectual faculty,it would not be competent
to Beaſts, which we ſee it is.
,
Memory is made by impreffion of fome image by the fenſe upon
theSoul. Hence they who retain not the image and figure of fenſe,
either by continuall motion, or exceffive humidity, as children
or drought, as old men, remember not. To memory therefore is
required a moderate temperature of the brain; yet more inclined
to dry.
b
f
↳ Reminiscence is not a refumption or affumption of memory
but differs fpecifically from both thefe, for Beafts have not Remi-
nifcence though they have memory, Reminifcence being made
by diſcourſe and diligent difquifition, collecting one thing from
another by a continued feries and order, untill at last we cal that
to mind which we had forgotten.
a Lib. de Som, a
1
CHAP. XX.
Of Sleep and Waking.
& Vigil.cap. To Senfe belongeth Sleep and waking; for thoſe animate
things which want fenfe, neither fleep nor wake,as Plants.
Sleep is an immobility, and band as it were of fenfes waking is a
folution and remiffion of ſenſe.
b Cap. 2.
The chief feat of fleep is the common ſenſe, which being
bound
**
ARISTOTLE.
75
bound up by fleep, all the exteriour fenfes, whereof this is the
common Centre, are bound up likewiſe and reſtrained, for the
reſt and health of the Animal; which is the end of waking
alfo.
с
>
Every impotence of fenfe is not fleep, but only that which c cap. 3.
is cauſed by evaporation of the Aliment.Hence we are moſt fub-
ject to fleep after meat; for then much humid vapour afcends
which firſt maketh the head heavy by confiftence there, then de-
fcends and repells the heat, whereby is induced fleep. That fleep
is made in this manner, is evident from all foporiferous things,
as poppy?
which cauleth heavinefs in the head by ſending up
vapours. Labour produceth fleep, by difperfing the humours,
whence produceth vapour.Drunken men & Children are ſubject
to fleep much, melancholy perſons little, for they are fo cold
within, that the vapour exhaleth not, eſpecially they being of a
dry conſtitution. Sleep therefore is a receffion of the heat inward
with a naturall kind of circumobſiſtence.
CHAP.XXI.
Of Dreams.
"Dreaming is an affection of the
Reaming is an affection of the fenfory part, in as much as a Lib de in-
it is phantaftick. A Dream is an apparition or phantaſme ſom.
feen in fleep.
upon
After the functions of the externall fenfes, there remain their
motions and fimilitudes induced by their objects into their Or-
gans. Theſe occurring in fleep caufe dreams, but not at all times,
nor at every age, for their fpecies fhow not themſelves but
ceffation of the humours. Hence Dreams are not immediatly
after ſleep, nor in infants foon after their birth, for then there is
too great commotion by reafon of the alimentary heat. As there-
fore in troubled water no image appeareth, or if any, much dif-
torted, but when it is calm, the image is rendred clearly;ſo when
there is a tumult and agitation of the humours, there are no
images prefented, or thofe dreadfull, fuch as are the Dreams of
melancholly and fick perfons; but when the blood paſſeth
fmoothly, and the humours are fetled, we have pure and plea
fing Dreams; A Dream therefore is a phantafm cauſed by mo-
tion of fenfibles already perceived by ſenſe,occurring to Animals
in fleep.
CHAP
76
ARISTOTLE
3. cap.4.
CHA P. XXII.
Of the Intellective Faculty.
a De Anim.lib. The third faculty of the Soul is the Intellective, proper tỏ
man. Intellect is that part of the Soul whereby it knoweth
and underſtandeth. It is twofold, Patient and Agent. Patient In-
tellect is that by which Intellect becometh all things, for Intel-
tection is like fenfe; Senfe is by paffion from a fenfible object, in-
tellect from an intellectuall. The properties of patient Intellect
are theſe; it is void of corruptive paffion; it is apt for reception of
ſpecies; it is that ſpecies potentially; it is not mixt with the bo-
dy; it hath no corporcall Organs; it is the place of fpecies.
b Cap. 5:
© Cap. 6.
d Cap. 8.
e Ibid.
b
That there is alſo an agent Intellect is manifeft; for in what-
foever kind, there is fomthing that is potentially all of that
kind, there is fomthing likewife which is the efficient cauſe of
all in that kind; this is the agent Intellect, a cognofcitive power
which enlightneth phantafms and the patient Intellect. The pro-
perties thereof are, that it is feparable from the body, immortall
and eternall; that it is not mixt with the body; that it is void of
paffion; that it is ever in act; but the patient Intel'et is mortall,
which is the caufe of Forgetfulneſs.
C
The action of the Intellc&t is twofold, one, Intellection of indi-
vifilles, in which is neither truth nor falfhood, as all fimple appre-
henfions; the other complex,when we compound and unite notions
by affirmation or negation. This is alwaies cither true or falfe,the
other neither. The fimple is precedent to the complex.
& Intellect in act is either Practick or Theoretick, "As a fenfible
object reduceth the fenfible faculty from power to act, fo doth
an intellectuall object the intellectuall faculty; and as the ope-
ration of fenſe is threefold, fimple apprehenfion, judgment if it
be good or ill, and laftly, appetition or averfion according to
that perception: So likewife is the operation of the praclick intel-
let threefold: Firft, it is moved by phantafmes, as fenſe is by
externall fenfibles. Secondly, it judgeth the object to be good
or ill, by affirmation or negation. Thirdly, it moveth the will
to purſue or fhun it, whence it is called practick. This practick
intellect is moved as well when the fenfible object is abfent
as when it is preſent, only excited by the phantafy. The object of
the Theoretick Intellect, is, true or falfe; of the practick, good or
ill.
C
The rationall foul in fome manner is every thing; for that
which actually knoweth, is in fome maner the fame with the
thing known.
СНАР.
ARISTOTLE.
77
2
"Behere
a
CHAP. XXIII.
Of the Motive faculty,
Elides the nutritive, fenfitive, and intellective faculties, a Cap. 9.
is alſo a motive faculty in animate creatures. That it
is not the fame with the nutritive is manifeft, in as much as it
proceeds from imagination and apprehenfion, which plants have
not, neither have they organs fit for motion, which nature
would have given them if they had this power. That it is not the
fame with the fenfitive, appears, in that fome animals which
have ſenſe have not the power, as Zoophytes, which have not the
organs fit for this motion. Neither is it the fame with the The-
oretick Intellect, for that judgeth not as to action; but progref-
five motion is the action of an animal flying ill, or purfuing
good.
"The principles of locall motion in animals, are the practick b cap. 10.
Intellect (under which is comprehended phantafy) and appetite.
Theſe two direct and impell the motive faculty to actions intel-
lect and phantaſy by directing what is to be fhunned, what to
be embraced, appetite by fhunning or embracing it. Appetite is
the chief principle thereof, for that may move without intel-
lect, as in beafts, and many times in men, who defert their rea-
fon to follow their pleaſure: But intellect never moveth with-
out appetite, that is, will; for appetite is the principle of all mo-
tion, honeſt and diſhoneſt, intellect only of honeft motion.
In man, appetite is two-fold; will, which followeth the judg-
ment of reafon; and fenfuall appetite, irafcible or concupifcible,
which followeth fenfe and phantafy.
In the motion of animals, three things are confidered: Firſt,
that which moveth, and that is two-fold; the appetible object,
which moveth the appetite as a finall caufe, not as an efficient;
and the appetite it felfe, which being moved by the appetible
object, moveth the animall. Secondly, by what it moves, which
is the heart of the animal, by which inftrument the appetible
object moveth it. Thirdly, that which is moved, the animall it
felte, perfect.
C
c
Infects are moved locally, as perfect animals are, and confe- cap. 1.
quently by the fame principles, appetite and phantafy; but this
phantafy is imperfect, diffuſed through the whole body, as ap-
peareth by their uncertain motion, only towards preſent oc-
current objects. That they have appetite is manifeft, in as much
as they are fenfible of pain and pleaſure.
Beaſts have fenfitive phantafie only; rationall creatures, deli-
berative, which compareth many things conducing to fome fore-
known end, and chooſeth the moſt expedient. Yet fomtimes
the
1
1
1
78
De vit.
ARISTOTLE.
the fenfitive appetite in man overfwayeth the rationall, but by
the order of nature, the will, which is the rationall, ought, as
being the fuperiour to it, to overfway the fenfitive. Thus there
are three motions, one of the will commanding, another of the
fenfitive appetite refifting, and a third of the body obeying. But
when the fenfitive overruleth, there are only two motions for
the will refifts not, but is deceived.
a
CHAP. XIV.
Of Life and Death.
/
Eneration and diffolution are common to all living Crea-
Mon. cap. 23. Gtures,though all are not produced and diffolved in the fame
b cap. 24.
© Čap. 2'3524.
manner.
b
The generation of a living Creature is the firſt conjunction of
the nutritive Soul with the naturall heat.
Life is the permanence of that Soul with the faid heat.
Youth is the encreaſe of the firſt refrigerative part, age the
decreaſe thereof,ax, the conftant and perfect life which is be-
twixt both.
As long as an animate Creature liveth, it hath naturall heat
within it felf, and as foon as that faileth, dieth. The principle of
this heat is in the heart. If it be extinguifh'd in any other part,the
Animal may live, but if in the heart,it cannot.
This heat is extinguifh'd two waies; first by confumption, when
it faileth of it ſelf; fecondly, by extinction, from fome contrary, as
in violent death; the cauſe is the fame in both, defect of aliment
which in the living Creature is its vitall moiſture, as fire want-
ing refrigeration, groweth more violent, and foone confumeth
the humidity, which being gone, it felf muſt of neceffity go
out.
Refrigeration therefore is neceffary to the confervation of the
naturall heat. Plants are refrigerated by the ambient air, and by
aliment: their naturall heat is extinguifh'd by exceffive cold, and
dry'd up by exceffive heat. Animals which live in the air, or in
the water, are refrigerated by the air or water, fomeby breath
ing, others without.
c
Death, according to the extinction of naturall heat, is two-
fold, violent or naturall; violent, when the cauſe is extrinfecall;
naturall, when the principle thereof is in the animate Creature.
For that part wheron life dependeth (the Lungs) is fo ordered
by nature that its cannot perform it office for ever. Death there-
fore cometh from defect of heat, when through want of refrige-
ration the radicall humidity is confumed and dry'd up. Refri-
geration faileth naturally, when by progreffe of time the lungs
>
in
ARISTOTLE.
79
in Creatnres that have breath, the gils in fiſhes grow fo hard,
that they are unapt for motion.
ત
d Old men die eafily, as having but little naturall heat, and dcp. 23.
without pain, becauſe his diffolution comes not from
affection.
C
any violent
The lives of living Creatures, as well of the fame, as of divers e Lib. de lon.
fpecies differ in length; the longeft life, moſt commonly, is that & brevit.cap.4
of fome Plants, as the Palm and Cypreffe; that of Creatures
which have blood rather then the bloodleffe; that of terreftriall
creatures rather then the aquatile; that of thofe which have
great bodies, as of Elephants, rather then thoſe of little.
The cauſes of long life are firft the quantity and quality of the
vitall moiſture, if it be much and fat, not eafily dry'd up nor
congealed. Secondly, natural heat, which fuffereth not that hu-
mour to be congealed. Thirdly, a due proportion betwixt this
heat and that moiſture. Fourthly,fewneffe of excrements, for ex-
crements are contrary to Nature, and fomtimes corrupt nature
it felf, fomtimes a part..
Salacious creatures, or laborious grow foon old by reaſon of
exiccation. For the ſame reaſon men are ſhorter liv'd then wo-
men, but more active.
In hot Countries, animate creatures are larger, and live
longer then in cold. Thoſe animals which have little or no
blood, either are not at all produced in the Northern parts, or
foon dye.
Both Plants and Animals, if they take not aliment,die, for the
naturall heat, when the aliment faileth, confumeth the matter it
felf, wherein it is, the vitall moiſture.
Aquatile creatures are fhorter liv'd then the terreſtriall,
and the bloodleffe then thoſe that have blood, becauſe their hu-
midity is more wateriih, and confequently more apt to be con-
gealed and corrupted.
• Plants live long, as having leffe of wateriſh moisture, which
therefore is not fo apt to be congealed. The largeneffe of the up-
per parts,as well in Plants as Animals, is a figne of long life, be-
cauſe it argues much naturall heat. The upper part of a Plant is
the foot, not the boughes.
£ Cap.S.]
g cap. 6.
(111)
THE
80
ARISTOTLE.
1
THE
THIRD PART.
a Eclog. Ethic,
WE
CHAP. I,
ETHICK.
E come next to the Morall part of Philofophy, including
Ethick,OEconomick and Politick. Of the firft, we have ten
Books of Aristotles, written to ( his Son )Nicomachus, two Bookes
called his Great Ethicks one of Vertues. Of OEconemick, two Books;
of Politick eight. We ſhall not have recourfe to thefe for an ac-
count of his Doctrine in this kind, being furniſhed by Stobaus
with a fummary of what he and the rest of thePeripateticks affer-
ted in Morality.
Ethick (faith he ) is fo called, rus, from Customesfor thoſe
things, the principles and feeds whereof we receive from Na-
ture,are to be perfected by Cuſtom and right inftitutior.Hence E-
thick pertaineth only to living Creatures, and particularly to
man, for the reft acquire Cuftom, not by Reafon, but Neceffity,
man by Reaſon.
Of the Soul, one part is Rationall, the other Irrationall; the ra
tionall part is Judicative, the irrationall Appetitive; of the ratio-
nall,that which is Theoretick, converfant in divine things,is called
Science; that which is Practick, converfant in humane Actions, is
called Connfell. Of the latter, one part is concupifcible, another
irafcible.
In like manner Vertue is twofold,rationall and irrationall,con-
fifting in Theory and practife. Ethick Vertue confifteth not in
Science, but in election of Goods.
Vertue is perfected by three things; Nature, Custom and Rea-
fon. For man differing from other Creatures both in body and
mind, as being a fpecies placed between divine effences and ir-
rationall Creatures, hath fome affinity to both; in what is ratio-
nall, and agrees with the Soul, he is ally'd to the Divinity; in
what is irrationall, proper to the body, he agrees with the irra
tionall. Both theſe defire perfection by Reafon; and firft, he de-
fireth to be, for this is naturally infite in him. Hence he affecteth
things that are according to his Nature,and is averfe from things
contra-
ARISTOTLE
81
ཟ་་
"
contrary to his nature. He endeavoureth to preferve health, plea
fure, life, theſe being according to nature, expetible in them-
felves and good. On the contrary, he fhunneth fickniffe, pain,
and death, as being repugnant to nature, and therefore ill, and to
be avoided. We love our own bodies, we love our own foules,
their parts, their faculties, their acts: the principle of appetite
office, and vertue is a providentiall care of thefe. If errour did
not happen concerning things expetible and avoidable, but that
we lived continually participant of good, and void of ill, we
fhould not enquire in theſe for a true election. But being in
things expetible and avoidable, through ignorance often decei-
ved, fometimes rejecting the good, fometimes admitting the ill
for good, we neceffarily have recourfe to conftancy of Judgment,
which having obtain❜d convenient to nature, we call it, from the
excellency of its function, Vertue, admiring and honouring it
above all things. For actions, and thoſe which are called Offices
proceed from election of things according to nature, and reje-
etion of things repugnant to nature. Hefein confift right actions
and finnes; even on thefe dependeth almoſt the whole reaſon of
Election, as we ſhall briefly demonſtrate.
That Children are expetible to parents, not only for ufe or be-
nefit, but alſo in themfelues, is moſt evident. There is no man fo
cruell and favage, who doth not rather defire his children after
his death ſhould live happily and well, then otherwife: By this
affection dying perfons make Wills, providing even for the un-
born,chooling Tutors and Guardians to affift them. And as Chil-
dren are loved for themſelves, fo likewife we love Parents, Bre-
thren, wife, Kindred, Acquaintance, Country-men, for themſelves,
as having fome intereft in them by nature. For, man is a fociable
communicative creature; and though of Friendſhips, fome are
more remote then others, it is nothing to the purpoſe, for all
friendship is for its own fake, and not for uſe only. And if friend-
fhip with Country-men be expetible in it felfe, it will likewiſe
be expetible in it felfe with all men; for all thofe who benefit
others, are ſo affected towards them, that they do moſt actions
for the office fake. Who will not free any man from a wilde
beaſt, if he be in his power? Who will not direct a man that is
out of his way? Who will not relieve a man that is ready to
ftarve, or direct a man in a defart to a ſpring? Who defires not
to be well ſpoken of after death? Who abhorrs not theſe fpee-
thes as unnaturall?
when I am dead, let earth be mix'd with fire,
I care not, fo I now have my defire.
It is manifeft therefore, that we have a naturall goodwill
(111 2)
and
82
ARISTOTLE
and friendſhip towards all mankinde, as being a thing expetible
in it felfe, and confonant to reaſon.
The race of Gods and Men is one,
From Nature both alike begun.
Love of all mankinde being thus common to us, much more
evidently it is expetible in it felfe towards thofe, whom conver-
fation hath made our friends. A Friend, Friendſhip, and Good-
will are expetible in themſelves.
In like manner praiſe is expetible in it felfe; for we contract ſo-
ciety with thoſe who praife us: And if praife, glory likewiſe,
which is nothing but the praife of many perfons.
Now feeing that externall Goods are expetible in themſelves,
much more are the goods of the foul and body expetible in them-
ſelves. For, if man be expetible in himfelfe, the parts of man
muſt likewiſe be expetible in themſelves. The parts of man in
generall are Soul and Body; the body therefore is expetible in it
felfe. Why ſhould the body of another perfon be dear to us,
and not our own? Or, why ſhould our body be dear to us, and
not the parts and functions thereof? Health therefore, ftrength,
beauty, Swiftneſſe, found fenfe, and the reft, are expetible in them-
felves; for none of ordinary capacity would chooſe to be defor
med or maimed, though no inconvenience would happen there-
upon; fo that deformity, even without any inconvenience, fee-
meth juſtly avoidable. And if deformity be avoidable in it felfe,
beauty is expetible, not for use only, but in it felfe. For, that beau-
ty pleaſeth, is manifeft, in as much as all have a naturall incli-
nation (befides that of converfation) to fuch as are beautifull,
and endeavour to confer benefits on them, fo as it feemeth to
procure benevolence. In this reſpect therefore, beauty is judged
expetible in it felfe, deformity avoidable in it felfe. It is the fame
in health and fickneffe, ftrength and weakneſſe, activity and heavineffe,
Senfe and privation of fenfe.
And if Corporeall goods are expetible in themfelves, and their
contrary evills avoidable, the parts and vertues of the foul muſt
neceffarily be expetible alfo. For, vertue, beginning, as we faid,
from the body, and externall goods, and reflecting upon it felfe,
and confidering how much more neer relation it hath to the
foul, contracteth a neerer affinity with it. So that the vertues of
the foul are much to be preferred before thofe of the body,
which is eaſily collected from what hath been faid. For, if cor-
poreall health be expetible in it felfe, much more is Temperance,
which freeth us from the fury of the paffions. And if corporeall
Strength ought to be numbered amongſt goods, much more
ought magnanimity, by which the foul is ftrengthened. And if
corporeall Beauty be expetible in it felfe, much more is that of
the foul, Justice.
In
•
ARISTOTLË.
83
1
3
In like manner is it with the vertues. For there are three
kinds of Goods, which though different, have fome kinde of ana-
logic. That which in the body is called Health, in the foul is
called Temperance, and in externals, Piches. What in the body
is Strength, in the foul is Magnanimity, in externals, Power. What
in the body is Vigour of Senfe,in the foul is Prudence, in externals,
Felicity. What in the body is Beauty, in the ſoul is Justice, in ex-
ternals, Friendſhip.
There are three kinds of Goods expetible in themſelves, thoſe
concerning the foule, thofe concerning the body, and the externall;
but, eſpecially thoſe of the ſoul, for the foul is more excellent
then the body.
Yet though corporeall and externall vertues be inferiour to
thofe of the foul, they are not to be neglected, partly, as being
expetible in themſelves; partly, as conducing to civill, fociable,
and contemplative life, for life is defined by civill, fociable, and
contemplative actions; Vertue (according to this.Sect) not being a
lover of it felfe, but communicative and civill. For when we
fay, vertue is neeneft ally'd to it felfe, the defire of the know-
ledge of truth neceffarily followeth it, ſo as wife men may right-
ly part with their life, and fools rightly preferve theirs; fince
that to thoſe who are perfect, it is an equall thing to depart this
life or not.
The excellency of vertue is much encreaſed by corporeall
and externall goods; yet, the end cannot any way be compleated
by them. The function therefore of vertue is Beatitude, by fuc-
ceffefull actions. Corporcall and externall goods are faid to be
efficient of beatitude, for as much as they confer fomething
thereto, not that they compleat it, for Beatitude is life. Life con-
fifts of actions, but thoſe can neither be reckoned amongſt actions
nor functions.
Hereupon comes in Beneficence, grace, humanity, love of Children
and Brethren; of our Country, Parents, Benevolence, of Kinsfolk,
Friendſhip, Equality, and the whole company of Vertues; which
who neglect, manifeftly fin, as to expetible goods; and avoidable
evills; and alfo in the acquifition and ufe of Goods, they fin in
election, by judgment; in acquifition, by the manners in ufe, by
ignorance. In election they fin, as defiring that which is not
good, or preferring the leffer good, as most prefer Pleasant before
Profitable, profitable before Honeft. In acquifition, as not confide-
ring whence, nor in wha manner; nor how far it ought to be ac-
quired. In ufe, for as much as all ufe being referred either to it
felfe or fome other, in the former they obferve no moderation, in
the latter no decency.
In theſe things, though the wicked fin, yet do the juft behave
themſelves uprightly, following vertue as their leader.
In all vertues, there is Judgment, Election, and Action; there is
no
84
ARISTOTLE.
མི་
1
no Vertue without thefe; Prudence hath the first place, the rcft
follow.
Vertue is called the best affection, which may be collected from
Induction. The Vertue of a fhoemaker is that by which he know
eth how to make ſhoes, and of an Architect, that by which he
knoweth how to build a handſom houfe. Vertue therefore is
the beſt of Affections.
on,
Of Vertue there are two principles as it were, Reafon and Paffe-
which ſomtimes agree, fomtimes difagree; for Pleaſure or
grief, when Reafon gets the Maſtery, it is called Temperancè
when paffion, Intemperance; The Harmony and Concord of both
is Vertue, one rightly commanding, the other obeying.
Expetible is that which attracteth the appetite to it felf, avoida-
dable that which repelleth it, reafon confenting thereto. Expeti-
ble and good were by the Ancients efteemed the fame, for they
affirmed Good to be that which all defire.
Of Goods, they fay fome are expetible for themselves, fome,for
others; the firſt are either honeft or neceffary. Honeft are the Vertues
and their functions; neceffary Life, and hofe things which
pertain unto it as the body with its parts and uſes, and thoſe
which are called externall goods, as riches, peace, glory, Liberty,
friendship, for each of theſe conferreth to the ufe of Vertue.
د
Beatitude confifteth of Good and ſucceſsful actions; wherefore
it is wholly good, as playing upon pipes is wholly Artificial; for
the uſe of the matter doth not take away the goodneſſe from
Beatitude; as the uſe of Inftruments taketh not away from the
Art of Medicine. Such things as are made ufe of towards this
perfection, are not to be reckoned as parts; for they, without
which the action cannot be,are not rightly parts thereof; for parts
conduce to the whole, the reft conduce to the end.
Good is divided into honeft, profitable and pleaſant, theſe are the
fcopes of all actions. Beatitude confifts of all theſe. It is the uſe of
perfect Vertue, in perfect life, with profperous fucceffe; and the function
of perfect life according to Vertues and the use of Vertue according to
nature without any impediment.
Though fome affert, that the End,is to be happy,and Beatitude
the ſcope, as, Riches are Good, and to be rich that which is be-
hovefull; yet is it better to follow the Antients, who affert the
End to be that for whofe fake all things are, it felf not being for
the fake of any other; or the ultimate of things expetible; or Life
according to Vertue, in corporeall and externall goods, either in
all or the moſt principall.
This being the greateſt Good, ufeth the Miniftry of the reſt;
for as thofe things which conferr hereunto are to be eſteemed
Goods, fo thofe things which refift it are Indifferents, for every
good a &tion doth not effect Beatitude.
They
ARISTOTLE
85
,
They affert Beatitudeto be the use of perfect Vertue as holding
Home Vertues to be perfect, others imperfect. The perfect are Ju-
Stice and Integrity; the imperfect are Ingenuity and Progreffion
The perfect agreeth with the perfect,fo as the end thereof is the
function of that Vertue, whereof no part is wanting.
They added perfect life', to fhew that Beatitude is in men of
full age, for a young man is imperfect, and fo is his life. Beati
tude therefore is in perfect time, the longest that is appointed
for us by the Gods. As one Verfe makes not a Poem; nor one
•ftep a dance, nor one ſwallow a Summer;fo neither doth a ſhort
time conferre Beatitude, for Beatitude is perfect, and requireth
a perfect Man and Time.
They added fucceffefull Function of Vertue,becauſe the Goods of
Nature are neceffarily requifite to Beatitude; for a good man
may exerciſe Vertue in mifery, but cannot be happy. For as Ver-
tue is the only efficient of honeft actions, fo is Beatitude of boneft,
good, and excellent. Neither doth it abide amongſt ill or unhappy
things, but enjoyeth the Good, nor is deprived of the contem-
plation of good, or the conveniences of life.
Beatitude being the moſt pleaſant & fairest of things, increaſeth
like an Art by the multitude of its Inftruments.It is not the fame
in God and Man, neither is it equall amongst good men, for it
may ſomtimes be taken away by oppreffion of miferies. Hence in
is to be doubted whether a man may be termed happy as long as
he is alive, confidering the uncertainty of Fortune, whence Solon
faid, Confider the end of a long life, whether it be happy.
Thoſe who fleep are not participant of Beatitude, but after
fome manner, as the function of the Soule is capable of a-
waking.
Laftly, they added, Nature, becauſe every waking of good
men is not the uſe of perfect Vertue, but only that which is ac-
cording to Nature, that is free from madneffe, for madneffe as
well as fleep depriveth men of uſe, and of this Reaſon, andma-
keth them like Brutes.
As Beatitude is faid to be the ufe of Vertue, fo is mifery of
Vices yet not fo, that as this fufficeth to mifery, fo that doth to
Beatitude.
Life is made four and unpleaſant to the Good by exceffive ad-
verfity, to the ill even in profperity, becauſe they fin more, nor
can rightly be termed happy.
Having afferted Beatitude to be the chief Good, it followeth
that we expound how many wales it is taken.
Good is understood three waies.Firſt,for that which is the cauſe
of prefervation to all beingss next for that which is predicated of
every good thing; Laftly, for that which is expetible in it felf.The
firft is Gods the fecond the Genus of Goods; the third, the end, to
which all are referred, Beatitude.
That
86
ARISTOTLE.
That which is expetible in it felfe, is faid three waies, either
that for which fomething is done; or, for which all things arẻ
done; or, fome part of thefe.
Again, of theſe, ſome are finall, ſome efficient: finall, are the
actions proceeding, according to vertue; efficient, the materials
of expetible things.
Of goods, fome are honourable, fome laudable, ſome faculties,
fome profitable. Honourable, as God, our Prince, Parent: Laudable,
as Riches, Empire, Liberty: Profitable, the efficient, às Health.
Again, of things good and expetible, fome. are expetible in
themfelves, fome for others; in themſelves, as the honourable, lau-
dable, and faculties; for others, as the Profitable, which effect and
conferve other things.
Again, of things good in themfelves, fome are ends, others,
not ends: Ends, as fuftice, Vertue, Health, and whatſoever confi-
fteth of thefe; Not ends, as Ingenuity, Memory, Learning.
ذ
Again, of Goods, fome are wholly perfect, others not; of the
firft are Vertue and Prudence, which benefit all, of the latter
Riches and Power, which require to be uſed by a good man. The
fame things whereof a good man maketh right uſe, a wicked
man abuſeth, as the fame which a good Mufician ufeth well,
he who is ignorant of Mufick ufeth amiffe. Whofoever maketh
ill uſe of any thing is hurt thereby ; as, a good horſe, which is a
help to him that knoweth how to ride, hurts the unskilfull
rider.
Again, of Goods, fome are in the foul, fome in the body, fome
externall: In the foul are ingenuity, art, vertue, wifdome, prudence,
pleaſure; in the body, health, foundneffe of fenfe, beauty, strength,
foundneffe of limbs, and all parts, with their faculties and functions.
Externall are riches, glory, nobility, power, friends, kindred, coun-
try. The goods of the foul are either conferred by na ure, as wit
and Memory 3 or acquired by diligence, as the Liberall sciences; or
fall into perfection, as Prudence, Juftice, and laftly, wifdome.
Again, of Goods, fome may be both obtained and loft, as Riches;
fome obtained, but not loft, as Felicity and Immortality; fome loft,
but not obtained, as Senfe and Life; fome neither obtained nor
loft, as Nobility.
Again, of Goods, fome are only expetible in themſelves, as
Pleaſure and Indolence; fome efficient only, as Riches; fome both
efficient and expetible in themſelves, as Vertue, Friends
Health.
Goods are divided more waies then theſe, as not belonging all
to one Genus, but to all the ten Categories.
Theſe things laid down, we come next to ſpeak more accu-
rately concerning Vertue, which they place in both parts of the
foul: In the rationall part, Integrity, Prudence, wifdome, Memory,
and the like: In the irrationall part, Temperance, Juftice, Fortitude,
and
ARISTOTLE.
87
and other vertues. Theſe (fay they) may be extinguiſhed by ex-
ceffe, which they prove by teſtimony of the fenfes, as things ob-
fcure by manifeft. For, as by exceffe or defect of exerciſe, health
is corrupted, but by moderate exerciſe is preferved: In like man-
ner is it in Temperance, Fortitude, and other vertues. For, as we
do call him who feareth the Thunder, mad, not valiant; fo on
the contrary, he who feareth fhadowes is a coward; but, he is
valiant, who neither feareth all things, nor nothing. Theſe
things encreaſe or extinguiſh vertue; being moderate, they en-
creaſe courage; being too great, or too little, they extinguiſh it.
In like manner are all other vertues extinguiſhed by exceffe or
defect, increaſed by mediocrity.
Neither is vertue only limited by thefe, but by pleasure and
griefe likewife, in as much as for pleaſure we commit wicked-
neffe, and for griefe fhun good. To explain this more fully, they
unfold the nature of the foul, wherein are ſeen three things,
paffions, faculties, habits: Paffions, as, anger, fear, hate, love, emulati-
on, pitty, and the like; to which is fubfequent pleaſure, or griefe.
Faculties, by which we make uſe of paffions, and are angry, do
emulate, and the like. Habits are thoſe from which the functions
of theſe proceedeth rightly, or otherwife. If any man be fo dif-
pofed, that he is angry upon any occaſion, he hath the habit of
anger; if fo, as to be angry upon no occafion, he hath the habit of
Stupidity, both which are blamable. The laudable habit is that of
meekneſſe, by which we are angry in due time and place. Vertues
therefore are habits, by which the functions of paffions become
laudable:
All vertue confifteth in action; all action is continuous.
Whatfoever things are continuous, like magnitude, have ex-
ceffe, defect, and mediocrity, either in relation to one another,
or to us. The mean, relating to us, is in all the beft, (this is not
quantitative, but qualitative, and therefore is perfect; whereas
the extreams, exceffe and defect, being contrary, are repugnant
to one another, and to the mean. But, the mean is to both ex-
treams as equality is to inequality, greater then the leaft, leffe
then the greateſt.) Vertue therefore is a deliberative habite,
confifting in mediocrity, relating to our felves.
Theophraftus having laid down fome qualities,(following hisMa-
fter)endeavoureth to conclude from each of them: The examples
he alledgeth are thefe; Temperance, Intemperance, Stupidity,
Meeknefs, Wrath, Indolence, Fortitude,Boldneffe, Timidity, Ju-
ftice, Liberality, Prodigality, Avarice, Magnanimity, Pufillani-
mity, Arrogance, Magnificence, Oftentation. For of theſe ha-
bits, fome are ill, through exceffe or defect, others good through
mediocrity. He is not temperate who defireth nothing, nor he
who defireth all things.; one like a ftone, defireth not even natu-
rall expetibles; the other, through exceffive defire, becommeth
(mmm)
intem-
88
ARISTOTLE.
intemperate. He only is temperate, who defireth honeft things
with reaſon, in due time and meaſure. He is not meek who is
angry upon all occafions, nor he who is angry upon none; but,
he who is endued with the mean habit. He is not valiant who
feareth nothing, not God himſelfes nor he who feareth all things,
even his own ſhadow. Nor juft, who either affumeth or deroga-
teth too much from himſelfe, but who obferveth equality. He
is not liberall who giveth away all, nor he who giveth nothing;
nor magnanimous, who efteemeth himfelfe worthy all great
things, nor he who efteemeth himſelfe worthy none; but he who
obferveth a decorum. He is not magnificent who is fplendid eve-
ry where, nor he who no where; but who obſerves due time and
place.
Thus the Genus of vertues is placed in Mediocrity, and mutu-
ally confequent in it felfe; yet, not alike in all, for prudence is
confequent to the reft in its own proper nature; the reft are con-
fequent to it by acceffion, for he who is juſt, muſt neceffarily be
wife, but not on the contrary.
Of paffions and appetites, fome are good, fome bad, fome mean ;
the good are friendship, benevolence, indignation, fhame, confidence,
compaſſion, the bad, envy, malevolence, contumely; the mean, griefe,
fear, anger, pleasure, defire.
Every paffion is converfant in pleaſure and griefe, for which
reaſon, the vertues depend upon them; but, love of mony, love of
pleasure, love-melancholy, and the like, are habits diftinct from
vices.
Of Love, one kinde is of Friendſhip, another of Conjunction, the
third of both. The firft is good, the fecond bad, the third mean.
Of Friendſhip there are foure kinds: Sodality, Affinity, Hofpita-
lity, Erotick whether that of Beneficence, and that of Admiration
be to be added to theſe, is doubtfull. The first is derived from
converfation; the fecond from nature; the third from cohabitation;
the fourth from affection; the fift from good-will; the laſt from
fome facultie. Of all thefe, there are in generall three ends, ho-
neft, profitable, and pleaſant: All perfons that are ftudious of
friendſhip aim at one or more of thefe ends. The first friendſhip
is that, which every man hath to himſelfe; the next, to his pa-
rent; the reft, to his friends and neighbours. Whence exceffe in
the firſt, and defect in the reſt ought to be avoided; that being
efteemed felfe-love, this refervedneje.
Xaes is taken three waies, for a profitable benefit, or for the
profitable return of a benefit, or for the remembrance of a bene-
fit. It is placed likewife in the face and ſpeech, whence a man is
termed gracious, eugaus, or sizes.
A good man mult lead a life con joyned with vertue, whether
according to the neceffity of the times, he execute the office of a
Magiftrate, or cohabit with Princes, or impofe Lawes, or go-
´verne
ARISTOTLE. ·
89
in
vern fome other part of the Common-wealth. If he be not bufied
any of theſe, he muſt addict himſelf to a popular life, either
by contemplation or action, or (which is between both) Inftru-
&tion. For though he ought to follow the action and contempla
tion of excellent things; yet if the time will not allow him to
ufe both, he may make choice of one, and preferre the contem-
plative life, yet not neglecting the Common-wealth. He ſhall
therefore marry, to the end he may have iffue, and addict him-
felf to chaft love,and as occafion requireth,drink wine freely,and
finally mantain his life by due obſervance of Vertue, and bee
ready to refign it, if there be a neceffity, taking care to be buried
in his own Country, according to the rites thereof.
Thus there are three kinds of life, the Alive and Contempla-
tive,and that which confifts of both.As the voluptuous is eſteemed
beneath the dignity of a man, fo is the contemplative preferred
before the reft. A good man fhall addict himſelf to the Govern-
ment of the Common-wealth, by choice, not chance; for the
active life is converfant in civill affairs. That life is beſt which
is led according to Vertue and Nature; the next is that which
is a mean condition, as to both; theſe are both expetible. But the
life which is conjoined with Vice is to be avoided. A happy life
differs from a Good in this. The happy is alwaies confonant to
Nature, the good fomtimes repugnant to Nature. To
the firft, Vertue onely is not requifite; to the other, it
is requifite. A mean life is that which is placed in mediocrity,
not deftitute of offices. Recitudes in life are according to Vertue,
fins according to Vice; Offices in the mean kind of life.
To theſe things thus declared we muſt adde, that Vertue is a
habit defiring mean pleaſures and griefs, purſuing that which is
honeſt, as it is honeft; Vice is the oppofite hereto.
wifdom is the Science of the firft Cauſes.
Prudence, a habit examining and acting good things, as they
are good.
*
doubtleße is de-
Fortitude, a habit betwixt koldneffe and Fear.
Meekness is a mean betwixt wrath and ftupidity.
Liberality is the mean betwixt Prodigalty and Penurioufneffe
Magnanimity is the mean betwixt Arrogance and Pufillanimity.
* Magnificence is the mean betwixt oftentation and fordidness. For the text
feftive, and thus to be fupplyed, μεγαλοπρεπειαν 5 μεσότητα [βαναυσίας και μικροπρεπείας. Νέμεσιν δ
μeobm™× ] &dovicías vai myopenanías: See Arift. Nicom. 4. 2. and Mag. mor. 1. 28.
Indignation is the mean betwixt
envy and malevolence.
Gravity is the mean betwixt affentation and contradiction.
Modesty is the mean betwixt impudence and Bashfulneſſe.
Urbanity is the mean betwixt Scurrility and Rusticity.
* Friendship is the mean betwixt dotage and enmity.
Truth is the mean betwixt detraction and boasting.
(m mm 2 )
Juftice
* But Arift. oo
therwise, pla-
ting Friendship
betwixt Arro-
gation and De-
rogation.
+
90
ARISTOTLE.
✔
Juftice is the mean betwixt exceffe and defect.
There are other Vertues, part ranked by themſelves, part un
der the former. As under Juſtice are, čuvißima, iscógns, xensóme, Evror"
vwvne ia, ¿uowanλakia, under Temperance suxoquía, suvažik, dwmagxeia,
ευψυχία, φιλοπονία; defined thus.
Eurißere,is a habit of worthpping the Gods and Demons,a mean
betwixt Atheiſm and Sundaria.
C
"Onoms, a habit obferving right towards the Gods and the dead,
a mean betwixt doors, and fomthing that wants a name.
Xosés, a habit of doing well voluntarily for their own ſakes ;
a mean betwixt wongia, and fomthing that wants a name.
Euxoravnoće, a habit, rendring men gratefull in Society, a mean
betwixt anɑywonoía,and fomthing that wants a name.
Euruvannağla, a habit avoiding injuſtice in Contracts; a mean be-
twixt dowanaœgía, and fomthing that wants a name, which per
taineth to extream right.
Buxoquía, a habit of obferving order, a mean between ’Amži«,
and fomthing that wants a name."
*Aurax, a habit liberally content with the prefent, a mean be-
twixt #χεια and πολυτελεία,
'Euļugia, a habit of ſuſtaining grievous things unconquer'd, å
mean betwixt άψυχία, and αριτμανιότης,
Aomia, a habit performing excellent things indefatigably, â
mean betwixt μαλακία, and ματαιοπονονία,
{
Laftly, Probity is a vertue confifting of all the reft; it is perfect,
as well becauſe it rendreth good things honeft and profitable. as,
for that it defireth honeft things, for their own fake.
Having thus
CHAP. II.
OECONOMICK.
3
Aving thus explained the Vertues and the chief Heads of
Ethick, it remaineth that we fpeak of OEconomick and Poli-
tick, for as much as Man is by Nature a Civill Creature. The firſt
Common-wealth is the lawfull congreffion of man and woman,
for procreation of children, and fociety of life. This is called
OROS a Family, it is the ground and beginning of a City. A Fa-
mily feemeth to be a little City, for marriage being contracted,
and children growing up one under another,and join'd one to an-
other, there is deduced another family, and fo a third, and a
fourth. Of thefe is conftituted Neighbourhood and a City
for many Neighbourhoods make us up a City,
a City, Thns
as a Family hath in it the feeds of a City, fo likewiſe of a Com-
monwealth, for in a Family there are the prints of Monarchy, an
Aristocracy, and a Democracy. The Society between Parents and
1
>
children
ARISTOTLE.
91€
children repreſents a Monarchy; that betwixt man and woman
an Ariftocracy, as being contracted for iffue, mutuall comfort
and affiftance. To thefe is added a fervant, appointed to be ſuch
by nature, able for fervice, but not to live of himselfe, requiring.
therefore a Maſter to govern him. Of all theſe reduced to a com-
munity, is conſtituted a Family.
The government of a Family is by nature given to Men, for
the counfell of women is weaker, Children are not yet arived to it,
Servants never can. The whole ordering therefore of a family.
depends upon the Man; the whole prudence of economy there
fore is in Man: This is partly Peternell, parsly Muptiall, prantly-
Herile, partly Acquifitive. For, as an Army requitesh Pravifion,
a City, Merchandife, Art, Inftruments; fo a Family Neceffaries, as
well for common life as convenience. Of thefe the Matter of the
Family takes the firft care, how honeſtly to encreaſe his reve-
nues, and moderate his expenfes. He, as being the head of the
Family, ought to be skilfull in many things, as in Agriculture à
Grafing, Metals, whereby he may advantage himfelfe without
doing injury to others. Of Acquifition there are two kinds, one
better then the other; that by Nature, this by Art.
I
CHAP. IN.
POLITICK
Thus much concerning Qeconomicks we come next to ſpeak in
ſhort of Politick.
First then, Cities are conftituted as well for the naturall pro-
penfity of man to fociety, as for utility. A City is the moſt per
fect fociety. A Citizen is he who is concern'd in the Magiſtracy.
A City is a compleat number of fuch perfons, which proceedeth
fo far, as that it be not diſagreeing within it felfe, nor contemp-
tible, but may conveniently provide for life, and defend it felfe
againſt enemies.
Oeconomicall prudence is one kinde, Legislative another, Poli-
tick a third, Military a fourth.
A City is govern'd either by one man, or fome few, or all;
and each of theſe either rightly, or unjuftly: Rightly, when the
Princes refpect the common good; unjustly, when they confider
their own private intereft. The right are Monarchy, Aristocracy,
Democracy: the unjuſt, Tyranny, Oligarchy, Ochlocracy. There is al-
fo a mixt Government, confifting of the good kinds. And where-
as a Common-wealth is often changed into better or worſe;
that is beſt which is guided according to Vertue; that worſt,
which according to Vice.
They who command, or adviſe, or judge in Democracy, are ta
ken
*
92
ARISTOTLE.
ken out of all, either by fuffrage, or lot: In Oligarchy, out of the
Richer 3 in Aristocracy, out of the Best.
Sedition in Cities is either according to Reafon or Interest;
the firſt, when equalls are reduced to unequall extremities; the
fecond, for honour, power, or gain.
Common-wealths are overthrown either by force or fraud.
They laſt longeſt which reſpect the publick utility.
Courts of Judicature, Proceffes, Pleas, and Magiftracies, are or-
dered according to the formes of every Common-wealth. The
moſt generall commands are Priesthood, Generalſhip, Admiralty,
ναυαρχία, αγρονομία, γυμνασιαρχία, γυναικονομία, παιδνομία, αςυνομία, ταμιεία,
•quòpùzaría, mėginia, whereof ſome relate to Cities, others to
Havens and Traffick.
The office of a Commonwealths-man is to reform a Com-
monwealth, which is much harder then to erect one; and to di-
vide the common-people into two parts, one for neceffary offi-
ces, the other for convenient: Mechanicks, Husband-men; and
Merchants are for the neceffary fort, continually ferving the
Commonwealth; but Souldiers and Counfellours, who are fervants
for vertue, and performe noble things, are the more ex-
cellent.
Old men are moſt proper to be Counfellours, and alfo Pricfts,
to perform the facred rites; young men for Warre. This order
is exceeding antient, first conftituted by the Egyptians, who,
amongſt other things excellently difp6fed, appointed the Tem-
ples of the Gods to be built in the higheſt places, and the lands
of private perfons to be difpofed, partly at the confines of the
Country, partly neer the City, whereby both parts of the Coun-
try fhould meet in Tribute and Tax. They likewife well or-
dered the inftitution of Sodalities, and a publick care for the edu-
cation of children, and that thoſe who are too young or too old
ſhould not marry, to prevent their having weak children. Like-
wife, that nothing mixt be taken away, nothing perfe& expo-
fed, abortion not procured. Thus much of Politick.
1
THE
ARISTOTLE
93
&
THE
FOURTH PART.
T
CHAP. 1.
of METAPHYSICK.
HE fourth and laſt part of Philofophy, which treateth of
Ens in generall, is by Ariftotle termed fometimes, Firft, Philo-
Sophy, fometimes wifdome, fometimes Theologie, by his followers
and Interpreters called Metaphyfick, from the order thereof, as
Alexander Aphrodifaus and Philoponus affirm, being placed after
Phyfick, as treating of a leffe known, and more noble object.
Upon this fubject, there are fourteen bookes of Ariſtotle ex-
tant, which, faith Alexander Aphrodifaus, by the method of the
diſcourſe and ſtile, are eaſily evinced to be his.
a
b
b Lib.4.cap.2.
Metaphyfick confidereth Ens as it is Ens, and the primary a Metaphyf
cauſe thereof. Ens is Analogous, prædicated primarily of fub- lib. 6. cap.1.
ſtance, which is one effence; of Accidents, not fimply, but in re-
gard of their common attribution to fubftance. Ens thus being
one analogically, the fcience thereof is one likewife; but it
treateth chiefly of fubftance, becauſe that is the firft effence
upon which the reft depend, and from which they are deno-
minated.
THe
CHAP. II.
Of the first Principle.
He firſt moſt common axiom, or complex principle, is this, Cap. 3.
It is impoffible that the fame thing fhould be and not be in the fame,
and according to the fame respect.
To this principle, all demonftrations and opinions are redu-Cap. 4, 5.
ced. It is it felfe indemonftrable, as being the firft; otherwiſe
there would be an infinite progreffion in demonftration, and
confequently no demonſtration. There is nothing more known
by which it may be proved, no greater abſurdity then the deny-
all of it, that an adverfary can be reduced to.
With the first negative principle,the first affirmative hath a near cap. 7.
affinity. It is neceſſary that every thing be predicated affirmatively or
negatively of another. It is not true in matter of a future contin-
gent determinately, but only indeterminately. This affirmative
princi-
་
94
ARISTOTLE.
F
a Lib.6.c.2.
b Lib. 7. c. I.
c cap. 3.
;
d Cap. 4.
A
principle therefore is not abfolutely the firft, yet is it true, nei-
ther can there be a medium betwixt contradictory propofitions,
no more then betwixt even and uneven numbers: Every propo-
fition either affirms or denies, therefore every propofition is ei-
ther true or falſe; between theſe there is no medium.
a
CHAP. III.
Of Subſtance and Accident.
F Ens in generall there are three divifions, firſt, by accident
and per fe; fecondly, Potentiall and active;thirdly,intentionall
and reall.
Of Ens by accident there is no Science, for it is in a manner non-
ens, it hath no caule per fe; it is not generated or corrupted per
fe; it is not alwaies, nor for the moſt part, nor neceffary, whereas
Science is of things contrary to thefe.
Ens per fe is divided into ten Categories. The first is fubftance,
and the firſt Ens, and confequently the first Category, for it is
predicated in quid of the firſt ſubject, whereas Accidents are
predicated in quale or quantum. Again, fubftance only is Ens per
fe, accidents are Ens as they are affections of fubftance. Subftance
is the firſt Ens, by Reafon or definition, becauſe accidents are defi-
ned by Subſtance. By knowledge, becaufe the knowledge of acci-
dents, depends on the knowledge of fubftance. By time, for there
is fome fubftance without accident, as God and Intelligences,but
there is no accident without a fubftance. Likewife material fub-
ſtances are precedent in Time, at leaſt to ſome accidents, which
arrive unto them after they have fome time generated. And
laftly, by Nature, for the fubject is, by Nature, before that which
inhereth in it. Hence this part of Phyfick treateth onely of
ſubſtance.
c
>
• Subject or fubftance is threefolds matter, form, compofitum. The
two latter are more Ens then matter,though matter be truly ſub-
ſtance, as being the firſt and laſt ſubject which remaineth, though
all the affections of a body be taken away. This is firſt matter
which in it ſelf is neither compleat fubftance nor quantitative
nor in any other Category. Neither is it firſt ſubſtance, for that
is feparable, and may exift by its own power without others.
That is likewife a determinate, perfect, fingular fubftance; but
matter cannot be feparated from form, neither is it fingular or
determinable.
d
Form is that which the thing it felfe is faid to be, perſe,
riri leivo, the being of a thing what it was, the whole common na-
ture and effence of a thing, anfwerable to the definition. Com-
pound
ARISTOTLE.
95
2
pound fenfible ſubſtances have a proper definition; but ens by
accident, confifting of fubject and accident, hath not, though it
may be by accident deſcribed and explained. Even Categoricall
accidents being one per fe, and of one nature, have a quiddity and
definition, not fimply as fubftances, but after their owne
manner.
e
• Matter and form are not properly generated, but the whole e cap. 8.
Compofitum, whereto Ideas [ ſeparate fubftances, ] confer nothing,
neither as efficient, nor exemplary Cauſes.
* The common ſubſtantiall, or formall parts of the thing de- fc. 19.
fined, are to be put into the definition of the whole; but the
materiall parts of the Individuum it felfe, muſt not.
NE
CHAP. IV.
Of Power and A&.
Ext Subftance we come to Power and A&t. Power is either a Lib.9.c. t.
active or paſſive: Active power is the principle of changing
other things, or acting on another, in as much as it is another. Paffive
power is in a manner the fame with active, for the motion of
paffion and action is really the fame, neither can one be without
the other, though fimply they are diverfe, being in different ſub-
jects, paffive in the Patient, active in the Agent.
Of powers, fome are void of Reafon, as the power of war-b cap. 2.
ming; fome rationall, as Arts: The rationall are of contraries,
as Medicine is of health and fick; the irrationall of one only, as
heat produceth heat.
с
The power(contrary to the Megarick Philofophers, followers Cap. 3.
of Zeno) remains, although not reduced to act; for we call a
man Architect, though he be not actually employed in building.
Again, Animals have fenfe, even when they are not in act.
Thirdly, it were impoffible any thing could be which were not
actually. Poffible is that whofe power, if it were reduced to act,
would not imply any impoffibility.
d
d
They are miſtaken, who think there is any thing poffible & Cap. 4.
which fhall never actually be, or that there are powers whoſe
acts are impoffible; for hence it would follow, that all things
fhould be poffible, nothing impoffible. Poffible is that which doth
or may follow from fome power; if it never followeth, or com-
meth out of that power, it is impoffible. That which is poffible
therefore, muſt at fome time or other be in act.
©
Of powers there are three kinds, fome naturall, as Senfes; e Cap. s
fome acquired by custome, as playing on a Pipes fome by difcipline,
as Arts. The two laft require previous operations, the naturall
do not. Naturall and irrationall powers are neceffarily reduced
(nnn)
to
5.
5
ARISTOTLE
f cap 6.
g Cap.8.
J}
a Lib, 6.c. 2.
b Lib. 9. c. 10.
9.9.
-
to act, when the Agent and Patient are at a due diſtance, and
there is nothing betwixt to hinder them. The rationall powers
are not fo, for they are free to act or not to act as they pleaſe.
Act is, when the thing that was in power is otherwiſe then
when it was in power.
8 All act is before power, and before all nature which is con-
tained under power, by reafon, effence, and time. By reaſon, becauſe
power is defined by act. By time, becauſe though power be tem-
porall before act in the fame numericall object, for a man may
firſt be learned before he actually be fuch; yet, in different
things of the fame fpecies, act is ever before power in time ;-for
nothing can be made or reduced from power, unleſſe by an agent
actually exiftent.
Laſtly, act is before power in effence; firſt, becauſe it is later
in generation, for generation beginneth from the imperfect ſtate
of a thing, and proceedeth to the perfect. Now all generation
proceedeth from power to act. Secondly, act is the end of power;
but the end, as it is later in generation, fo is it more perfect
by nature, and firſt in intention.
a
He
CHAP. V.
Of True and Falſe.
The first divifion of Ens is into intentionall and reall. The
intentionall is either true or falfe. The intellect afferteth
truly, if its judgment be conformable to the thing; falfely, if not
conformable, for there is compofition and divifion in the things
themſelves, as well as in the intellect. Whence if the intellect
compound things by affirmation,as they are really compounded,
or divide them by negation, as they are really divided, it affer-
teth truly, otherwife falfely. True and falfe are in the fimple
apprehenſion of things, but fimply, not enunciatively, fo as that
truth is nothing, but a fimple perception of the object; falfhood
a non-perception or ignorance thereof, though ignorance be not
properly falfity. Whence fimple apprehenfion may be true in it
felfe, falſe it cannot be, for fallity requireth compofition.
Complex truth and falfhood may be of the fame ſeparate fub-
ftances.
He cannot be deceived in the knowledge of things immovable,
whofoever hath once conceived them immutable; for either he
will judge alwaies truth, or alwaies erre, becauſe things im-
movable are alwaies in the fame manner. The viciffitude and
deception, and true and falfe judgment, is only in things contin-
gent and mutable.
CHAP.
ARISTOTLE.
97
ON
CHAP. VI.
Of one, the fame, and diverſe.
Ne is an affection of Ens, not a fubftance as Pythagoras and a Cap. zi
Plato affirmed; but a Categoreme, predicated of every thing
as it is Ens. To one is oppofite many; by privative oppofiti-
on, and therefore one is manifefted by many, as indiviſible by
divifible, the privation by the habit. For diviſible is more known
to ſenſe then indiviſible, and multitude then unity.To one are re-
ferred the fame,equall, like; to many, divers, unequall, unlike.
Things are diverfe, either by Genus or fpecies; by genus thoſe ь cap. 3.
which have not the fame matter, nor a mutuall generation; or
whereof one pertaines to corruptible fubftance, the other to incor-
ruptible. By species, thofe which have the fame genus. Genus is
that wherein thoſe things that are diverſe are ſaid to be the ſame
according to ſubſtance.
CHAP. VII.
Of immortall, eternall and immoveable fubftances.
Ubſtance is threefold; two kinds naturall, whereof one is a Lib. 12, or
corruptible, as Animal, the other fempiternall,as Heaven. The 14.cap. 6.
third is immoveable.
That there is a perpetuall immoveable fubftance, is proved
thus. Subſtances are firſt Ens, therefore if all fubftances are cor-
ruptible, all things likewife muſt be corruptible, which is falſe;
for there is an eternall locall motion, circular,proper to Heaven,
which it is not poffible ſhould have had a beginning,or fhall have
a diffolution, no more then time. If therefore Time be eternall as
motion, there muft neceffarily be fome incorruptible and eternal
fubftance, not only that wherein that eternall motion exiſts, the
Heaven it felf, but one ſubſtance, which ſo moveth, that though
it remain its ſelf moveable, yet it moveth others from eternity to
eternity, not having only the power of moving, but being conti-
nually in the act of motion. For Plato and the reft, who concei-
ved God to have done nothing for a great while, erre, becauſe
that power were fruftraneous which were not reduced to a.
Befides,motion would not have been eternall, unleffe the moving
fubftance were not only eternall, and in perpetuall actuall moti-
tion; but ſuch likewife, that it could not but it muſt move all-
waies, as being a pure act void of power.
Hence the ſubſtances which cauſe eternall motion are void of
(nnn 2)
matter
98
!
ARISTOTLE.
a Cap · 7•
matter, for they move from an eternall act, and are void of all
power.
In things that fomtimes are, fomtimes are not, power is pre-
cedent to act; but fimply and abſolutely act is precedent to pow-
er. For, neither things naturall nor artificiali are reduced from
power to act, but by fomthing that actually exiſts. Now if the
fame thing alwaies return by a circular motion, it neceffarily
followeth, that there is fomthing eternall which remaineth ever
the fame, and operateth in the fame manner. Such an eternall
firſt moving fubftance is the firſt Heaven. The viciffitude of Gene-
ration and corruption is not caufed by the firft Heaven, for that
moyeth alwaies in the fame manner, but by the inferiour Orbes,
efpecially the Sun, which by his acceffion bringeth life, by his re-
ceffion death to all things mortall.
a
Thus is the firſt Heaven eternall, for it is moved with eternall
motion; beſides which there is fomthing which alwaies moveth,
and is never moved it felf, and is eternall, and ſubſtance, and
act
CHAP. VIII.
of Gods.
His first mover, moveth in the fame manner as things appe-
tible and intelligible, that is, it fo moveth others, as it felf
remaineth immoveable. The motion of the firſt Agent, as it is the
firſt efficient cauſe, confifteth in that influence thereof, whereby
it concurreth effectively with the inferiour Intelligences in mo-
ving its own orb. Wherefore the efficience of the firſt mover is
an application of the powers of the infericur movers to their pro-
per works, wherein he concurreth with them actively, and inde-
pendently. Thus the Intelligences move the Heavens, not for the
generation of inferiour things (for the end muſt be more noble
then the means) but for that chief and amiable good, whereunto
they endeavour to be like, as their ultimate end.
The firſt mover is void of mutation, an ens, wholly and fimply
neceffary, and confequently the principle of all. Upon this firít
principle depend Heaven and nature, becauſe without him,their
ultimate end and first efficient, nothing can be, or be operated.
This firſt mover, God, enjoyeth the moſt perfect life, perpetual
and moſt pleaſant, which abfolute felicity is proper to him; for
as much as he underſtandeth and contemplateth himſelf with
infinite delight. For, as we are happy in contemplation that laſts
but a little while, fo is God moft happy, in the infinite and moſt
perfect contemplation of himſelf, who is of all things moſt admi-
rable.
God
ARISTOTLE
99
God is an eternall living being, the best of beings, an immoveable
Subjiance, Separate from fenfible things, void of corporeall quantity,
without parts and indivifible; for fuch muſt that principle or fub-
ſtance be which moveth ininfinite time. Nothing finite hath in-
finite power. All magnitude muſt be either finite or infinite. Fi-
nite magnitude cannot move in infinite time; infinite magnitude
there is not, as we proved in the Phyfick.
God is impaffible, not fubject to alteration; the firſt locall motion,
which is the circular, not being competible to God, becauſe he is
immoveable, it followeth that other motions that induce paffion
or alteration, and are later then locall motion cannot likewiſe
be competent to him.
CHAP. IX.
Of Intelligences.
2
Bide
Efides this first Substance the mover of the first Heaven,there a Cap. 3.
muft likewife be other fubftances feparate from matter, e-
ternall and immoveable, prefident over the motions of the in-
feriour orbes; ſo that after what number and order thoſe orbes
are difpofed, according to the fame are theſe eternall moving,
and immoveable fubftances ordered.
From the number of the motions may be collected the number
of the Sphears, and confequently of the ſubſtances moving, which
according to Aristotle are 47.
Heaven is numerically one, becauſe the first mover is one. It is
an ancient Tradition that theſe firſt ſubftances that move the
Heavens are Gods. This opinion is truly divine ; but what is ad-
ded, that they had the ſhape of men,or ſome other Animal, was
only invented for perfwafion of the common people, for uſe of
Laws, and the convenience of Life. Thus much may ferve for a
fhort view of his Metaphyficks.
เ
THEO.
100
1
}
THEOPHRASTVS.
* De exil.
a Lib. 13.
b Laert.
c Suid.
CHAP. I.
His Country, Parents, Maſters.
HEOPHRASTUS fucceeded Aristotle,
he was born at Ereftus,( as * Plutarch, Laertius,
and others affirme)a Sea-town of Leslos, fea-
ted upon a hill, as Strabo defcribes it, diſtant
from Sigrium 18 Stadia.
C
His Father was named Melantes, asb Athe-
nodorus affirmeth, according to others, Leo,
by profeffion a Fuller. Theophraftus was firft called Tyrtamus. He
heard Leucippes in his own Country, afterwards went to Plato,
and laſtly became an auditor of Aristotle, who changing the
roughneffe of his name, called him, as Suidas faith, firſt Euphra-
ftus, afterwards Theophraftus, from the divine eloquence of his
d Praf. lib. 1. fpeech, wherein (as Cicero, Pliny, Laertius, Strato, and others
aver) he excelled all the reft of his Difciple's.
e Lib. 13.
f Laert.
Laert. Suid.
.d
c
He was likewife fo quick of apprehenfion, that what Plato
had faid of Ariftotle and Xenocrates, Ariftotle apply'd to him and
Callifthenes. Theophraftus was acute to admiration, ready to ap-
prehend every thing that he taught; Callifthenes was dull: fo that
one needed a bridle, the other a fpur.
CHAP. II.
His Profeſſion of Philofophy, and Diſciples.
Riftotle retiring to Chalcis, in the 2 year of the 114th Olym-
piad, being importuned by his Difciples to appoint a fuc-
ceffour, made choice of Theophraftus (as hath been already rela-
ted in the life of Ariftotle) who thereupon undertook the go-
vernment of the School, and, Ariftotle dying, lived in his Gar-
den, Demetrius Phalerius cohabiting with him. This time where-
b Lib. 15.c. 1. in Theophraftus flouriſhed, is reckoned by Pliny to be about
c Plin. 19. 2. the 440th year from the building of Rome 390 years, as "sal-
nian. pag. 350. mafius rightly reads, before that time wherein Pling wrote.
Hermippus faith, he went at certain houres to the School,
1
d Exercit. Pli-
e Athen. lib. 1.
C
b
તા
neatly
THEOPHRASTUS
101
neatly dreffed, and there fitting down, difcourfed in fuch man-
ner, that he omitted no gefture fuitable to the argument where-
upon he treated, fo that once to expreffe a Glutton, he licked
his lips.
* In the fourth year of the 118th Olympiad, Xerippus being f Laert. Athen,
Archon, Sophocles, fon of Amphiclides, procured a Law to be deipn.
made, forbidding all Philofophers to keep publick Schooles
undeffe fuch only, as the Senate and people fhould think fit to
licenſe; if any did otherwife, he ſhould be put to death. By this
decree, faith Athenæus, he banished all the Philofophers out of
the City, amongſt the reſt Theophraftus, who the year follow-
ing returned, when as Philo, a Difciple of Ariftotle, accufed So-.
phocles for having done contrary to Law: Whereupon the Athe
nians revers'd the decree, fined Sophocles five Talents, and cal-
led home the Philofophers; by which means, Theophraſtus re-
turning, was reinftated in the School.
Laertius faith, there came to hear him 2000 Diſciples; Sui-
das faith (if there be no miſtake in the number) 4470. of whom
were Strato, his Succeffor, Demetrius Phalereus, Nichomachus fon
of Ariftotle, whom Ariftippus faith, he much affected; Erafiftratus
the Phyſician, as fome affirme, and Menander the Comick
Poet.
CHA P. III,
His Vertues and Apophthegmes.
Ewas exceeding learned and ſtudious, as Pamphila àffir- a Laeti.
meth.
НЕ
He was very liberall in conferring benefits, and a great b Laert.
cheriſher of learning.
"He made collections of mony for the conventions of Philo- c Athen. lib. 5.
fophers, not for luxury, but for temperance, and learned dif-
courſes.
d
He twice freed his Country, being under the oppreffion of d Plut. adv.
Tyrants.
e
Color.
* Caffander (on of Antipa èr much eſteemed him, and Prolomy the e Laert.
firſt wrote Letters to him.
£
fHe was ſo much honoured by the Athenians, that Agnonides Laert.
accufing him of Impiety, very hardly eſcaped from being fined
himfelfe.
3
Of his Apophthegmes are remembered thefe. He faid, it is a Laert.
more ſafe truſting to an unbridled horſe, then intemperate
ſpeech.
To a young man at a Feaft filent; If you hold your peace, b Laert.
faith he, becauſe you are foolish, then you are wife; but, if
you
102
THEOPHRASTUS.
c Laert. Stob.
d Plut. vit.
Demoft.
e Symp. lib. 2.
f Plut.de Anar.
g Plut, de frat.
amor.
h Plut. de fa-
nit. tuend.
i Stob.
k Stob. Ser.
TOI.
1 Ser. 122.
m Sier. 136.
n Ser. 139.
o Ser. 141.
p Ser. 162.
q Ser. 185.
r Ser. 193.
[Ser. 299.
you are wife, you do foolishly in holding your peace.
C
He uſed to fay, of all things that are ſpent, time is the moſt
precious.
.
what he thought of De-
d Being demanded, as Arifto faith
mofthenes; he anſwer'd, he is worthy of this City; of Demades ; he
is above the City.
"To Philip Son of Caffander he ſaid, I wonder your eyes do not
the pipe of your nofe coming fo directly upon
make mufick
them.
>
To prove that riches are not to be lov'd and admir'd-hee in-
ftanced Callias, a rich Athenian, and Ifmenias a Theban; theſe
faith he, uſe the ſame things, as Socrates and Epaminondas.
* He ſaid we muſt not loye ftrångers, to the end we may make
tryall of them, but make tryall of them to the end we may love
them.
h
He ſaid the Soul paid a dear rent for her habitation in the
body.
He ſaid Falfhood raiſed from Calumny and Envy, endu-
reth a little while, but foon perifheth.
k
* Seeing a young man bluſh, be of good comfort faith he,that is
the complexion of Vertue.
He uſed to ſay, ftand in awe of thy ſelf, and thou shalt not be
afhamed before other.
m He ſaid the good need but few Laws, for things are not ac-
commodated to Laws, but, Laws to things.
"The envious are more unhappy then others in this reſpect,
that they are troubled not only at their misfortunes, but alſo at
the good fortunes of others.
•Being demanded what preſerved humane life, he ſaid, bene-
ficence, reward, and puniſhment.
P He ſaid, Honours are to be acquired, not by converſation
and favour, but by action.
9 Being demanded what Love is, he anſwered, the paffion of
an idle foul.
* He ſaid a woman ought not to be feen her felf, nor behold o-
thers richly attired, for both are inticements to diſhoneſty.
f He faid, Love is an exceffive defire of fomthing irrational,the
entrance thereof eafie, the difingagement difficult.
CHAP.
THEOPHRASTUS.
103
CHAP. IV
His Will and Death.
B
a
His Will is thus delivered by Laertius.
E all well; but if any thing happen otherwiſe, thus we
give order. All thofe goods which belong to the Houſe,
I bequeath to Melantes and Pancreon Sonnes of
Leo; Thofe which are fet apart for Hipparchus, I will be
thus difpofed. First, that the study and Ornaments belong-
ing thereunto be perfected, and if any thing may be added
more to beautifie them, that it be done. Next, that the ftatue
of Ariftotle be fet up in the Temple, and the other Ďona-
ries which were before in the Temple. Moreover that the
little walk which is near the School be built new not worse
then it was before, and that the Maps of the World be pla-
ced in the lower Walk. That an Altar likewife be built,
wanting nothing of perfection and fplendor. I will that the
Statue of Nicomachus as big as the life be finished; it is in
Praxiteles's hands; let him go on with it. Let it be placed
where foever they shall think good, who have the difpofall
of the rest, and are named in my Will. Thus much for the
Temple and Donaries. My Land at Stagira I bequeath to
Callinus, all my Books to Neleus. The Garden and Walk,
and all the houſes belonging to the Garden I bequeath to my
Friends hereafter named, that they may exerciſe themſelves
and ſtudy Philoſophy therein, for men cannot alwaies be a-
broad. But with condition, that they do not alienate it, nor
pretend any propriety thereto,but efteemit a thing facred in
common poffeffion, making use of all things therein as be-
cometh just and loving Friends. The perfons to whom I wil
that this be in common, are, Hipparchus, Neleus, Strato,
Callinus, Demotimus, Demaratus, Callifthenes, Me-
lantes, Pancreon, and Nicippus, Let alſo Ariſtotle, forne
of Midias and Pythias, if he defire to ftudy Philofophy,
(aoo)
partake
a Laert.
104
THEOPHRASTUS.
partake likewise of the fame priviledge, and let the moft an-
tient of the Overſeers take great care of him, that he be in-
fructed as well as is poffible in Philofophy. Let us be buri-
ed in that part of the Garden, which they ſhall think moſt
convenient, not erecting a Monument, or any thing that is
Sumptuous over our Graves. Thus let all things be ordered
according as is faid; the Temple, Monument, Garden, and
walk repaired; let Pompylus, who dwelleth in them, take
charge of them, and of other things as he did heretofore,
for whofe pains therein, let the Poffeffors thereof confider
him. As for Pompylus and Threpta, who have been
long fince manumitted, and done us good fervice, if there be
any thing which we have bestowed upon them, or they them-
felves have required, as alfo the 2000 Drachmes which I
appointed to be given to them and Hipparchus, let them
firmly poffefs it all,as Ihave often expreffed toMelantes,&
Pancreon, who affented thereunto. Moreover I bestow on
them Somatales and the Girle. Of my fervants, I manumit
Molon, and Cimon, and Parmenon; as for Manes and
Callias, when they fhall have lived four years in the Gar-
dens, difcharging their Office unblamably, I will they be fet
at liberty. Of the Domeftick Utenfills, let the Overfeers
beſtow on Pompylus as many as they think fit, and fell the
reft. To Demotimus I give Cario, to Neleus, Donax; let
Eubius be fold. Let Hipparchus give to Calliņus 3000
drachms. And for Melantes & Pancreon,if we did not look
upon Hipparchus, as having heretofore been very beneficial
to us, and now quite ſhipwrack'd in his Fortunes, wee
fhould have appointed him a joint-estate with Melantes
and Pancreon. But becauſe I conceive it were not eaſie for
them to be joined in the ordering of one Family with him,and
that it would be more to their advantage to receive fomthing
certain from Hipparchus, for these reasons, let Hippar-
chus give to each of them, Melantes and Pancreon, a Ta-
lent. Let him likewife duly furnish the Overfeers with all
charges neceffary for the performance of the forementioned
works ;
THEOPHRASTUS.
105
works; which done, let Hipparchus be free and difcharged
from all debts and Covenants to me. If any benefit come to
Hipparchus from Chalcis on my behalf,let him wholly enjoy
it as his own. Be thefe the Overfeers of thofe things con-
tained in my Will; Hipparchus, Neleus, Strabo, Calli-
nus, Demotimus, Callifthenes, Cteſarchus.
Copies of the will of Theophraftus, figned with his Ring, are kept ;
the first by Hegefias fon of Hipparchus. witneffes, Callippus a Pela-
nean, Philomelus, an Euonymean; Lyfander an Hybean; Philion,
an Alopecian. The fecond Olympiodorus bath attested by the fame
perfons. The third is in the hands of Adimantus, delivered to his
fon Androfthenes. witneffes, Aimneftus, fon of Cleobulus; Lyfi-
ftratus fon of Phidion, a Thufian; Strato, fon of Arcefilaus, a Lamp-
facene; Thefippus, fon of Thefippus, of the Potters ftreet; Diofcoris
des, fon of Dionyfius, an Epicephifian. Thus (faith Laertius) was
his Will.
He died old, having lived eighty five years, his fpirits being Laert.
wafted, as Suidas affirmes, with continuall writing; and, upon
the marriage of one of his Difciples, giving himfelfe fome inter-
miffion and reft, it occafion'd his end.
2
As he lay upon his death-bed, *Cicero faith, He blamed Nature * Tuſcul, lib. 4.
for giving Harts and Crowes fo long life that could do no good therely.
andto Man, who could do most good, fo fhort; whereas if man had been
allowed longer time, his life might have been adorned with the perfe-
&tion of arts and learning. Thus he complained, that affoon as he
came within the view of theſe, he was taken away.
His Diſciples came to him, and asked him if he had any Laert-
thing to fay to them; Nothing, faith he, but that the life of man
lofeth many pleasures only for glory. When we begin to live, then we die;
nothing is more unprofitable then the defire of glory. But be happy, and
either give over study, for it is very laborious, or go perfeverantly
through it, for it is of great glory. The vanity of life is much greater
then the benefit thereof. But, I have not time to advise you what to do;
do you confider at leifure what is best for you: In faying which words
he expired. The whole people of Athens followed his body on
foot to thegrave,
CHAP. V.
His writings.
HE
E left many writings, whereof, faith Laertius, becauſe they
are full of all kinde of learning, I thought good to give this
Catalogue.
(000 2)
First,
106
THEOPHRASTUS.
First Analyticks 3.
Latter Analyticks 7.
Of the Analysis of Syllogifms, 1.
Epitome of Analyticks 1.
Places of Deduction 2.
Agoniflicks, concerning the Theory of Eriftick argu-
ments.
Of the Senfes 1.
To Anaxagoras 1.
Of Anaxagoras 1.
Of Anaximenes 1.
Of Archelaus 1.
Of falt, nitre, allom 1.
Of Combustibles; or, as the other Edition, of things
that may be petrified 2.
Of indivifible lines 1.
Of Aufcultation 2.
of winds 1.
The differences of Vertue 1.
Of a Kingdome 1.
Of the Difcipline of a King 1.
of Lives 3.
of old age 1.
Of the Aftrology of Democritus 1.
Of Sublime things 1.
of Apparitions 1.
Of humor, colour, flesh 1.
Of the Defcription of the world 1.
of Man I.
A collection of the Doctrines of Diogenes 1.
of Definitions 3.
Erotick I.
Another of Love I.
Of Felicity 1.
Of Species 2.
Of the Epilepfie 1.
of Divine inspiration 1.
Of Empedocles 1.
Epichirems 18.
Inftances 3.
of Voluntary I.
Epitome of Plato's Commonwealth 2.
}
Of the diverfity of voice in Creatures of the fame kinde 1.
Of Subitaneous apparitions 1.
Of biting and blowes I.
Of Animals that are faid to have wisdome 7.
Of those which dwell in dry places 1.
of
THEOPHRASTUS.
107
Of thofe which change colour 1.
Of those which dwell in caves 1.
Of Animals 7.
Of Pleasure according to Ariſtotle 1.
Of Pleasure, another, I.
Thefes 24.
Of hot and cold 1.
Of dizzineſſe
of Sweat 1.
and dimneſſe 1.
Of Affirmation and Negation 1.
Callifthenes, or of Griefe 1.
Of Labours 1.
of Motion 3.
of Stones 1.
Of Pestilence 1.
Of Fainting 1.
Megarick I.
Of Melancholy 1.
Of Metals 1.
Of Honey I.
Of the collections of Metrodorus 1.
Sublime difcourfes 2.
of Drunkenneſſe 1.
Of Lawes alphabetically 24.
Epitome of Lawes 10.
To Definitions 1.
of Odors I.
Of wine and Oyle.
First propofitions, 18.
Legiſlative 3.
Politicks 6.
Politick according to feverall occafions 4.
Politick Customes 4.
Of the best Commonwealth 1.
Collection of Problems 5•
Of Proverbs 1.
Of Congelation and Liquefaction .
of Fire 2.
of winds 1.
Of the Palfey 1.
I.
of Suffocation 1.
Of Madneſſe 1.
Of Paffions 1.
Of Signes 1.
Sophifmes 2.
Of the folution of Syllogifms t:
Topicks 2.
of
108
THEOPHRASTUS.
>
Of punishment 2.
Of Haire 1.
OfTyranny
Of Water 3.
1.
Offleep and dreams 1.
of friendship 3.
Of Ambition 2.
of Nature 3.
Of Phyfick 17.
Of the Epitome of Phyficks, 2.
Phyficks 8.
To Naturall Philofophers 1.
Of Naturall Hiftories 10.
of Naturall Caufes 8.
of Chyles 5.
Offalfe Pleaſure 1. À
Of the Soul 1. Thefis.
Of undoubted Faith 1.
Of fimple dubitations 1.
Harmonicks 1.
of Vertue, I.
Occafions or Contradictions 1.
of Sentence 1.
Of Ridiculous I.
Meridians 2.
Divifions 2.
Of Differences 1.
Of Injuries 1.
Of Calumny I.
Of praiſe 1.
Of Experience 1.
Epiftles 3.
Of cafuall Animals 1.
Of Selection 1.
Encomiums of the Gods 1.
of Festivals 1.
Of Prosperity 1.
Of Enthymemes 1.
Of inventions 2.
Morall difputes 1.
Morall defcriptions 1.
Of Tumult 1.
Of History 1.
Of the judgment of Syllogifmes 1.
of flattery 1.
Of the Sea 1.
To Caffander, of a Kingdome 1.
of
THEOPHRASTUS
109
Of Comedy 1.
Of Meteors 1.
of Speech 1.
Collection of words 1.
Solutions I.
Of Mufick 3.
1.
Of Meteors I.
Megacles
Of Laws I.
Of things contrary to Law 1.
A Collection of the Doctrines of Xenocrates 1.
Confabulations
Of an Oath 1.
I.
Rhetorical Precepts 1.
Of riches 1.
Of Poefy I.
Problems, Politick, Ethick, Phyfick, Ero;ick 1.
Proverbs 1.
Collection of Problems 1.
Of Phyficall Problems 1.
Of Example 1.
Of Propofition and Narration 1.
Of Poesy, another,.
Of the wife men 1.
Of Advice 1.
Of Solacifmes 1.
Of the Art of Rhetorick 1.
of Rhetoricall Arts, 71 kinds.
Of Hypocrify 1.
Ariftotelick, or Theophraftick Commentaries 6.
Naturall Sentences 16.
Epitome of Phyficks 1.
Of Gratitude 1.
Ethick-Characters
Of Falfhood and Truth 1.
Of the Hiftory of Divinity 6.
of the Gods 3.
Geometricall Hiftories 4.
Epitome of Ariftotle, concerning Animals 6:
Epichirems 2.
Thefes 3.
Of a Kingdom 2.
Of Caufes 1.
Of Democritus r.
of Calumny 1.
of Generation.
Of the Prudence and Manners of Animals 1.
of
110
THEOPHRASTVS.
of Motion 2.
of Sight 4.
To definitions 2.
Of being Given I.
of Greater and Leffer I,
Of Mufick 1.
Of the divine Beatitude 1.
To thofe of the Academy 1.
Protreptick 1.
}
How a City may be beft inhabited 1.
Commentaries 1.
Of the fiery ebullition in Sicily 1.
Of Things granted 1.
Of the waies of Knowing 1.
Of the Lying Argument 3.
Ante-Topick 1.
To Æfchylus 1.
Aftrological History 6.
Arithmeticall Hiftories of Encreafe 1.
Acicharus I.
Of Judicial Orations 1.
Epistles concerning Aftycreon to Phanias and Nicanor.
Of Piety I.
Euias I.
Of opportunities 2.
of feaſonable difcourfes 1.
Of the Inftitution of Children 1.
Another, different 1.
Of Inftitution, or, of Vertues,or, of Temperance 1.
Protreptick 1.
Of numbers 1.
Definitions of Syllogiftick Speech 1.
Of Heaven 1.
Politick 2.
Of Nature 1.
of Fruits and Animals. All which,ſaith Laertius,amount
to 1182. Divifions. Thefe Books, as Theophraftus had orderèd in
his Wil were delivered to Neleus. What afterwards became of
them, hath been related in the life of Ariſtotle
1
STRA-
1
STRATO.
S
b
CHAP.1.
His Life.
d
C
e
Suid.
c
e Laert.
Trato was fucceffour to Theophrastus. He was of a Laert.
6 Lampfacum, his Father Arcefilaus, or, asb cicer. Laers.
fome, Arcefius, mentioned in his Will. He Laert. Suid.
was a person of great worth, eminent faith Laer- & Suid.
tius, in all kinds of Philofophy, but especially in
that which is called Phyfick, the most antient and
folid part, wherein he introduced many things f cic.de finib.5.
new, diffenting not only from Plato, but from his Mafter Arifto- g Plut, adv.
tle. From his excellency herein he was called the Naturall Philo- Nat. Colot.
fopher: He prefcribed all divine power to Nature. Ethick hee deor.
touched but little. He took upon him the government of the icic. de Nat.
School, according to Apollodorus, in the [ third year of the ] 123ddor. 1. Laert.
Olympiad,and continued therein 18. years. He inftructed Ptolomy 1 Laert.
the fon of Philadelphus, who bestowed 80 Talents upon him.
180
T
CHAP. ÌÍ.
His Will and Death.
k
His Will,faith Laertius, was to this effect.
Hus I order,against the time that I ſhall die. All thoſe
things which are in my house I bequeath to Lampyri-
on and Arcefilaus. Out of the money which I have at
Athens, let my Executors first defray the charges of my
Funeral, and the folemn rites after my enterrement, doing
nothing fuperfluously,nor niggardly. The Executors of thefe
things I appoint in my Will be thefe; Olympicus, Arifti-
des, Mnefigenes, Hippocrates, Epicrates, Gorgylus,
(PPP)
Di-
h Cic. de. Nat.
k Cic.de finib.s
112
STRATO.
2
Diocles, Lyco, Athanes. I leave the School to Lyco, for
the rest are either too old, or otherwise employed. All the reft
fball do well if they confirm this choice that I have made. I
bequeath likewiſe all my Books unto him,except thoſe which
are written by our own hand, befides all Uten fills, Carpets,
and Cups for Feafting. Let the Executors give 500.
Drachmes to Epicrates and one of the fervants, which
Arcefilaus fball think good. Let Lampyrion and Arcefi-
laus diſcharge all the debts, which Daippus undertook for
Hiræus. Let nothing be owing either to Lampyrion or to
the heirs of Lampyrion,but let him be diſcharged of all,
and the Executors bestow on him 500. Drachmes, and one
of the fervants, as Arcefilaus fhall think good;that having
taken much paines with us, he may have fufficient for food
and rayment. I manumit Diophantus, and Diocles, and
Abus, I give Simmias to Arcefilaus. Imanumit Dromo.
When Arcefilaus ſhall come, let Hiræus with Olympicus
and Epicrates, and the rest of the Executors caft up the
Accounts of the charges of my Funerall and other things;
whatſoever is over and above, let Arcefilaus take it of O.
lympicus, not preffing him upon the day of payment. Let
Arcefilaus difcharge the Covenants which Strato made
with Olympicus, and Aminias, which are in the hands of
Philocrates Son of Tifamenus. As for my Tombe, let it be
ordered as Arcefilaus, and Olympicus, and Lyco fball
think good.
This was his will, preferved by Arifto the Chian. He was of fo
thin and low a conftitution,that he felt not any pain at his death.
Of this name Laertius reckons eight.
The first a Difciple of Ifocrates.
The fecond, this Philofopher.
The third a Phyfician,Difciple of Erafiflratus.
The Fourth an Hiftorian, who wrote the Wars of Philip and
Perfaus with the Romanes,
The fift, is wanting.
The fixt,an Epigrammatick Poet.
The feventh, an antient Phyfician.
The eighth, a Peripatetick, who lived at Alexandria.
CHAP.
STRATO.
"13
CHAP. III.
His Writings.
Widas faith, he wrote many Books: Laertius gives this Cata-
logue of them.
Subid
Of a Kingdom 3.
of Justice 3.
Of Good 3.
Of God 3.
of Principles 3.
Of Lives.
Of Felicity.
of Philofophy.
of Fortitude.
of Vacuum.
of Heaven.
Of Breath.
Of humane Nature.
Of the generation of Animals.
of mixtion.
of sleep.
of Dreams.
Of Sight.
of Senfe.
Of Pleasure.
of Colours.
Of Difeafes.
Of Judgements.
Of Faculties.
Of Metallick Machines:
Of Hunger and Offufcation.
Of Light and Heavy.
Of divine inspiration.
of Time.
of Aliment and augmentation.
of uncertain Animals.
Offabulous Animals.
of Caufes.
Solutions of Questions.
1
(ppp 2)
Pro-
$14
STRAT Q.
Froems of Places.
Of Accident.
Of More and leffe.
of unjust.
of Priority and Pofteriority,
Of Priority of Genus.
Of Proprium.
Of Future.
Confutations of Inventions.
Commentaries,which are fufpected.
Epiftles; beginning thus, Strato to Arfinoe, Health:
LYCO.
E
115
LYCO.
CHAP. I.
His Life.
Trato, faith Laertius was ſucceeded by Lyco,
Son of Aftyanax of Troas, an eloquent per-
fon, and excellent for the education of
Children. He heard alfo Panthœdus the
Dialectick.
He ſaid, that as Horfes need both bridle
fpur,fo in Children there must joined both
modeſty and ambition. Of his florid ex-
preffion is alledged this inftance. Of a poor
Maid hee faid, Βαρὺ γὰρ φορτίον πατρὶ κόρη διὰ σπάνιν προκὸς ἐκτρέχουσα τὸν
ἀκμαῖον τῆς ἡλικίας καιρόν, A maid is a heavy burden to her Parent when The
outruns the flowry feafon of her youth for want of a dower. Whence An-
tigonus faid of him, that as the fragrancy and pleaſantneſſe of an
excellent apple will not admit Tranfplantation; fo whatſoever
he faid was to be heard only from himſelf. For this fweetneffe of
diſcourſe ſome added the letter to his name, calling him faxe,
which implyeth ſweetneffe: fo* Plutarch.
•
In ſtile he was very different from himſelf.
Upon thoſe who were forry they had not learned when time
was, and wiſhed it might be recalled, he jeſted thus. He ſaid,
that they who endeavoured to make amends by a late penitence
for their paft negligence, were confcious of the impoffibility of
their wishes; and of thofe that fought to bring it to paffe, he faid,
they had loft all reafon, in applying the nature of a ſtraight line
to a crooked ruler, or beholding their face in troubled water, or
a confuſed mirrour.
He ſaid,that to the wreath of publick games in the Forum, ma-
ny afpired; to the Olympick, few or none.
He many times by his Counſell much advantaged the Athe-
nians.
In his garments he affected neatneffe fo much, that, as Her-
mippus faith, he wore an upper garment very precious and fine.
ان
He
* De exfulio.
116
LTCO.
He was very expert in all exerciſes, active and well made for
a Wreſtler, being thin-ear'd and well fet, as Antigonus Caryftius
affirmeth: Whence in his own Country he practifed the Elean
Games, and played at Ball.
He was intimate with Eumenus and Attalus beyond all men,
who fupply'd him with many things. Antiochus alſo would have
had him lived with him, but could not get him.
He was fo great an enemy to Hieronymus the Peripatetick, that
upon a folemn day (of which already in the life of Arcejilaus)
he only forbore to come to him.
He compared Orators to Frogs; theſe, faith he, croak in the
water, thoſe by the water of an houre-glaffe.
He was Maſter of the School forty years, fucceeding Strato in
the hundred twenty ſeventh Olympiad; as he had given order by
his Will.
CHAP. II.
His Will and Death.
Laertius produceth a Will of his to this effect.
T
HUS I difpofe of my eftate, if I shall not recover
of this fickneffe. All that is in my house I bequeath to
the Brethren, Aftyanax and Lyco, out of which is to
be paid whatſoever I owe at Athens to any man, as alſo the
charges of my Funerall and Exequies. What is in the City
and Ægina, I bestow upon Lyco, becauſe he is of our
name, and bath lived long with us, to our great content, as
one that deferved the place of a Son. The Peripatum Ileave
to thoſe friends that will make uſe of it, as Bulo, Callinus,
Arifto, Amphio, Lyco, Pytho, Ariftomachus, Heracli
us, Lycomedes, Lyco my Kinfman. Let them put him in
that place who they conceive will perfevere in it, and dif-
charge it beft, which let the rest of my friends confirm for my
fake and the places.My Funerall and the burning of my Body
be fo ordered by Bulo and Callinus, that it be not prodigall
nor niggardly. Out of my eſtate at Ægina, let Lyco after my
death give to the young men as much Oyle as ſhall ſerve their
turnes that hereby the memory of me and him that honours
* For VVraft-me may be justly preferved. Let them fet up my * Statue,
ling and other
Exerciſes.
,
and
LT CO.
117
and choose a fit place for the fetting up of it, wherein let Dio-
phantus and Heraclides, fon of Demetrius affift them.
Out of my Rents in the City, let Lyco pay all that I have
named after his departure; in the next place let Buio and
Callinus and the expenſes of my funerall be diſcharged.
Let that houfbold stuffe be taken away which I have left as
common betwixt them. Let likewife the Phyſicians Pàfithe.
mis and Midas be honoured and rewarded for their care of
me, and for their skill. To the fon of Callinus I leave a couple
of Thericlean Pots, and to his Wife, a couple of Goblets,
and a fine Carpet, and a fhaggy Carpet, and a Coverlet, and
two Couch beds, the best that are left, that we may not ſeem
unmindfull of their due refpect towards us. As for those
that ferved me, I order thus: Demetrius, who hath been
long a Free man, I forgive the price of his redemption, and
bestow upon him five Mina, and a Cloak and a Coat; and,
as having undergone many labours with me, let him be de-
cently ſupplyed with neceffaries. Crito, the Chalcidonian,
I forgive the price of his redemption, and bestow further on
him foure Mine Micrus alfo I manumit, whom let Lyco
bring up, and fix years hence let him inftru&t him. In like
manner I manumit Charès, whom let Lyco alfo bring up;
I give him two Mine, and my bookes, that have been
published: The reft that have not been publiſhed, let them be
given to Callinus, and let him take diligent care for the
publiſhing of them. To Syrus the Free-man I give foure
Mine, and Menodora, and if he owe me any thing, I for-
give it him. To Hilara I give five Mina, a shaggy Cover-
let, two Couch-beds, a Carpet, and which bed he ſhall
chooſe. I manumit likewife the Mother of Micrus, and Noe-
mones, and Dion, and Theon, and Euphranor, and
Hermias; as alfo Agatho, after be bath ſerved two years
more; as alfo Ophelio and Foffidonius, the bearers of my
Litter, after they have ſerved four years more, I will that
they be fet at liberty. I give moreover to Demetrius, Crito,
and Syrus, to each a Bed and Coverlet, fuch as Lyco fball
think fit. This I beſtow on them, for as much as they have
express'd
1
118
LYCO.
express'd themſelves faithfull in the performance of fuch
things as were committed to their charge. As for my buriall,
whether Lyco will have it here or at home, let it be as he
will; for I perfwade my felfe, he will do what is fitting no
leffe then if I had done it my felfe When he ſhall have faith-
fully performed theſe things, let the bequests of my Will re-
main firm. Witneffes, Callinus, an Hermionean, Ariſtò,
the Chian, Euphronius, a Pœaniean.
Thus, faith Laertius, having wifely managed all things ap-
pertaining to Learning and Humanity, his prudence and dili-
gence extended even to the making of his Will; ſo that in that
reſpect alſo he deferveth ftudiouſly to be imitated.
He died 74 years old of the Gout.
There were foure of this name.
The first, a Pythagorean, mentioned in the life of Aristotle.
The fecond, this Peripatetick.
The third, an Epick Poet.
The fourth, an Epigrammatick Poet.
DEME-
119
ARISTO.
a
,
Rifto fucceeded Lyco. He was of the Ifland ª Ceos a Strab.lib. 10°
famous for a Law, that whofoever exceeded
60. years of age fhould be put to death, that
there might be no want of Proviſion for thoſe
that were more ferviceable. In former time
faith Strabo, it had four Citries, now there re-
main but two, Julis and Carthaa, into which
the reſt were transferr'd Preeffa into Carthaa, Careffus into Julis.
In Iulis Arifto was born. He was an Auditor of Lyco, and fuccee-
ded him in the Government of the Peripatetick School, as Cicero,
Plutarch, and Clemens Alexandrinus affirm.
He was a great imitator of Bion the Boriftenite. Cicero faith, hee
was neat and elegant. He wrote a Treatife of Nilus, cited by Stra-
bo, and Amatory Similies, frequently cited by Athenæus.
In the fecond Book of his Amatory Similies, he faith, that Pole-b Athen. deip.
mo the Academick adviſed to provide fuch entertainment at Feaſts,
as ſhould be pleaſant not only at the prefent, but alfo on the mor-
row.
C
10.
In the fame Book of his Amatory Similies, of an Athenian c Athen. deipn.
well in years, named Dorus, who would be thought handſom, he 12.
apply'd the words of Ulyffes to Dolo,
Rich prefents fure may lead away,
And thy too eafie Soul betray.
In the ſecond of his Amatory Similies, he faith, the antients firft d Deipn.lib.1.
bound their heads, conceiving it good againſt the pain cauſed by
the vapours of the wine;afterwards for more ornament they uſed
Garlands.
Laertius upon the teſtimony of Panatius and Soficrates affirmeth,
that all the writings afcribed to Arifto of Chios the Stoick (except
the Epiſtles) belong to Arifto the Peripatetick, their Titles, thefe,
Protrepticks 2.
of Zeno's Doctrine: Scholaftick Dialogues 6.
of wisdom, Differtations 7.
(91)
Erotick
120
CRITOLAVS.
}
a Lib. 16.
b Sext. Emper.
CRE
Erotick Differtations.
Commentaries upon vain-glory.
Commentaries 15.
Memorialls 3.
Chrya's 11.
Against Orators.
Against Alexinus's oppofitions.
To the Diale&icks 3.
To Cleanthes, Epiftles 4.
CRITOLAUS
a
Ritolaus was, according to Plutarch, of Phafelis, an eminent
Sea-Town of Lycia, deſcribed by Strabo to have three Ha-
vens, and a Lake belonging to it. He was an Auditor of Arifto,and
fucceeded him in the School, as Cicero, Plutarch, and Clemens A-
lexandrinus affirm.
Hee went to Rome on an Embaffy from the Athenians in the
534th year, from the building of the City, which falleth upon
2 year of the 140th Olympiad.
He condemned Rhetorick,as being uſed rather as an Artifice,
then an Art.
*
D
DIODORUS
Iodorus was Difciple to Crito aus, and fucceeded him in the
School, as is manifeft from Clemens Alexandrinus, who adds,
that in his affertion concerning our chief end, he joyned Indolence
with honesty.He is mention'd by Ciceroshow long he taught,or who
fucceeded him is unknown. Thus far we have an unintermitted
account of the Peripatetick School.
FINIS.
1
THE
}
HISTORY
f
OF
PHILOSOPHY.
The Seventh Part,
Containing the Cynick Philofophers.
1
TORDABILO,
LONDON.
Printed for Humphrey Mofeley, and Thomas Dring:
An. Dom. 1656:
ANTISTHENES.
1
I
ANTISTHENES
a
CHAP. I.
His Life.
2 Laert.
He Cyricks are derived from Antifthenes,Diſciple
of Socrates, who,being moft pleafed with thoſe
diſcourſes of his Maſter, which treated of To-
lerance and Laboriouineffe, inftituted this
Sect. He was born at Athens, his Father an
Athenian named Antifthenes alfos his Mother
a Thracian, or, as Plutarch, a Phrygian, in whoſe
defence, to thoſe who reproached him that he was a Forreigner,
he anſwer'd Cibele the Mother of the Gods was a Phrygian.He likewife
derided the Athenians for boäfting of their being Natives, faying,
they were nothing more noble then fnailes and Locufts. b Neither
did Socrates the leffe efteem him; but on the contrary,hearing that socr.
he had behav'd himſelf valiantly at the Fight at Tanagra, he faid
of him, I knew two Parents both Athenians could not beget fo excellent
a Perfon. He first heard Gorgias the Orator, whence his Dialogues
are written in a Rhetoricall ftile, confifting chiefly in verity and
exhortation. Hermippus faith, at the Iftmian meeting, he uſed to
make Orations in praife and difpraife of the Athenians, Thebans
and Lacedemonians, before all the affembly; But feeing many of
the Citizens come thither he refrained.
Next he applyed himſelf to Socrates, and profited fo much ùn-
der him,that he counfelled his Scholers,to become his fellow-dif-
ciples under that Maſter. He lived in the Pireum, and went every
day 40. Stadia, to hear Socrates.
b Laerte vis,
He affected even whilft he was Difciple to Socrates to go in poor
habit,and once having turned the torn part of his garment outer- Laert. Elis
moft, Socrates ſpying it, faid, I fee vain-glory through a hole; or, as
Alian, do you uſe this oftentation before us alfo?
A
d
Upon the death of Socrates he was the occafion of banishment & Laert,
to Anytus, and of death to Melitus; for Melitus meeting with fome
young men of Pontus, invited to Athens by the fame of Socrates, he
brought them to Anytu, telling them he was wifer then Socrates
whereupon the ftanders by in indignation, turned them both out
of the Citty; of which already in the life of Socrates.
Aaaa 2
CHAP
2
ANTISTHENES.
a Laert.
Suid.
o'Laert.
& Laert.
e Lib. 9. c.5.
2
CHA P. II.
His inftitution of a Sect.
Ocrates being dead, of whom he learned tolerance and
Socra
b
apa-
thy, he made choice of Cynofarges, a Gymnafium at Athens
juft without the gates,as of the fitteft place in which he might dif-
courfe of Philofophy. It was fo called upon this occafion. Didy-
mus the Athenian facrificing in his own houfe, a white dog that
was by, ſnatcht the Victim, and running away with it, laid it
down in another place; Didymus much troubled thereat, confult-
ed the Oracle, which enjoined him to erect a Temple in that
place where the Dog had laid down the Victim, and to dedicate
it to Hercules, which was called Cynofarges, • xuvòs d'pye vaós, The Tem-`
ple of the white Dog. Hence Antisthenes & his followers were call-
ed Cynicks, and, by thoſe that diſapproved their inftitution, Dogs ;
Antisthenes himſelf being termed Aver, the fincere Dog.
C
i
He firſt doubled his old fordid Cloak, and wore it alone[with-
out a Coat ] as Diocles affirmeth; he carried likewife a ſtaffe and
fatchell. Neanthes faith, he firſt uſed a fingle Cloak. Soficrates in
the third of his Succeffions, faith, Diodorus the Afpendian wore a
long beard, and carried a ſtaffe and Wallet.
?
His affertions were thefe, that Vertue may be acquired by teach-
ing; that those perfons are noble, who are Vertuous; That Vertue was ſelf-
Sufficient to Felicity, not needing any thing but a Socratick Courage;
That Vertue confifteth in Actions not requiring many words nor much
learning, and is ſelf-ſufficient to wisdom, for all other things have a re-
ference thereto; That infamy is good and equall to labour, and that a
wife man ought not to govern the Commonwealth according to the Laws in
force, but according to Vertue; That a wife man,
to have iffue, may
make choice of beautifull women, and love, for a wife man only knoweth
what ought to be loved.
aſſiſtance
Diocles addeth thefe; That nothing is new to a wife man; That a
good man deferveth love, that vertuous perfons are friends; that wee
ought to get affiftance in War, valiant and juft; that vertue is an Ar-
mour never can be taken from us ; That it is better with fome few
good men to oppose all the wicked, then with many wicked men to contend
with few good; Obferve your Enemies, for they firft find out your faults;
Efteem a just man more then a neighbours The fame vertue belongeth to
man and to woman; those things are good which are honeft,ill which are
difboneft; All things efteem ftrange, wisdom is the fafeft fortification, for
it wil neither fall away,nor can be betray'd; In thefe inexpugnable things
we ought to build Forts, by meditation.
e
Agellius faith, he esteemed Pleafure the greatest ill, whence hee
uſed to ſay, I had rather be mad, then be addicted to pleaſure.
f As
ANT ISTHENES.
3
Menedem.
£ As to the opinion of the Cynicks in generall (not efteeming f Laert.vit.
them, faith Laertius, a meer form and inftitution of life, but a
true Sect of Philoſophy) they were theſe.
They took away, with Arifto the Chian, Dialectick and Phyſick,
and only admitted Ethick; whence, what fome faid of Socrates
Diocles applyed to Diogenes, affirming he uſed the fame expreffions,
that we ought to enquire,
what good and ill
Our houfes fill.
They likewiſe reject the liberall Sciences, whence Antisthenes
faid, thoſe who have acquired Temperance, ought not to ftudy
any learning, left by other things they be diverted. Geometry like-
wife, Mufick, and the like, they wholly took away. Whence
Diogenes, to one that fhew'd him a Watch, It is an excellent inven-
tion, faith he, against fupping too late. And to one that entertain'd
him with Mufick;
Wisdome the greatest Citties doth protect;
But Mufick cannot one poor houfe direct.
They likewiſe, as the Stoicks, affirmed to be happy to live ac-´
cording to Vertue, as Antifthenes, in his Hercules; for there is a
kinde of affinity betwixt theſe two Sects, whence the Stoicks af-
ferted Cyniſme to be the neereſt way to Vertue, and fo lived Zeno
the Cittiean,
Their diet was flender, their food only fuch as might fatisfie
Nature, their Cloakes fordid; they defpifed riches, glory, and
nobility: Some of them fed only on hearbs and cold water, living
under fuch ſhelters as they could finde, or in Tubbs, as Diogenes
did, who affirmed, it was proper to the Gods to want nothing,
and that thoſe who ſtand in need of feweſt things, come neereſt
to the Gods.
They held alſo, according to Antisthenes in his Hercules, that
Vertue may be acquired by Learning, and that it cannot be loft
that a wife man deferves to be loved, and never finneth, and is a
friend to fuch as are like him, and trufteth nothing to Fortune.
They took away with Arifto the Chian, all things between
Vertue and Vice.
·
CHAP
4
ANTISTHENES.
1
Laert.
Leg
CHAP. JII.
His Apophthegmes.
F his Apophthegmes are remembered theſe.
OF
He proved Labour to be good, by the examples of Her-
cules and Cyrus, one a Grecian, the other a Barbarian.
He first defined Speech thus, Speech is that which declareth that
which is or was.
To a young man of Pontus that came to be his Difciple, and
asked him what he muſt bring with him, he anſwered, Biße
xaavỡ, x, yeagálu xaivõ, xmvaniķis noves, a new Book, a new pen,
and a
new tablet, where the word xan is equivocall, and fignifieth
(divided aì v) wit.
To one, demanding what kinde of Wife he ſhould take; If a
fair one, faith he, she will be common; if foul, a torment.
Hearing that Plato ſpoke ill of him; it is King-like, faith he, to
do well, and be ill ſpoken of.
Being initiated into the Orphick folemnities, the Prieft telling
him, that they who were initiated into thofe rites, were made
partakers of many excellent things in the next world: why then,
faith he, do you not die?
i
To one that reproached him that both his Parents were not
free, Neither, faith he, were they both wraftlers, and yet I am a wrafiler.
Being demanded why he had few Diſciples, I beat them away,
faith he, with a filver staffe.
Being demanded why he rebuked his Diſciples ſo ſharply; So,
faith he, do Physicians the fick.
faith he,
Crowes
Seeing an Adulterer running away, Unhappy man,
how much danger might you have escaped for one halfe penny.
He ſaid according to Hecaton, It is letter to fall among
then flatterers; for thofe only devour the dead, thefe the living.
Being demanded what was moſt happy for man, he anſwered,
To die in profperity.
To a friend, complaining he had loft his notès; You ſhould have
writ them in your minde, faith he, and not in your book.
As rust confumeth iron, fo envy, faith he, confumeth the envious
man.
Those who would never die, faith be, must live piouſly and justly.
He faid, Citties were then periſhing, when they could not diflinguiſh
the good from the bad.
Being commended by fome wicked men; I am troubled, ſaith
he, to think what ill I have done.
He ſaid,the cohabitation of concording Brethren is firmer then
any wall.
He faid, we ought to carry fuch provifion along with us, as if
we
Laert. Stob.
CANTISTHENES.
5
we ſhould happen to be fhipwrack'd, we might ſwimme away
with.
per-
To thoſe who reproached him for converfing with wicked
fons; So do Phyſicians with the fick, faith he, yet are not fick them-
felves.
He faid, It is abfurd to feparate corn from the weeds, andin war to
reject the unferviceable perfon 3 yet, in a Common-wealth, not to extirpate
the wicked.
Being demanded what he had gain'd by Philoſophy,he an-
fwer'd, that I can converſe with my ſelfe.
At a Feaſt, to one that faid to him, Sing; he reply'd, Do you then
pipe.
Diogenes demanding a Coat, he bad him double his Cloak.
Being demanded what learning is moſt neceſſary; That, ſaith
he, which unlearneth ill.
He adviſed thoſe who were provoked by revilings, to bear it
with greater Fortitude, then if ftones were caft at them.
He derided Plato, as being proud, and ſeeing at a ſhow a horſe
going loftily, turning to Plato, Me thinks, faith he, you would have
acted the part of this horse very well. This he faid, becauſe Plato at
the fame time had commended the horſe.
Another time vifiting Plato, as he lay fick, and looking into the
bafin whereinto he had vomited, Ifee here, faith he, the choler, but
not the pride.
He adviſed the Athenians to love Affes as well as Horfes
which they conceiving abfurd; and yet, faith he, you chooſe
thoſe for Generalls, who know nothing, but how to ſtretch out
the hand.
To one that faid to him, many praiſe thee; why, faith he, what
ill have I done?
To one that demanded (as Phanias faith) what he fhould do
to be a good and an honeft man: if you learn, faith he, of knowing
perfons, that the vices which you have are to be avoided.
To one that praiſed a life full of delicacies; Let the fons of my
enemies, faith he, live delicatly.
To a young man, who defired his ftatue might be made hand-
fomer then himſelfe; Tell me, faith he, if the braffe it felfe could
ſpeak, what you think it would boaſt of; the other anſwer'd,
of its handfome figure: Are you not aſhamed then, replies he, to be
proud of the fame that an inanimate creature would be?
A young man of Pontus promifed to fupply him, as foon as his
ſhip came home laden with faltfiſh; hereupon he took him to a
meal-woman, and filling his fatchell departed; fhe calling to
him for mony: This young man, faith he, will pay you as foon as his
hip comes home.
Whenat any time he ſaw a woman richly dreſs'd,he went to her
houſe, and bad her husband bring out his horſe and armes, that
if
6
ANTISTHENES.
Stob.Ser. I.
Stob. Ser、 38.
* Ser. 44.
Ser. 50.
Ser. 53+
Ser. 87.
Ser. 117.
Ser. 148.
Ser. 171.
Ser. 212.
Plut.rep. Stoic.
if he were ſo provided, he might allow her thoſe freedomes, be-
ing better, able to juftifie the injuries it occafion'ds otherwife,
that he ſhould take off her rich habit.
He faid, Neither a feast is pleafant without company, nor riches with-
out Vertue.
He faid, Thofe pleasures which come not in at the dore, must not go
out by the dore, but by incifion or purging with Hellebor, or by * Star-
ring, fo to punish thofe furfeits which we have incurred for a short plea-
Sure.
He ſaid, whosoever feareth others is a flave, though he know it not
himfelfe.
He ſaid, No covetous man can be a good man, or a King, or a free-
man.
Being demanded what a feaſt is, he anſwered, The occafion of
Surfeits.
He faid, we ought to aim at fuch pleasures as follow labour, not at
those which go before labour.
He faid, Common Executioners are better then Tyrants; thoſe put on-
ly guilty men to death, Tyrants, the innocent.
He faid, we ought to wish our enemies all good things but Fortitude
for that they poſſeſſe would fall into the hands of the Victor, not the Owner.
Him that contradicteth, he ſaid, we must not again contradi&t, but
inftruits for a mad-man is not cured by anothers growing mad alſo.
He faid, A man should alwaies have in readineffe his wits or a rope.
Flat, vit. Lyc. Seeing the Thebans much exalted with their fucceffe at the
Luctrian fight, he ſaid, They were like boyes that triumph when they
have beaten their Mafters.
Plat. vit. Per.
To fome that commended a Piper; But, ſaith he, he is an ill man,
for elfe he would never have been fo good a Piper.
CHAP. IV.
His Writings.
Fhis Bookes faith Laertius, there are ten Tomes.
Ο
OF his
The first containeth theſe.
of Speech, or of Characters.
Ajax, of the Speech of Ajax.
Ulyffes, or of Ulyffes.
An apology for Öreſtes.
Of Lawyers.
Ifographe, or Defias, or Ifocrates.
Against Ifocrates's Audgrugor.
The fecond Tome.
of the Nature of Animals.
វ
ΟΙ
FANTISTHENES.
of Procreation of children, or of Marriage, Erotick.
Of Sophifts, Phyfiognomick.
Of Justice and Fortitude Protreptick 1,2, 3,
of Theognis.
of Good.
Of Fortitude.
of Law, or of Policy.
The third Tome.
Of Law, or of Fair and Ïuſt.
Of Freedom and Servitude.
of Faith.
Of a Guardian,or of Trufting.
Of Victory, Oeconomick.
Cyrus.
The fourth Tome,
Hercules the Greater, or of Strength.
The fift Tome.
Cyrus, or of a Kingdom.
Afpafia.
Truth.
The fixt Tome.
Of Differtation, Anti-logick.
Sathon, of Contradiction 3.
of Dialectick.
The feventh Tome:
`of Diſcipline,or of names, 5.
of dying.
of Life and Death:
Of things after death.
Of the use of names, or Eriftick:
Of Interrogation and answer.
Of Opinion and Science 4.
Of Nature 2.
Interrogation concerning Nature 2.
Opinions, or the Eriftick.
Problems concerning Learning.
The eighth Tome.
of Mufick.
Of Interpreters.
of Homer.
Of Injustice andimpiety.
Bbb bṛ
of
81
ANTISTHENES.
of Chalcas.
of the fpie.
Of Pleaſure.
The ninth Tome.
Of the Odyfeis.
of Minerva's wand, or of Telemachus, Helena, and Pe-
nelope.
of Proteus
The Cyclops, or of Ulyffes.
Of the use of wine, or of Drunkeneſſe, or of the Cyclops.
of Circe.
of Amphiaraus.
of Ulyffes and Penelope.
Of the Dog.
The tenth Tome.
Hercules, or Midas.
Hercules, or of Prudence, or of ftrength.
The Mafter, or Lover.
The Maſters, or Spies.
Menexenus, or of Ruling.
Alcibiades.
Archelaus, or of a Kingdom.
Theſe faith Laertius, were his writings,the great number where-
of Timon derides, calling him an ingenious Trifler.
There is alfo among the Socratick Epiftles one under his name
to this effect.
I
Antifthenes to Ariftippus.
T is not the part of a Philofopher to live with Tyrants, and to wast
time at Sicilian Feafts, but rather to be content with a little in his
own Country; but you efteem it the greatest excellence of a Vertuous per-
fon, to be able to acquire much wealth, and to have powerfull friends.
Riches are not good, neither if they were in themselves good, are they
fuch, being thus obtained,nor can a multitude of unlearned perfons, efpe-
cially Tyrants, be true friends. wherefore I would counfell you to leave
Syracufe and Sicily,but if, as fome report, you are in love with Plea-
fure, and aim at futh things, as befeem not wife perfons, go to Anticyra
and cure your felf by drinking Hellebore, for that is much better for
then the wine of Dionyfius; this caufetb madneſſe, that affwageth
it. So that as health and difcretion differ from fickneffe and folly, fo
you
much
ANTISTHENES.
9
much ſhall you be better then you are in theſe things which you now enjoy
Farewell.
The Anſwer to this Epiſtle, fee in the life of Ariſtippus.
H
CHAP. V.
His Death.
E died faith Laertius of fickneffe.As he lay on his death-bed,
Diogenes came to him and asked him if he wanted a friend.
Another time he came to him with a dagger; Antisthenes crying
out, who will free me from this pain, he fhewed him the dagger,
faying, This Jhall, Antisthenes reply'd, I fay from my pain, not from
my life
for he bore his fickneffe fomwhat impatiently through
;
love of life.
Theopompus commends him above all the Difciples of Socrates,
as being of fuch acute and ſweet diſcourſe,that he could lead any
man to what he would.
There were three more of this name, one a Heraclitean Philo-
fopher; the ſecond of Ephefus,the third of Rhodes a Hiftorian
Bbbb 2
DIO.
DIOGENES.
10
a Laert.
b Ælian. var.
2
CHAP. I..
His Country, Parents, Time, Banishment.
D
IOGENES was of Sinopis, a City of Pontus, his
Father named Icefius, or, as others, Icetes; by
profeffion a mony-changer.
He was born (as appears by computation
from his death, which was in the 90th year
of his age, in the first year of the 114th Olym-
piad, Hegefias being Archon) about the third
year of the 9ft Olympiad. Suidas faith, he was firſt called Cleon.
Diocles faith, his Father trading publickly in exchange of mo-
ny, was ſurpriſed, coining falfe mony, and thereupon Hed: But
Eubulides faith, Diogenes himſelfe did it, and fled together with
his Father; even Diogenes in his Podalus, acknowledgeth as much.
Some affirme, that being made overfeer, he was perfwaded by the
work-men to go to Delphi, or Delus, the Country of Apollo, to en-
quire of the Oracle if he ſhould do that whereto he was adviſed,
macyxaqdır vómque, which is of ambiguous fignification, implying,
to alter the courſe of life, and to coine falfe mony. The Oracle
affented: Diogenes not underſtanding it in the Civill ſenſe, betook
himſelfe to coyning, and being taken in the act, was banished, or,
as others fay, fled for fear. Some affirme, he adulterated the
mony he received from his Father, for which the Father was caſt
in priſon, and there dyed; the Son fled, and coming to Delphi,
enquired of the Oracle by what means he ſhould become emi-
nent, whereupon he received that anſwer.
b When he left his Country, one of his fervants followed him,
Hift. 13. 28. named Manes, who not enduring his converſation ran away
from him; fome perfwaded Diogenes to enquire after him, who
anfwer'd, Were it not a fhame, fince Manes doth not need Dioge-
nes, that Diogenes fhould need Manes. The fellow wandring up
and down came at laſt to Delphi, where he was torn in pieces by
doggs.
CHAP,
DIOGENES.
If
CO
a
CHAP. II.
How he lived at Athens.
Oming to Athens, faith Laertius, he apply'd himfelfe to An-
tifthenes, following the Cynicall Philofophy inftituted by
him. Antifthenes having invited many to hear him, and but a Ælian.vas.
few coming, at laft in anger would not fuffer any to come to Hift. 1o. 16.
him, and therefore bad Diogenes be gone alfo. Diogenes continuing
to come frequently, he chid and threatned him, and at laſt ſtruck
him with his ſtaffe: Diogenes would not go back, but perfifting ftill
in his deſire of hearing him, ſaid, Strike if you will, here is my
head 9
you cannot finde a staffe hard enough to drive me from you, untill you
bave inftructed me. Antifthenes overcome with his perfeverance,
admitted him, and made him his intimate friend. From that time ·
forward he heard him.
Some affirm, ſaith Laertius, he firſt wore a double Cloak, upon
which he uſed to lie [at night:] He likewife carried a wallet,
wherein was his meat. He made ufe of all places for all things,
dining, fleeping and difcourfing in any place, infomuch that
pointing to Jupiter's walke, and the Pompeum, two publick places
at Athens, he ſaid, the Athenians built them for his dwelling.
Falling once fick, he walked with a ſtaffe, which afterwards he
continually uſed, as likewiſe a wallet, not in the City, but when
he travelled. He wrote to one to build him a little houfe, which
the other not doing fo foon as he required, he made ufe of a Tub
in the Metroum to live in, as he declareth in his Epiftles. In Sum-
mer he uſed to roule in the burning Sand, in Winter, to embrace
ſtatues covered with Snow, accuftoming himſelfe continually to
fufferance. A Lacedæmonian feeing him in this poſture in the b Plutó
depth of Winter, asked him if he were not a-cold ; Diogenes ſaid,
he was not: What you do then, reply'd the other, is no great
matter.
b
At firſt he uſed to beg, of which there are many inftances: He
one time begged of a man thus, If you have given to others, give alſo
to me? ifto none, begin with me?
C
Another time he begged of a Statue, whereof being deman- c Laeri,
ded the reaſon, That I may the better, faith he, bear a refufall.
He requeſted ſomething of a covetous perfon, who delaying to
give; Man, faith he, I ask you šis rçógliw, not sis ráqlı, food, not a
grave.
He requested fomething of a perfon very obdurate, who an-
fwered yes, if you can perfwade me to it; Nay, replyed he, if I
were able to perfwade you to any thing, it ſhould have been to have hang'd
your felfe.
Of a Prodigall he begged a Minas the other asked why he
begged
ia
DIOGENES.
d Ælian. var.
begged a Mina of him, and of others but an Obolus: Becauſe, ſaith
he, I hope to receive of others again; but whether I shall ever have any
more of you, the Gods know.
Being reproach'd that Plato begged not, but he begged: Yes,
faith he, be beggeth too; but,
તેં
Clofe in your ear,
Left others hear.
Having received fome little mony from Dionyfius the Cary-
Hift. 4.27. fian, he ſaid,
e Laert.
The Gods afford thee thy defire,
A man and house
boufe-
Alluding to his effeminacy.
f
e For this reafon he faid, the imprecations of Tragedians concur-
red in him, for he was without any City, without a houſe, de-
priv'd of his Country, a begger, a vagabond, having his lively-
EVar.hift. 3.29. hood only from day to day. And yet, addes Alian, he was more
pleaſed with this condition, then Alexander with the command
of the whole world, when having conquer'd the Indians, he re-
turned to Babylon.
g Laert.
h Laert. It is
8 Seeing a Mouſe, as Theophraftus faith, running up and down,
he thence took occafion of comfort, confidering it a creature that
looked not for lodging, and was not diſpleaſed with darkneſſe,
nor nice, as to diet.
He walked in the ſnow bare-foot, and tri'd to eat raw fleſh, but
could not.
He ſaid, he imitated finging-Maſters, who raiſe their voice too
high, thereby to teach others the juſt tone.
The Athenians loved him much, for a youth having bor'd
holes in his Tubbe, they punifh'd him, and gave Diogenes a new
one.
He uſed to perform the offices of Ceres and Venus in publick,
arguing thuss if it be not abfurd to dine, it is not abfurd to dine even
in the market-place; but, it is not abfurd to dine, therefore it is not abfurd
to dine even in the market-place.
hp in the publick Forum; I would, faith he, I could as easily
explained by Satisfie my hunger.
Plutarch,de rep.
Stoic.
i Laert.
As he dined in the Forum, ſome that were prefent called him
Dog; Nay, faith he, you are Dogs that ſtand about me when I am at
dinner.
Being reproached for feeding in the open Forum; In the Forum,
faith he, I grew hungry,
Being reproached that he drunk in a victualling houſe; And in
a Barbers ſhop, faith he, I am shaved.
He
置
​1
13
DIOGENES.
He lived without any fervant; Being demanded by one
whether he would have a maid-ſervant, or a man, he
ſaid neither; who then, anfwer'd the other, fhall carry you out
to your grave when you die? Diogenes reply'd, hee that wants a
house?
CAH P. II.
How be lived at Corinth.
*IN his old age he took a voyage to Egina, but was by the way a Laerti
taken by fome pirates,the name of whofe captain was Scirpalus.
They carried him to Creet, & there expofed him to fale,they ask-
ed him what he could do,he anſwered, he could command men,and to
the Cryer, he ſaid, if any man want a Mafter let him buy me. Offe-
ring to fit down, they would not fuffer him, (it being the cuftom
of fuch as were to be fold for flaves, to leap up and down) tis no
maiter for that, faith he, Fiſhes are fold which way foever they lie, add-
ing, hee wondred that men being to buy a pot or veffel, examine
it curiouſly on the infide, but if a man, they are ſatisfied with his
look and outſide. Pointing to a Corinthian richly attir'd that
paffed by, named Xeniades, fel me faith,he,to that man,for he wants,
a Maſter. To Xeniades as foon as he had bought him, he ſaid, Be
fure you do as I command you, he anſwer'd in the common prover-
bial verfe.
The Springs of Rivers upwards run.
Diogenes reply'd, if being fick you had bought a Phyſician
would you obey his advice,or would you fay as before,The Springs
of Rivers upwards run.
His friends, according to Cleomenes, offered to redeem him,but
he told them they were fools, for Lyons were not flaves to their
Keepers, but the Keepers to the Lyons, for the property of fer-
vitude is to fear, and men fear Beaſts.
b
<Gell.
b
Xeniades having bought him, carried him to Corinth; asking & Laert.
him what he could do, he anſwered, he knew how to command
free perfons. Xeniades wondring at his anſwer, fet him at Liber-
ty, and delivered his Sons to his charge, faying, take then my Chil-
dren and command them. He put the Government of his family alfo p Laert.
into his hands, which he acquitted himſelf of excellently well in
every thing, in fo much that Xeniades faid, he had brought a Good
Genius into his Houſe.
He did not fuffer the young men that were under his charge,to
exerciſe themſelves as Wraftlers, but only till they were warm
and for their health fake. He taught them many fayings of Poets
>
by
DIOGRNE SA
: Plut.vit:
Alex.
by heart, and fome of his own, and that they might more eafily
remember the full fum of Learning, he made a brief Collection
thereof. He taught them at home to minifter, ufing thin diet, and
drinking water, to go negligently in habit, fhaven, without coats,
without ſhooes, and filent, looking upon themſelves as they went.
He brought them up likewife to Hunting. On the other fide, they
took great care of Diogenes, and recommended him to their
Parents.
e
When Alexander was upon expedition againſt the Perfian,
many Philofophers came to falute him,the fame duty he expected
from Diogenes, who was at that time at the Craneum, a Gymnafi-
um in Corinth, where he lived idly, not minding Alexander. Alex-
ander therefore went and found him out fitting in the Sun, hee
rofe a little to look upon the great crowd of people that came a-
long with Alexander, who faluting him, asked Diognes what he
would defire of him, he anſwer'd, that you would stand afide a little
from betwixt me and the Sun. Hereat Alexander was fo furpris'd,
and fo much admir'd his high mind, that his Attendants in re-
turning, laughing thereat, but I, faith he, were I not Alexander
would chooſe to be Diogenes.
>
a Laert.
Į
2
ស
L
A
CHA P. IV.
His Philofophy.
Nd concerning Opinions, he faid, there is a twofold Exerci-
tation, one fpirituall, the other corpore all; If in the firſt of
thefe we employ our felves conftantly, frequent phantafies wil
occurre, which facilitate the performance of Vertue;the one can-
not be without the other,a good habit and ſtrength being neceffa-
ry both in reſpect of the foul and the body.
That Vertue is eaſily acquired by exercitation he argued, in as
much as in the Mechanick Arts and others, that Artiſts by pra-
&ife quickly arrive at an extaordinary readineffe therein, and
Wraftlers and Muſicians excell one another according to the con-
tinuall paines they take therein one more then another, and
if they fhould have taken the fame pains about their fouls, it
would not have been unprofitably and imperfectly employ'd.
He faid nothing in life can be rightly done without exercitati-
on, and that exercitation could mafter any thing, for whereas
men fhould chooſe Naturall Labours, whereby they might live
happily they on the contrary make choice of the unprofitable,
and through their own folly, are in continuall mifery. For even
the contempt of Pleaſure,if we accuftome our felves thereto will
be moſt pleaſant; and as they, who inure themſelves to a volup-
tuous
DIOGENES.
15
tuous life cannot be taken off it without much trouble and grief;
fo they who exerciſe themſelves in a contrary manner with as
great eaſe contemn even the pleaſures themſelves.
He aſcribed not fo much to Law as to Nature; Hee affirmed
that he followed the fame courſe of life with Hercules, preferring
nothing before Liberty.
He afferted that all things belong to the wife, arguing thus; all
things belong to the Gods, the Gods are friends to wife perfonssall things
are common amongst friends; therefore all things belong to the wife.
As concerning Law, he held that without it a Commonwealth
could not be ordered, for, faith he, without a City there cannot be a-
ny profit of Civill things; a City is a Civill thing; of Law without à
City there is no profit, therefore Law is Civil.
He derided Nobility, glory, and the like, faying, they were the
Ornaments, or veiles of wickedne fe, and that only a right Com-
monwealth ought to be honour'd.
He held that there ought to be a Community of women, con-
ceiving marriage to be nothing, and that every man and woman
might enjoy one another as they pleaſed themſelves, and confe-
quently that all Children ſhould be in common.
Hee held that it was not unlawfull to take any thing out of a
Temple, or to feed upon living Creatures, neither was it impious
to eat mans flesh, as appeared by the practife of other Nations,
adding that all things are in all and by all; in bread there is fleſh,
in flesh bread; the remainders of flcfh and bread being infinuated
by occult paffages into other bodies,and evaporating in like man-
ner. This Laertius cites out of a Tragedy of his named Thyeftes, if
faith he, that Tragedy belong to him, and not rather to Philifcus,
or Pasiphon.
!
Mufick, Geometry, Aftronomy and the like he rejected as unpro-
fitable and unneceffary.
2
CHAP. V.
His Apophthegms.
>
H E was very acute faith Laertius in deriding others. Hee a Lari.
·faid Euclides fchool was not gead, but xoaň, not a School
but Anger, for the Dialecticks affected Litigious difpute. He faid
Plato's fchool was not fiare,but nature, not an exercitation, but
Confumption.
He faid, when he look'd upon Pilots, Phyficians and Philofophers
Man was the wifeft of all Creatures; but when he looked upon
Interpreters of Dreams, Prophets or perfons puff'd up with wealth
or honours, nothing is more foolish then man.
Hee faid that he often found it convenient in life to have ready
an anſwer or a rope.
Cccc
At
16
DIOGENES.
3
At a great Feaſt, feeing Plato eat Olives; Why, faith he, you
being a wife man, and going to Sicily for fuch entertainments
did you not enjoy them: He anfwer'd, by the Gods Diogenes, Í
fed upon Olives there likewife as well as upon other things. Di-
ogenes replyed, why then needed you to have gone to Syracufe,
were there no Olives at that time in Attica? This Phavorinus af-
cribes to Ariſtippus, adding, that as he was eating figges, he met
him, and ſaid, taft: the other taking and eating: I bad you, ſaith
he, taft, and not devour.
In the preſence of fome friends of Plato fent to him by Dionyfi-
us, Diogenes trod under foot Plato's robe, faying, I tread unde r
foot Plato's pride: But Diogenes, anſwer'd Plato, how proud are
you your felfe, when you think you contemn pride? Sotion relates
this as faid to the Cynick by Plato.
b Stob. Ser. 133 Diogenes fent to Plato for wine and figgs, he fent him a large
veffell of wine and figs ; whereupon Diogenes, as you, faith he,
being demanded how much 2.and 2. are, anfwer 20. ſo you
neither grant what I requeft, nor anfwer what I demand; thus
cenfuring his verbofity.
Being demanded in what part of Greece he had feen good men ;
Men, faith he, no where, but good boyes at Lacedæmon.
Making a ſerious diſcourſe, and perceiving that no man came
to hear him, he began to fing, whereat a great many gather'd to-
gether, whom he reproached for coming to trifles, being ſo back-
ward to ſerious things.
{
He ſaid, men conteſted in undermining or kicking, but none
about goodneffe.
He wondred at Grammarians, who enquiring after the mif-
fortunes of Ulyffes, forgot their own; and at Muficians, who whilſt
they tune their inftruments, have difcordant affections in their
fouls; and at the Mathematicians, that gazing upon the Sun and
c Stob, 296. Moon, neglected what was juft at their feet; and at Oratours,
who ſtudyed to ſpeak juft things, and neglected to act them; and
laftly at covetous perfons, for difpraifing mony, which they loved
above all things.
C
He reprehended thofe, who though they commended juft men
for thinking themſelves to be above mony, yet eſteemed the rich
happy.
He was angry at thofe, who when they facrificed to the Gods
for their health, feaſted at the ſame time contrary to their health.
He wondered at Servants, who feeing their Maſters eat exceſ-
fively, did not take away their meat.
He praiſed thoſe, who being about to marry, would not mar-
ry; who being about to go fea, would not go to fea; who being a-
bout to undertake fome publick office, would not undertake it ;
and who being about to bring up children, forbore to bring them
up; and who could compofe themfelves to live with great men,
yet
DIOGENES.
17
yet never went to them.
He ſaid, when we ſtretch out our hand to our friend,we ſhould
never clutch our fiſt.
One bringing him into a new houſe, and forbidding him to
fpit, he fpat in his face, faying, he could not finde a worſe place.
Some afcribe this to Ariftippus.
Crying out upon a time, Men come hither, a great many flocked
about him, whom he fell upon with his ftick, and beat them,
faying, I called men, not varlets. This Hecaton in his Chriæ relates.
Alexander faid, if he had not been born Alexander, he would
have defired to have been born Diogenes.
He ſaid, they were not maimed who were dumb and blinde,
but they who had not a wallet.
Going once halfe ſhaven to a feaſt of young men, as Metrocles
relates, they beat him, whereupon he took their names, and ſet-
ting them down in a parchment roll, he wore it at his breaſt,
whereby being known, they were reviled and beaten.
He ſaid, he was the Dog of the praised, but none of the praiſers durft
go a hunting with him.
To one laying, at the Pythian Games I overcame men3 No,
faith he, I the men, you the flaves.
To thoſe who ſaid to him, you are now old, take your eaſe ;
what, faith he, if I were to run a race, should I give over when I were
almoſt at the end, or rather contest with greater courage?
Finding Demofthenes the Orator at dinner in a common viu-
alling houſe, who aſhamed, would have ſtollen away; nay, faith
he, you are now the more popular. Ælian relates it thus, Diogenes
being at dinner in a common victualling houſe, and ſeeing De-
mofthenes paffe by, invited him in, Demosthenes refufing; do you
think it, faith Diogenes, a difparagement to dine here; when your
Maſter dines here every day? meaning the common people, to
whom Oratours are but ſervants.
To ſome ſtrangers who were defirous to fee Demofthenes, poin-
ting to him with his middle finger; this, faith he, is he that leads
the Athenians.
In reproofe to one who had throwne away his bread, and was
afhamed to take it up again, he tyed a ftring about the neck of a
bottle, and dragg'd it after him through the Ceramick.
He ſaid, moft men were mad præter digitum, all but the finger;
if any man ſhould walk pointing with his middle finger, he will
be thought mad; if his fore-finger, not ſo.
He ſaid, the moſt precious things were fold cheapeſt, and ſo on
the contrary; for a Statue will coft 3000 pieces of filver, a peck
of wheat, two pieces of braſſe.
To one, who came to him to ſtudy Philofophy, he gave a fiſh
and bid him follow him, the other aſhamed, threw it away and
departed: not long after, meeting the ſame perſon, he laughing,
Cccc a
faid,
18
DIOGRNESA
ތ ނ
}
1
1
faid, The friendſhip betwixt you and me was broke off by a Fifh. Diocles,
relates it thus, One faying to him, command me Diogenes, he gave
him a pennyworth of cheeſe to bring after him; the other refu-
fing to carry it, our friendſhip, ſaith he, a pennyworth of cheeſe
hath diffolved.
Seeing a boy drink water in the hollow of his hand, he took
his little cup out of his wallet and threw it away, faying, The boy
Qut-went him in frugality.He threw away his dish alfo, feeing a Boy
that had broken his, fupping up his broth in the fame manner.
Seeing a woman proftrate her felfe unhandfomely in prayer,
and defirous to reprove her fuperftition, as Zoilus the Fergean re-
ports, came to her, and faid, Are you not afhamed, woman, that
God who ftands behinde you(for all things are full of him) ſhould
fee you in this undecent pofture.
•
He faid, fuch as beat others ought to be confecrated to Æſcu-
lapius, the God of Chirurgery.
He faid, against Fortune we must oppofe courage; against Nature,
Law, against Paffion, Reaſon.
>
In the Craneum, Alexander ſtanding by him, as the Sun fhone
faid to him, ask of me what thou wilt; he anſwer'd, Do not fland
between me and the Sun.
One reading a long tedious difcourfe, and coming at laſt neer
a blank leafe at the end of the book, Be of good courage friends, faith
he, I fee land.
To one, proving by the horned Syllogifme that he had hornes,
he feeling of his forehead, but I, faith he, feel none. In like manner
another maintaining there was no fuch thing as motion, he roſe
up and walked. To one difputing concerning Meteors, How long
is it, faith he, fince you came from heaven?
A wicked man having written over the dore of his houfe,Let no
ill thing enter here: which way then,faith he,must the Mafter come in?
He anointed his feet with fweet Unguents, faying, the ſcent
went from the crown of his head into the air; but from his feet to
his noftrills.
To fome Athenians, that perfwaded him to be initiated into
fome Religious Myfteries, alledging, that fuch as were initiated
had the chiefeft places in the other World: It is ridiculous, faith
he, if Agefilaus and Epaminondas live there amongft bogges, and
the common people that are initiated live in the bleffed Iſlands.
Or as Plutarch, hearing theſe verſes of Socrates:
و
Thrice happy they
who do thefe Mysteries furley 3
They only after death are bleft,
All miferies pursue the reft;
what faith he, ſhall Patoecion the thiefe be in better condition ( be-
cauſe he was initiated) then Epaminondas.
Mice
(
1
DIOGENES
19
1
Mice comming to him as he was at dinner; See, faith he, Dio-
genes alfo maintaineth Parafites.
d
4. Diogenes being prefent at a difcourfe of Plato's, would not & Ælian, var.
mindent, whereat Plato angry, faid, Thou dogge, why mind'ſt hiſt. 14. 33.
thou not: Diogenes unmoved, anſwered, Yet I never return to the
place where I was fold, as doggs do, alluding to Plato's voyage to
Sicity.
Returning from a Bath, one asked him, if there were many
men there; he faid, no: The other asking if there were much com-
pany; he ſaid, there was.
Plato defining Man a two-footed Animall without wings, and this
definition being approved, Diogenes took a Cock, and plucking off
all its feathers, turned it into Plato's School, faying, This is Plato's
Man; whereupon to the definition was added, having broad nailes.
To one demanding at what time he ſhould dine, if thou art rich,
faith he, when thou wilt, if poor, when thou canst.
1
At Megara, feeing their theep with thick fleeces, and their
children almoſt naked; It is better, faith he, to be the sheep of a Me-
garaan, then his fon.
To one, who hitting him with the end of a long pole, bad him
him take heed, why, faith he, do you mean to hit-me again?
He ſaid, the Oratours were the fervants of the multitude; Cromneș,
the biles of glory.
He lighted a candle at noon, faying, I look for a man.
He ftood in the rain without any fhelter, fome that were pre-
fent pittying him; Plato, who was there likewife, faid, if you will
Shew your felves pittifull to him, go away, reflecting upon his vain-
glory.
One giving him a box on the eare; O Hercules, faith he, I knew
not that I should have walked with a Helmet.
Medias giving him inany blowes with his fift, faying, there
are 3000 drachmes [alluding to the fines impofed upon fuch out-
rages] ready counted for you upon the table: The next day he
got a Cæftus, and beat him with it, ſaying, There are three thousand
drachmes ready counted for you.
Lyfias an Apothecary asking him, if he thought there were
many Gods: How, faith he, can I think otherwife, when I take you to
be their enemy. Others afcribe this to Theodorus.
Seeing one that had befprinkled himſelfe with water: O unhap
py man, faith he, dost thou not know, that the errors of life are no more`
to be washed away by water, then errours in grammer.
He rebuked thoſe who complained of Fortune, faying, They did
not request what was good, but that which feemed good to them.
Of thoſe, who are terrified with dreams, he faid: You never are
concern'd for the things you do waking, but what you fancy in your
Sleep you make your greatest bufineffe:
e Stob. Ser. 4.
At the Olympick Games the Cryer proclaiming Dioxippus fEt Plut. de
hath curiofitate,
30
DIOGENES.
g
hath overcome mens he flaves, faith he, but I men.
Alexander fending an Epiftle to Antipater at Athens, by one
whoſe name was Athlias, Diogenes being prefent faid, Ath-
lias from Athlias,by Athlias to Athlias,alluding to the name, which
implyeth misery.
Perdiccas threatning him with death unleffe he would come to
him; that is no great matter, faith he, for a Cantharides or ſpider
may do as much; you ſhould rather have threatned, that you would have
liv'd well without me.
He often faid the Gods had given to men an eaſie life, but that it
was hidden from thoſe who uſed choice diet, unguents and the
like; whence to one whofe fervant put on his cloaths, you will not
be truly happy, faith he, untill he wipe your noſe alſo, that is, when you
have lost the use of your hands.
Seeing fome that had the charge of the things belonging to the
Temple, leading a man to Priſon, who had ftoln a Cup out of the
Treafury, the great theeves, faith he, lead Prifoner the leffer.
To a young man that throwing ftones at a Gibbet, well done,faith
he, you
will be fure to hit the mark.
To fome young men that coming about him,ſaid, take heed you
do not bite us: fear not boies,faid he, Diogenes eat not Beetes [for fo he
termed effeminate perfons. ]
To one feafting, cloath'd in a Lyons skin, do not faith he, defile
Vertues Livery.
To one extolling the happineffe of Callifthenes, in that living
with Alexander he had plenty of all things; nay, faith he, he is not
happy, for he dines and fuppes when Alexander pleafes.
When he wanted money, he ſaid, he went to redemand, not
borrow it of his friends.
Seeing a young man going along with fome great perfons to a
Feaſt,he took him from them,and carried him to his own friends,
bidding them to look to him better,
To one neatly dreffed, who had asked him ſome queſtion,I cannot
answer you,faith he, unleffe I knew whether you were a man or a wo-
Vit. Athena, man.
• Of a young man playing at Cattabus in a Bath, by how much the
better, faith he, fo much the worse.
At a Feaſt one threw a bone to him as to a dog, which he like a
dog took up, and lifting his legge en àuroïs.
Orators, and all fuch as fought glory by ſpeaking, hee called
recourspámous, thrice men, inſtead of realís, thrice wretched.
Hee called an unlearned rich man a sheep with a golden
Fleece.
Seeing written upon the Gates of a Prodigall's houfe, TO BE
SOLDI knew, faith he,being fotovercharg'd with wine, it would vo-
mit up the owner.
To a young man profeffing himſelf much difpleafed at the ma-
ny
}
1
DIOGENES.
ny perſons that courted him, let him fee, ſaith he, that you are dif-
pleafed by cafting off your effeminacy.
Of a foul Bath, where, faith he, shall they be washed that wash
here?
A big fellow that plaid on the harp, though by all others dif-
commended for playing ill, he praiſed, being asked why, becauſe,
faith he, being an able fellow, he choofeth rather to play on the harp then
to steal
A certain harper who plaid fo ill, that the company alwaies
went away and left him, he faluted thus, Good morrow cock, the o-
ther asking why, becauſe, faith he, your Mufick maketh every one
rife.
Seeing a young man doing fomthing, which though it were or-
dinary, he conceived to be unfeemly, hee filled his bofome with
beans, and in that manner walked through the people, to whom
gazing upon him, I wonder, faith he, you look at me and not at
him.
Hegefias defiring him to lend him fome of his writings, you are ·
fool, faith he, Hegefias, who eat figgs not painted but reall; yet neglect
true exercitation, and feek after the written.
Seeing one that had won the Victory at the Olympick Exer-
cifes feeding ſheep; you have made haft, faith he,good man,from the O-
lympick Exercises to the Nemean, the word alluding to feeding of
Theep.
Being demanded how it cometh to paffe that Wraftlers are for
the moſt part ftupid fellows, he anfwer'd, because they are made
chiefly of the skins of Oxen and fwine.
To a Tyrant, demanding of him what braffe was beft, he an-
fwer'd that whereof the Statues of Harmodius and Ariſtogiton were
made. This others aſcribe to Plato.
Being asked how Dionyfius ufeth his friends, as veffells, ſaith he,
emptying the full, and throwing away the empty.
A young man newly married, having written upon his houſe,
the Son of Jupiter, Hercules, Callinicus dwelleth here let nothing ill
enter, hee added, Aſſiſtance after à defeat,implying it was too late,
he being already married.
He faid Covetoufnefs is the Metropolis of all evill.
Seeing one,that had waſted all his means, eating Olives, if you
hadufed to dine fo, faid he, you would not have ſupp'dfo.
He faid, Good men are the Images of the Gods, love is the bufineffe of
idle perfons.
Being asked what is the moſt miſerable thing in life, he ſaid,an
old man in want.
1
ร
Being demanded, the bitings of what beaſts were moſt dan-i Et Stob.ſer.&.§
gerous, of wild Beafts, faith hee, a Detractor, of Tame, a
Flatterer.
Beholding a picture of two Centaures very ill painted, hee
faid,
1
22
DIOGENES.
<
}
k Stob. Ser.55.
faid, which of thefe is Chiron; the jeaſt conſiſteth in the Greek
word, which fignifieth worſe, and was alſo the name of a Cen-
taur, tutor to Achilles.
1 Stob.Ser.161
He faid, the difcourfe of flatterers is a rope of honey. He called the
belly the Charybdis of life.
Hearing that Didymo,an Adulterer, was taken; he deferves, faith
he; to be put out of his name (meaning emafculated)
Being asked why gold lookes pale; becauſe, faith he, many lie
in wait for it.
Seeing a woman carried in a Litter; that is not, faith he, a fit
cage for fuch a Beaſt.
Seeing a Servant that had run away from his Maſter, fitting up-
on the brink of a well: Young man, faith he, take heed you do not fall
in: alluding to the puniſhment of fugitive ſervants.
Seeing one that uſed to ſteal garments in the bath, he ſaid,
¿æ' ¿¿ñesugation ʼn ba̸ª¸àªano juánov, Do you come for unguents, or for another
garment?
Seeing fome women hang'd upon an Olive-tree; I would, faith
he, all trees bore the fame fruit.
Seeing a thiefe that uſed to rob Tombes,he ſpoke to him in' that
verfe of Homer ,
-What now of men the best,
Com'st thou to plunder the deceas't?
Seeing a handfome youth all alone aſleep, he awaked him
faying in the words of Homer, Awake,
Μέ τίς σοι ἔνδοντι μεταφρενῶ ἐν δόρυ πήξει.
To one that feaſted ſumptuouſly, he ſaid that verſe of Homer,
Son, thou haft but a little time to live.
Plato difcourfing concerning Ideas, and naming amimra, and
walóra, as if he ſhould fay, Tabletty and Cuppeity, he faid, I fee
Plato, the table and the cup, but not the tableity and cuppeity. Plato
anſwered, it is true indeed, you have eyes by which the table and
cup are feen; but not an Intellect, by which tableity and cuppeity
are ſeen.
Being demanded what he thought Socrates; he anſwered, mad.
Being demanded at what time a man ſhould marry; a young man,
faith he, not yet; an old man not at all.
To one that asked, what he ſhould give him to let him ſtrike
him, he anſwered, a Helmet.
¹ To a young man dreffing himſelfe neatly if this, faith he, be
for the fake of men, you are unhappy; if for women, you are unjuſt.
Seeing a young man bluſh; take courage, faith he, that is the co-
lour of Vertue.
Hearing
}
23
DIOGENES.
J.
(
Hearing two men plead againſt one another, he condemned
both, faying, one had ftollen, and the other had not loft.
>
Being demanded what wine he thought moft pleaſant, he´an-
fwer'd, that which is drunk at anothers coft
m
:
To one that faid, many deride thee; he anſwer'd, but I am not
derided: as conceiving, faith Plutarch, thofe only to be derided, m Vit. Fab.
who are troubled at fuch things.
To one who faid, Life is an ill thing: Life, faith he, is not an
ill thing, but an ill life is an ill thing:
n
Max.
As he was dining upon Olives, they caufed Tart to be fet n Stob. Ser. 39.
before him, which he threw away, faying,
Stranger, when Kings approach, withdraw.
The words of Laius's Officers to Oedipus:
Being asked what kinde of dogge he was, he anſwer'd, when
[
he was hungry, a Spaniel, when his belly was full, a Mafiffes one of
those which many commend, but dare not take abroad with them a hun-
ting.
C
Being demanded whether wife men might eat dainties; all
things, faith he, as well as others.
0
Being demanded why men gave to Beggers, and not to Philo-o Stob Ser.77,
fophers; becaufe, faith he; they are afraid they may be lame or blinde,
but are not afraid they may be Philofophers.
To one that reproached him as having counterfeited mony;
indeed, faith he, there was a time when I was fuch a one as you are; but
the time will never come that you will be as I am.
Coming to Mindus, and feeing the Gates very large, the City
fmall; Mindinians, faith he, fbut your Gates; left your City run out at
them..
Sin
Seeing a thiefe that was taken ftealing purple, he apply'd that
verfe of Homer to him, -
The purple death, and potent fate have ſeiz'd.
To Craterus, who invited him to come to him, he returned an-
fwer, I had rather lick falt at Athens, then enjoy the greatest delicacies
with Claterus.
Meeting Anaximènes the Oratour, who was very fats Give us,
faith he, fome of your flesh, it will ease you, and help us.
The fame Anaximenes being in the midſt of a diſcourſe, Dioge-
nes fhewing a piece of falt-fith, diverted the attention of his Au-
ditors; whereat Anaximenes growing angry, See, faith he, ahard
penny-worth of falt-fifb bath broke off Anaximenes's difcourfe.
Some afcribe this to him. Plato feeing him waſh herbs, came
and whiſper'd thus to him, If you had followed Dionyfius, you
would not have needed to wafh herbs; to whom he returned this
anfwer in his car, if you had waſhed herbs, you needed not to have fol-
lowed Dionyfius.
Dddd
To
24
"
DIOGENES. I
}
}
PÆÆl. 12. 58.
To one that faid to him, many laugh at you: and Affes perhaps at
them, faith he; but they care not for Affes, nor I for them. 10.
Seeing a young man ftudying Philofophy: Well done, faith
he, you will teach thofe, who love your outward beauty, to ad-
mire your foul.
To one that admired the multitude of votive offerings in Samo-
thracia,, given by fuch as had efcaped fhipwrack; There would
have been far more, faith he, if thofe who perished had presented theirs.
Others aſcribe this to Diagoras the Melian.
To a young man going to a feaſt, he ſaid, You will comeback
Chiron: (alluding to the word which implyeth worse) the young
man came to him the next day, faying, I went and returned not
Chiron: No, faith he, not Chiron, but Eurytion.
Returning from Lacedæmon to Athens, to one that asked him,
from whence he came, and whither he went: From men, faith he,
to women.
Returning from the Olympick Games, to one that asked if
there were much people there; Much people, faith he, but few
men.
He compared Prodigalls to fig-trees growing on a precipice,
whoſe fruit men taft not, but crowes and vultures devoure.
Phryne the Curtezan, having fet up a golden Statue of Venus at
Delphi, he wrot on it, From the intemperance of the Grecians.
Alexander coming to him, and ſaying, I am Alexander the great
King: And I, faith he, am Diogenes the Dogg.
Being asked why he was called Dogg: Ifawn on those that give,
faith he, I bark at those that will not give, and I bite the wicked.
As he was gathering figgs, the keeper of the Orchard ſpying
him, told him, it is not long fince a man was hang'd upon that
Tree: And for that reafou, faith he, I will clenfeit.
P Obferving Dioxippus the Olympick victor, to caft many glan-
ces upon a Curtezan: See, faith ne¸ a common Woman leads the mar-
tiall Ramm by the neck.
To two infamous perfons ſtealing away from him: Fear not,
faith he, doggs eat not thistles.
C
To one that asked him concerning a youth taken in adultery,
whence he was; he anſwer'd, of Tegea, Tegea ( a City of Arcadia)
whereto be alluded, is a publick Brothell.
Seeing one, that in former times had been an ill Wraftler, pro-
feffe Medicine; what is the matter, faith he, have you a defigne to caft
those down that have thrown you?
Seeing the Son of a common woman throw ftones among a
croud: Take heed, faith he, you do not hit
your Father.
To a youth fhewing him a ſword, given him by one that loved
him, he faid, ur µázmeg nadú, û dwaßit avoxeá:
To fome that extolled one who had beſtowed fomething on
him: But you do not praiſe me, faith he, who deferved to receive it.
To
1
DIOGENES.
23
To one that redemanded an old Cloak of him, if you gave it me
faith he,I must keep it if you lent it me,I must make use of it.
q
q The jeaſt con
Infion betwixt
To a fuppofiti tious perfon that faid to him, you have gold in
your Cloak, Yes, faith he, and for that reafon I lay it under mee fifteth in the al-
when I go to fleep.
Being demanded what he had gained by Philoſophy, if nothing those two Greek
elfe faith hee, at least this, to be prepared for all fortunes.
words.
υποβολιμά
Being demanded of what Country he was, he anſwered,a Citi- & &ßiß^n-
zen of the world.
To one that facrific'd,praying he might have a child, you pray for
a child, faith he, but never trouble your self what kind of child it may
provė.
At an ordinary, being demanded mony, he anſwered the Ma-
fter in that verſe of Homer,
r
Ask others, but from Hector hold thy hand.
μέρες.
* He ſaid the Miſtreffes of Kings were Queens, for the Kings r Ei Stob.fer.
did whatſoever they would have them.
The Athenians having decreed to ſtile Alexander Bacchus, and
make me, faith he, Serapis.
To one reproaching him for living in filthy places, the Sun,
faith he, vifits Kennells, yet is not defiled.
Being at fupper in the Temple, they brought him courfe bread, ',
he threw it away, faying, nothing but what is pure must come within
a Temple.
To one that faid, why do you, who know nothing, profeffe Phi-
lofophy ? he anſwer'd, though I ſhould but pretend to study Philoſophy,
yet that were a profeſſion thereof.
To one that recommended his Son to him, faying, hee was very
ingenious, and exceeding well educated, he anſwered, why then
doth be need me?
Thoſe who ſpeak good things, but do them not,
differ nothing
from a Lute, for that neither hears nor hath ſenſe.
Hee went to the Theatre, as all the
as all the people were going
out, being asked why he did ſo, This, faith he, is that I ftudy all my
life time.
Seeing an effeminate young man, are you not aſhamed, faith hee,
to use your felf worse then Nature hath done? he hath made you a man,
but you will force your felf to be a woman.
Seeing an ignorant man tuning a Lute, are you not aſhamed; [Stob.fër, xog,
faith he, to try to make a Lute found harmoniously, and yet suffer your
life to be fo full of difcord.
To one that faid he was unfit for Philoſophy, why do you live,
faith he, if you care not for living honestly.
To one who defpifed his own Father, are you not aſhamed, faith,
he, to deſpiſe him who is the cause you are ſo proud?
Hearing a handfome youth fpeak fooliſhly, are you not aſhamed,
faith he, to draw a leaden dagger out of an ivory sheath.
Dddd z
Be
16
DIOGENES.
Being reproached for accepting a Cloak from Antipater,he an-
Iwered in thoſe words of Homers.
The gifts of Gods must not be thrown away.
One that hit him with a pole, and then bid him take heed, hee
ftruck with his ſtaffe, and ſaid, and take you heed.
Toone that fued to a Curtezan, what mean you wretch ſaith he,
to fue for that which is much better to miffe.
To one that fmelled fweet of Unguents, take heed, faith he, this
perfume make not your life flink.
He faid, 'Slaves ferve their Masters but wicked men their paſſions.
Being demanded why flaves are called Aideároda Footmen,becauſe
faith he,theyhave feet like men,but fuch minds as you that ask the question.
Seeing an unskilfull Archer going to ſhoot, he fate down at the
mark, left, faith he, he should hit me.
He faid lovers are unhappy in pleaſure.
Being demanded whether death be ill, how, faith he, can that
be ill, whereof when it cometh we have no fenfe.
Alexander coming to him, and faying,do you not fear me?what
faith he, are you good or ill, he anſwered good: who, replies Dio-
genes, fears that which is good?
He faid, Learning is a regulation to young men, a comfort to old men,
wealth to poor men, and an Ornament to rich men.
To Didymo an Adulterer curing a maids eye, take heed, faith he,
leaft in curing the eies you hurt not the ball, [ the word xp, fignifying
both the eye-ball and Virginity.]
To one that faid his friends lay in wait for him,what then is to be
done, faith he, if friends and enemies must be ufed alike.
Being demanded what is beſt amongſt men, he anſwered, free-
dom of Speech.
Coming into a ſchool, and feeing there many ſtatues of the Mu-
fes, but few Auditors, by the help of the Gods, Mafter, faith he, you
have many Auditors.
Stob.Eth.fer.1. To one that asked him how he might order himſelf beft, by re-
prehending, faith hee, thofe things in your felf which you blame in
others.
Sier.
Ser.32:
Ibid.
Ser. 37, 84.
He gave good counfell to a perfon very diffolute, being deman-
ded what he was doing, he anfwer'd, waſhing an Æthiop.
,
He went backwards into the School of the Stoicks whereat
fome laughing, are you not ashamed, faith he, to do that in the whole
courfe of your life, for which you deride me in walking.
Hee faid, men provide for their living, but not for their well
living.
1
He faid, it was a fhame to ſee Wraftlers and Singing-Mafters
obferve temperate dyet,and moderate their pleaſures,one for ex-
ercife, the other for his voice, and yet no man would do ſo much
for Vertue's fake.
He
}
DIOGENES.
27
He faid, Pride, like a shepheard, driveth men whither it plea- Ser. 45.
feth.
Seeing the high walls of Megara, he faid, unhappy people, minde Ser. 48.
not the height of your walls, but the height of their courages who are to
Stand on the walls.
He compared covetous men to fuch as have the dropfy, thoſe Ser. $3;
are full of mony, yet defire more; thefe of water, yet thirst after
more: Paffions grow more intenfe by enjoyment of what they
défire.
Seeing a man make love to old rich widowes: This love, faith Ser. 53.
he, is not blinde, but toothleſſe.
Being demanded what beafts were the worſt: in the field, faith Ser. $4.
he, Bears and Lyons, in the City, Ufurers and Sycophants.
He compared flattery to an empty tombe, on which Friendſhip Ser. 64.
was infcribed.
Blaming Antisthenes for being too remiffe in difcourfe, in regard Ser. 66.
that when he fpoke loudeft he could hardly be heard, and calling
himſelfe the Trumpet of reproofe: Antifthenes reply'd, he was like
a Bee, that makes no great noife, yet ftings fharply.
He faid, reproof is the good of others.
Ibid.
A certain Athenian asking him why he lived not with the La- Ibid.
cedæmonians, whom he praiſed fo much: Physicians, faith he, though
they study health, converfe with the fick.
He faid, other doggs bark at their enemies, I, my friends, that ibid.
I may preferve them.
He asked Plato if he were writing Lawes: Plato affirmed he Ibid.
was. Did you not write a Common-wealth before, faid Diogenes ?
I did, anſwers Plato. And had not that Common-wealth Lawes
faith he? The other anſwering it had: To what end, reply'd Dioge-
nes, do you write new Lawes ?
>
He faid, To give Phyfick to a dead body, or adviſe an old man, is the Ser. 68.
Same thing?
To a bald man that reviled him, I will not return your reproaches, Ser. 71.
faith he, yet cannot but commend your hair, for leaving fo bad a head.
To an Informer that fell out with hims I am glad, faith he, of the Ibid.
enmity betwixt us, for you hurt not your foes, but your friends.•
To one that reviled him; No man, faith he, will believe you when Ser. 7 20
you speak ill of me, no more then they would me, if I should fpeak well of
you.
Alexander fent him a difh full of bones, with this meſſage, It Ser. 17:
was meat for doggs; he anſwer'd, Yea, but not fit for a King to
fend.
He ſaid, it was the fame fault to give to them that deſerved ibid.
nothing, as not to give to them that do.
He faid, As houfes, where there is plenty of meat, are full of mice, fo Ser. 87.
the bodies of fuch as eat much are full of difeafes.
At
28
DIOGENES.
Ser. 88.
Ser. 105.
Ser: 117.
Ser. 126.
Ser. 133.
Ser. 149.6
153.
Ser. 183.
Ser. 210.
Ser. 2113
Ser. 216.
Ser: 230.
Ser. 233.
Ser. 235.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ser. 239.
Ser. 248.
At a Feaſt, one giving him a great cup full of wine, he threw it
away; for which being blamed, If I had drunk it, faith he, not only
the wine would have been loft, but I also.
Being demanded what was hardeſt, he anſwer'd, To know our
felves, for we conftrue most things according to our own partiality.
He faid, Medea was a wife woman, not a Witch, who by la-
bour and exerciſe corroborated the bodies of effeminate perfons,
whence aroſe the fable, that ſhe could renew age.
To one that profeft himſelfe a Philofopher, but argued litigious-
ly, he faid, why do you Spoile the best part of Philofophy, yet would be
thought a Philoſopher?
he
Queſtioning one of thoſe young men that followed him,
was filent; whereupon Diogenes, Do you not think, faith he, it be-
belongs to the fame man to know when to speak, and when to hold his
peace?
Being demanded how a man ſhould live under the authority
of fuperiours; as we do by fire, faith he, not too near, left it burn,
not too far off, left we freez.
Seeing fome women talking privately together: Behold, faith
he, the Afp borrowes poyfon from the Viper:
Being demanded what was the heaviest burthen the earth
bears, he anſwered, an ignorant man.
An Aftrologer in the Forum difcourfing to the people, and
ſhewing them in a tablet the erratick Starrs: No, faith Diogenes, it
is not the Starres that erre, but thefe, pointing to the people.
Being demanded what men are the moſt noble: They, faith he,
who contemn wealth, glory, and pleaſure, and over-mafter the contraries
to these, poverty, ignominy, pain, death.
Seeing the fervants of Anaximenes carrying many goods, he
demanded to whom they belong'd; they anſwer'd, to Anaxime-
nes. Is he not aſhamed, reply'd Diogenes, to have so much houshold
bouſbold
Stuffe,and yet not be master of himfelfe.
He faid, Vertue dwelleth neither in a rich City, nor a private
Houfe.
He faid, Poverty is a felfe-taught help to Philofophy, for what
Philoſophy endeavours to perfwade by words, poverty enforceth
in practife.
To a wicked man reproaching him for his poverty; I never
knew, faith he, any man punished for poverty, but many for wickedneffe.
He called Poverty a felfe-inftructing vertue.
To one that reproached him with poverty: what mean you,
faith he; poverty never made a Tyrant, riches many.
Alexander feeing him aſleep in his Tubb, ſaid, O Tubb full of
wiſdome: The Philofopher rifing up, anfwer'd, Great King,
One
DIOGENES
A
One drop of Fortune's better far
Then Tubbs repleat with wifdom are.
To whom a ſtander by reply'd,
One drop of Wisdom Fortune's Seas excells;
In unwife foules misfortune ever dwells.
+
1
Pr
Seeing an old woman painted, if this be for the livings you are de- Ser. 270°
ceived, faith he, if for the dead, make haft to them.
To one bewailing his own misfortunes that he ſhould not die in Ser. 27 1.
his own Country, be of comfort, faith he 3 the way to the next World
is alike in every place.
Having a great pain in his fhoulder which troubled him much, Elvar.h.
one faid to him in derifion, why doft thou not die Diogenes,and 10, 11.
free thy ſelf from this milery, he anſwer'd, it is fit they should live
who know how to order their life, for you who know not what to do or says
it is a convenient time to die.
He uſed to fay, Ariftotle dineth when Philip pleaſeth, but Dioge- Plut. de cxul.
es when it pleaſeth Diogenes.
At Corinth, feeing Dionyfius the younger, who was depoſed from Plut. quom.
the Kingdom of Sicily, This is a life, faith he, you' deserve not, you·cer.Refp.
merit rather not to live here freely and without fear, but at home in per-
petuall imprisonment.
To fome who commended Plato, he ſaid, what hath bee done wor- PI. de vîrs.
thy commendation, having profeſſed Philofophy fo long, yet never moved Moral.
any to grief.
To one demanding how he might take the greatest revenge upon Pl.de aud.Poet.
his Enemy, he anſwered, by being good and vertuous your felf.
In commending his Mafter Antifthenes, he would lay of him; of Macrob.Sat.
rich he made me poor, and instead of a fair boufes made me live in a 7.36
Tubb.
O
CHA P. VI
JA.
His Writings.
Fthe Writings afcribed to him are theſe,
Dialogues.
Ichthyas
The Geay.
The Leopard.
?
The
1
30
DIOGENESA
>
The Athenian people.
Policy.
Ethick art.
of Riches.
Erotick.
Theodorus.
Hypfias.
Ariftarchus
of Death.
Epistles.
Tragedies 7.
: .I.
f Helena.
Thyeftes.
Hercules.
Achilles.
4
Medea.
Chryfippus.
OEdipus.
Soficrates and Satyrus affirm that none of theſe were written by
Diogenes; the Tragedies Satyrus afcribes to Philifchus of Agina,
Sotion affirmeth theſe only to have been written by Diogenes.
$
of Vertue.
Of Good
Erotick.
The
poor.
The Tolerant.
The Leopards
Caffander.
Cephalio..
Philifcus.
Ariftarchus
Sifiphus.
Ganymede.
Chria's, &
Epiftles.
?
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}
+
+
4
T
•
ARVUTIA ARA23.
CHAR
DIOGENES
31
1
E
CHAP. VII.
His Death o
د پای
{ }
He died, as Demetrius faith, at Corinth about 90. years old, the
ま
​fame day that Alexander died at Babylon, which according
to Alian was the ſeventh of Thargelion in the firſt year
Olympiad. -
of 1 14 IN
The manner of his death is variouſly related. Eubulus faith, he
lived to his end with Xeniades, and was buried by his Sons. As
he lay fick, Xeniades asked him how he would be buried, he an-
fwer'd, with his face downwards; Xeniades demanding the rea-
fon, becauſe, faith hc, all things will be turned upside-down, alluding,
faith Laertius, to the greatneffe of the Macedonians, who not long
before were a poor inconfiderable people. Some report that be-
ing near death, he gave order that his body fhould be left un-
buried, that the wild Beaſts might partake of him or be thrown
into a ditch, and a little duft be caft over it, or thrown upon a
dung-hill, that he might benefit his Brethren.
Laert.
Elian faith, that being fick to death, he threw himſelf down ar.hift.8, 14.
from a bridge which was near the Gymnafium, and ordered the
Keeper of the Palestra to take his body and throw it into the
River Hiffus.
Others affirm he died of a furfet of raw fleſh, others that he
ftopp'd his own breath, others, that cutting a Cuttle-fish, in
pieces to throw it to dogs, it bit aſunder a Nerve in his foots
whereof he died.
43
Others affirm he died as he was going to the Olympick Games
being taken with a Feaver, he lay down by the way, and would
not fuffer his friends to carry him, but fitting under the ſhade of
the next tree, fpoke thus to them; This night I shall be a Victor or
vanquished, if I overcome the Feaver, I will come to the Games, if not,
I must go to the other world, and drive it away by death.
Antifthenes faith,his Friends were of opinion he ftopp'd his own
breath, for coming as they conftantly uſed to vilit him in the
Craneum where he lived, they found him covered; they did not
imagine it was fleep, by reafon of his great wakefulneffe;but im-
mediately putting back his Cloak perceived he was dead, Here-
upon there arofe a contention amongst them who fhould bury
him; they fell from words to blows, but the Magiftrates and great
ones of the City came themſelves and buried him, by the gate
which leads to Ifthmus.Over the Sepulchre they placed a Column,
andupon it a Dog cut out of Parian ftone. Afterwards his own
Countrymen honoured him with many brazen Statues, bearing
this. Infcription;..
Eecé
Time
1
32
Y
MONIMUS, &c.
Time doth the ſtrongeſt Braffe detay
Diogenes, thou ne're canft dy,
who to content the ready way.
To following Ages didft defcry.
1
Laertius réckons five of this name, the first of Apollonie, a natural
Philofopher.
The fecond a Sicionian.
"The third this.
The fourth a Stoick of Seleucia,
The fift of Tarfis.
1
في
{
}
:
贵
​a Leerto
}
M
MONIMUS
1.
1
Onimus was a Syracufian, Diſciple to Diogenes,he was firkt
fervant to a Mony-changer,to whom Xentades who bought
Diogenes, often coming, he was fo taken with the worth and Ver-
tue of the perfon, that he counterfeited himſelf mad, and threw
all the mony from off the Table, whereupon his Maſter turning
him away, he betook himself to Diogenes. He followed likewife
Crates the Cynick, and others of that Sect, which confirm'd his
Maſter in the opinion that he was mad. He was a perfon eloquent
and learned mention'd by Mehander in his Hippocomas of fo great
conſtancy, that he contemned all glory for vertues fake.He wrote
Tome things, which at first appearance feemfied Ludicrous, but con-
tained deep ferious ſenſe; as of Appetités, two Books, and a Pro-
treptick.
ONESI CRITUS
a Laert
neficritus was of Ægina,or according to Demetrius an Afty-
palaan; he had two Sons. He fent the younger named An-
drofthenes to Athens, who hearing Diogenes would not départ
{
↑
thence.
1
CRATES
332
thence. Hereupon he fent the elder, named Philifcus, who ſtayed
there likewiſe for the fame reaſon. Laftly, the Father himfelfe
went, and was ſo much taken with Diogenes, that he became a
fedulous Auditor of him, as his two fons were.
He was eſteemed amongſt the moſt eminent Difciples of Dioges:
nes Laertius compares him with Xenophons one fought under Cy
rus, the other under Alexander: One wrote the inftitution of Cyrus
the other, the praife of Alexander: Their ſtyles alfo were very
like.
CRATES.
1
+
?
४
RATES was a Theban, Son of Afcandas: He was likewife Laert.
reckon❜d amongft the moſt eminent of Diogenes's Difciples 3
yet Hippolotus faith, he was not a Difciple of Diogenes, but of Bry-
To the Achean.
He flourished about the 113th Olympiad. Antifthenes, in his
fucceffions, faith, that being at a Tragedy where Telephus was re-
prefented, carrying a Basket in a fordid condition, he betook
himfelfe to the Cynicall Philofophy, and felling all his eftate,
(for he was very rich, having gotten together above two hundred
talents) he diftributed it amongst the Citizens, and was fo con-
ftant a Profeffor of this Philofophy, that Philemon, the Comick
Poet, takes notice thereof in theſe words,
By him in Summer a thick Coat was worn,
În winter-time (fo temperate) a torn.
Diocles faith, Diogenes perfwaded him to paft with his eftate,
and to throw all the mony he had left into the Sea: and that the
houfe of Crates was from Alexander, that of Hipparchia his Wife,
from Philip. Some of his neer friends that came to him to dif
fwade him from this courſe of life, he beat away, for he was of a
refoluté ſpirit:
Demetrius the Magnefian faith, he depofited fome mony in the
hands of a Banquier, with this condition, that if his fonnes be-
took themſelves to any Civill employment, it thould be repaid
again; but, if to Philofophy, ir fhould be diftributed amongst the
people, for as much as a Philofopher ſtands in need of nothing.
Eece 2
Era
ì
CRATES.
1
34.
Eratosthenes relates, that having a fon named. Paficles, by his
Wife Hipparchia, affoon as he arrived at mans eftate, he brought
him to the houfe of a young maid that was his flave, faying,
This is a hereditary matrimony to you: but thoſe who commit
adultery, are, according to the Tragedians puniſhed with baniſh-
ment or death; Thoſe who keep Concubines were, according to
the Comedians, by luxury and drunkenneffe, tranfported to
madneffe.
Paficles, the Difciple to Euclid, was his brother.
He faid, 'tis not poffible to finde a man without a fault, for,
in every Pomgranat there is at leaſt one grain corrupt.
Having difpleafed Nicodromus a Lutinift, he beat him black
and blew; whereupon he paſted a piece of paper on his forehead,
wherein was written, Nicodromus did this.
He was exceed ngly invective againſt common women.
He reproved Demetreus Phalerius for fending bread and wine
to him, faying, I wish the fountains also produc'd bread; intimating
that he lived with water.
The Athenian Magiftrates blamed him for wearing a long
robe; I will fhew you Theophraftus, faith he, in the fame attire;
which they not believing, he brought them to a Barbers fhop,
where he was fitting to be trimm'd.'.'
At Thebes, being beaten by the Maſter of the Gymnafium; or, as
others, at Corinth by Euthicrates, he laughed, ſaying,
He by the foot him drew,
And o're the threshold threw.
Zeno in his Chrias faith, he fowed a ſheep-skinn upon his cloak,
to appear the more deformed. He was of a very unhandſome
lobk, and whilſt he difcourfed, laughed.
He uſed to lift up his hands and fay, Be of good courage, Grecians,
both for the eyes and all other parts, for you ſhall foon fee thefe deriders
Surprised by fickneffe, and proclaiming you happy, blame their owne
Mothfulneſſe.
He ſaid, we ought ſo long to ftudy Philoſophy, untill the lea-
ders of the Army feem to be Horfe-drivers.
He faid, they who lived with flatterers were forfaken perfons,
living like ſheep amidſt wolves, not with thoſe who wish'd them
well.
Perceiving he drew nigh to death, he looked upon himſelfe,
ſaying,
And doft thou go, old friend,
To the next world, thou whom old age doth bend.
For he was crooked through age.
To
}
METROCLES.
35
ૐ
To Alexander, asking whether he would that his Country
fhould be reſtored or not: To what end, faith he, ſeeing there will
come perhaps another Alexander, and depopulate it. He laid, con-
tempt of glory and want were his Country, which were not fub-
ject to Fortune; and that he was Countryman to Diogenes, hot
tearing any body.
Coming into the Forum, where he beheld fome buying, others Stob. Ser. 37;
felling: Thefe, faith he, think themselves happy in employments contra-
ry to one another; but I think my ſelfe happy, in having nothing to do
either way.
To a young man, followed by a great many Parafites: Young Ser. 62.
faith he, I am forry to fee you so much alone.
man,
He faid, we ought not to accept gifts from all men, for vertue ought Ser. 77.
not to be maintained by vice.
Seeing at Delphi a golden Image of Phryne the Curtezan, he Ser. 87.
cryed out, This is a Trophy of the Grecian intemperance.
Seeing a young man highly fed and fat: Unhappy youth, faith he, Ibid.
do not fortifie your prifon.
He faid, He gained glory, not by his riches, but his poverty.
Ser. 237.
To one, demanding what he fhould get by Philofophy: You will Ibid.
learn, faith he, to open your parfe easily, and to give readily, not as you
do now, turaing away, delaying and trembling, as if you had the palſey.
He faid, Men know not how much a wallet, ameaſure of Lupiness Ibid.
and fecurity of minde is worth.
The Epiftles of Crates are extant, wherein, faith Laertius, he
writes excellent Philofophy, in ftyle reſembling Plato. He wrote
Tragedies likewife, full of deep Philoſophy.
He died old, and was buried in Beotias
METROCLES.
METROCLES was Difciple of Crates, Brother to Hipparchia, a Laert.
He first heard Theophraftus the Peripatetick, &c. afterwards
apply'd himſelfe to Crates, and became an eminent Philofopher.
He burnt, as Hecaton faith, his writings, ſaying,
These are the dreams of wilde phantaftick youth.
He burnt likewiſe the dictates of his Maſter Theophrastus.
Vulcan come hither, Venus needs thy aid.
He
:
36.
HIPP ARCHIA
He faid, of things, fome are purchased by mony, as Houses; fome
by time and diligence, as Learning: Riches is hurtfull, if not rightly
apply'd.
He died old: he ftrangled himſelfe.
Of his Difciples are remembered Theombrotus and Cleomenes.
Demetrius of Alexandria was Auditor of Theombrotus: Timarchus
of Alexandria, and Echicles of Ephesus were Diſciples of Cleome-
nes. Echicles heard alfo Theombrotus, from whom came Menedemus,
of whom hereafter. Amongſt theſe was alſo Menippus, of Sinopis.
HIPPARCHIA.
Hipparchia
Ipparchia was likewife taken with the Difcourfes of thoſe
Cynicks, the was Sifter to Metrocles; they were both Maro-
nites. She fell in love with Crates, as well for his diſcourſe as man-
ner of life, from which none of her Suitors by their Wealth,
Nobility or Beauty, could divert her; but that ſhe would beſtow
her felf upon Crates, threatning her Parents, if they would not
fuffer her to marry him, ſhe would kill her felf.Hereupon her Pa-
rents went to Crates, defiring him to diffwade her from this refo-
lution which he endeavoured,but not prevailing went away,and
brought all the little furniture of his houſe and fhew'd her, this
faith he, is your bushand, that the furniture of your house, confider upon
it, for you cannot be mine unleffe you follow the fame course of life..She
immediately took him,and went up and down with him, and in
publick, wire, and went along with him to Feaſts.
ouve
?
At a Feast of Lyfimachus the met Theodorus the Atheist, with
whom the argued thus; If that, which if Theodorus do be not un-
justly done, neither is it unjustly done if Hipparchia do the fame;
But Theodorus if he ftrike himſelf dosh not unjustly; therefore
Hipparchia doth not unjustly if ſhe ſtrike Theodorus; Theodorus an-
fwer'd nothing, onely pluck'd her by the Coat, which ſhe wore
not like a woman, but after the manner of the Cynicks, whereat
Hipparchia was nothing moved, whereupon he ſaid,
Her Webbe and Loome
She left at home.
I did faith the, Theodorus,and I think have not erred in ghoofing
to beftow that time which I ſhould have ſpent in weaving on Phi
lofophy.
Much more faith Laertius is afcribed to her,
1
1
ME-
37
Ma
MENIPP VS.
Enippus was a Cynick, a Phænician by birth, Servant by con-
dition, as Achaicus affirms. Diocles faith, his Father was of
Pontus called Bato. Menippus for acquifition of riches wentto Thebes
and was made free of that City. He wrote nothing ſerious, all
his books being full of mirth, not unlike the writings of Meleager.
Hermippus faith, he was named Hemerodanifta, the dayly Ufurer,
for he put out mony to Merchants upon Intereft, and took pawns,
at laſt being cheated of all his goods, he hanged himſelf.
Some fay the Bokes that are aſcribed to him were writ by Di-
onyfius and Zopyrus,Colophonians, which being ludicrous,they gave
to him as a perſon diſpoſed that way; they are reckoned, thir
teen.
Nania's:
Testaments.
Epiftles, in the perfons of the Gods.
Two natural Philofophers,Mathematicians & Grammarians
of Epicure.
Laertius reckons fix of this name; the firſt wrote the Lydian ſto-
ry, and epitomiz❜d Xanthus.
The fecond this.
The third à Sophiſt, of Caria.
The fourth a Graver.
The fifth and fixth Painters, both mention'd by Apollodoras:
MENEDE M VS.
Menedemus was Diſciple of Colotes, of Lampfacum 3 hee procee-
ded as Hippobotus relates, to fo great extravagance that hee
went up and down in the habit of the Furies, declaring he was
from the World below to take notice of ⚫ſuch as offended,
and that he was to return thither to give an account of them.
come
He went thus attir'd, a dark Gown to his heels, girt with a purple
girdle, upon his head an Arcadian bat, on which were woven the twelve
fignes, tragick buskins,a long beard, in his hand an afhen staffe.Hither
therto of the Cynicks.
FINIS:
1
THE
*
HISTORY
OF
PHILOSOPHY.
The Eighth Part,
Containing the Stoick Philoſophers.
LONDON,
Printed for Humphrey Moſeley, and Tho: Dring.
An. Dom. 165€.
ZENON.
ļ
ZENO.
CHAP. I
His Country, Parents, and firft Studies.
'
C
a
a Laert.
b Strab. lib.
c Suid,
HE Sect of Stoicks had its originall from the
Cynicks, Zeno was the Author thereof, who
having firſt been a Scholer of Crates, and af-
terwards a hearer of other Philofophers, at
laſt inſtituted this new Sect. Hee was born
at Gittium, a Greek Sea-Town in the Ifle of
Cyprus, with a lock'd Haven, inhabited by
Phoenicians, whence he fomtimes was ter-
med the Phenician.His Father was called Mnafeas,by fome Deme-
as, a Merchant, whence was objected to Zeno, the obfcurity of his
Birth and Country, as being a ftranger, and of mean Paren- d Cic.defin.
tage, whereof he was fo far from being aſhamed, that he refu- elut.de rep.
fed to be made a Citizen of Athens,as conceiving it an undervalu- Stoic.
ing of his own Country; in fo much as when he contributed to a
Bath in Athens, and his name was infcribed upon a Pillar with
the Title of Philofopher, he defired they would adde a Cittiean.
f Laert.
8 Zeno ( as Hecaton and Apollonius Tyrius relate,) enquiring of & Laert.
the Oracle what courſe he ſhould take to lead the best kind of
life, was anfwer'd, that he fhould converſe with the dead, where-
upon he addicted himfelf to the reading of antient Authors.
h Herein he was not a little furthered by his Father, who, as h Laert:
Demetrius faith, trading frequently to Athens, brought him as yet
but very young, many Socraticall Books, which excited in him a
great affection to learning.
I
Being now 17. (or as Perfeus 22 ) years old, hee took a voy-i Laett.
age to Athens, carried thither as well by his particular inclinati-
on to Philofophy, as by his bufineffe, which was to fell fome
Purple that he had brought out of Phenicia. He took along with
him a hundred Talents, and having fold his Merchandife, apply-
ed himſelf to Philofophy, yet continued to lend his money out
tó Merchants upon intereft, fo to improve his ſtock.
Some affirm his Ship was caft away in the Piræum,which news
being brought him to Athens, he feemed nothing at all moved,
Aaaaa 2
but
¡
+
ZENO.
2
་
cap. ex inimic.
k
or›
k Plut.de util. but only faid, Thou doft well Fortune; to drive me into a Gown, or,
as Seneca, Fortune commands me to ſtudy Philoſophy more ear-
neftly.
1 Laer.
à Laert.
เ
b Laert
€ Laert.
a Laert.
¹ Óthers ſay, that being troubled at the loffe of his Ship, hee
went up to the City of Athens, and fitting in a Bookſellers ſhop,
read a piece of Xenophon's Commentaries wherewhbeing much
pleas'd, he asked the Bookfeller whereich men ed, Crates
by chance paffing by, the bookfeller pointed to him, aying, fol-
low that man; which he did, and from that time forward, became
a Diſciple of Crates.
Z
?
20100
a
;
MACHA PAIL 7 MemoƆ vill
CHAPIĨ
Of his Masters:
î
•
Eno thus changing the courfe of his life, applyed himfelfe to
Crates, being apt to Philofophy, but more modeft then
** fuited with the Cynicall Sect. Which Crates to remedy,gave hîm
a pot full of pottage to carry through the Ceramick, and per-
ceiving him to hide it, as afhamed, with his Coat, he ftruck the
pot with his ftick and broke it. Zeno running away, all wet, what,
faid he, are you running away little Phenician, no body hurt you? Hee
made a litle hollow cover of a pot, in which he carried the mo-
ney of his Maſter Crates, that it might be in feadineffe when hee
went to buy meat. Thus hee lived a while with Crates, during
which time he writ his Book of the Common-wealth, whence fome
jeafting, faid, it was written under the Dog's tail
c Laert, Suid.
At laft deferting, Crates he apply'd himmelf to Stilpo the Me-
garick Philofopher. Apollonius Tyrius faith, that taking hold of his
Cloak to pluck him away from Stilpo, he faid, O Crates, thehan-
dles by which the Philoſophers are to be taken hold of, are their ears; Lead
me by those your way, or else though you constrain my body to be with you,
my
mind will be with Stilpo. With Stilpo he remained ten years.
From Stilpo he went to Xenocrates, being fo well fatisfied with
the inſtruction of theſe two Mafters, that he faid, he made a very
good voyage when he was ſhipwrack'd, though others apply it to his
living with Crates.
e
ã
3
• He afterwards apply'd himſelf to Diodorus Cronus, as Hippo-
botus avers, under whom he ftudied Dialcetick, to which Science
he was ſo much addicted, that when a certain Philofopher of
that Se&t had informed him of ſeven ſpecies of Dialectick, in that
fallacy which is called the Mower, he asked him what he was to
give him for his reward, the Philofopher demanded a hundred
pieces of Silver, Zeno (fo much was he affected to Learning gave
him two hundred.
e
Laſtly, notwithſtanding, that he had made a great progreffe
in
}
ZENO.
3
A
in Philofophy, he heard Polemon, whofe Doctrine was againſt
Pride; whereupon Polemon told him, Zeno, I am not ignorant, that
you lie in ambush, and come flily into my Garden (as the Phoenicians
uſe) tofteal away Learning.
=
>
pained radiqujuh I sul on annoyin
el -
CHAP. III.
¿ muje)".
ij
His School and inftitution of a Sect.
straal $.5th
Having been long a hearer of others, he at last thought fit to
communicate the Learning which he had received and im-
proved. To this end he made choice of the mumiana, the painted a Laeri.
walk, fo named from the pictures of Polygnotus, otherwife called
Piſianada. Here he conſtantly walked and difcourfed, refolving
to ſettle there, and make the place as full of tranquillity as it
had been before of trouble: For, in the time of the thirty Ty-
rants, neer 1400 Citizens were there put to death. ›
น
Hither reforted a great many Difciples to him, who were at
firſt called Zenonians, as Epicure affermeth, in their Maſter 3
afterwards from the place where he taught, Stoicks, as Erato-
thenes in his eight Book of antient Comedy; adding, that not long
before, fome Poets that lived there were called Stoicks alfo,
upon which occafion the name was very well known.
He was fubtle in difquifition and difpute.
:
He difputed earnestly with Philo the Dialectick, and exercifed
himfelfe together with him: fo that Zeno the younger admired
him no leffe, then his Maſter Diodorus.
a
He first feemeth (faith Laertius) to have fet a bound to the
loofneffe and extravagance of propofitions: But, of this more,
when we come to fpeak of his Philofophy, which by reafon of
its largenelle, we remit to the end of his life.
Z
CHAP. IV.
{
What honours were conferr dupon him.
ENO by the Philofophy which he taught, and the practiſe
of his life-conformable to that doctrine, gained fo high an
eftimation amongſt the Athenians,that they depofited the keyes
of the City in his hands, as the only perfon fit to be entruſted
with their liberties. His name was likewife much honoured by
his own Country-men, as well thofe at Cyprus, as thofe who.
lived at Sidon.
Amongst thofe who honoured and favoured Zeno, was Anti-
gonus Gonotus King of Macedonia, a Prince no leffe éminent for his
Vertué
a Edert. :
1
4
ZE NO.
Vertue then his Greatneffe; much efteemed him, and, as often
as he went to Athens, heard him. He fent many times to invite
him to come to him, amongst the reft, one Letter to this effect,
alledged by Apollonius Tyrius.
T
King Antigonus to Zeno the Philofopher, health.
that
Think that I exceed you in Fortune and Glory; but, in Learning and
Difcipline, and that perfect felicity which you bude, Alained, I am
Difaplines and abad perfect felicity.
exceeded by you: Wherefore I thought it expedient to write to you,
you will come to me, affuring my felfe you will not deny it. Use all
means therefore to come to us, and know, you are not to instruct me only,
but all the Macedonians. Fors be who teacbeth the King of Macedo-
nia, and guideth him to Vertue, it is evident, that he doth likewife in-
Struck all his Subjects in Vertue. For fuch as is the Prince, fuch for the
"most part are those who live under his Government.
Zeno answered thus:
**
2
* M*
roly
To King Antigonus Zeng, health.
}
Kibr
1 Much esteem your earnest defire of Learning, in that you aime at
Philofophy, not popular, which perverteth manners, but that true dif-
cipline which conferreth profit, avoiding that generally commended
pleaſure which effeminates the foules of fome young men. It is manifeft,
that you are enclined to Generofity, not only by nature, but by choice.
A generous nature, with indifferent exercife, affifted by a Master, may
easily attain to perfect Vertue. But, I am very infirm of body by reafon of
my age, for I am fourefcore jears old, and therefore not able to come to
you. Yet, I will send you fome of my con-Difciples, who, in thofe things
that concern the Soul, are nothing inferiour to me; in thofe of the Body
are much fuperiour to me, of whom, if you make ufe, you will want no-
thing conducing to perfect Beatitude.
Thus Zeno abfolutely refuſed to go to Antigonus, but fent him
his Diſciple Perfaus fon of Demetrius, a Cittiean (who flourish'd
in the 130th Olympiad, Zeno being then very old) and Philonides
a Theban, both mentioned by Epicurus in his Epiftle to Ariſtobu-
lus, as having been with Antigonus.
O
CHAP. V.
His Apophthegmes.
a
;
This Apophthegmes are remembered thefe: Of a man very
finely dreft, ftepping lightly over a Kennell; He doth not care
1
for
ZENO.
for the dirt, faith he, because he cannot fat his face in it.
tel
A certain Cynick came to him to borrow Oyle, faying he
had none left: Zeno deny'd him, and as he was going aways. Now,
faith he, confider, which of us two are the more impudent
:51
Laert.
Cremonides, whom he much affected, and Cleanthes fitting Laert.
down beside him, he arofe; whereat Cleanthes wondring, I have
beard good Physicians fay, faith he, that the best remedy for tumburs
is reft.
{
Two fitting by him at a Feaſt, he that was next him hit the
other with his foot: Zeno hit him that was next him with his
knee, and turning him to him, what then think youy faith he, that
you have done to him that fits below you..
To one that loved the company of boyes, Neither have those
Mafters, faith he, any wit,who converfe alwaies with the boyes, nor the
boyes themselves.
He faid that elegant, fpeeches were like Alexandrian filver,
fair to the eye, and figur'd like mony, but not a whit of the more
value, Speeches which are otherwife, he likened to Attick Te-
tradrachmes, which had a rough ſtamp, but, were of greater
value.
Arifto his Difciple difcourfing many things foolishly, fome
petulantly, others confidently, It cannot be, faith he, but your Fa-
ther was drunk when you were begot: whereupon himſelfe being ve-
ry conciſe of ſpeech, he called him the Talker.
deipn.
To a great eater, who left nothing for thoſe that cat with him, Laert. Athen,
he cauſed a great fish to be fet before him, and immediately to
be taken away; the other looking upon him, what, faid he, do you
think your companions fuffer every day, feeing that you cannot suffer my
greedineffe once?
A young man, who queftion & fomething more curioufly then Laext.
fuited with his age, he brought to a Glaffe, and bad him look in
it, and then asked him, whether he thought that question agreed
with that face:
To one that faid, he difliked many things of Antifthenes wri-
ting, he brought his Chria of Sophocles, and asked him, if there
were any thing therein excellent: The other anſwered, he knew
not: Are you not ashamed then (replyed Zeno) if Antifthenes have
faid any thing ill, you select and remember that: but if any thing ex-
cellent, you are fo far from remembring, as not to minde it ?
品
​To one that faid, the fpeeches of Philofophers were ſhort:
You ſay very true, faith he, ſo ſhould their very ſyllables be, as much as
is poffible.
One faying of Polemon, that he propofed fome things, and faid
others: He frowning, faid, what rate do you fet upon things that are
given?
He faid, that a Difputant ſhould have the voice and lungs of a Co-
median, but not the loudneffe.
To
ZENO.
ד
To those that speak well, he ſaid, we ſhould allow a place to hear, as to
skilfull Artificers to fee; on the other fides the hearer muft fo attend to
mbat is fpoken, that he take no time to cenfure.
T
}
{
To a young man that ſpoke much; your ears,ſaith he, are fallen
into your tongue.
To a handfome youth who faid, that he thought that in his
opinion, a wife man ought not to love: Nothing, faith he, will be
more unhappy to you that are handfome.
He faid, that moft Philofophers are in many things fooles, in trivi-
all and vulgar things ignorant.
He pronounced that of Capecia, who when one of his Difciples
began to grow high, beating him, he ſaid, Right is not placed in
great, but great in right.
To a young man difcourfing with much confidence; roung
man, faith he, I ſhould be loath to tell you my thoughts.
A youth of Rhodes handſome and rich, but refractory to him
not enduring, he bad him firſt fit in a dirty feat, that he might
dirt his Gown, next placed him amongst the beggars, that he
might converſe with them and their raggs, untill at laſt the
young man went away.
He faid, that nothing is more unseemly then 'pride, eſpecially in
young men.
He ſaid, that we must not only commit to memory Speeches and
words, as those who make ready fome dish of meat, but apply it, and maké
ufe of it in our minds.
He faid, that young men must use all modefty in their walking, in
their behaviour, and in their garments; often repeating thoſe verſes
of Euripides concerning Capaneus,
He was not puft up with his store,
Nor thought himself above the poor:
He faid, nothing was more alienate from the comprehenfion of Sci-
ences then Poetry: and, that we need nothing more then Time.
Being asked who is a friend, he anfwered, My other felfe.
Having taken his fervant in a theft, he beat him; the fellow
faid, it was his deſtiny to steal, and to be beaten, faid he.
He faid, that Beauty is the sweetneffe of the voice; or, according to
fome, he called it, the flower of Beauty.
Seeing the fervant of one of his companions black and blew
with ftripes; Ifee, faith he, the fruits of your anger.
To one that ſmelt fweet of oyntments; who is it, faith he, that
fmells fo effeminately.
To Dionyfius firnamed is the retractor, who asked him,
why he corrected all but himfelfe ; becaufe, faith he, I do not be-.
lieve you.
To a young man who ſpoke too freely, for this reafon, faith he,
we
ZENO.
we have two ears and but one tongue,that we ſhould hear much and Speak
little.
ferm, 126,
He was invited to a Feaſt with other Philofophers by the Am- Laert. Stob.
baffadors of Antigonus (according to Laertius of Ptolomy) and
whilft of the reft every one amidft their cups made oftentation of
their Learning, he alone fare filent, whereupon the Ambaffadors
asking him what they ſhould ſay of him to Antigonus; That which
you fee, faith he, for of all things, it is hardest to contain speech.
Being lemanded how he behaved himſelf when reviled, hee
faidyasan Ambassador difmifs'd without answer.
He changed the Verfes of Hefiod, thus;
who good advice obeyes, of men is beft,
Next, he who ponders all in his own breft.
Laer. Athen.
For that man(faith he) is better who can obey good advice, and
make good uſe thereof,then he who finds out al things of himſelf;
for the latter hath only underſtanding, but the other practiſe alſo.
Being demanded how it came to paffe that being very auftere, Deipn.
he notwithſtanding was very cheerfull,and merry at a Feaſt, he
anfwer'd, Lupins, though in themselves bitter,being steep'd, grow sweet:
He ſaid it was better to flip with the foot then with the tongue.
He faid,that to do well is no fmall matter, to begin well depended on
a small moment.
This fome afcribe to Socrates.
+
One of the young men in the Academy fpeaking of fooliſh Stob. fër. 33.
ftudies, If you do not dip your tongue in your mind, faith Zeno, you will
Speak many other foolish things.
He accuſed many, faying, when they might take pleaſure in la- Stob. fer. 38.
bour, they would rather go to the Cooks fhop for it.
,
He faid, that we ſhould no affect delicacy of diet,not even in fickness. Stob. fer.39.ci-
Being demanded by one of his friends
what courſe hee Stob. fer. 52.
ting Mufonius.
fhould take to do no wrong, Imagine, reply'd he, that I am alwares
with you.
Being demanded whether a man that doth wrong, may con- Stob. fer. 52.
céal it from God, no, faith he, nor he who thinketh it.
To fome that excufed their prodigality, faying, that they had Stob.fer.7.74
plenty, out of which they did it; will you excuse a Cook,faith he,
that ſhould overfalt his meat becauſe he bath ſtore of falt.
He ſaid that of his Difciples, fome were pininoy, lovers of Know- Steb. fer. 133.
ledge, others,nóyopina, lovers of Speaking.
He compared the Arts of Dialectick to juſt meaſures filled, not with Stob. fer. 212.
wheat or any thing of value, but with chaffe and straw..
He faid, we ought not to enquire, whether men belonged to great Ci-
ties, but whether they deferved a great City.
Stob. fer. 217.
Seeing a friend of his too much taken up with the bufineffe Stob. fer: 222.
of his Land, unleffe you lose your Land, faith hee, it will lofe
you.
Bb bbb
He
8
ZENO.
Stob. fer. 297.
Elian. var.
hift.9.26.
Cic. Acad.
quest. 4.
r
a Laert.
b De longau.
is corrupt.
c Laert.
d Laert.
He ſaid, a man must live not only to eat and drink, but to uſe this
life for the obtaining of a happy life.
Antigonus being full of wine, went to viſit him,and kiffing and
embracing him as a drunken man, bad him demand, whatſoever
he would, fwearing that he would give it him; Zeno anſwered,
wogdbeis, quesov, at once reproving his vice, and taking care of his
health.
Stretching out the fingers of his right hand,he faid,fuch is phan-
tafie, then contracting them a little, fuch is affent; the clofing
them quite, and ſhutting his fift, fuch is comprehenfion; then put-
ting to it his left hand and ſhutting it cloſe and hard,fuck(faith he)
is fcience, of which none is capable but a wife man.
ZE
C
CHAP. VI.
His Death.
a
b
Eno having continued according to Apollonius Maſter of his
School fifty eight years,and attained to the ninety eighth of
the numericall his age,by the computation of Laertius and Lucian (for that he
letter in Suidas lived but feventy two years, as fome affirm upon the teftimony of
Perfaus, feems to be a miſtake, ſeeing that his Letter to Antigo-
nus was written in his 80th year)d in all which time he was never
molefted by any fickneffe, died upon this occafion. Going out of
the School, he fell and broke his finger, whereupon ftriking the
Ground with his hand, he ſaid,as Ñiole in the Tragedy, I come,
why do you call me? or as others, why do you drive me? and going out,
fome fay, he immediately ftrangled himself; others, that by
little and fittle he famifh'd himſelt.
e Laert.
f Suid.
Laert.'
!
% When the news of his death came to Antigonus, he broke
forth into theſe words, what a spectacle have I loft! and being de-
manded why he'ſo much admired him, becauſe, ſaid he, though I
bestowed many great things upon him, he was never therewith exalted
nor dejected. He fent immediately Thrafo on Embaffie to the A-
thenians, requeſting, that they would build him a Tomb in the
Ceramick, which the Athenians performed, honouring him with
this Decree:
A
A DECREE.
Rrhenides being Archon, the Tribe of Acamantis
having the first place in the Phrytanaum, the tenth
day of Maimacterion, the three and twentieth of the
futing of the Phrytaneum, the Congregation of Prefidents
decreed
ZENOS
decreed thus, Hippo Son of Cratiftoteles a Xympetean,
and the rest of the Preſidents, Thrafo Son of Thraſo, an
Anacean; declared;
{
Al
Whereas Zeno Son of Mnafeas a Cittiean, hath profeffed
Philofophy many years in this City, and in all other things
performed the office of a good man, encouraging thoſe young
men, who applyed themſelves to him, to Vertue and Tempe-
rance, leading himſelf a life fuitable to the Doctrine which
he profeſſed, a Pattern to the beſt to imitate ; The People
have thought fit (good Fortune go along with it) to do ho-
nour to Zeno Son of Mnaleas the Cittiean, and to crown
him with a Crown of Gold according to the Law, in reward
of his Vertue and Temperance, and to build a Tomb for him
publickly in the Ceramick. For,the making of which Crown,
and building of the Tomb, the People fhall make choice of
five men of the Athenians to take charge thereof. This De-
cree the Scribe of the People ſhall write upon two Pillars,
one whereof shall be placed in the Academy, the other in the
Lyceum. The charge of the Pillars, he who is Overseer of
the Publick works shall undertake to defray, by way of
rate, that all may know, the Athenian People honour good
men both alive and dead. To take care of the building are ap-
pointed, Thrafo an Anacæan, Philocles, a Pyrean, Phx-
drus, an Anaphiſtian, Medon, an Acarnean, Micythus a
Sympalletean.
The Athenians cauſed likewiſe his Satue in Braffe to be fet up,
as did alſo the Cittieans his Countrymen. Antipater the Sidonian
beſtow'd this Epitaph upon him.
Here Zeno lies, who tall Olympus fcal'd,
Not heaping Pelion on Offa's head,
Nor by Herculean labours fo prevail'd,
But found out Vertue's path which thither led.
Another Epigram was written upon him by Xenodotus the Sto-
ick, diſciple of Diogenes.
Zeno thy years to hoary age were spent,
Not with vain riches, but with felf-content:
•
B b b b b z
A
10
ZENO
a Laert.
b Laert.
Laert.
Laert.
Laert.
Laert.
*Laert.
Laert.
Į
A se
A Stout and conftant Se& deriv'd from thee
The Mother of nought-dreading liberty:
Phoenicia, whence thou iffuedst who can flight?
Thence Cadmus too, who first taught Greece to write.
CHAP. VII.
1 T
His Perfon and Vertues.
b
2
+
S concerning his Perfon, Timotheus faith, he was wry-
neck'd: Apollonius Tyrius, that he was lean, tall, and of a
fwarthy complexion, whence fti'd by fome (as Chryfippus ) the
Ægyptian Sprigge. His look was fad, grave,fevere and frowning;
his conftitution not ſtrong, for which reafon Perfaus faith, he
forbore to feaſt much. His ordinary diet,confifted in raw food,
eſpecially Figgs, both new and dryed, bread and hony which he
eate moderately, and a little fweet Wine.
His continence was fuch,that when Perfaus, who cohabited with
him, brought a fhe-Minſtrell to him,he immediately fent her
back.
.: .::
Notwithſtanding his feverity, he was very complaifant, and
often feafted with King Antigonus, and meeting him fometimes
drunk, went along with him to Ariftocles the Mufician, to nightly
banquets and plaies.
Popular oftentation he avoided by fitting in the loweſt place,
whereby he freed himfelfe from the troublefome importunity of
the other part.
1
He never walked with more than two or three at once: Cleanthes
faith, he many times gave mony to people that they would not
trouble him,& throng about him.Being on a certain time encom-
paffed by a great croud, he fhewed them a wooden ball on the
top of the cloyſter, which formerly belonged to an Altar: This,
faith he, was once placed in the middle; but, becauſe it is trou-
bleſome, it is now laid afide: I defire you would in like manner
withdraw your felves, that you may be leffe troubleſome.
He was fo free from being corrupted by gifts, that * De-
mocharis fon of Laches, defiring him to let him know what
bufineffe he would have to Antigonus, promifing to write about
it, and affuring him, that Antigonus would furnish him with
whatſoever he defired; he turned away from him, and would
never after converſe with him.
He was fo humble, that he converfed with mean and ragged
perfons, whence Timon;
{
And
ZENO.
And for companions gets of fervants ſtore,
Of all men the most empty and most poor.
"
He was moſt patient and frugall in his houthold, expences,
fomething enclining to the fordidneffe of the Barbarians. Laerti-
us mentions one fervant that he had, Seneca averrs he had none.
Whenfoever he reprehended any, it was covertly and afar Laert.
off, as may appear by many of his Apophthegms.
His habit was very mean, whence it was laid of him,
Him nor the winters rigid froft or rain,
The Scorching Sun or sharp difeafe can pain :
Not like the common fort of people he;
But, day and night bent on Philofophy.
The Comick Poets unwittingly, intending to difcommend
him, praiſe him, as Philemon, in his Comedy of Philofophers,
He water drinks, then Broth and Herbs doth eat
To live, his Schollers teaching, without meat.
This fome afcribe to Pofidippus.
His vertues were ſo eminent,that they grew at laft into a Pro-
verb, More continent then Zeno the Philofopher, whence Poffidippus
He ere ten daies were spent,
Zeno in Continence out-went.
Indeed he excelled all men in this kind of Vertue, and in Gras
vity, and, by Jove (addeth Laertius) in Felicity likewiſe.
HE
CHAP. VHI.
His Writings.
E wrote many Bookes, wherein (faith Laertius) hefo dif-
courfed, as no Stoick after him: their Titles are theſe:
Laert.
1
of Common-wealth, writen whilſt he was an auditor of Crates, Laert.
and (as *Plutarch faith) much applauded, the fcope whereof was
Orat. I,
this, That we ſhould not live in feverall Citties and Townes by distinct * De vit. Alex
Lawes; but, that we ſhould own all men as our Country-men and fellow-
Citrifens: that there ſhould be one manner of life and one order, as of one
flock which grazeth by equall right in one pasture.
;
• Of Appetites or, of human Nature.
Of Paffions.
of Office.
Of Law.
of
12
YZENO.
Of the Discipline of the Grecians.
offight.
of the Universe.
Offignes.
Pythagoricks.
Univerfalls.
A
1
Of words.
>
Homericall Problems 5.
Of hearing Poetry.
The Art.
Solutions.
Confutations.
F
1
Y
Y
✔
>
J
1
wil
11
Domot
+
1
£
་
1
}
..
* Laert.
1
Memorialls.
The Moralls of Crates.
* Some, amongſt whom is Cafius a Sceptian, reprehended ma-
ny things in the writings of Zeno: Firft, that in the beginning
of his Common-wealth, he affirmeth the liberall Sciences to be of
no uſe.
Again, that all wicked men are enemies among themfelves, and
flaves and strangers, as well Fathers to their Children, as Brethren to
Brethren. Again, that only good men are Citifens, and Friends, and
Kindred, and Children as he affirmeth in his Book of the Common-
wealth. So that according to the Stoicks, Parents should be ene-
mies to their Children, becauſe they are not wife.
That in his Common-wealth he would have women to be in
common.
That no Temples, Courts of Judicature, nor publick Schooles, fhould
be built in a Common-wealth.
That Mony is not neceffary, neither for exchange nor traffick.
That women ſhould goin the fame habit as men.
Laert.
*Athen:
८.
CHAP. IX.
I
Call
1
His Difciples.
共
​ENO (faith Laertius) had many Diſciples; the moſt emi-
nent theſe :
PERSÆ US Son of Demetrius, a Cittiean; fome affirm hee
was Zeno's Scholer, others that he was one of the fervants which
were fent by Antigonus to Zeno to tranfcribe his writings;*whence
Bion feeing this infcription on his Statue, PERSEUS OF
ZENO A CITTIEAN faid, the Graver mistook, for instead of
ôxitlitv's, he ſhould have put OmniThus, a fervant..
•
οικιτιούς,
Afterwards he returned to Antigonus King of Macedonia; An-
tigonus to make a tryall of him caufed a falfe report to be brought
him, that his lands were ſpoiled by the Enemy; whereat ap-
pearing
1
NVZENO.
pearing troubl'd, Do you not-fee, faith Antigonus,tbat riches are not to
be reckon'd amongst indifferent things ?
13
Antigonus fo much favour'd him, that he preferr'd him to the
government of Acrocorinthus ; on which Fort depended not only
Corinth, but all Peloponnefus ; in this charge he was unfortunate;
for the Caſtle was taken by the cunning of Aratus a Sicyonian
(* Athenæus faith, whilft Perfaus was feafting) who turned out * Deipn.
Perfæus, whereupon afterwards to one that maintained onely a
wife man is a Governour: and I faith he, was once of the fame mind,
being so taught by Zeno, but now am of another opinion; the Sicyonian
young man (meaning Aratus) hath taught me otherwife; Thus Plu-
tarch; But Paufanias faith, that Aratus upon taking of the Fort
amongſt others pút Perfaus the Governour to death.
He faid, that those were esteemed Gods who had invented fome things cic.
Very usefull to humane life.
He wrote theſe Books ; Of a Kingdom; The Lacedæmonian Cóm-
monwealth; of marriages of impiety; Thyeftes, Of Love, Protrepticks,
Exercitations; Chryas, 4. Commentaries; against Plato's Laws 7.
*Sympoſiack Dialogues.
* Atben.Deipn,
ARISTO Son of Miltiades, a Chian, firnamed the Siren? Laert.
when Zeno fell into a long fickneffe, he left him, and went (as
Diocles faith ) to Polemo: He was alſo a follower of Perfæus, whom
he flatter'd much, becauſe of his favour with Antigonus; for hee
was much given to pleaſure even unto his end; Thus revolting
from his Maſter Zeño, he afferted,
A
!
That the end confiſts in thofe mean things which are betwixt
virtue and vicę, that is,in indifference; not to be moved on either
fide, nor to imagine the leaft difference to be in theſe things, but
that they are all alike; For a wife man is like a good Player,who
whether he perfonate Agamemnon or Therfides, will act either part cic. Acad.
very well: Thus he took away the dignity which Zeno held to be quaft. 4:
in theſe mean things betwixt virtue and vices holding that there cic: de finib. 4.
is no difference in them.
He took away Phyfick and Logick, affirming that one is above
us, the other appertaines nothing to us ; Ethick onely appertaines
to us; he compared Dialectick reafon to cobwebs, which though
they ſeem artificiall, yet are of no uſe.
He introduced not on any virtues as Zeno, nor one called by
feverall names as the Megarick Philofophers, but affirmed they
have a quodammodotative relation to one another.
Profeffing theſe tenets,and difputing in Cunofarges,he came to be
called Author of a Sect; whence Milciades and Diphilus were
called Ariſtonians.
He was very perfwafive, and wrought much upon the com-
mon people, whence Timon in Sillis,
One of Arifto's f'mooth perfwafive race.
1
He defended eagerly this Paradox of the Stoicks, that a wife
man
14
OYZENO.
* Laert: vit.
Arcef.
Laert.
X
Laert
1
man doth not opinionate, but know, which Ferfaus oppofing, caufed
of two like twins, firft, one to give a depofitum to him, then the
other to come and redemand it, and by his doubting, if it were
the fame perfon, convinced him.
He inveigh'd against Arcefilaus, [*calling him a corrupter of
youth.] On a time, feeing a Monſter like a Bull, but of both fex-
•es, he faid, Alas! here is an argument for Arcefilaus against ener-
gy
To an Academick who faid, he comprehended nothing, Do
you not fee (faith he) him who fitteth next you? which he denying,
who ftruck you blinde, faith he, or took your light away?
He wrote thefe Treatifes, Protrepticks 2. of Zeno's Dodrine,
Scholaftick Dialogues 6. of wisdome differtations 7.Erotick differtations:
Commentaries upon vain-glory: Commentaries 15. Memorialls 3,
Chrias 11. against Oratours: against Alexinus his oppofitions to the
Dialecticks 3. to Cleanthes Epistles 4. But Panatius and Soficrates
affirm the Epistles only to be his, the reft to be Arifto's the Peri-
patetick.
The Sun ftriking hot upon his head (which was bald ) occafi-
on'd his death. There was another of the fame name, a Juliite,
a Peripatetick; another an Athenian, a Mufician; a fourth a Tra-
gick Poet; a fift an Alaan, who writ the Rhetoricall art; a fixt of
Alexandria, a Peripatetick.
5 by
ERILLUS. (or as Cicero,Herillus) was a Carthaginian: when he
was a boy, he was loved and courted by many, which Zeno
caufing him to be ſhaved, diverted.
~
He held, that the end is ſcience, which is to live fo, as to re-
fer all things to Science, joyned with life: That Science is a habit
fufceptive of phantafies, falling under reafon.
1
Yet, fometimes he faid, there is no end; but, that the end it
felfe is changed by the things, and thoſe which are joyned to
the things, as Braffe, of which the Statues of Alexander or Socra-
tes is made.
That s the end, and mrs differs, one is objected to un-
wife perfons as well as wife, the other to wife only.
Thoſe things which are betwixt vertue and vice are indiffe-
rents.
His Bookes are written in a ſhort ſtile, confifting of few
words, but very efficacious, wherein is contain'd what he held
contrary to Zero.
His writings theſe, of Exercitation, of Paffion, of Sufpition,
the Law-giver, Majeutick, Antipheron, the Maſter, the Prepa-
rative, the Directive, Hermes, Medea, Dialogues, morall
Thefes.
His Diſciples were called Herilians, named by Cicero as a par-
ticular Sect amongst the Socraticks.
DIONYSIUS, fon of Theophantus,,an Heracleot, from the
change of his opinion firnamed iuvos, the retractor. He was
from
ZE NO.
15
from the beginning ftudioufly addicted to learning, and writ
Poems of all kinds; then betook himſelfe to Aratus, being much
pleafed with him. Of Philofophers he first heard, as Diocles af-
firmes, Heraclides his country-man; then Alexinus, and Menede-
mus; after theſe Zeno.
Revolting from Zeng, he addicted himfelfe to the Cyrenæans 5
he went to common houſes, and addicted himſelfe to other
plenfures,
He afferred the end to be pleaſure, and that by reaſon of his
own purblindneſſes for being much grieved thereat, he durft
not affirm griefe to be one of the indifferents.
He died eighty years old, ſtarved.
His writings are thus intitled, of apathy 2. of riches and favour
and puniſhment, of the use of men, of good fortune, of the Kings of the
anments, of things that are praifed, of the customes of the Barbarians.
SPHERUS was of Bofphorus,he first heard Zeno,then Cleanthes,
and having made a fufficient progreffe in learning, went to A-
lexandria to Ptolomy Philopater, where there arifing a difpute,
whether a wife man doth opinionate, and Spharus maintaining
that he doth not, the King commanded fome Quinces, Athenæus
faith Birds,of wax to be fet before him, wherewith Spharus being
coſen'd, the King cried out, that he affented to a falfe phantafy:
Sphærus preſently anſwered, that he affented not that they were
quinces, but that it was probable they were quinces : but comprehenfive
phantafie differs from probable; for that is never falfe, but in probable Athen.
matters fometimes a thing falleth out otherwife than we imagined.
* Mnefiftratus accufing him, that he denyed Ptolomy to be King, * Laert.
he answered, that he thought Ptolomy or fuch a one was King.
*
His writings are thefe: Of the world, of the feed of Elements, of
fortune, of leafts, against atomes and apparitions, of the organs of fenfe,
upon Heraclitus five differtations; of morall defcription, of office, of
appetite, of paſſions 2. dissertations of a Kingdomes of the Lacedemoni-
an Common-wealth, of Lycurgus and Socrates 3. of Law, of Divina-
tion, Erotick Dialogues, of the Eretriack Philofophers, of things like, of
definitions, of habit, of contraries 3. of reason, of riches, of glory, of
death, of the art of Dialectick 2. of categorems, of ambiguities, Epistles.
CLEANTHES, whom Zeno compared to writing tables, that
are fo hard, they will not eaſily admit an impreffion; but ha-
ving once received it, keep it long. He fucceeded Zeno, of him
therefore apart.
Philon, a Theban.
Gallippus, a Corinthian.
Pofsidonius,an Alexandrian.
Atkenoaorus of Soli; there were two more of the fame name
Stoicks..
Zeno,'a Sidonian,
Laft in the Catalogue' of his Difciples muſt be remembred
C c c c c
*
*
an
I
16.
ZENO
1
198,
* Ethic. Serm. an Eretrian youth (mention'd by * Stobaus) who heard Żeno till
he came to be a man; then returning to Eretria, his Father asked
him what he had learn'd all that time, he anfwered, he would
ſhortly let him fee, and did fo; for, not long after his Father in
anger did beat him, which he took quietly, faying, This I have
learn'd, to bear with the anger of a Father, and not to oppoſe it. XX
In the life of Zeno (for as much as he is author of that Sect)
it will be requifite to give account of the Doctrine of the Stoicks
in generall; wherein, if the terms feem harſhly rendred, it will
eafily be forgiven by thofe, who confider, the Stoicks were no
leffe particular in their words, then in their doctrines.
V
THE DOCTRINE
OF THE
STOICKS.
The Firſt PART:
"
CHAP. I.
a Plut. de plac. a
Phil. I. I.
b Laert.
of PHILOSOPHY in generall, and particularly
of DIALECTICK.
W
;
ISDOME is the Science of things divine and humane
Philofophy is the exercitation of convenient Art: Conve-
nient is only and fupream vertue. Of Vertues in the most generall
fence there are three kinds, Naturall, Morall, Rationall; for
which cauſe Philofophy likewife hath three parts, Phyfick, E-
thick, Logick: Phyfick, when we enquire concerning the World,
and the things in the world: Ethick is employ'd about humane
life: Logick is that part which concerns reafon, which is alſo
called Dialectick. Thus Zeno the Cittiean firſt divided it in his
book of Speech, and Chryfippus in his first book of Speech, and in
his firſt of Phyficks; and Apollodorus Ephillus in his firſt book of
Introductions into Dodrines; and Eudromus in his morall Inftitutions
and Diogenes the Babylonian, and Pofsidonius. Thefe parts Apol-
lodorus calleth Places; Coryfippus and Eudromus fpecies, others ge-
nus's.
b
That Logick is a part of Philoſophy diſtinct from the reſt,
(where-
ZENO.
17
}
(wherein all the Stoicks agree) is proved by two arguments,
C
the first this: Every thing which ufeth another; if that which c Ammonius in
the thing uſing, ufeth, be neither part nor particle, nor part of Categ
part of any other, it muſt be part or particle of the thing ufing;
as medicine uſeth the art of prefcribing diet, which art being
neither part nor particle of any other, is confequently a part or
particle of Medicine; of part, as to the cure, of particle, as to the
practiſe.
d
Philoſophy is converfant about Logicks Logick therefore is a philop.in lib.
either a part or particle of Philofophy; but, a particle it is not,³. Anal. prior.
for it is not a part either of the Contemplative or the Active.
That which is a particle of any thing, ought to have the ſame
matter and ſcope, with that whereof it is a part: Logick hath
neither of thefe common with Active Philofophy, the matter
whereof is humane things, and moderation of Appetite, the
common ſcope, what in them is to be embraced or fhunned: but,
the matter of Logick is propofitions, the fcope, to demonftrate
by a compoſure of propofitions, that which neceffarily falls out
upon the collection. Neither is Logick a part of the Contem
plative, the matter whereof is things divine, the end, contem-
plation of them: now, if it be not a part, either of the Contem-
plative or the Active, it is not a particle of Philofophy, but e-
qually feparate from both theſe, and confequently it muſt be a
part of it.
с
• The fecond Argument is thus. No Art frameth its own In- e Ammonius in
ftruments, if therefore Philofophy make Logick, it is not its In- Categor.
ftrument, but part thereof.
adv. Log. I.
*Philofophy, is by fome compared to a field which produceth Sext. Empir
all manner of fruit; Phyfick to the foil and tall trees, Ethick to
to the mature pleaſant fruit, Logick to the ſtrong fence. Others
liken it to an Egge; Ethick to the yolk, which fome affirm to bee
the Chicken; Phyfick to the white, which is the nouriſhment of
the Chicken; Logick to the outfide or fhell. Poffidonius, (becauſe
the parts of Philofophy are infeparable from one another, but
plants are diſtinct from the fruits, as walls from hedges) chuſeth
father to compare Philofophy to a living creature, Phyfick to
blood and flesh, Logick, to bones and nerves, Ethick to the foul.
(Thus Sextus Empiricus, by whom, perhaps, Laertius is to be
corrected, who faith, They likened Ethick to the Flesh, Phyfick to the
Soul) Laſtly, they compare Philofophy to a City, well fortified
and govern'd according to Reafon.
s Some affirm, that none of theſe parts are diftinct from the
reft, but, all intermingled with one another, for which reaſon,
they deliver them confufedly. The greater part place Logick
first, Ethick next, Phyfick laft; becaufe the minde ought firit to
be fortified for the keeping of thoſe things which are committed
to it, fo, as it be not eafily expugnable: "The Dialectick place is
Ccccc 2
g Laeri.
18-
***
ZENO
}
a fortification for the minde.. Secondly, to deſcribe the contem-
plation of manners, that they may be reformed, which is fafely
undertaken, when the Logicall power is firſt laid down. Laftly,
to induce the contemplation of Nature, for that is more divine,
la De plac. Phil and requireth a more profound attention. This method Pu
tarch affirmes to have been obferved by Chryfippus, adding that
of Phyfick, the last part, is that which treateth of God; for which reafon
they call the precepts of Religion rentras, It feemes therefore, that
there is fome miſtake in Laertius, who of thoſe who place Logick
firſt, Phyfick next, and Ethick next, and Ethick laft, citeth Zend
in his Book of Speech, and Chryfippus, and Archedemus, and Ex-
dromus. But Diogenes the Ptolemaan (continueth he) begins with
Ethick: Apollodorus puts Ethick in the fecond place; Panatius
and Poffidonius begin with Phyfick, as Phanias, companion of
Pofsidonius affirms, in his firft of Pofsidonius's differtations.
i Laert.
k Laert.
1 Laert.
m Laert.
n Laert.
1
¹Of Logick, Cleanthes affigneth fix parts, Dialectick, Rhetorick,
Ethick, Politick, Phyſick, Theologick: Some affirm, theſe are not
parts of Logick, but of Philofophy it felfe: ſo Zeno of Tarfis. The
Logicall part is by fome divided into two Sciences, Rhetorick and
Dialecticks fome add the definitive part, fome divide the definitive
part into that which concernes invention of truth (by which the
differences of Phantafies are directed) and that which concernes
knowledge of truth; for things are comprehended by notions.
$ * Rhetorick is the ſcience of well fpeaking, by dilating upon the
thing comprehended. Dialectick is the fcience of well fpeaking,
that is true and confentaneous) or well difputing by queftion
and anfwer. It is defined by Pofsidonius, the fcience of true, false,
and neuter.
1
}
Rhetorick is of three kinds, deliberative, judiciall, demonſtra-
tive: The parts of Rhetorick are Invention, Stile, Difpofition, Pro-
nunciation: Rhetoricall Speech is divided into Praem, Narration
Confutation, Epilogue.
m
•
?
>
Dialectick is neceffary, and a virtue within its fpecies, con-
taining other vertues; relacia, a Science whereby we are
taught when to affent, and when not; ¿vegóris, a firm reafony
whereby we refift appearances, and are not led away by them:
veia, a fortitude of reafon, which keeps us from being tran-
fported with the adverfe opinion: arabs, a habit directing
phantafies to right reaſon.
n Dialectick is a Science or certain comprehenſion, or a habit,
not erring by reafon in reception of phantafies; but, without
Dialectick, a wife man cannot be infallible in reaſons for by this,
we difcern the true, falfe, and probable, and diftinguith the
ambiguous.
1
CHAP.
ZENO.
19
t
n
?
CHAP. II.
•
Of the Inftruments and rules of Judgment.
IN'the firſt place, they put the difcourfe concerning phanta- a Laert.
fies and fence, as a Judicatory, whereby the truth of things is
difcerned.
The Senfes (according to Zeno,who made many alterations in b Cic. Acad. ▾
Dialectick, and afferted many things of the Sences that were
wholly new) are joyned by a certain kinde of extrinfecall impul-
fion,termed Phantafy. To thefe phantafies received by the ſenſes,
is added an affention of the minde,which is placed in us volunta-
The phantafie, when ſeen, is comprehenfible, when received
and approved, comprehenfion, and, if fo comprehended, as
that it cannot be plucked away by reaſon, Science.
ry.
C
Judgment is a perſpection which difcerneth a thing.
c Galen. bift.
phil.
adv.log.
».
That which judgeth is taken two waies: 1. By which wed Sen. Empir.
fay, fomethings are, others are not, theſe are true, thoſe are
falſe. 2. Of Effence only; and this is underſtood three waies
commonly, properly, and moft properly. Commonly, for every
meaſure of comprehenfion, in which fenfe, even thoſe things
which judge naturally, have this appellation, as fight, hearing,
taft. Properly, for every artificiall meaſure of comprehenfion;
thus a cubit, a ballance, a ruler, a pair of compaffes, are called
things that judges but fight, and hearing, and the other common
inftruments of fenfe, are not. Most properly, for every meaſure of
comprehenfion of a thing, uncertain, and not evident. In which
fence, thoſe things which belong to the actions of life, are not
faid to be things judging, but the logicall only, and thoſe which
dogmaticall Philofophers alledge for the invention of truth.
The Logicall is fubdivided into that from which, that by which,
and the application or habitude. From which,the man; by which,
the ſenſe: the third is the application of phantafie or fight. For
as in the Staticks, there are three things which judge, the weigh-
er, the ballance,and pofition of the ballance: The weigher is the
judge from which, the ballance the judge by which, the pofition
of the ballance, as it were a habitude. And again, as to diſcern
right or oblique things is required, an Artificer,a Ruler, and the
application thereof; in like manner in Philofophy are required
thoſe three things mentioned to the difcernment of true and
falfe: the man from whom the judgment is made, is like the
weigher or artificer; to the ballance and ruler anſwer ſenſe and
cogitation, by which the judgment is made; to the habitude of
the forenamed inftruments, the application of phantafy, by
which a man commeth to judge.
* The Judge of truth, they affirm to be comprehenſive phantafy¸‹ Laert.
that
་་
ZENO.
20
that is, proceeding from that which is: fo Chryfippus in the 12th
of his Phyficks, and Antipater, and Apollodorus. But Boethus holds
many judicatories, the minde, and fence, and appetite, and sciences,
from whom chryfippus diffenting in his firſt Book of Reason, af-
firmeth the Judicatories to be Senfe and Anticipation. Anticipa-
tion is a naturall notion of Univerfalls. Others of the more anti-
ent Stoicks (as Pofsidonius faith in his Book of Judgments) aſſert
right reafon to be the Judicatory.
aSt. Aug.Civit. a
dei. 8.7.
b Laert.
c Origen contra.
Cels. lib. 7.
d Cic. Acad.
quast. 1.
e Cic. Acad.
quast. 4.
Sext. Empir.
Da
CHAP. III.
Of Senfe.
1
1
Ialectick is derived from corporeall fenfes; for, from
thence, the foul conceiveth notions (Evoras) of thoſe things
which are explained by definition, and from thence is propaga-
ted and connexed the whole reafon of Learning and Teaching.
Senfe is a fpirit, proceeding from the ſupream part
Soul, and permeating to the Organs.
C
of the
Whatſoever things are comprehended, are manifeftly com-
prehended by ſenſe; all conceptions of the minde depend upon
fenſe.
d Comprehenfion made by the fenfes is true and faithfull,(ac-
cording to Zeno) for as much as nature hath given it as a rule for
ſcience, and principle of her felfe.
e
Nothing is more clear then this
not be any ſpecch more perfpicuous.
appia, evidence; there can-
* Of Senfibles and Intelligibles, fome are true, but, not dire-
pyrrh. hyp. 2.8. Etly fenfible; but, by relation to thoſe things which are next, as
falling under Intelligence.
CHAP. IV.
Of Phantasy.
a Laert:
M
b Plut. plac.
Phil. 4. 12.
a
the
>
n the first place (faith Diocles the Magnefian) they put
In
reafon concerning Phantafie and Senfe,as a judgment,whereby
the truth of things is difcerned. It is phantafie as to its genus,
and likewife in as much as the reaſon of affent, comprehenfion
and intelligence (which is more excellent then the reft) conſiſts
not without Phantafy; for phantafy goeth firft, then the minde
endued with elocution, declareth by words what it fuffers from
the phantafy.
b
Phantafy is fo called from as, light; for as light fheweth it
felfe, and with it felfe all thoſe things which are contained
within
ZENO.
21
within it; fo phantafy fheweth it felfe, and that which maketh
it.
c
• Phantafy is an impreffion in the Soul: Cleanthes addes, an im-c Sext. Empir.
preffion by depreffion and eminence, as that impreffion, which is Pyrrb.hyp.lib.2,
made in Wax by a Seal.
Chryfippus conceives this to be abfurd; for 1. faith he, When
the foule firſt apprehends a triangle and a fquare, it will follow,
that the fame body, at the fame time, muft have in it felfe ſeve
rall figures, which is abfurd. Again, whereas many phantafiés
are together confiftent in us, the Soul muſt have divers figures;
which is worſe then the former. He therefore conceived, that
Zeno uſed the word Impreffion, for Alteration, meaning thus;
Fantaſy is an alteration of the Soul, whereby it is no longer ab-
furd, that the fame body (many feverall phantafies being at the
fame time conſiſtent in us) ſhould receive ſeverall alterations.
For, as the aire receiving at once innumerable different percuf-
fions, hath preſently many alterations; fo the fupream part of
the foule, receiving various phantafies, doth ſomething which
hath proportion and conformity thereto.
Some object that this expofition is not right; becaufe, though
every phantaſy is an impreffion and alteration in the Soul; yet,
every impreffion or alteration of the Soul is not phantafy: as
when the finger fmarts or itches, and the hand is rubbed, there
is then an impreffion and alteration in the foul; but it is not
phantafy, becauſe it is not in the fupream part of the foul.
They anfwer, That in ſaying, an impreffion in the Soul, is im-
plyed as in the Soul as fully, as if we should fay, phantaſy is an
impreffion in the Soul as in the Soul; as when we ſay, the white
in the eye, we imply, as in the eye; that is, the white is in a cer-
tain part of the eye, which all men have fo by nature. So when
we fay, Phantaſy is an impreffion in the Soul, we imply the im-
preffion to be made in the fupream part thereof.
Others more elegantly anfwer, that the word Soul is taken
two waies, either for the whole,or for the principall part: when
we ſay, man conſiſts of foul and body; or, that death is a fepara-
tion of the foul from the body, we mean properly the fupream
part, wherein properly confifts the motion and goods of the
Soul. When Zeno therefore calleth Phantafy an impreffion in
the Soul, he is not to be underſtood of the whole Soul, but, of
part thereof; as if he ſhould fay, Phantafy is an alteration of
the fupream part of the Soul.
To this interpretation, fome object thus: Appetition, Affen-
tion, and Comprehenfion are alterations in the fupream part
of the foul; but, thefe differ from phantafy, that being a certain
kinde of perfwafion and affection, whereas this is more operati-
on then appetition, therefore the definition is not good, being
competible to many other things.
They
22
WZENO.
¿
d Laert.
e Sext. Empir.
2.
They anfwer by recourfe to us (impliances) that a defi
nition is underſtood to be in all. As he who faith, Love is an
application of the Soul towards procurement of Friendship, im-
plyeth amongst young people; fo when we fay that phantafy is
an alteration in the fupream part of the foul, we imply by per-
fwafions for, alteration is not made by operation...
4 Of Phantasies there are many kinds, fome are fenfible, others
not-fenfible. Senfible are thofe which are received through one or
more of the fences: Not-fenfible are thofe which are received
through the minde, as of incorporcalls, and other things.com-
prehended by reafon. The fenfible formed from things that are,
are made with conceffion and affent. There are alfo apparitions
of phantafies, proceeding from things which are.
Again, fome are rationall, others irrationally rationall, thoſe of
reaſonable creatures; irrationall, thofe of unreaſonable. The ra-
tionall are intelligence, the irrationall have no name.
Again, fome are artificiall, others in-artificiall; for,an Image is
confidered by an Artiſt one way, by him that is not an artift ano-
ther way.
C
Again, fome are probable, fome improbable: The probable are
Pyrrh. hyp. lib. thofe which make an eafie motion in the foul; as, It is now day,
I difcourfe, and the like. The Improbable, are of a contrary na-
ture, averting us from affent; as, it is day, the Sun is not above
the earth; if it is dark, it is day. Both probable and improbable arc
thofe, which, by relation to other things, are fometimes fuch, as
in doubtfull ſpeeches, neither probable nor improbable are fuch,
as theſe, The ftaires are even, the ſtaires are odd.
Of probable and improbable Phantafies, fome are true, fome
are falfe, fome are neither true nor falfe. True are thoſe, whoſe
predication is true, as, It is day, 'tis light: Falfe, whofe predica-
tion is falſe; Both true and falfe, as happened to Oreftes in his mad-
noffe, meeting Electra; that he met fomething, it was true, for it
was Electra; but, that it was a fury, was falfe. Neither true nor
falſe are thoſe which are taken from the Genus; for the Genus
is not fuch as the Species in all refpects; as, of men, fome are
Grecians, fome are Barbarous; but, man in generall is not, Gre-
cian, for then all men muſt be Grecians, neither barbarous, for
the fame reafon.
Of true Phantafies, fome are comprehensive, others are not-
comprehenfive. Nol-comprehenfive are thofe which happen through
fickneffe, or perturbation of minde; many being troubled with
frenzie or melancholly, attract a true phantaly which is not
comprehenſive, even from that which extrinfecally occurrs ca-
fually, for which reafon, they neither affert it often, nor affent
unto it. Comprehenfice phantafie is that which is impreffed and
figned by that which is, and conformable to that which is, ſo as
it cannot be of that which is not.
To
!
1
ZENO.
23
To comprehenfive phantafie three conditions are requiſite :
1. That it ariſe from that which is; for many phantafies ariſe
from that which is not, as in mad men. 2. That it be conforma-
ble to that which is; for fome phantafiesare from that which is,
but reprefents the fimilitude of that which is not: as Oreftes de-
rived a phantafie from that which was, viz. from Electra, but
not according to that which was; for he thought her to be one
of the furies Comprehenfive phantafie muſt be conformable to
that which is, and fo impreffed and figned, as that it may im-
print artificially all the properties of the thing phancied, as
Gravers touch all the parts of thoſe things which they imitate
and the impreffion made by a Seal on Wax exactly and per-
fectly beareth all its characters. Laſtly, that it be without im-
pediment; for fometimes comprehenfive phantafie is not credi-
table, by reafon of outward circumftances; as when Hercules
brought Alceftis taken out of the Earth, to Admetus, Admetus
drew from Alceftis a comprehenfive phantafie, but did not cre-
dit its for, he confider'd, that she was dead, and therefore could
not rife again, but, that fometi Spirits appear in the ſhape of
the deceafed.
K
£ Phantafy, Phantafton, Phantafticon, and Phantafme, according t Plus. plas.
to Chryfippus, differ thus: Phantafy is a paffion made in the Soul, Phil. 4. 12.
which theweth it felfe, and that which made it ; as, when with
our eyes we fee white, it is a paffion engendred by fight in the
Soul, and we may call this a paffion, becauſe the object thereof
is a white thing which moveth us: the like of ſmelling and
touching.
Phantafton is that which maketh phantafie; as the white and
the cold, and whatſoever is able to move the Soul, that is phan-
tafton.
Phantafticon is a fruftaneous attraction; a paſſion in the Soul
proceeding from nothing; as in thoſe who fight with fhadowes,
or extend their hands in vain: for, to phantaly is objected phan-
taſton, but phantafticon hath no obje&.
Thantafme is that, to which we are attracted by that fruftra-
neous attraction, which happens in melancholy, or mad perfonss
as Oreftes in the Tragedy, when he faith,
Bring hither, Mother, I implore,
• Thefe fnakie bloodie Maids no more;
whofe very lookes wound me all o're:
This he faith in his madneffe, for he ſaw nothing: wherefore
Electra anſwers him,
Ab quiet in thy bed(unhappy) lie :
Thou ſeeft not what thou thinkft before thy eye.
D d d d d
CHAP.
:
ZENO.
24
a St. Aug. com™
tra Acad. lib. 21.
I f
T
CHAP. V.
Of True and Truth.
1
RUE (according to Zeno) is that which is impreffed in
the minde from that whence it is, in fuch manner, as it
b Sext. Empir. cannot be from that which is not: or, as others, True is that
Pyrrh,hyp.2. 8. which is, and is oppoſed to fomething: Falſe is that which is
not; yet, is oppoſed to fomething alfo.
}
Truth and true differ three waies, by Effence, by Conftitution, by
Power. By Effence, for truth is a body; but, true is incorporeall,
for it is a dicible air, and therefore incorporeall. On the con-
trary, Truth is a body, as being the enunciative Science of all
true things, All Science is in fome meaſure the fupream part of
the Soul, which fupream part is a body: therefore truth in ge-
nerall is corporeall.
کی
ર
By Conftitution; True is conceived to be fomething uniforme
and fimple by nature; as, It is, I difcourfe. Truth, as being
a Science, confifteth of many gs, by a kinde of confervation.
Wherefore as a People is one thing, a Citizen another; a Peo-
*-ple is a multitude confifting of many Citizens; but, a Citizen is
no more then one. In the fame manner differeth truth from true.
Truth reſembleth a People, true a Cittizen; for, truth confiſteth
of many things collected, true is fimple.
By Powers for true doth not abfolutely adhere to truth: A fool,
a child, a mad-man, may ſpeak fomething true, but, cannot have
the Science of that which is true. Truth confiders things with
Science, infomuch that he who hath it is wife; for, he hath the
Science of true things, and is never deceived, nor lyeth,although
he ſpeak falfe, becauſe it proceedeth not from an ill, but, good
affection.
a Cic. Acad.
quæst. t.
b Cicer. Acad.
quast 4.
c Galen Hift.
phil.
2
CHAP. VI.
Of Comprehenfion.
Comprehenſion (darks)
b
6
"Omprehenſion (Gráame) was first ufed in this fence by Zeno,
by a metaphor taken from things apprehended by the
hand; which allufion he expreft by action. For, fhewing his
hand with the fingers ftretched forth, he faid, fuch was
Phantafy: then bending them a little, faid, fuch was Affent; then
compreffing them, and clutching his fiſt, ſuch was Comprehen-
fion.
c
• Comprehenfion is a firm and true knowledge, non-compre-
henfion the contrary; for fome things we only think that we
fee,
ZENO.
25
1
fee, hear, or feel, as in dreams and frenzies; other things we not
only think, but, truly do fee, or hear, or feel. Theſe latter, all
(but the Academicks and Scepticks) conceive to fall under firm
knowledge, the other, which we imagine in dreams or frenzy
are falfe.
ú
d Whatſoever is underſtood, is comprehended by the minde, d Sext. Empir.
one of theſe two waies, either by evident incurfion (which Laer- adv.Geom. cap.
tius calls by fenfe) or by transition from evidence (Laertius, collecti- 19.
on by demonſtration of which latter there are three kinds, by
Afsimilation, by Compofition, by Analogy.
By incurrent evidence is underſtood white and black, ſweet
and foure.
By Tranfition, from evidents: by Afsimilation is underſtood So-
crates by his Picture: by Compofition, as of a horfe and a man is
made a Centaure; for putting together the limbes proper to both
fpecies, we comprehend by phantafy that which was neither
horſe nor man, but a Centaur compounded of both.
By Analogy, things are understood two waies; either by aug-
mentation; or, when from common ordinary men, we by aug-
mentation phanfy a Cyclops, who not like
Men that with Ceres gifts are fed
But, fome tall bill erects his head,
e
Orby Diminution, as a Pigmey. Likewife the Center of the e Laert.
earth is underſtood by analogy from leffer Globes.
×.
:: To theſe kinds add, Comprehenfion by transference, as eyes f Laert.
in the breafts by contrariety, as death; by transference, as dicibles
and place; by privation, as a man without hands; juft and good
are underſtood naturally.
-1 I
A
3
"T
CHAP. VII.
hemp s Of Affent.
L
•
a Cic. Acad.
Hefe things being hough known,which we have already
explained, let us now fpeake a little of Affent,and appro- quæst. 4.
bation, termed ungabis, not that is not a large place, but the
grounds thereof have been already laid: For when we explai
ned the power that was in the fenfes, we likewife declared, that
many things were comprehended and perceived by the fenfes,
which cannot be done without Affent. Moreover,feeing that be-
twixt an inanimate and an animate being, the greateſt difference
is,that the inanimate doth nothing,the animate doth fomething,
we muft either take away fenfe from it, or allow it affent, which
is within our power. When we will not have a thing either to
Ddddd 2
perceive
1
26
ZENO.
1
to.
perceive or affent, we in a manner take away the foule from it;
for as it is neceffary, that the ſcale of ballance which is laden
ſhould tend downwards; fo is it that the foule fhould yeeld to
things that are perfpicuous.
b
b Cic.lib.d. Fa- Although affent cannot bee made unleffe it bee moved by
Phantafie, yet when that phantaſy hath an immediate cauſe, it
hath not (according to Chryfippus) this principall reafon, not that
it can be made without any extrinfecall excitation (for it is ne-
ceffary that affent be moved by phantafie) but it returnes to its
Cylinder and Cone, which move not by impulfion, then of
their owne nature, the Cylinder feemes to rowle, and the Cone
to turne round. As therefore he who thruſt the Cylinder
gave it the beginning of motion, but did not give it volubility;
To the objected phantafy imprinteth,and as it were fealeth in the
foule its fpecies, yet the affent is in our power, and that ( as we
faid in a Cylinder) extrinfecally impelled, the motion is conti-
nued by its own power and nature.
C
c Agell. 19. 9.
• Phantafies, wherewith the mind of man is preſently affected,
and from him are not voluntary or in our own power, but inferre themſelves
St. Auguft. Ci-
vit.dei. 9.4. by a kind of violence, approbations (bs) by which theſe
phantafies are knowne and judged, are voluntary, and made ac-
cording to our arbitrement. So as upon any dreadfull noyſe from
heaven, or by the fall of any thing, or fudden newes of fome dan-
ger or the like; it is neceffary that the minde of a wife man bee
a little moved, and contracted, and appalled, not through op-
nion perceived of any ill, but certaine rapid and inconfiderate
motions, which prævert the office of the mind and reafon. But
preſently the fame wife man appoveth not ras hias parladías,
thoſe dreadfull phantafies, that is, vynarazílimu údergaramkĘmsey,
προστοποιδόξασον,
but rejects and refuſes them,nor is there any thing in thefe which
feemeth to him dreadfull. Thus differs the foules of wiſe and
unwife men: The unwife, when phantafies appeare cruell and
difficult at the firft impulfion of the mind, thinke them to be tru-
ly fuch as they appeare, and receiving them as if they were juft-
ly to be feared, approve them by their affent, & remiga, (this
word the Stoicks uſe vpon this occafion;) But a wife man ſudden-
ly changing colour and countenance augurarilerių, affents not,
but retaineth the ſtate and vigour of his judgment, which he al-
waies had of thefe phantafies, as nothing dreadfull, but terrify-
ing only with a falte fhew, and vain fear.
>
CHAP.
ZENO.
27
a
Fthe
CHAP. VIII.
Of Notions.
not
}
Rom Senfe, the rule of Science, Notions are imprinted in a Cic. Acad. 1.
the Soul, by which, not only principles, but larger waies
to reafon are found out.
b Plut. de plas.
b A man when he is born, hath the fupream part of his Soul, Phil. 4.11.
like unto clean paper, upon which every notion is inſcribed.
The first manner of infcription is by the Senfes; as for example :
They who perceive a thing that is white, after it is taken away,
retain the memory thereof; but, when they have conceived ma-
ny remembrances of one fpecies, then they ſay, they have ex-
perience, for experience is a multitude of fimilitudes.
Of Notions, fome are naturall, which are in fuch manner as we
we have ſaid, and without Art: Others gained by learning and
induſtry: Theſe are properly called Notions, the other Anticipa-
tions. The reafon for which we are called rationall, is faid to be
perfected by anticipations in the firſt ſeven years.
Intelligence is the phantafme of the intellect of a rationall
creature; for phantafm, when it lighteth upon a rationall Soul,
is then called vinues, Intelligence, a word taken from the In-
tellect. For, to other Creatures there happen not phantafmes, to
the Gods only and to us theſe are incident. Thofe which belong
to us, are Phantafmes, as to their genus, Notions, as to their
fpecies; as denaries and ſtaters, when paid for tranſportation,
are called Naula.
Common notions are planted in all men, (in which they all c Arrian.1. 22.
agree together) one is not repugnant to another; for, who holds
not, that good is profitable, and ought to be chofen with ut-
moft endeavours? Who holds not, that what is juſt, is fair and
well-beſeeming? Whence then proceed contentions and diffe-
rences to wit, from the application of firft notions to fingular
things.
--d Thefe Notions, and whatſoever is of this kinde, which right dSimp.in Epid.
reafon conformeth in us, being long examined, are true, and
fuitable to the natures of things.
CHAP. IX.
Of Science and Opinion?
•T Hat which is comprehended by Senfe, Zeno call'd Senfe, a cicer. Acad.
and if fo comprehended, as not to be plucked away by quest. 1.
reaſon, Science, otherwiſe Ignorance 3 from which proceedeth
Opinion,
28
ZENO
1
3}
Sext. Emp.
Opinion, which is weak and common, to the falſe and unknown.
Theſe three are joyned together, Science, Opinion, and
adu. Lagic. 1. Comprehenfion, which borders upon the other tw
the other two cience is a
firme, ſtable, immutable comprehenfion with reafon Opinion,
an infirm, weak, affent: Comprehenfion, which commeth be-
tween both, is an affent to comprehenfive phantafy. Compre-
henfive phantafy is true, in fuch manner, that it cannot be falfe.
Therefore Science is in wife men only, Opinion in fooles, Comi-
prehenfion is common to both, as being that by which´truth is
c Cicer. Acad. judged; and is for this reaſon reckon'd by Zeno, neither a-
quest. I. mongſt the right ( vyropůáuara) nor amongſt the bad (aprńuard )
but betwixt ſcience and ignorance, affirming, that this only is to
be credited.
$
C
3
[
a Sexi. Emp.
adv. Log. cap.
de vero.
b Laert.
c Laert.
d Eaert.
e Laert.
f Laert.
g Laerte
!
·
TH
CHAP. X.
Of Voice, Speech, and Words.
}
Hefe three are joyned to one another; that which is fig-
nified, that which fignifieth, and the contingent. That
which fignifieth is the voice, as Dion: That which is fignified, is the
thing it felfe declared by the voice; it is that which we ap-
prehend, and is prefent in our cogitation. The contingent is the
outward fubject, as, Dion himſelfe:
b Dialectick being converfant about that which fignifieth,
and that which is fignified, is divided into two places: one, of
Significats; the other of Voice. The place of fignificats is divided
into phantafies, and fubfiftents on phantafie, dicibles, axioms, &c.
In the other place, concerning Voice, is declared literall Voice,
the parts of speech, the nature of Solatifms and Barbarifms, Poems,
Ambiguities, Song, Mufick, and (according to fome) definitions
∙and divifions.
>
The phantafies of the minde precede fpeech, (Of these there-
fore we have already treated) then the minde endued with the
faculty of fpeaking, declareth by fpeech what it receiveth from
the phantafie; For this reafon, the confideration of Dialectick,
by the joynt confent of all, feemes as if it ought to be firſt taken
from the place of voice.
e
Voice is aire percuffed, the proper fenfible object of hearing,
(as Diogenes the Babylonian, in his Art of Voyce.) The voice of a
living fenfitive, creature, is aire percuffed with appetite; the
voice of man is articulate, proceeding from the minde: at his
fourteenth year it is perfected.
Speech (as & Diogenes faith) is a literate voices as, It is day.
Word is a fignificative voice, proceeding from the minde. Lan-
guage is a fpeech according to the variety of Nations, whereof
each
ZENO.
29
+
1
Dararla, the
each uſeth its peculiar dialect; as the Attick faith,
Ionick up. Voice and Speech differ, in that voice is a found, but
fpeech articulate only. Speech and Word differ; for word is al-
waies fignificative; but, fpeech ſometimes fignifieth nothing, as
Blitri, which is no word. To fpeak and to pronounce differ:
voices are pronounced,but things only are fpoken: h for, to ſpeak h Sext. Emp.
is to pronounce a ſignificant voice of a thing that is ſaid.
adv. Log. cap.
de vero
iHence Coryfippus faith, that he who beginneth to ſpeak and i Varro de ling.
pronounce words, before he can put them in their right place, lat. lib. 5.
doth not fpeak, but thinketh that he fpeaks; as, the Image of a
man is not a man: fo'in Crowes, Dawes, and Children, when
they firſt begin to fpeak, the words which they fay are not
words. He only ſpeaketh, who knoweth to put a word in the
right place.
k
m
1 Dionyf. Halic.
They (particularly Zeno) ¹ took much pains in the invention Cicero.
and explication of words, wherein they diftinguiſhed very Hieronym.
fubtlely. Hence Cicere calleth the Stoicks Architects of words:
Ammonius, the Grammarians, followers of the Stoicks.
n
The Elements of ſpeech are the 24 Letters. Letter is taken n Laert.
three waies: Firſt, for the character of figure which is formed.
Secondly, for the element or power: Thirdly, for the name, as
A Of the Elements, feven are Fowels as. no... fix Mutes
B js ♣ & T. T
Offpeech there are five parts, as Diogenes faith in his Book
of Voice, and Chryfippus (P at firſt they reckon'd but foure, fepara-
ting the Articles from the Conjunctions, afterwards the latter
Stoicks, dividing the Appellatives from the Nounes, made them
five) Noun, Appellation, Verb, Conjunction, Article. (Antipater in
his Book of Speech added the medium) Appellation (as Diogenes
faith) is a part of ſpeech fignifying a common quality; as, Man,
Horſe. Noune a part of fpeech denoting a proper quality; as Di-
ogenes, Socrates. Verbe (as Diogenes faith) a part of fpeech figni-
fying a thing, which is predicated of one or more things, in-
compofed; or, as fome fay, an Element of fpeech without cafes,
whereby the parts of fpeech are connected; as, I write, I fpeak.
Conjunction is a part of fpeech without cafes, conjoyning the
parts of fpeech. Article is an element of fpeech, having cafes;
diſtinguiſhing the kinds and numbers of Nounes; as, •, 4, tò,
δι, αι, τὰ
>
τὸ,
o Laert.
p Dionyf. Halic
9 Every word, by reaſon of that which,it fignifieth, calleth S. Auguf de
Dialect. cap. 6.
foure neceffary things into queftion, its origine, power, declination,
ordination.
As concerning the firft, which the Greeks call old, they
conceived, that names were given by nature: the firft pronoun-
ced voices, imitating the things themſelves, from which the
names were afterwards impofed, by wh ch reafon, they derive
Etymologies, conceiving that there is not any word, for which
there
30
ZENO.
1
{
there cannot be given a certain reaſon, They the..
ly enquired whence words are deduced, much pains was taken,
firſt, by Zeno, then by Cleanthes, afterwards by Chryfippus, to give
a reafon of commentitious fables, and to explain the cauſes of
words, why they are called fo and fo...
This beginning is to be fought, untill we arrive fofar, as that
the thing agree in fome fimilitude with the found of the word,
as when we fay, tinkling of braffe, the eighing of horses, the
bleating of theep, the gingling of chains: Thefe words by their
found, expreffe the things which are fignified by them.
But, for as much as there are things which found not, in theſe
the fimilitude of touching hath the fame power: As, they touch
the fenſe ſmoothly or harfhly, the ſmoothneffe or harfhneffe of
letters in like manner touch the hearing, and thereby occafio-
neth their names. As when we fay fmooth, it founds fmoothly:
fo, who will not judge harfbneffe to be harth by the very word?
It is fmooth to the ear when we fay pleasure; harſh, when we
fay crux, a croffe: the things themſelves make good the found of
the words., Honey, as fweetly as the thing it felfe affects our taſt,
fo fweetly doth the name touch our hearing: Soure, as harſh in
both. wool and Bryars, as the words are to the hearing, the things
are to the touch. Thefe are conceived to be the infancy, as it
were, of words, when the fenfe of the thing concords with the
fenſe of the found.
→
From hence proceeded the licence of naming, according to
the fimilitude of the things among themſelves: as when, for ex-
ample, crux, a croffe, is therefore fo.called, becauſe the harth-
neffe of the word concords with the harfhneffe of the paint
which the croſſe affecteth. But, Crura, thighes, are fo called, not
from harfhneffe of pain; but, becauſe in length and hardneffe,
they are, in refpect of the other limbs, like unto the wood of a
croffe. Hence it comes to abuſe, that the name ufurped, not of
a like thing, but, as it were neer: for what likeneffe is there be-
tween the fignification of little and minute, when as that may
be little, which not only is nothing minute, but is fomewhat
grown; yet, by reafon of a certain neerneffe, we fay minute for
little. But, this abuſe of the word is in the power of the fpea-
ker; for, he may uſe the word little, and not minute. This ex-
ample belongs to that which we will ſhew, when we call that
a fijb-pond which hath no fish in it, nor any thing like a fish: It is
denominated from fiſhes, by reaſon of the water, wherein fiſhes
live. So the word is ufed by tranflation, not from fimilitude, but
a certain kinde of vicinity. And if any one ſhould fay, that men
in ſwimming reſemble fishes, and that from thence a fifh-pond
is fo named, it were fooliſh to refuſe it, fince that neither is
repugnant to the nature of the thing, and both are occult. But,
this is to the purpoſe, which we cannot dilucidate by one ex-
ample,
1
ZENO.
3r
ample, how much the origine of the word, which is taken from
vicinity, differs from that which is derived from fimilitude.
From hence there is a progreffion to the contrary. Lucus is
thought to be fo named, quod minime luceats and bellum, quòd res
kella non fit, and fœdus, quòd res fœda non fit. But, if we derive
porcus, as fome do, à fœditate, it returnes to that vicinity, when
that which is made is named from that by which it is made.
For this vicinity is very large, and divided into many parts,
either by efficience, as this word procus à fœditate from which
likewife fœdus: or by effect, as puteus, fo named, becauſe the ef-
fect thereof is patario: or by that it containeth, as urls ab orbe, be-
caufe in a place which they liked, they first made a track about.
it with a plough, as Virgil faith of Æneas,
Urlem defignat Aratro.
.
Or by that which is contained, as if horreum were derived from
Forum; or by abufe, as bordeum for wheat, or the whole from a
part, as mucro, which is the point for the whole fwords or a part
from the whole,as capillus quafi capitis pilus. What need we go a-
ny further? whatſoever elle can be reckoned, we may fee the
origin of the word contained, either in the fimilitude betwixt
things and founds, or in the fimilitude betwixt things them-
felves, or in vicinity, or contrariety, which origine we cannot
purfue beyond fimilitude.
But this we cannot dealwaies, for there are innumerable
words, the reaſons of which ly hid. To the infancy, or rather
ftock and feed of fuch words, beyond which, no origine is to
be fought, neither if a man do enquire can he finde any, they
proceed in this manner: The fyllables, in which u hath the place
of confonant, as in thefe words, center, vafer, velum, vinum, vo-
mis tulnus, have a thick, and as it were, a ſtrong found, which
the very cuffome of fpeaking confirmeth, when from fome words,
we take them away, left they ſhould burden the care for
which reafon we fay amafli, rather then amarifti, and abiit, not
and innumerable of the fame kinde. Therefore when we
the found of the word having, as we faid, a kinde of
force, futeth with the thing which it fignifieth. Now from this
vicinity, by that which they affect, that's becauſe they are vi
olent, tixtulereti to be named, and then quo aliquid vincia-
tur, Thence becaule they clafpe about those things by which
they grow fence allo fimilitude, Terence calls a crooked old
man vieta. Hence the Farth, worn into winding paths by the
feet of pallengers, is called 214, but if arabe fo named, quefi vi
pedum trita e origine turnes to the vicinity. But let us fup
pole it derived from the amplitude it hath with uztis, Of Usmen
that is, from its winding one asketh me why it is called rias
zen
the
Eeeee
32
ZENO.
Ianfwer, from the windings and crookedneffe thereof, which
the antients called vietum; thence the rounds of a wheel vietos:
He demands, how vietum comes to fignifie winding? I anſwer,
from the fimilitude of vitis, a Vine: He requires whence rijis is
fo named ? I fay, becauſe it doth vincère thofe things which it
comprehends. He queftions whence vincere is derived? We fay,
à vi: He asks, whence vis? We give this reafon because the
word in its robuft and forcible found agreeth to the thing which
it fignifieth. He hath nothing more to demand. tv. 4
* Galen. de de~~~´ În like manner, in this word goy as Chryfippus abferves, in
cret. Hipp. ds
Plat. lib. 2.
pronouncing the firſt fyllable, we depreffe the under lip, as if it
were to point to our felves, then by motion of the beard we
u Agell, 10. 5. point to our own breafts: of which Argides hath given more
inftances, in his Grammaticall Commentaries.
x Laert.
y Laert:
dialect.
* Ü
The fecond queftion concerning words is of their power,
me onμuvovov, of ſignificants whence ehfippus divided Diale-
περὶ σημαινόντων,
&tick into two parts, menuator wires of fignificants and
σημαινόντων mtur:uirar,
fignificats. Here they enquire, how many waies every thing may
be faid, and how many wales athibi faide may fignifies
Here is examined the ambiguity of words: Ambiguity (or
Y
amphiboly) is a word fignifyingtwo or more things, naturally,
and properly, according to the language of the Nation; in fuch'
manner, that many fenfes may be collected from the fame
words,as nunuweis #lam, which one way ignifies, the portfell ehrice,
another way, the ſhe-minstrell fell. **
z Agell. 9.12. Every word (according to Chryfippes) is by nature ambigu
y D. Auguft. de ous, for the fame may be taken two or more waies: Neither
that any thing to the purpoſe which Hortenfius calumniates
Cicero, thus, They affirm that they hear ambiguities acutely, ex
plain them clearly. The fame perforholds that every word is
ambiguous show then can they explain the ambiguous by the
ambiguous, that were to bring a candle hot tighted into the
dark. This is ingeniously and fubtlely faid, burlike that of
Staroba to Imomus, you ſeem to the wife to fpeak acute to
fooles truly for what jelle doth Hörtenfius intar place, but by
his ingenuity and facetioufneffe, as an intoxicating cup, briu
darkneffe upour the unlearned. For, when they fay, every
it ambiguous it is underfood offingle words.. Ambiguities are
explain d by difputationeman difputeth by fingle words, one
therefore explaineth ambiguous words by ambiguous words.
And yet feeing that every word is ambiguous moman can ex-
plain the ambiguity of words except bywords, but thofe con-
joshed and nor ambiguous: As when welay every Souldier
hath twoteerit doth not follow that a whole Regiment of
Souldiers that have two feet, fhould have in all but two leer.
bi
So when I fays every word is ambiguous, I do not fay, a fem
tence, nor a diſputation, although they are woven of words. E-
J
very
ZENOS
338
veryambiguous word therefore may be explained by Lambi
guous difputation.
2001
z
The third queſtion is concerning: Declination, dosuurle and
αναλογία Z
avanozia z Some follow Analogie, others Anomaly: Analogie įs a 2 Agell. 2. 23.
like declination of like, in Latine proportio. Anomaly is an inequa-
lity, following the customes of declinations. Cyfippus wrote
fix bookes me sarquarias, fhewing, that like things are noted lat.
with unlike words, and unlike things, with like words.
a Varro. le ling
verb.
The laſt queſtion is concerning Ordination, oras. Upon this b Dienyf. Hali-
fubject Chryfippus wrote two bookes (Laertius teckons more) carn, de compos:
whofe fcope is not Rhetoricall, but Dialectick, as will eaſily
appear to the Reader: Of the Syntax of Axiomes: af true and falje.
Axiomes: of pofsible and impossible: of contingent, and tranfient, and
ambiguous, and the like, which confer nothing to fingle fpeech:
or pleaſure, or grace to elocution.
There are five excellencies of fpeech, Propriety, Perfpicuity. Laert.
Succin&neffe, Decorum, Elegance. Propriety is a proper phrafe, ace
cording to Art, not after the common expreffion.
ly.
Perfpicuity is, when that which is intended is delivered clear-
Succinctneffe is, when that only is compriſed which is neceffa
ry to the thing.
Decorum, is a conformity to the thing
Elegance is an avoiding of vulgar phraſe. :
d Amongſt the faults of fpeech is Barbarisme, a phraſe not in d Laert.
ufe with the best perfons; and Solucife, a fpeech incoherently
framed,
>
1
1
$
"DE
1
CHAP. XI.
Of Definition and Divifion:
Efinition (according to Antipater in his book of Definitions) a Laert.
i- ípeech by Analyfis pronounced adæquately; or (as
Chryfippus in his book of Definitions) an anſwer to this Queſtion,
what a thing is.
b
adv. Log.
b Thoſe definitions are vicious which include any of thofe Sext. Empit:
things which are not in the things defined, or not in all, or not
in fome; fo as if we ſhould fay, Aman is a rationall creature,or, a
moriall grammaticall creatures feeing that no man is immortall,and
fome men are not Grammarians, the definition is faulty.
c
• We must therefore, when we take thofe things which are e Cicer. Topic.
common to the things we would define, and others profecute
them ſo far, untill it becomes proper, fo as not to be transferrible
to any other thing; as this. An inheritance is riches, adde which by
the death of fome perfon falleth to another, it is not yet a definition,
f
Eeece 2
for
1
}
34
ZENOS
*Cic. Topic.
e Cic. Topic.
fLdert.
for niches may be held many other waies, as well as by Inheri-
tance; adde one word, by right of Law; now the thing will
Leeme disjoyned from community; fo that the definition is thus
explained. Inheritance is riches, which by the death of fome perfon fal-
Leth to another by right of law It is not yet enough, therefore adde,
neither bequeathed by will, nor detained by possession, and it is perfect.
g Sext. Empir.
adu.Math.10.2.
Of definition there are two kinds; one of things which are;
the other of things which are understood. Those things which are,
we call fuch as may be feen or touched, as a field, houfe, a wall,
and the like. On the other fide,we fay thofe things are not, which
cannot bee touched or fhewn, as pofsefsion, gardianfhip, nation,
kindred, which have not any body, yet there is fome conformity
in the underſtanding which we call notionall; whereby in argu-
mentation they may be explained by definition. This latter kind
is rather called Defcription, a fpeech, which by the exterior fi
gure of the things bringeth us to the things themfelves, or a
Definition fimply exprefsing the power of a definition.
e
Againe, of definitions, fome are of partitions, others of divi-
fions. Of partitions, when the thing propofed is torne (as it were)
into pieces, as if we ſhould ſay the Civil Law is that which con-
fifteth in Lawes, Senators, things judged, the authority of Law-
yers, Edicts of Magiſtrates, manners and Equity...
The definition of divifions comprehendeth all fpecies which are
under the genus defined, thus. Abalienation is of that thing
which is in our power, or a deliverance of it into the power of
another, or a conceffion by Law, amongſt whom thoſe things
may be done by civill right.
t
Divifion is a fection of the genus into its immediate fpecies;
as, of living creatures, fome are rationall, fome irrationall. This
therefore is an ill divifion, of men, fome are Grecians, fome Egyptians,
Some Perfians, fome Indians; for the next fpecies are not difparate,
but oppofite, we must therefore fay thus of men, fome are Greci-
ans, fome Barbarians, and again, by fubdivifion of Barbarians, fome
are Egyptians, fome Perfians, fome Indians, which likewife is in
the divifion of things that are. For thoſe which are good and
bad are different to us, thofe who are intermediate betwixt good
and bad are indifferent to us. The divifion therefore ought not to
be fo,but rather thus: Of things that are, fome are indifferent, others
different, of the different, fome are good, fome are ill; For this divifion
is like unto that which faith, of men, fome are Grecians, others
Barbarians; of Barbarians, fome are Egyptians, fome Perfians,
fome Indians; the other is likewife; Of men, fome Græcians,
fome Ægyptians, fome Perfians, fome Indians.
1
h
h Sext. Empir. Hence it followeth, that perfect divifion hath an univerfall
adu. Moral. 10.
power; for he who divideth thus ;. Of men, ſome are Grecians,
others Barbarians, faith as much as this, if there are any men,
they are either Grecians or Barbarians, for if there be any man,
1
1
1
who
ZENO.
35
who is neither Greek nor Barbarian, the divifion muft neceffa-
of
rily be ill, the univerfall falfe. Wherefore when we fay,
things that are, fome are good, fome ill, fome intermediate, it is
as much (according to Chryfippus) as this univerfall: if there be
any things that are, they are either good, or ill, or indifferent.
But this univerfall is falfe, if any thing falſe be ſubjected to it :
For, if two things be fubjected, one good, the other ill; or, one
good, the other indifferent, in this expreffion of thofe things
which are, one kinde is good, that is true, but this, theſe are
good, is falfe, for they are not good, for one is good, the other
ill. And again, thefe are ill,is falfe, for they are not ill, but only
one of them. The like in indifferents; for, it is falfe that theſe are
indifferents, as that thefe are good or ill.
7
}
i There are three forms of divifion, anti-divifion, ſub-divifion,į Last.
partition. Anti-divifion is a diftribution of the genus into fpecies
by the contrary as for example, by negation, as of things that
are, fome are good, others not good.
Sub-divifion is divifion upon a divifion: as, of things that are,
fome are good, others not good; of the not-good, fome are ill, o-
thers indifferent.
Partition, is a diſtribution of the genus into places (according
to Crinis) as of goods, fome belong to the Soule, others to the
Body,
a
G
•
CHAP. XII.
of Genus, Species, &c.
ENUS is a comprehenfion of many Notions referred to a Laert;
Jone, as, a living creature, for this includes all living crea-
tures. Notion is a phantafie of the minde, not any thing exiſtent
or qualitative, but, as it were, fomething exiftent, and qualita-
tive; as the notion of a horſe, no horfe being prefent.
Species is that which is contained under the Genus; as, under
living creature is contained man.
Moft generall, is that which is a Genus, but hath no Genus:
Moft fpeciall, that which is a Species, but hath no Species.
}
To this place of Voice belong likewife, as we faid, the confi-
deration of Poem and Poefy. Poem (according to Pofsidonius, in
his introduction to Speech) is a fpeech in meeter or rhithme, not
profe, as a μgis, and os dad, Poefy is a fignificant Poem, with
defigne, containing the imitation of things divine and human.
CHAP.
1
36
ZENO.
a Laert.
nalyt. prior.
N
CHAP. XIII.
Of Things.
Otions, words, and things, as we have faid, are conjoyned
together. From notions we came to words, from words we
come now to the things themſelves: By Notion's Things are per-
ceived. Thoſe are faid to be Things which are dicible.
a
b
The
b philop. in A- Stoicks by a new name call things wala, Contingents, becauſe
we defire that things might befall us, and that we might obtain
c Sext. Empir. them. Contigents therefore is the ſubject it ſelfe, beyond the no-
adu. Log. tion or word, as Dion.
d Alexand. A-
e Senec. Epift.
59.
C
They comprehend all things under one common Genus
phrod. in Top.4. Ti, somewhat, placing this Genus above all, the reaſon this: In
nature fomethings are, fomethings are not. For, thoſe things
which are not, but only incur in the minde, as Centaurs, Gy-
ants, and whatſoever elfe is formed by falfe cogitation, hath
fome image, although it hath no ſubſtance. Even Negatives are
in being. Somewhat therefore is more generall then Ens, which is
underſtood only of Corporealls.
f Simplic. in
Categ.
f Things are fubdivided into foure Genus's, Subjects, and qua-
litatives,& quodammodotatives in themſelves,and quodammodotatives
g Simplic. ibid. as to others. Thus the Stoicks treating more ſtrictly and fubtilly
of theſe things, contract the Predicaments into a leffer number,
taking fome of thoſe things which they diminiſhed, but with
fome alteration.
a Simplic. in
Categ.
a
T
CHAP. XIV.
Of Subjects.
1
Here is not any thing befidesxevor, Subject: The dif-
ferences concerning this are nonfubfiftent.
b Simplic. ibide ↳ Subject is two-fold; one, which is called the firſt ſubject, ſuch
is matter, expert of all qualities, which Ariftotle calleth a body
potentially. The other, that which is affected with quality, as
Braffe, and Socrates, with thoſe things which are in them, or
prædicated by them.
CHAP
ZENO.
37
1
7
$
CHAP. XV.
Of Qualitatives,
have a fubfiſtence, and are feparate from their a Dexipp. in ca-
'ubjects. For qualities (as all other accidents) are bodies, teg. 2. 28.
fecing that according to Zeno, nothing can be effected by that
which is incorporeall, nor can that which is incorporeall effect
any thing whatfoever effecteth is a body, Effective quality
therefore is a body, Matter is expert of quality,but qualities are
not expert of matter.
b
Quality is the habit of that which is qualitative. Qualitative b simplic·in ca-
is taken three wales: Firft, for whatsoever hath difference, wher reg.
ther it be motion or habit, and whether hardly or cafily fepara
able. In this fence not only he who is wife, but he who ſtretch-
eth out his hand are qualitative. The fecond fignification in-
chides not motions but habits only, which they define qualita-
thức 4 thất is – which hatha afference endued with habit, as a
wife maff, or an armed man. Of thefe, fome are adequate, to the
meafüre of their pronunciation and confiderations others not
adæquate. Thefe they omit, thofe which are adequate, equall,
and permanent, they call qualitative as a Grammarian, and a
wife man, neither of thefe exceeds or falls fhort of his quality.
Likewife a lover of meat, and a lover of wine, being in act fuch,
as a glutton, and a drunkard, becauſe they make uſe of thoſe
parts which ferve to this end, are ſo called: fo that if any man be
a glutton, he is confequently a lover of meat ; but, if he be a lo-
ver of meat, hetis not therefore immediately a glutton; for, being
deftitute of thoſe parts which he ufeth in eating, he wanterh
ne but not the habre Quality is adequated to qualitative
in this last fence
rì,
c
All qualities are either confes, and then they are called Burfius in die
ferees or effects and then they are generally called la, habitu, left.Cicer. 4. 3.
which wort Antipater exterids as large, as the common ac-
both of things corporeall and incorporeall, fome-
what. Of babirnails there are foure kinds, urea, that is, vaat
when they refide in the mindes rule, that is, was when they.
fall from the minde into the voice; marmitone when by the mo-
of the minde, they are prædicated of any th
thing; cum ßaßmára,
of außenuare, when they happen to fubjects. **.
Habits are only things united but thofe which are conjoynedd simplic. în
by contiguity as a Shinor by diftance, as an Army; in thefe Categ.
there can be no habit, nor one thing fpicuall above all, nor one
realon, whereby they may come to fubfift within one habit.
It is common to quality of corporeall things to be the diffe! Ibid.
rence of their ſubſtance, not taken feverally, but contracted into
one notion and property of the minde, nor by time or ftrength
re-
38
ZENO.
}
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
reduced to form, but by its own tality, according to whic hthe
generation of the qualitative fubfifts.
Power (a fpecies of quality) is that which hath and giveth the
faculty of exercising many accidents, as prudence giveth the
faculty of walking prudently, and difcourfing prudently: or, ac-
cording to fome,, Power is that which giveth the faculty of ex-
ercifing many accidents, and which ruleth and governeth the
acts ſubjected unto it. What Ariftotle called naturall Power, they
name Aptitude.
+
?
Habits are intended and remitted, difpofitions cannot be in-
tended or remitted. Thus the ftraightneffe of a wand, although
it may eafily be difcompofed and bent, is a difpofitions for
ftraightneffe cannot be intended or remitted. Likewife the ver-
tues are difpofitions, not in refpect of their firmneffe and con-
ftancy, but becauſe they cannot admit of degrees of more and
leffe: but Arts must either have firmneffe, or not be difpofitions.
Thus babitude is taken in the latitude of the fpecies, difpofition
in the chief perfection of the fpecies, and in that which is the
moſt it can be, whether it be easily alter'd(as the ftraightneffe of
a wand) or not.
**
'*
CHAP, XVI
-
登​話​な
​Of Quodammodoratives...
Ma
4
He third kinde of things are rule, Quodammodotatives.
T Qualitative antes
a Plotin. 1.30.
a They differ from Qualitatives becaufe matter is other-
wife affected by habits, otherwife by @rodammonotarives in this
or that manner. Moreover Qualitartyes are Quodammoderatives
as to matter, and converfant thereins but properly, quodammo
b Simplic. in dotatives are converfant in qualitatives.
n qualitatives. Agam
gam, as habitualls
may be faid to extend further then habits fo quodammodara-
tives are larger then qualitatives for quodammodotacivÈS EXU TI
evento thofe things which are quodammodotaves as to offers
and include them but qualitatives confit only in thoſe hich
make a difference
Categ.
*
JA
*
e Simplic, ibid. This place Boethius conceives to have the power of habit.
Habitchy and univerally is taken three wares Firftohero
intele and according to felfe: Secondly in reface to another:
felle,
it
મં
Thirdly of another torty That which is confidered to it felfe,
pertaines to quodanimodotatives;as,ammed for it is a habit of ones
tehero lones felfe. That which is to another, perrames to relat
on; for, a Father, or a right hand, are faid, according to aha
bit, not of themfelves to themselves, but of them to another,
But that which is of another to us, as of an armed man, being
the habit of another to us, pertaines to habit.
To this head they reduce quantitatives and quantity, and their
fpecies
ZENO.
:39
1
fpecies, place, time, and fome fpecies (according to Ariftotle) of
quality, figure and form; as alſo action, passion, fite, habit.
>
CHAP. XVII.
豐
​T
Of Quodammodotatives as to others.
He laft genus of things is stila, quodammodotatives as
a
to others. Of theſe there are two kinds, Relatives, and quo- a Simpliè." in
dammodotative-Relatives. The Relatives are oppofed and diftingui- Carg
ſhed from thoſe which are by themſelves, and abfolute. The
quodammodotative-relatives are oppofed to thoſe which have a dif-
ference, as for example, Sweet and Sowre, and whatſoever is of
the like kinde,are relatives;but quodammodotative-relatives,are
as the right fide,father, and the like; for, they have a difference,
in that they are characteriz'd by differences, according to fome
fpecies. As therefore there is one notion of thoſe which are by
themſelves, and abfolute, another of thoſe which are confide-
red with difference: fo fome things are relatives, others quo-
dammodotative-relatives. The confequence of conjunctions in
thefe is contrary; for, with thofe which are by themſelves, co-
exift thoſe which have a difference; for, thofe which are by
themſelves have fome differences, as white and black. But, thoſe
which are by themſelves, coexift not with thoſe which have a
difference. Śweet and bitter have differences, whereby they are
characterized; yet, they are not abfolute, but relatives. But
thofe which are quodammodotative-relatives, being contrary to
thoſe which have differences, are likewiſe relatives. For, the
right fide, and a Father, belides that they are quodammodota-
tive, are likewife relatives: but, fweet and bitter being rela-
tives, have a difference, whereby they are contrary, being quo
dammodotative relatives. Thofe which are quodammodotative
relatives, it is impoffible ſhould be by themſelves, and abfolute,
or by difference; for they depend folely upon relative habit.
Relatives therefore are not by themfelves, for they are not ab
folutés yet, are they according to difference, becauſe they are
diftinguished by fome character. To expreffe this more clearly,
Relatives are thofe, which by their proper character refpect an-
other; quodammodotative-relatives are thofe which ufe to hap
pen to another, but not without mutation and alteration of
thoſe things which are about them; yet, with refpect of ſome-
thing externall. If therefore any thing with difference refpect
another, it is only relative, as, habit, fecience, and fence: but, if
it reſpect another,not out of inherent difference, but in pure ha-
bit, it is quodammodotative-relative. For, a Father, and right
fide, to their conſiſtence, require fome externall things, for as
much
Fffff
1
40
ZENO.
{
A
a Laert. vit.
Ariftonis.
much as there being no mutation made in them, he is no longer
a Father, his Son being dead, and the right fide is no longer fo
after he is rifen, in refpect of whom it was faid to be fuch; but,
fweet and bitter will not alter, unleffe their power be likewife
changed. If therefore quiddammodorative are changed in habit ▾
to another, although they receive no paffion in themſelves, it is
manifeft they have their being in the habit aloney not in diffe-
rence.
This genus was first introduced by Arifto who defined
b Simplic in quodammodotative relatives to be thofe, whofe being is the fame
with their quodammodotative being to one another And lo alfo An
dronicus defines them.
Categ
+
CHAP. XVIII.
??
?
Of Dicibles.
For
1
a Laert.
JIAN
心
​O the place concerning things and fignificats, belongeth
To
a
b
that concerning Dicibles, mplexfar, to which true and falfe
is common. 2 Dicible is that which confifteth according to ratio-
b Sext. Empir. nall phantafy. Rationall phantafy is that, by which what is com-
prehended by phantafy, may be expreffed by fpeech. Every
thing that may be faid, ought to be faid, for from thence is de
rived the denomination.
adv.log.
c Ammon. in
predem Arift.
περί έρμ.
d Burs. in dial.
Cic.5.1.
e Laert.
d
c
Dicible is a mean betwixt notion and thing. Dicibles are
notions, that is, ra, but not meerly and fimply notions,
which in as much as they are the principles of fcience, and are
intelligences, are called and role; but, in afmuch as
they refide in the minde, are called oara, and are genus's and
fpecies, in which manner, being ready for expreffion, they are
called dicibles; and pertain to the enunciative faculty of the
foule. For, whatfoever is faid, if it be fo confidered as it is Taid
of fomething, they are Categorems; if fo, as it breaketh forthin
to voice, and with voice, they are words, if retained in the
minde, ready to break forth, they are dicibles. Dicible therefore
is a word, and yet fignifies not a word, but that which is un-
derſtood in the word, and is contained in the minde.
-e
t
1
Of Dicibles there are two kinds, the defective, and the per-
fet. The defective are thoſe which an imperfect enunciation ;
not compleating the fentence, but requiring fomething to fol-
low; as writeth, for we ask, who? To this kinde belongeth Ca-
tegorems, which are prædicated of other things.
The perfect are fuch as have a perfect enunciation: Of theſe
there are two kinds: The firft peculiarly called perfect, which
though they compleat the fentence, yet, fignifie neither true nor
falfe. Of theſe there are many kinds, as Interrogation, percontati-
on
د
9
ZENO.
41
on, imperative, adjurative, optative, imprecative, or execrative,
fubftitutive, hypotheticall, compellative, like to, or tranfcending an
axiome, and dubitative.
Interrogation is that which is a perfect fentence, but requireth
an anſwer, as, Is it day? for this is neither true nor falſe; ſo that
it is day, is an axiom, is it day? an interrogation.
Percontation is a thing for which we cannot anfwer fignificant-
ly, as in Interrogation, yes: but as thus, he dwelleth in fuch a place.
Imperative is a thing, in ſpeaking whereof, wee command,
as,
Go thou to the Inachian flood.
* Adjurative, as witness thou Earth.
Optative, which he we ſpeak wiſhing, as,
·Great Jove who doft in Ida reign,
The Victory let Ajax gain.
· Imprecative, or execrative, as,
14...
As on the ground this wine 1 poure,
So may the Earth his blood devour.
{
Subftitutive, or expofitive, as, let this be a right line.
Hypotheticall, as, fuppoſing the Earth to be the Centre of the Globe of
the Sun.
£ Ammom, in
lib. meligp.
·Compellative is a thing in ſpeaking which we call another, as, Laerti
Atrides, Agamemnon, King of men..
Like to, or tranfcending an axiom, is that which hath an axio-
maticall manner of fpeaking; but becauſe it fuperabounds in
fome particle or affection, it is not ranked amongſt axioms, as,
5+
'.
How beautious is thy Virgin-Train!
How like to Priam's Son, that fwaine !
Dubitative is a thing different from an axiom, which, whoſo-
ver ſpeaks, maketh a doubt, as,
·· Then are not life and grief of kin? all theſe are neither true nor
falfe!
The other kind of perfect dicibles which compleat the Sen-
tence, affirmeth or denyeth, and is either true or falſe. It is call-
ed axiom:
?
Fffff z
CHAP.
&
42
ZENO.
1
a Laert.
b Ammon. in
CHAP. XIX,
Of Categoremes.
Ategoreme is that which is prædicated of another, ora
thing conftrued with one or more, or (as Apollodorus ) a de-
fective dicible, conftrued with the right cafe, to make an
axiom.
is
b Whatſoever is prædicated of another, is prædicated of the
Arift. pig name of the cafe; and both theſe are either perfect, as that which
prædicated, and together with the fubject fufficient to make an
Axiom. Or they are defective, and require fome addition, to make
thereof a perfect prædicate.
€ Lib. 3.
& Lacri,
If that which is prædicated of a name, make an axiom, it is a
Categorem, or Bue, a congruity, as walketh, for example, So-
crates walketh.
C
But if it be predicated of the cafe, (whereby tranfitions are
made from one perſon to another, wherein it is neceſſary, that
fome oblique cafe, be likewiſe pronounced with the right, they
are called Bauara, as an addition to the suau, (or as Prif-
cian renders it, leffe then congruities) as, Cicero faved his Country.
Again, if that which is prædicated of fome nown, require a
cafe of fome other nown to be added to make up the axiom, fo as
the conftruction bee made of two oblique caſes, they are
d'obiμale, incongruities, or, according to Ammonius, leffe then
ovußáµála, as, it pleafes me to come to thee; whether the nounes onely
or the words require it..
તા
A
Again, of Categoremes, there arefour kinds, right, fupine,
neuter, and reciprocally active and paffive. Right are thofe which have
a motion tending to another, and are conftrued with one of the
oblique cales, for the making of a Categorem, as heareth, feeth:
difcourfeth.
Supine are thofe which are confider'd from habit to an agent,
and is conſtrued with a paffive particle, as, I am heard, I am
feen.
Neuter, as thoſe which are neither way,as,to be wife, to walk
Reciprocally, adlive and paffice are thofe, which feem fupines
but are not, for they are acts, as ge, for therein is included
σκαιρόμενος.
The right (or nominative)cafe,is fo called by the Stoicks,whom
the Grammarians follow, becauſe it falleth directly from the no-
tion which is in the mind, Oblique cafes are the Genitive, Dative
and Accufative.
{
CHAP.
3
ZENO.
43
+
1
J
"Aby
CHAP. XX.
Of fimple Axioms.
Xiom is that which is either true or falfe, or a thing perfect a Lært.
by it ſelfe, negative, or affirmative, as far as it extends; or,
(according to Chryfippus, in his dialectick definitions) Axiom is
that which affirmeth or denyeth as far as it extends; as, Dion
walketh. It is called Axiom zò të agjöðm nateger, becauſe affent
is either given to it or not: for he who faith, it is day, affenteth
thereunto. If it be day, the axiom is true, if it be not, falfe.
bOf Axioms, the firſt and moſt proper difference is of the b Laert,
fimple and not fimple (thus divided by Chryfippus, and Archidemus
and Athenodorus, and Antipater, and Crinis.)
c
d
Simple axioms are thoſe which conſiſt neither of one axiome Laert. Sext.
Empir adv.Log.
twice taken, nor of different axioms, neither by one or more con-
cap.de vero.
junctions; as, It is day, 'tis at night, Socrates difputes. Of fimple d'Laert.
axioms there are many kinds, Apophatick, or negative, arnetick,
or univerfally negative; fteretick, or privatives categorick, or præ-
dicative; categoreutick, or indicative; indefinit and mediate.
e
mei apps.
• Negative axioms are thofe, in which a negatiue particle is e Laert. Apul
propofed, as, If this is that is not. But if the negation be of the lat-
ter part of the Axiom, the other part not being negative, then
the axiom is not negative, but predicative; as, It happeneth to fome
pleafare not to be good. This therefore declareth what happeneth
to the thing, and therefore is prædicative. A fpecies of nega- f Beet, in Cie
tive axiom, is the fupernegative, when, between the parts con- Tep
nected and copulated by two affirmations, a præpofition with a
negation is interpofed, and that very negation denyed; as, ifiris
day, it is not light. Of the fame kinde are all thofe, wherein nega-
tion is propofed to negation; as, It is not both day, and not light.
5 Univerfally negative axioms are thofe, which confift of an u- g Laert.
niverfall negative particle, and a Categorem; as, no man
walketh.
h Privative are thoſe which confift of a privative particle, and h Laert.
an axiom in power, as, he is inhuman.
Prædicative are thofe, which confift of a right cafe and a Ca- i Laert.
regorem; as, Dion walketh.
Indicative, or 'definitive is that which conſiſts of a demon-k Laert.
ftrative right cafe, and a Categorem; as, this man walketh.
m
1 Sext. Empir.
Indefinit is that, which confifts of one or more indefinit par- m Laert. Sext.
ticles ; as, à certain man walketh, he is moved.
Empir.
" Intermediate are of this kinde, a man futeth, or a man walketh ; a Sext. Empir.
■ certain man walketh is indefinite, for it determines no fingle per-
font that man fitteth is definite, Socrates fitteth is intermediate;
ført is not indefinite, becauſe it determines the fpecies, nor de-
finite,
3
1
1
ZENON
44
o Sext. Emp.
a Laert. Sext-
Emp, adv. Log.
de vero.
verc.
1
:
finite, becauſe it is not pronounced with demonſtration, but it is
intermediate betwixt both.
• An indefinite axiom, as, fome one fitteth, is true, when the
thing definite is true; as, be fitteth; but, if none of the fingulars do
fit, the indefinite axiom is not true, that ſome one fitteth.
a
1
Not
CHAP. XXI.
Of not-fimple Axioms.
Ot-fimple axioms are thoſe, which are in a manner double,
confifting of one axiom diverſified, or of axioms: of one
axiom dverfified; as, if it be day, it is day of axioms, as, if it be
day, 'tis light.
;
b Sext. Emp.. 6 In not-fimple axioms, that which immediately followeth the
adu.Log. cap.de conjunction if, or whereas, is called the Antecedent, the first, orthe
beginning; the reft is called the ending, or Confequence, or fecond.
Notwithſtanding that the axiom be pronounced by inverfion
as, It is light, if it be day; for in this, the ending or confequence,
is, it is light, although it be fpoken firft; the antecedent, it is
day, although it be put in the fecond place; for it immediately
followeth the conjunction if.
c Luert.
d Laert.
e Laert.
}
The Lawes and rules of Confequents are thefe: 1. From
true followeth true; as, if it be day, it followeth that it is light.
2. From falfe followeth falſe; as, if this be falfe that it is night,
this is likewife falfe, it is dark. 3. From falſe followeth true,
as from this, the Earth flyeth, followeth, the Earth is. 4. From
true doth not follow falfe; for from this, the Earth is, it follow-
eth not, that the earth flies.
Of not-fimple propofitions there are many kinds, Connex`,
Adnex, Conjun&, Caufall, Declarative of the more, and Declarative
of the leffe.
e
Connex (according to Chryfippus in his Dialeclick, and Diogenes
in his Dialectick Art) is that which confifts of the connective
conjunction, if; which conjunction declareth, that the
confequent is fecond to the firft; as, if it be day, it is light. Of a
diverfified axiom, and the conjunction if, confifteth this connex,
If it be day, it is day, theſe are properly right axioms. Of different
axioms, and the conjunction whereas, this, if it is day, 'tis light.
€ Philop. in A- Connex axioms are called alſo tropicall,becauſe they turn from
the antecedent to the confequent.
nal. prior.
f Laert.
The rules of connex axioms are thefe: That is a true connex,
wherein the contrary of the confequent is repugnant to the an-
tecedent, as, if it is day, 'tis light; for, that it is not light, the con-
trary to the confequent, is repugnant to, it is day, the antece-
dent. A falfe connex is that wherein the contrary to themſe-
quent
1
1
ZENA
45
quent, is not repugnansto the Antecedent; as this, if it is day
Dion walks; for, that Dion walketh not is not repugnant to, iris
day..
7
تو
Adnex (which fome reckon as a ſpecies of the connex jac- & Laerts
cording to Crims, in his Dialectick, is an axiom connected by thế
conjunction whereas, beginning with an axiom, and ending with
an axiom; as, whereas it is day, it is light, the conjunction fheweth,
that the ſecond is a confequent of the firft, and that the firſt is
fubfiftent.
MAX
h
The rules of adnex axioms are theſe. That is a true adnex, h Laert.
which beginneth from true, endethin that which is confequent;
, as, whereas it is day, the Sun is over the earth. Falfe is that, which
beginneth from falfe, or endeth not conſequently-ass whèrè as
is days Dion walketh, if this be faid when it is not day.
*
2. A conjunt axiom is that, which is knit together by Con-'i Eaert.
junctions copulative asjat is, both day, and it is troht.. The rules
thereof are thefe: That is a right conjunction wherein all things
bre true z¹ąszißis day, and it is light. That is falfe, which hatt
fomething falfe Anaxiom which hath neither eonjunction nof
•difjunction is to be taken in the fenfe of the ſpeaker; for coн-
junction is fometimes taken for diſjunction; as, to me, and my
heir.
:-
Adiſjunt axiom is that which is diſjoyned; by a difjunctive Laert.
conjunction ;.as, either it is day, or it is night. This conjunction
fheweth, that one of the axioms is falfe.
4
Y
}.
>
I
All things that are difjoyned, are repugnant to one another, Agell, 16. 8,
and their oppofites likewife are repugnant. Of all things that
are difjoyned, one muſt be true, the reft falfe, otherwife nothing
at all is true, or all, or more then one are true either thofe
which are diſjunct, will not be repugnant, orthole which are
oppofite to them will not be contrary to one another, then the
disjunct will be falfe,andis called, as this is, in
which the oppoſites are not contrary; either thou runneft, ör
walkeft, or ſtandeft, for they are repugnant to one another, but
their oppoſites are not repugnant, becauſe not to walk, and not
to ſtand, and not to run, are not contrary in themſelves; for,
thoſe things are faid to be contrary, which cannot be true to-
gether. But you may at the fame time neither walk, nor run,
nor ftand. Every difjunction therefore, is not only true, but he-
ceffary; for if of contraries there could be a falſe conjunctioí, ñò
difjunction could be true.
A Caufallaxiom is that which is connected by this conjuncti-
on, becauſe, as because it is day, tis light; for the firft is, as it
were cauſe of the fecond. The rules thereof are thefe: A cáufall
conjunction is true, when beginning from true, it endeth in the
confequents and cannot have the antecedent for its confequent;
as becauſe it is day, 'tis light; but this axiom, it is light, doth not
*follow from the other, it is day.
A
46
ZENO.
Laert.
* Simplic.
A falfe caufall is that which either beginneth from falfe, or
endeth in that which is not confequent, or whofe antecedent
may be the confequent, as, becauſe it is night, Dion walkes.
An Axiom declarative of the more is that which is conſtrued
with this conjunction, more, as it is more day then night. Declara-
tive of the lefs, Is contrary to the former, as, it is lefs day then night.
CHA P. XXII.
Of contrary Axioms.
Contrary Axioms are thofe
which
the
1
Ontrary Axioms are thoſe which are repugnant to one ano-
ther, according to truth and falſehood, whereof one affirm-
eth, the other denyeth, as, it is day, it is not day. Only Negatives*
are contrary, ure, and oppofite, and repugnant, for onely in
contraries one propofition is true, the other falfe. The other
three kinds of contraries alledged by Ariftotle, are pronounced
without a conjunction. Whatſoever is pronounced without a
conjunction, is neither true nor falfe, for true and falſe belongeth
to axiom. Axiom is a fpeech which confifteth in the conjunction
of fome thing, wheras of Ariftotle's other three kinds of contraries,
none are conjunct but fimple, as black and white, double and fin-
gle, fight and blindneſs.
Adverſe are (as likewife defined by Aristotle) thoſe which in
the fame kind are moft diftant. Nothing that is pronounced
by negation is adverſe, (ver) to another, for then the adverſe
to Vertue will be not Vertue, and to Vice not Vice, and under
not Vertue will be included many other things befide vice, even,
à fton, a horfe, and whatfoever is befide Vertue; under not vice,
will be found Vertue and all other things. Thus all things would
be adverſe to one, and the fame the adverſe to Vertue and Vice.
Moreover if Vertue were not adverfe to Vice, but to not-vice,
the intermediate will be adverſe both to good and bad, which is
abfurd.
The rules of contraries are theſe. 1. *Contrariety is princi-
pally in acts, habits, and the like. 2. Caregorems and qualitatives
are called as it were contrary. Prudently and imprudently in
fome manner lead to things contrary, but contraries abfolutely
are in things: and prudence is fo immediately contrary to impru→
dence, not this to that:
Contraries are either difjunctive or ſul disjun&tive,difjunctive as
when wee fay, it is either day or night. Subdisjunctive are of two
kinds, either in whole, betwixt univerfalls, as every lizing creature
either doth or fufferetb, no living Creature either doth or fuffereth; or
in part, betwixt particulars; as he either fitteth or walketh; be nei-
ther fitteth nor walketh.
The
ZENO.
47
The rules of contraries are theſe; of Disjunctives one being
afferted, the other is neceffarily taken away; one being taken a-
way, the other is neceffarily afferted.
Of fubdisjunctives in whole, both cannot be true, both may be
falſe; both cannot be affirmative, both cannot be negative.
Of fubdisjunctives in part, both may be true, becauſe they are
taken in part.
CHAP. XXIII.
Of Poffible and Impoffible, Neceffary and Unneceſſary,
Probable, Paradoxall and Reaſonable axioms.
M
Oreover of axioms fome are pofsible,others impoffible; fome a Lart.
necessary, others not unnecessary. A pofsible Axiom is that
which is fufceptible of a true prædication, without obſtruction
from thoſe things, which, though externall, are yet contingent
with the thing it felf; as Diocles lives. Impofsible is that which can
never be fufceptible of truth, externalls oppugning it, as, the
Earth flies. Necessary is that which is ſo true, as that it cannot any
way receive a falfe prædication, or, may receive it, but thofe
things which are extrinfecall, will not permit that it be true, a
Vertue profiteth. Not-necefsary is that which may be either true or
falfe, exteriour things not obftructing it, as Dion walks.
?
oprofit.
Thefe future repugnants and their parts are according to the b Simplic. in
fame manner, as the prefent and the past. For, if it be true that
lib. Arift.de
the thing either fhall be or Thall not be, it muſt be either true or
falfe, becauſe futures are determined according to thefe; as, ifa
Navy is built to morrow,it is true to fay that it fhall be built,but
if it be not, it is falfe to ſay that it fhall be built, becauſe it will
not be, therefore it will either be or not be, and confequently
one of the two is falfe.
there is great
c
>
Concerning poffibles and neceffaries
difference betwixt Diodorus and Chryfippus. Diodorus holds that c Johan. Gram-
only to be poffible which either is, or will hereafter bee. That mat. in Arift.
which neither is, nor ever ſhall be is impoffible. As for me to be at
de oppofit.
Corinth is poffible, if I ever were there, or ever ſhall be there
but if I never was there, nor ever fhall be there, it is impoffible.
>
That a Boy fhall be a Grammarian is not poffible, unleſſe here-
after he come to be one.
e
は
​e Alexand. A-
On the contrary,Chryfippus held, that thofe things which nei-d Cic. de far.
ther are nor ever thall be, are yet poffible to be, as, to break a
gemme, though it never come to be broken. Moreover that from hodin anal
poffibles an impoffible may follow, as in this Axiom, which is a prior.
the connex: If Dion be dead, He (pointing to Dion) is dead: The
ཧཐཱཝིསྶ ཡེ
Ggggg
an-
48
ZENO.
1
d Epictet. 11.
19.
e Laert.
f Laert.
g
Cic. Parad,
↳ Epillet. 1,25
i Laert.
antecedent, if Dion be dead is poffible, becauſe it may at føme
time be true that he ſhall be dead but this Axiom, he is dead, is
impoffible: for Dion being dead, the Axiom likewife is aboliſh-
ed, that he is dead, feeing he is no longer that man, capable of be-
ing demonftrated by the pronoune, He, for, be, is a demonftrati-
on of a living creature. If therefore Dion being not yet dead, this
word, He, may be faid of him, being dead, it cannot be faid, he
is dead. So that in this place, he is dead, is impoffible. For it were
not-impoffible, if, fome time after the death of Dion, of whom it
was before prædicated in the connex whilft he lived, it might be
again prædicated, he is dead; but becauſe that cannot be, it is im-
poffible, that, he is dead, fhould be prædicated of him.
d
To conclude, fome held with Diodorus, that whatfoever is
paft, is true of neceffity.That to impoffible there followeth not a
poffible, and that what cannot be done, neither is nor fhall bee
true. Others (as Cleanthes and Antipater) that fomthing is poffi-
ble that neither is nor fhall be; that to poffible followeth not im-
poffible, and that which is paft, is not true of necefsity. Others,
that fomthing is pofsible which is not true; that whatſoever is
paft, is true of necefsity, and that to pofsible followeth alſo im-
pofsible.
Furthermore of Axioms, fome are probable, fome paradoxall,
fome reaſonable. A probable Axiom is that which perfwadeth us
by a fpecious fhow to affent unto it; as, whatsoever bringeth forth
another is a mother; which is falfe, for the hen is not the mother of
the egge.
+
£ Paradoxall Axioms are thoſe which feem true onely to the
wife, contrary to the opinon of all others. Theſe are likewife
in other Arts, befides Philofophy; for what is franger then to
prick the eyes for the recovery of fight? If we fay this to one ig-
norant of Chirurgery, will he not laugh at it? It is not there-
fore ſtrange, that fuch things as are true in Philoſophy ſhould
feem paradoxes to the unlearned..
¹ A reaſonable Axiom, is that which hath many conditions re-
quifite to the truth thereof, as, Ifball live to morrow.
1
*
{
CHAP. XXIV.
鲞
​置
​of Reciprocall Axioms.
Itherto of the contrariety and repugnance of Axioms. Now
of their confent and agreement, whereby one followeth
and is correfpondent to another, either according to truth or
falfhood, by Mira'aan, reciprocation.
Of Reciprocation there are three kinds: the first aaspop
perverfion
ZENO.
49
perverfion, a migration into falfe; the fecond armsen, converfion,
a migration into true; the third iraula, equipollence, into the
fame.
↑
14
CHAP. XXV.
Of Signes.
To th
2
the place of Axioms appertain likewiſe Signes. Signe is a Sext. Emp.
an axiom antecedent, in a true connex, and having power hypot. 2. F.
to detect the confequent.
cap. de figno.
b Signe is taken two waies: Commonly, for whatſoever fal- b Sext.adv. log.
leth under any fence, and fignifieth fomething that proceedeth
from it: and Properly, for that which declareth a thing, which
is not manifeft.
Things which are certain require no figne, for they are com- Sext. Empir.
prehended of themſelves; neither thoſe which are wholly un- ibid. Pyrrh.
certain, for they can no way be comprehended; but, thofe only, Galen. Hift.
hyp, 2. 19.
which are uncertain in time, or by nature, may be comprehen- Philos.
ded by fignes, but not by the fame. Things that are uncertain in
time, are comprehended by commemorative fignes; things un-
certain by nature, are comprehended by demonftrative.
Of fignes therefore, fome are demonſtrative, others communi-
cative. A communicative figne is that which is fo neer to the
thing, that together with the figne the thing it felfe appeareth,
into the knowledge whereof the figne bringeth us, as fmoak,
which when we fee, we know it proceeds from fire. A demon-
ſtrative figne is that, which not being obferved before with an
evident figne, leads us by that to the knowledge of the thing;
as when a female hath milk, we preſently know that ſhe hath
brought forth.
Dale
CHAP. XXVI.
Of Reaſons or Arguments.
1
Ialectick is the difcipline of fpeech, concluded by reaſon.
Reaſon, déy, ſometimes called alfo Argument, and Interro-
gation, is, according to Crinis, that which confifts of one or
more fumptions, and an affumption, and an inference; as,
a
If it be day, it is light.Sumption.
a Laert.
·But it is day:
Therefore it is light.
Affumption.
Inference.
Ggggg 2
The
50
ZENO.
prior.
The Reason of the Stoicks differs from the Syllogifmes of Arifto-
b Alexand. A-tle in three refpects: Firft, a Syllogifme, according to Avitale;
phrod. in anal. cannot have leffe then two propofitions, a reafon may have bur
one; as, Thou liveft, therefore thou breatheft: which kinde Antipa-
ter calls overguard. Secondly, in Syllogifmes, fomething befides
that which is granted in the premifes, but in Reafons, the con-
clufion may
be the fame with both, or either of the fumptions.
The firft are called apopuuros, as
c Alex. Aphrod-
in anal.pr:
d Alex. Aphrod.
in anal.prior.
1
с
ત
If it is day, it is day.
But it is day:
Therefore it is day.
The fecond are called apopas exivorles, as,
It is either day, or not day.
But, it is not day
Therefore it is not day.
1
& Laftly, in Syllogifmes, the conclufion muft neceffarily fol-
low, by reafon of the premiſes, whereas there are three kinds of
reaſons which have not this property: The first, výuμara, al-
ready mentioned: The fecond guirles, not methodically
conclufive reafons; as
The first is greater then the fecond.
The Second is greater then the third :
Therefore the first is greater then the third.
,
This concludes neceffarily, but not Syllogiftically, unleffe this
propofition be put in the first place: What is greater then another
is greater alfo then that which is leffe then that other. Of the fame
kinde is that Theorem in the first of Euclid's Elements, This line
is equall to that, therefore this line is likewife equall to that, which is
true indeed; but to conclude fyllogiftically, requires this univer-
fall propofition, Thoſe which are equall' to a third, are equall to one
another.
e
The third kinde of reafons, from which Syllogifm differeth
e Alex. Aphod. by this property, are mapées ég, redundant reafons, and
in anal prior. thofe of two kinds: The firſt are ſuch as have a fuperfluous
in Topic. I.
fumption; as,
Every just thing is honeft,
Every boneft thing is good,
Every good thing is expetible in it felf
Therefore every juſt thing is good.
The
ZENO.
51
The ſecond are thofe in which the proper conclufion is not in-
ferr'd, but fomething confequent, or addident, as that argument
of Epicure:
<
11..
Whatfoever is dissolved hath not fence,
What faever hath not sense pertainer, not to us :..
Therefore death pertaineth not to us..
Whereas to conclude fyllogiftically, we should fay, Therefore,
whatsoever is diffolved pertaineth to us.
f
as the learned
In a reafon or argument, the fumption uue, and the affumption
sams, (termed by Aristotle cranius) are axioms received by Notors,
confent of the adverfary, for conftruction of that which is cal- Burfius
led Inference me (by Aristotle umiegopa, conclufion) becaufe obferved, dial.
it is inferr'd from the reft.
Cic. 6. 2.
bath
8 Of fumption and affumption according to Chryfippus, there are g Galen. de De-
foure differences: The firſt Scientifick: The ſecond Exercitative, arina Hippocs.
or(as Ariſtotle calls it ) Dialectick: The third Probable and Rhetori & Plat. lib. 2
call: The fourth Sophiftick.
a
O
*
CHAP. XXVII,
Of conclufive Reafons.
F Reaſons there are two kinds, conclufive, and not-concluſive. a Laert.
Sext, Empir.
Conclufive reafons are thofe, in which the Sumptions being
granted, from the conceffion thereof, the Inference feemeth to
follow.
Conclufive reaſons, in refpect of their matter, are of two
kinds, true and falfe. True are thofe, which from true fumptions
collect a true inference. Not-true the contrary.
The Lawes and rules of true and falfe reafons, are theſe :
1. Truth is confequent to truth: as, If it is day, it is light.
2. Falſe is confequent to falfe: as, If it be falfe that it is night,
it is likewife falfe that it is dark. 3. Falfe is confequent to true :
as, Earth, if it flies is earth. 4. Falfe is not confequent to true:
for, becauſe it is earth,it is not therefore confequent that it flies.
Again, of true reafons, fome are demonftrauite, others not-
demonſtratite. A demonftrative reafon is that, which by things that
are certain, or perfpicuous, colle&teth that which is uncertain
and leffe perfpicuous: as, Iffweat iffue through the skin, we may un-
derſtand pores, but ſweat issues through the skin, therefore we may un-
derstand pores.
"Not-demonftrative are contrary: as, If it is day, it is light; but it is
day, therefore it is light. Herein the inference, it is light, is certain.
CHAP
52
ZENO.
1
a Laert.
b simplic, in
Epi&et.
c Cic. Topic. I.
d Cic. ibid.
e Simplic.
a
CHA P. XXVIII.
Of Syllogiftick Concluſive Reaſons, or Syllogifms.
Onclufive reaſons, as to their form likewife, are of two
kinds; Syllogistically conclufive,and not Syllogistically conclufive.
* Syllogistically-conclufive Reafons (or Syllogifmes) are thoſe
which either cannot be more concluded, or whereof one or
more of the fumptions are reduced to thoſe which cannot be
concluded again; as, if Dion walks, he is moved.
Syllogifmes (by which the Stoicks underſtand only-the tro-
picall, or hypotheticall,) are of three kinds, connex, disjunct, con-
jund.
*
↳ A connex Syllogifm is, when two are ſo connected in them-
felves,that one is the antecedent,the other the confequent,in fuch
manner, as, if the antecedent be afferted, the confequent follow-
eth, and the confequent being taken away, the antecedent is like-
wife taken away, as, if it be day, it is not night, this antecedent
is true, therefore it followeth, it is night. This kind of Syllogifme
pertains to the firſt and ſecond moods. In the firſt it is called
from Pofition of the antecedent, to Pofition of the confequent; in
the ſecond, from negation of the antecedent, to negation of the
confequent. The Lawes concerning the truth, or falfhood of
theſe Syllogifmes are the fame with thofe of connex axioms.
Of connex Syllogifmes there are two kinds; connex in them-
felves, as,if it is light, it is light,but it is light,therefore it is light; and
connex by others; as, if it is day,it is light, but it is day, therefore it is
light.
A conjunct Syllogifme, is, "when we deny fomthing conjunct,
and to theſe adde another negation, and of theſe take the firft,
that what remains be taken away, as, it cannot be that a Lega-
cy is money, and money not a Legacy; but a Legacy is money,
therefore money, is a Legacy.
e
A disjunct Syllogifm is that in which there cannot be more
then one thing true, or, that in which if one be, the other is not,
or, if one be not, the other is, as, It is either day or night, but it not
night, therefore it is day; for one being afferted, the other is taken
£ Sext. Hypotyp. away, and fo on the contrary. The evidence of this Syllogifme
Pyrrh.cap. 14. Chryfippus conceives to be fo great,that even dogs have knowledge
thereof. For coming to a place where there are three waies, if by
the fent they find that the Beaſt hath not gone in two of them
they run directly to the third without fenting, as if they argued
thus, the Beaſt went either this way, or that way, or that way,
but neither this way nor that way, therefore that way: The Laws
of disjnnet Syllogifmes are the fame as thofe of disjunct
Axioms.
CHAP.
1
ZENOS
53
L...
} }
CHAP. XXIX
Of Moods.
2
1
31.
Yllogiftick, conclufive Reaſons are difpofed into Moods. Of a Laert.
Syllogiftick,
Moods there are two kinds, the firft fimple, properly called a
Mood, wi*☺› defined a kind of figure of the Reason, as thus,
if the first is, the second is,
But the first is,
Therefore the fecond is.
3
1
(It is obfervable by the way, that the Stoicks for letters uſed
numbers.) The other compounded, called
fiftent of both reafon and Mood, as,
If Plato liveth, Plato breatheth;
But the firft,
Therefore the fecond.
as being con-
This is uſed in a long Syntax, that it be not neceffary to ſpeak
a long affumption, or a long inference, but they abbreviate them
thus, but the firſt, therefore the fecond.
Of Moods or Tropes there are two kinds, one of indemonstra-
bles, fo termed, not that they cannot be demonftrated, but be-
cauſe they conclude fo evidently, that they need not be repro-
ved; the other of demonftrables.
Of Indemonftrable Moods, there are (according to Chryfippus)
five, according to * others more or leffe
* Cic Topic:
The first, wherein every reafon confifts of a connex, and an an- Martian Gagels
tecedent from which beginneth the connex, and the confequent is
inferred, as,
If the first, then the fecond,
But the first
Therefore the fecond.
The ſecond indemonftrable is, which, by the confequent of the
connex, and the contrary of the confequent, hath a conclufion
contrary to the antecedent, as,
*
If it is day, 'tis light,
But it is night, Salon.
Therefore it is not day.
313
30.1
200
The
54
ZENO.
The third is, that which by a negative complication, and one
of thoſe which are in the complication, inferrs the contrary to
that which remains, as,
"
Plato is not both dead and alive,
But Plato is dead,
Therefore Plato is not alive.
The fourth is that which by a disjunctive, and one of thoſe
which is in the disjunctive, ´concludeth the contrary to that
which remains, as,
}
Either it is the first or second,
But it is the first,
Therefore it is not the fecond.
The fift is that wherein the whole reafon is connected by a
disjunctive, and one of thoſe which are in the disjunctive of the
contrary, inferreth the reſt, as,
Either it is night, or it is day,
But it is not night.
Therefore it is day.
2 Laert.
CHAP. XXXI.
Of not-Syllogiftick-conclufive Reafons.
*Rally called (as
Eafons not-fyllogiftically-conclufive(which arelikewife efpeci-
ally called(as their genus)conclufive in oppofition to Syllo-
gifmes) are thofe which conclude not by way of Syllogifme,
as,
•
It is false, that it is both night and day,
But it is day,
Therefore it is not night.
And this of Chryfippus.
·whatsoever is good is laudable,
whatſoever is laudable is honeft,
Therefore whatsoever is good is honeft.
Theſe not-fyllogiftick, or categorick-conclufives, are frequently
uſed by the Stoicks (as by Zeno in Cicero) but immethodically,
not
ZENOS
5*
a
not reduced to Mood and figure. Thoſe they applyed onely to
tropicall reaſons,as in which confifteth the fole way and order
of inference. The Categoricall are not Syllogifmes, becauſe in
them fomthing is ever omitted, and therefore they are åuadidas
mevov, immethodically conclufive; as in that argument of
Chryfippus laſt mentioned, two affumptions, and an inference are
omitted, for it ought to be thus,
If it be good, it is laudable,
But it is good,
Therefore it is laudable.
And again,
If it be laudable,it is honeſt,
But it is laudable,
Therefore it is honest.
Hence are derived thoſe reaſons which are called omfårλovtes ;
and embarróµwo, adjicient and adject,confifting of propofitions con-
tinually aſſumed without conclufions. Adject are thoſe whoſe
conclufion is omitted; Adjicient, thole whofe demonftrative pro-
pofition is omitted, as,
The first of every fecond,
The second of every third,
The third of every fourth,
Therefore the first of every fourth.
In this adject, the conclufion is omitted, which is, therefore the
first of every third
Not-com
GHAP. XXXI.
Of not-conclufive Reaſons.
-concluſive Reaſons are thoſe, whoſe oppofite to the infe- 2 Laert.
rence is repugnant to the connexion of the fumptions :b Sext.Empir.
b They are of four kinds. 1. By incoherence. 2. By redundance, adv, Logic.
3. By being in an ill figure. 4. By defect.
By incoherence, when the propofitions have no conjunction or
communion with one another, nor with the inference, as,
If it is day,it is light,
But corn is fold,
Therefore it is light.
Hhhhh
For
I
ZENO.
56
For neither, it is day, hath any communion with, Gorn is föld,
nor both of them together, with, it is light; but each dependeth
upon fomthing elſe.
?
By redundance, when fomthing is affumed to the propofition
extrinfecall and fuperfluous, as,
If it is day, it is light,
But it is day, and Vertue profiteth,
Therefore it is light.
•
For Vertue profiteth is fuperfluouſly affumed with the other pro-
pofition, the inference depending upon the other.two.
By being in an ill figure, as, this is a right figure,
But this
If the first, the second,
But the first is,
Therefore the fecond.
?.
If the first, the fecond,
But not the fecond
Is not conclufive, not that in this figure, there cannot be reaſon
which may collect truth from truth, for that it may do as
thus,
as,
If there are four, fix are eight,
But three are not four,
Therefore fix are not eight.
But becauſe there may be fome ill reafons in it, as this,
If it be day, 'tis light,
But it is not day,
Therefore it is not light.
By defect, when there want one of the collective propofitions,
Riches are either ill or good,
But riches are not good;
Therefore they are ill.
For in the disjunct there wanteth this, or indifferent, fo that
to be perfect the fumption ſhould be thus,Riches are ill,or good,
or indifferent.
2
CHAP.
ZENO..
57
',
Bare
CHA P. XXXII.
Offallacions Reafons or Sophifmes.
Y Dialectick are diſcerned true and falſe reaſons: the latter
are Sophifmes, proper to Sophifts, who difpute for vain-glory,
or gain as true reafons are to Logicians, whoſe end is only to
finde out truth.
Of fallacious reaſons there are many kinds; the Quiefcent rea-
fon, or Sorites, the Lying, the Inexplicable, the sluggish, the Do-
minative, the Vailed, Electra, the Horned, the Crocodilite, the Reci-
procall, the Nullity, the Defective, the Mower, the Bald, the Occult,
the Negative.
a
ad Sabin.
C
b
Sorites,named from, a heap,is, when from things evident- a Suid.
ly true, by fhort mutations, the difpute is brought to things evi- b Ulpian. 48.
dently falfe: as, Are not two few?are not three fo likewife?and four,and c Laert. though
fo on to ten? But, two are a few, therefore ten. It is called alio no falfely applyed,
Car hopes, the quiefcent reafon, becauſe the way to withſtand it is as Burfus and
by ſtopping, and witholding the affent.
The lying reaſon, federacyds, is a captious argument, not
to be diffolved. Of this, ſee the life of Eubûlides.
fThe inexplicable reaſon, ¿mpôs aoyds, fo called, from the intri-e
cate nature thereof, not to be diffolved, wherefore it ſeems to be
the ſame with the lying, and perhaps the genus to moſt of thoſe
which follow.
भ
Cafaubon
have observed.
a Laert. in
d
Chryfip.
cic. Acad.
quaf. 4.
Agel.9. IS.
f
·
The fluggish reafon, gods, is manifefted by this exam-
ple: If it be decreed that you ſhall recover of this fiekneſſe, you ſhall gCicer.de Fato -
recover whether you take Phyfick or not. Again, if it be decreed you ſhall
not recover, you shall not recover, whether you take Phyfick or not:
Therefore it is to no purpose to take Phyfick. This argument is juftly
termed fluggiſh, faith Cicero, becauſe by the fame reaſon, all-
action may be taken away from life.
The Dominative reaſon, weúvoyds; of this already in the life
of Diodorus.
The vailed reafon,iỳxowauuuév✪ aogds-: Of this, and Electra, and
the Horned reafon, moyds, in the life of Eubulides.
Apthe.
in
The Crocodilite, fo named from this Ægyptian fable: A wo-h Doxopat, în
man fitting by the fide of Nilus, a Crocodile fnatched away
her child, promifing to reſtore him, if ſhe would anſwer truly to
what he asked; which was, whether he meant to restore him or not.
She anſwered, Not to reflore him, and challeng'd his promiſe, as
having faid the truth. He replyed, that if he should let her bave
him, fhe had not told true.
i
The reciprocall reafons, elles, fuch was that of Protago- i Agell. 5. 10.
ras the Sophift, againſt Euathlus, a rich young man, his difciple,
who promiſed him a great fumme of mony for teaching him
Hhhhh 2
where-
>
58
You
ZENO.
·
1
"
•
whereof halfe he paid in hand, the other halfe was to be paid
the firſt that he ſhould plead before the Judges, and carry the
caufe. Having learned long, and attained a great perfection in
Rhetorick, he forbore to plead in publickthat he might de-
fraud Protagoras. Protagoras fues him, and the cauſe comming to
hearing, begins thus: Know, foolish young man, that which way foe-
ver the Caufe goes, whether for thee or against thee, thou must pay what
I demand. If against thee, it will be given me by judgment 4 for thee
thou must pay it according to our agreement. Evathlus aufwers: I
might have been intrapped by your fubtlety, if I did not plead my felfe,
but had employ'd fome other to plead for me. Now I rejoyce doubly in the
victory, that I shall be too hard for you, not only in caufe, but in argu-
ment. Know therefore, my most wife Master, that which way foever the
cauſe go,
either with me, or against me, I will not pay what you demand.
If it go with me, the judgment will acquit me, if against me, you are to
have nothing by our agreement. The Judges not able to determine
it, difmift them both.
*
The nullity,, uſed by Ulyffes, who called himselfe ns, no
body, when he hurt Polypheme, whence it came to be fo named.
The defective reafon, syds, mentioned by Laertius in
Zenone: The mower, Oseilav noyòs, by Lucian: The bald, qudanç☺
Royds, by Laertius in Eubulide: The occult, Manavarar ayde, by La-
ertius in Eubulide: The negative, dodoxa hoyds, by Laertius in Chry-
fippo, and by Epictetus. But of theſe enougn.
·
>
CHAP. XXXIII.
Of Method.
a Cic. Offic. 2. Here are two kinds of difputation:." One, when the truth it
felfe is fubtlely poliſhed in the diſpute: The other, when
every expreffion is accommodated to the vulgar opinion; for,
we muſt uſe popular and ufuall words, when we fpeak of po-
pular opinions, which Panatius in the like manner hath done.
b Cic. de fin. 3: b The firſt way was peculiar to the Stoicks, fhort, acute, and
fpinous, called likewife Logick, moft worthy of Philofophy, for
this ufeth definitions, divifions, and the lights which they af-
ford, as likewiſe ſimilitudes, diffimilitudes, and the nice acute
diſtinction of them.
14.90.
The vulgar way of difpute is likewife two-fold: One by con-
tinued oration: The other by queſtion and anſwer; the first cal-
go
c
d
e
* Senec. Epift. led Analytick, or Rhetoricall; the other Topick, or f Dialecticall.
d Cic. de fin. 2. Though the firft be delightfull, yet the latter is more commo-
e Senec.Ep.14. dious, when we infift on particulars, and underſtand what eve-
Cic. de fin. 2. Ty man granteth, what every man denyeth, what we would
have concluded from conceffions, and brought to an end. For,
90.
g Cic. ibid.
when
ZEMO
59:
when a fpeech isqartiedon like a Torrent, although it bears ma-
ny things along with it; yet we can hold nothing, we cannot
ftop the rapid courfe of an oration. The others concluding as h Cic. de nät.
Zeno uſed, more ſhortly and narrowly, lyeth more open to re- deor. 3.
prehenſion. As a River in its courfe, cannot at all, or yg hardly
be corrupted, but water fhut up, eafily: So by a flucanoration,
the faults of the oppofer are carried quite away; a narrow
fpeech, they are not ea fily defended..
한
​But each of theſe methods hath a feverall ufe, the fifcis
pro-
per for expoſition of Arts and Sciences, the other for difputați-
on.
THE
SECOND PART.
THE
CHAP.I.
ETHICK, and the parts thereof.
HEMorall part of Philofophy is divided into thefe pla- a Laerts
ces; Of appetite Of good and ill, of passions, Of Virtue, of the
End of the firft æftimation, of Actions, Offices, exhortations and de-
hartations.
Thus diftinguifheth Chryfippus, Archidemus, Zeno of Tarfis, A-
pollodorus, Diogenes (the Babylonians) Antipater and Poffidoniuss
But Zeno the Cittiean, and Cleanthes, as being more antient, were
leffe accurate in their manner of treating upon theſe things.
1
T
CHAP. II.
Of Appetite.
HE confideration of Ethick, beginneth properly from
Appetite. * Appetite is moved by Phantafie of an Office, for a Stob. eclog.
it is the impulfion of the foul to fomthing,
Appetite in rationall and irrationall Creatures is different;
opeğis is not rationall appetite, but a fpecies of rationall appetite..
Rational appetite is defined an impulfion of the intellect to the
doing of fomthing. is a fpecies of practick appetite, being an
impulfion of the Intellect to fomthing future. Hence appetite, is
taken four waies, for rationall and irrationall inclination, and
for rationall and irrationall averfion. To thefe may be added the
habit
Ethic.
60
ZENO.
[1
a Laert.
b Cic.de fin. 3.
c
Laert.
d Cic. fin 3.
• Laert.
habit of Appetition, which is likewiſe called appetite, the Ori-
gine of all appetitive acts.
Of practick appetite there are many ſpecies, of which are
1. is, a Defignation.
·
2. m, an appetite before appetite.
3. men, an action before action...
4. xi, an appetite to fomthing now exiſtent.
5. geos, a will by ratiocination,
›6. acuípeois, a Will before Will. -
7. Banos, an appetite joined with reafon.
8. Oinois, a fpontaneous Will.
CHAP. III.
Of firft naturall Appetite.
*THe firſt appetite of a living creature is to preſerve it ſelf,this
being from the beginning proper to it by nature,as Chryfippus
in his firft Book of Ends, who affirmes that the care of our felves,
and conſciouſneſſe thereof, is the first property of all living Crea-
tures. For, Nature producing a living Creature, intended either
to alienate it from it felf, or to commend unto its own care; but
the firſt is not likely; it followeth therefore, that Nature com-
mendeth to every thing the prefervation of it felfe, whereby it
repulfeth whatſoever is hurtfull, and purſueth what is
convenient,
As foon therefore as a living Creature cometh into the
World, it is conciliated to it felf; commended to the conferva-
tion of it ſelf and its own ſtate, and to the election of fuch things
as-may preſerve its ftate, but alienated from deftruction, and
from all fuch things as may deſtroy it. This is manifeft in as much
as before the acceffion of pleafure or grief, young creatures de-
fire thoſe things which conduce to their wellfare, and refuſe
the contrary, which would not be, if they did not love their own
ftate, and fear deftruction. Neither could they defire any thing
without having fome fenfe of themſelves, whereby they love
themfelves, and what belongs to them. Hence it is manifeft, that
the principle of this love is derived from themſelves.
e
d
Whereas fome must hold the first appetite of a living crea-
ture to be that of pleaſure, that is falfe. The greater part of
Stoicks conceive that Pleaſure is not to be placed amongſt the na-
turall principles of love to our felves,for if nature had fo ordered
it, many diſhoneſt things would have followed. Pleaſure is an
after-accefsion, when as Nature enquiring by it felf into it felf,
receiveth thoſe things which are agreeable to its conftitution, af-
e
ter
}
ZENON
61
ter which manner living creatures are exhilarated, and plants
ſprout forth. Nature hath thus far made no difference betwixt
plants and living creatures, that whereas plants are ordered
without appetite or fenfe, there is in living creatures, fomething
according to the nature of plants: But, there being over and a-
bove in living creatures, an innate appetite, whereby they go to
thoſe things that are proper for them, the naturall part in them
is governed by the appetitive.
11
f
That we naturally love thoſe things which are firft propo- t Cic. fin, 3.
fed unto us by nature, may be argued from hence, in that there
is no man, if both were pur to his choice, but had rather have
all his limbs able and found, rather then uſeleffe and imperfect.
Theſe comprehenfions we conceive fit to be acquired for their
own fake, becauſe they have in themſelves fomething,as it were,
complex, including Truth. This is difcernable in young ones
whom we fee delighted, though it nothing concernes them, if
they themſelves finde out any thing by reafon. Even the Arts
we conceive to be affumed for themſelves, afwell becauſe in
theſe there is ſomething worthy affumption, as becauſe they
confiſt of knowledge, and contain fomethings conftituted by
reafon and power.
,
T
CHAP. IV.
Of Appetites conſequent to the first.
Hus according to the first innate principles of Nature, thofe a cic, de fin. 3.
things which are according to nature being expetible in
themſelves, their contraries avoidable in themſelves, the firſt
office is to conferve it felfe in the ſtate of nature, the next, to ob-
tain thoſe things which are according to nature.
Here beginneth good to be firft underſtood, for it is the firſt
conciliation of man to things according to nature. This Good,
as foon as man receiveth intelligence or notion thereof, and feeth
the order and concord of Offices, he eſteemeth far above thoſe
things which he formerly loved, and by rationall knowledge
collecteth, that herein is placed the chief good of man, laudable
and expetible in it felfe. To this chiefe good, which conſiſteth in
homologie or convenience, all honeſt actions having reference,
honefty it felfe, which is reckoned amongſt the good, though it
rife afterward, is notwithſtanding alone expetible in its own
power and dignity. But, of thofe which are the first objects of
nature, none is expetible in it felfe.
Now whereas offices proceed from the firſt naturall objects,
they muſt neceffarily be referred to the fame; fo as all Offices
tend to the fulfilling of the first naturall appetites; yet, not ſo,
as
62
ZENO.
as if therein confifted the ultimate good. Honeft actionidin the
firſt conciliation of. nature's for it is conſequent and arifethas
we faid afterward; yet, it is according to natural land much
more allective then all that go beforet, so toque morniw
#
And feeing that all offices proceed from the firft naturall ap
petites, leven wifdome it felfe must be derived from thence like-
wife. But as it often happens, that he who is recommended to
another, more eſteemeth him to whom he is recommended then
the perfon which recommended him:fo it is not ſtrange,that we
being recommended to wifdome by the firft naturall appetite,
afterwards more eftçem that wifdome, then thofe things
whereby we arrived at it. And as our limbs are given to us for
a certain reafon of living, fo the appetition of the foul is given,
not for every kinde of life, but for one certain form of living; fo
likewiſe reaſon and perfect reaſon. For, as action is proper to a
Player, motion to a Dancer; yet, not any, but one certain kinde:
fo the life that is to be acted, is in one certain kinde, not in any,
which kinde we call convenient and confentaneous. Wiſdome
is not like the art of a Pilot, or a. Phyfician; but rather to that
Action we mentioned, and to Dancing, that the extream, that
is, the effection of the Art be in the Art it felfe, and not ex-
trinfecall. There is another fimilitude betwixt Wiſdome and
thefe Arts, for in them are thofe things which are done rightly;
yet, are not all the parts whereof they confift contained therein.
Things done rightly, or Rectitudes, contain all numbers of ver-
tue; for, only wifdome is wholly converted into it felfe, which
is not in other Arts. But, improperly is the Art of a Pilot and a
Phyfician, compared with the ultimate of Wiſdome: For, wif-
dome includeth Fortitude and Juftice, and judgeth all things
that happen to man to be below it, which happeneth 'not in o-
ther Arts: but, none can hold thefe vertues which we laſt men-
tioned, unleffe he affirm, there is nothing that is different, but
honest and diſhoneſt.
a Stob.
b Cic. de fin. 3.
Ha
CHAP. V.
Of Good and Ill.
}
Itherto of Appetites, we come next to their Objects.
Fa Things (according to Zeno) are whatfoever participate of
Effence. Of things, fome are good, fome ill, fome indifferent.
b Good is feverall waies defined by the Stoicks, but their defi-
c Sext. Empir, nitions tend all to one end. Good is profit, or that which diffe-
Fyrrh. 3. 20. reth not from profit. Profit is vertue, and vertuous action, not
different from profit is a vertuous man, and a friend. For ver-
tue being a quodammodotative Hegemonick, and vertuous acti-
C
1
on
'
"
+
'ZENO.
on being an operation according to vertue, is plainly profit.
A vertuous man and a friend is not different from profit; for pro-
fit is a part of Vertuous, as being the Hegemoniack thereof.
Now the wholes are neither the fame with their parts, for a man
is not a hand, nor different from their parts, for they fubfift not
without parts; wherefore the whole is not different from its
parts, and confequently, a vertuous man being the whole, in
refpect of his Hegemoniack, which is profit,is not different from
profit.
Good is by fome defined that which is expetible in it felfe 5
by others, that which affifteth to felicity, or compleateth it: by
e
163
Diogenes, that which is abfolute by nature; [or, that which is ecic.definib.3.
perfect, according to the nature of a rationall creature.] The Laert.
confequent thereof is a beneficient motion, or ſtate-abſolute in
náture.
Whereas things are known, either by ufe, or conjunction
or fimilitude, or collation, by this fourth kinde is the knowledge
of good; for when from thoſe things which are according to na-
ture, the minde afcendeth by collation of reafon, then it attain-
eth the notion of good.
h
2.
Good is known and named, not by acceffion, increaſe, or hcic.de finib.3.
compariſon with other things, but by its proper power. For as
Hony, though it be moft fweet, yet, in its proper kinde of taſt,
not comparative to any other, we perceive it to be fweet: So
this good of which we ſpeak, is that which is moſt to be eſteemi-
ed, but that eſtimation confifteth in the kinde, not the magni-
tude. For, eſtimation being neither amongſt the good nor ill,
whatſoever you apply it to, it will remain in its kinde. Different
therefore is the proper eftimation of vertue, which confiſteth in
thekinde, not in increaſe.
To Good belongeth all vertue, as Prudence, Juſtice, Tempė- i Laert. Stob,
rance, Fortitude, and whatſoever participates of thofe, as ver-
k
uous actions and perfons. Acceffions hereto are joy, cheerful- k Laert.
deffe, and the like.
lls are the contrary vices, as Imprudence, Injustice, Intem-1 Laert. Støb.
perance, Pufillanimity, and whatſoever participates of vice, as
vicious actions and perfons.
content, affliction, and the like.
n
m
The acceffions hereunto are dif- m Laert.
Of Goods, fome, as we have ſaid, are Vertues, others not-ver-n Stob:
tues, as, Joy, Hope, and the like. In like manner of Ills, fome are
ices, as thofe already mentioned; others not-vices, as Griefe and
Fear.
Again, of Goods, fome are continuall in all the vertuous, ando Stob.
at all times; fuch is all vertue, founde fence, wife appetition,
and the like. Others are intermiffive, as joy, hope, andˇprudent
counſell, which are no in all the wife nor at all times.
In like manner of Ills, fome are continuall in all, and alwaies
Tiiii
in
{
64
ZENO.
21.
in the imprudent, as all vice, and imprudent fence, and impru
dent appetite: Others intermiffive, as griefe, fear, and impru-
dent anſwer, which are not alwaies in the wicked, nor at all
times.
P Again, of Good there are three kinds: The first from which pro-
p Laert. Stob.
Sext. Empir. fit commeth, as from its firſt cauſe, ſuch is vertue: The fecond,
Pyrrh. hypot.3. by which profit commeth, as vertue, and vertuous action: The
third that which may profit, as vertue, and vertuous actions, and
a vertuous man, and a friend, and the Gods, and good Demons.
Sext. Empir. 9 Thus the fecond fignification includeth the firſt, and the third,.
both the firſt and ſecond.
q
r Laert. Steb.
f Laert. Stob.
r
* In like manfier of Ills, there are three kinds: Firſt, that from
which hurt originally proceedeth, as vice: Secondly, that by
which hurt commeth, as vicious actions: Laſtly, and moſt large-
ly, whatſoever is able to hurt.
Again, of Goods, fome are in the Soul, as vertue, and vertuous
Sext. Empir. actions: fome without the Soul, as a true friend, a good Country
Pyrrh. hyp. 3.
and the like: fome nezther within nor without the foul: as good
and vertuous men.
23.
t Laert. Stob.
u Laert. Stob.
x Laert. Stob.
y Laert. Stob.
t
In like manner of Ills, fome are within the Soul, as vices, and
vicious actions; fome without the Soul, as, imprudent friends, e-
nemies, and the like; fome neither within nor without the Soul,
as wicked men, and all that participate of vice.
"Of goods within the Soul, fome are babits, fome affections, fome
neither habits for affections. The vertues themſelves are affecti-
ons, their ſtudies habits, not affections, their acts neither habits
nor affections.
* In like manner of Ills, fome are affections, as vices; fome ha-
bits only, as infirmities of minde, and the like; ſome neither ha-
bits nor affections, as vicious actions.
y Again, of Goods, fome are finall, fome efficient, fome bath fi-
Cic. de finib. 3. nall and efficient. A friend, and the benefits arifing from him,
are efficient goods. Fortitude, magnanimity, liberty, delectation,
joy, tranquillity, and all yertuous actions are finall goods.
Both efficient and finall (as all vertues) as they perfect felicity,
they are efficient, as they conftitute it as parts thereof, finall.
z Laert. Stob.
á Stob.
Z
In like manner of Ills, fome are finall, fome efficient, fome
both. A friend, and the dammages incurred by him, are effi
cient. Fear, baſeneffe, fervitude, fupidity, frowardneffe, griefe,
and all vicious actions, are finall: participant of (arevices) as
they procure misfortune they are efficient, as they constitute t
as parts thereof, final!.
a
Again, of goods, fome are expetible in themselves, not defired
for the fake of any other: Others are preparatory to fome other,
called effectively expetible. The expetible in themfelves are
(according to Diogenes) of two kinds 11ftimately expetible,
as Beatitude. 2. Thoſe which have in them the caufe of being
expetible, as every good hath.
b Again,
•
ZENO.
65
Again, of goods fome are necefsary to Beatitude, as all Vertues
and their Acts, others not-necessary, as Joy, delectation, and ſtudy.
In like manner of Ills, fome are neceffary to Infelicity, as all the
Vices and their Acts, others not-neceffary thereunto, as,all paffi-
ons and infirmities of the foul, and the like.
C
Again, of goods, fome confift in motion, as Joy, delectation c Stob.
and the like; fome in affection, as quiet imperturbation; Of thoſe
which confift in affection, fome are likewiſe in habit, as the Ver-
tues; others in affection only as the former. Neither confiſt the
Vertues only in habits, but other Acts likewife, changed by a
Vertuous man, in a manner, into Vertue. Of thefe goods which
are in habit, are thofe we call ftudies, as love of Learning, and
the like. For thefe arts by their affinity with Vertue lead directly
to our chief end...
ત
Again, of goods fome are abfolute, as Science, others relative 3 d Stob.
as honour, benevolence, friendship, and the like.
Science is a certain infallible comprehenfion by reaſon.It is ta- e Stob.
ken three waies. First, for a Syftem of Sciences conjoined toge
ther in a good man; Secondly, for a Syftem of artificiall Sciences,
having a certainty. Laſtly, for a demonſtrative infallible habit of
phantafies by reafon.
f
* Friendship, is a community of life and confent of ſtudies. The £ Stob
kinds thereof are fix.
1. vegam a friendſhip amongſt known perſons.
2.
dei, amongſt Familiars.
3. &rucia, amongſt thoſe of the ſame age.
4. Seria, towards ſtrangers.
5. oven, amongſt kinred.
6. ipar, from Love,
5 Again of goods, fome are fimple, as knowlege, others mixt, g Laert.Stob.
as, Corexia, a good ufe of Children conformable to nature,
wynein a good ufe of old age conformable to nature, e, a good
uſe of life conformable to Nature.
Exemption from grief, anuria, and confervation of order, urata are
the fame with, as the mind is with prudence, and communion
with goodneffe; yet are otherwife referred, which is obfervable
likewife in the other Vertues. Hence are the fame diftinctions
appliable to ill.
h
Every good is beneficiall, opportune, conducible, uſefull, commen- h Laert, Stob.
dalle, fair, helpfull, eligible, juft.
$
Beneficiall, voie, as conferring that whereby we receive
benefit.
م
Opportune, Nor, as compriſing that whereof we ftand in need.
Conducible, aves, as, refolving into it felf the means, as the
gaine acquired by traffick exceeds the charge.
Usefull xenauer, as conducing to our profit.
Commendable, vzpnsor, from the uſe.
ر
4
Iiiii 2
Fair,
ני
66.
ZENO.
i Stob.
k Laert.
1 Laert.
m Laert.
n Laert:
o Laert.
p Cic.de fin. 3.
Fair, and, as proportioned to the neceffities of the receiver.
Helpfull, we, as it relieves us.
Eligible, derò, as being in reafon to be preferred.
Just, Nair, as being conformable to Law.
¹
{ ་
•
On the contrary, every ill is unbeneficiall, importune, incon-
ducible, unufefull, uncommendable, foul, unhelpful, avoidable,
and unjust..
$
k
* Perfect good, is called, fair, becauſe it is abfolute in all
numbers required of Nature, and perfectly proportionate.
•¹ Of fair, (or honeft) there are four fpecies, Juft, valiant, tempe-
rate, knowing ; in theſe are honeſt actions confummated.
m Likewife of age, foul (or diſhoneft) are four fpecies, unjuſt;
cowardly, diffolute, fooliſh.
n
Honeft, is called adv, fair, firſt, becauſe it renders thoſe who
are endued therewith worthy of praife; Secondly, because it is
moſt ſuitable to its proper work; Thirdly, becauſe it is an orna-
ment; we fay, a wife man is only good and fair.
• Only that which is good is fair or honeft:fo Hecato in his third
Book of Good; and Chryfippus of Fair. This is Vertue; and what
participates thereof, which is all one, as to fay, that, whatſoever
is good is honeft likewiſe, and reciprocally whatſoever is honeſt
is good.
1
>
That what is honeſt only is good, is proved thus. Whatſoever
is good is laudable, whatfoever is laudable is honeft; therefore
whatfoever is good is honeft. Again, there is no good which is
not expetible, nothing expetible which is not pleafant and amia-
ble, therefore approveable, therefore laudable, therefore honeſt.
Again, no man can glory in a life that is miferable or not happy:
therefore to glory is proper to the happy, but to glory relateth
onely to that which is honeft, therefore honeft life is happy.
And as he who is laudable,hath fome eminent mark of renown &
glory, for which he is juſtly ſtiled happy, the fame may be faid of
the life of fuch a man, whence if a happy life confift in honeſty,
only that which is honeft is to be efteemed good. Moreover, what
man can be termed conftant, firm, magnanimous, unleffe wee
grant that paine is not an ill? For, hee who reckoneth death a-
mongſt the Ills cannot but fear it; fo no man in any thing can
neglect and contemn that which he accounteth ill. This being
granted, the next affumption is this, he who is magnanimous and
valiant, deſpiſeth, as if they were nothing, all things that can
arrive to man, whence it followeth, that nothing is ill which is
not diſhoneſt,and this fublime,excellent magnanimous perfon,ac-
counting all humane things below him, confideth in himſelf and
his own life paft and future, knowing that no illan happen to a
wife man. Whereby wee fee that what is honeft only is good,
which is to live happily and honeftly.
}
C
A
3. On
ŽENO
67
·
On the other fide, nothing is good, but what is honeft; for, q Cie, ibid.
who is, or ever was fo fervently covetous, and of ſuch diſordi-
nate affections, that the fame things, for the attainment whereof
he would perpetrate any wickedneffe, he had not much attain d
unto (fetting afide all puniſhment) without all that wicked
means? What advantage or fruit do we aim at, in defiring to
know thoſe things which are hidden from us, how they are
moved, and by what caufes agitated in heaven? Who is fo fa-
vage, fo obdurate to naturall ftudies, that he abhorres things
worthy knowledge, receives them without pleaſure or fome be-
nefit, and values them at nothing? Who is there, that when he
heareth of the actions, fpeeches, counfels of magnanimous per-
Mons, eminent in all vertue, is not affected with any pleaſure ?
Who is there, that being inftituted in an honeft family, and in-
genuoufly educated, is not offended at difhonefty, though it
bring no hurt to him? Who is there, that lookes without trouble
upon fuch as live impurely and flagitioufly? Who doth not
hate fordid, vain, light, frivolous perfons? If difhonefty were
not in it felfe avoidable, why should men, when they are in
the dark, or in a Wilderneffe, abstain from any thing that is
evill; but, that the very deformity and difnonefty thereof.de-
terrs them? Nothing therefore is more clear, then that honeſt
things are expetible in themſelves, and diſhoneſt things avoida-
ble in themſelves.
Hence it followeth, that what is honeft, is more eftimable
then thofe mean things which accrue by it. And when we fay,
that folly, temerity; injuftice, and intemperance are avoidable,
in refpect of thofe things which are confequent to them, it con-
tradicts not the former affertion, that what is diſhoneſt only is
ill, becaufe they relate not to the hurt of the body, but, to dif-
honeft actions which proceed from vice.
r Laert.
Alf good is equall, and every good is highly expetible, and
admits neither increaſe, nor decreaſe. Here commeth in a Cic. de fin. 3.
great controverfy betwixt the Stoicks and the Peripateticks,
which though Carneade's affirm to be only verball, Cicero holdeth
to be more in things then words.
The Peripateticks hold, that all goods are requifite to hap-t Cic. ibid.
py life; the Stoicks, that whatſoever is worthy eftimation, com-
prehendeth happy life. Thoſe holding pain to be an ill, it fol-
lowes, that a wife man cannot be happy upon the rack. Thefe,
who account not pains among the ills, nold, that a wife man
continueth happy in the midft of torments: For, if fome bear
thoſe pains with greater courage for their Country, or fome
lighter caufe, opinion, not nature increaſeth or diminisheth the
power of the pain. Again, the Peripateticks afferting three kinds
of good, affirm a man to be fo much the more happy, the fuller
he is of externall corporeall goods; or, in the Stoicks expreffion,
he
68
ZENO.
1
he who hath moſt corporeall eftimables, is moft happy, for as
much as by them, Beatitude is compleated. On the contrary,
the Stoicks hold, that thoſe goods which they call of nature,
make not by their frequency a life more happy, or are more ex-
petible, or more eftimable: For then wifdome being expetible,
and health expetible, both together would be more expetible
then wiſdome alone; whereas either being worthy eftimation,
both are not more worthy of eſtimation then wirdome alone.
For the Stoicks, who hold health to be eftimable, but place it
not amongſt the goods, hold likewife, that no eftimation is to be
preferred before vertue. From this, the Peripateticks diffent,
afferting, that an honest action without pain, is more expetible,
then the fame action with pain; the Stoicks otherwife. For, as a
Taper is darkened by the light of the Sun, and as a drop of wa-
ter is loft in the vaftneffe of the Agean Sea, and as in the riches
of Cræfus the acceffion of one farthing, and one ftep in the way
between this and India; fo in that end of all good which the
Stoicks affert, all the eſtimation of corporeall things muft ne-
ceffarily be obſcured, overwhelmed, and periſh, by the fplen-
dour and magnitude of vertue. And as opportunity vugía, is
not made any thing greater by production of time, for whatſo-
ever is opportune hath its meature; fo right affection, erglas,
and the good it felfe placed in it, that it be conformable to na-
ture, admitteth no accefsion of encreafe. For as that opportu-
nity, to thoſe of which we speak, are not made greater by pro-
duction of time, for which reafon the Stoicks conceive, that
a happy life is not more to be defired, if it be long, then if it
be ſhort; and they uſe this fimile: As it is the praiſe of a ſhoe
to fit the foot, neither are many fhoes preferred before two
nor the greater before the leffe: So in thofe things, whofe
good is confined to opportunity and convenience,
are the more to be preferred before the fewer, nor the lon-
ger before the ſhorter. Nor do they argue acutely, who fay,
if long health be more to be eſteemed then fhort, then likewife
a long ufe of wiſdome, more then a fhort; they underſtand
not, that the eſtimation of health is judged by fpace, that of
vertue by opportunity; as if they ſhould fay likewife, a good
death, or a good labour to a woman in travell, is better long
then fhort: So that they fee not, that fome things are more
eſteemed for their fhortneffe, others for their length.
neither
>
}
1
CHAP
1
ZENO.
69
A
CHAP. VI.
Of Eupathies.
Ssoon as any object is preſented to us, which feemeth good, a Cic. · Tuſe.
Nature [ as we [aid] drives us on to the acquifition thereof, qnaft. lib. 4.
which, being done conftantly and prudently, is called Will;
imprudently and exceffively, Defire.
Б Moreover, while we are fo moved, that we are in fome
good, that happeneth alfo two waies, when the Soul is moved
quietly and conftantly according to reaſon, this is called Joy;
when vainly and exceffively, Pleaſure.
d
b cic. tha.
d Cic. ibid.
In like manner, as we defire good things by nature, foby c Cic. ibid.
nature we decline the ill: This declination, if done according
to reaſon, is called Caution, if without reaſon, Fear. Caution
is only in a wife man, of fear he is not capable.
Hence it appeareth, that there are three kinds of good
affections of the minde, called Eupathies, or Conftancies; Joy, Laert.
Caution, will.
e
f
Laert.
£ Cic.
1.5 Joy is contrary to pleaſure, as being a rationall elevation gLaert.
of the minde.
2. Caution is contrary to fear, as being a rationall declination
ofill.
3.will is contrary to defire, as being a rationall appetite.
Theſe are the primarie Eupathies; and as under the primary
paffions are comprehended many fubordinate paffions; fo are
there fecondary Eupathies fubordinate to thoſe.
Under Joy are 1.Delectation: 2. Cheerfulneſſe: 3. Equanimity.
Under Caution, 1. Respect; 2. Cleernelle.
Under will are, I. Benevolence: 2. Salutation . 3. Charity.
&.
}
4.
Notwithstanding that Eupathies and paffions are contrary; cic. Tufc, quafi.
yet are there but three Eupathies, though there are foure *.
paffions; for, there is no Eupathie contrary to Grief.
a
CHAP. VII.
Of Paffions.
C
Form faltics
"Rom falfities proceedeth a perverſitie of Intellect, hence a Ldert.
fpring up feverall paffions, and cauſes of diſorder.
of forcer.
Zeno defineth paffion, å præternaturall motion of the Soul, b Laert.
C
(or as Cicero renders it, a commotion of the Soul; averfe from right ©Tufc. quæſt«4.
reaſon, againſt Nature.) Others more briefly, a more vehement appe=
tite. More vehement they call that, which recedeth from the conftancy of
Nature, and is contrary to nature; wherefore all paffion is an d Laert.
exceffive ftupide defire.
e
• The
70
ZENO.
e Cic. ibid. '
e
The kinds of paffion arife from two opinionated goods,and two
opinionated evils, ſo they are four. From the good, defire and plea-
fure; pleaſure from prefent good, defire from future, from the
ill, fear, and grief, fear, from the future, grief, from the preſent,
for theſe things, whofe coming we fear, when they do come
grieve us. Pleaſure and defire arife from an opinion of good
things, defire is fervently tranfported to that which feemeth
good, pleaſure rejoyceth when wee have obtained what we de-
fire. Thus defire and fear go formoft, that to apparent good, this
to apparent ill, pleaſure and grief follows; pleafure, when we
attain what wee défire, *iefe, when wee incurre what wee
tower, fear.
dc.fo Suppply
the Text.
g Cit. ibid.
£ Stob.
* Averlora
λυσω ὅται
h Cic.
i Stob
k Cic.
1 Laert.
m Cic.
n Cic.
o Stob.
p Laert. Cic.
q Cicer.
* Plut.Cont.
Stoic.
x Cic.
f Laert.
x Cic.
u Laert.
?
8 All paffions arife from Judgement and Opinion, whence they
are more ſtrictly defined, (that it may appear not only how vicí-
ous they are, but alſo that they are in our power) thus ;
h Grief is a freſh opinion of prefent ill, wherein it feemeth fit
that the mind be contracted and dejected, ori a contraction of the
foul cauſed by opinion of prefent ill.
* Pleafure is a freſh opinion of prefent good, wherein it feemeth
good that the mind be exalted, or ¹an irrational elevation of
mind to fomthing that feemeth eligible.
}
m Fear is an opinion of imminent ill, which feemeth to be in-
tolerable; or a contraction of the foul difobedient to reafon, cau-
fed by expectation of ill.
n
O
Defire is an opinion of good to come, that if it were preſent,
it were fit for our ufe, or an appetite difobedient to Reaſon,
cauſed by the opinion of confequent good.
Thefe four are, as Hecato faith, primary paffions, under each
of which there are fubordinate paffions, feverall fpecies belong-
ing to their proper genus.
Under Grief are thefe kinds
د
>
P Envy, glóvos, invidentias agrief at the profperity of others
4 which doeth no hurt to him that envieth,* for fome men defire
to ſee their neighbours fupprefs'd, that themſelves might be ad-
vanced above them. For if.a man grieve at the profperity of ano-
ther whereby he is dammaged, hee is not properly faid to envy,
as that of Hector to Agamemnon; but he who is nothing dam-
mag'd by the profperity of another, yet grieveth thereat, truly
envieth.
* Æmulation, {^© (not here taken for the imitation of Vertue,
for that is laudable) a grief that another man enjoyeth that
which we defire and want, or as Laertius, a grief for another's
felicity, which we wiſh to our felves, and an æmulation thereof
as greater then our own.
1
Jealousie, norma, obtrectation, a grief left another enjoy
what we (love and) poffeffe.
"Compaſſion, mifericordia, a'grief for the miſery, another
fuffers
}
ZENO.
71
fuffers undeſervedly, y for no man compaffionates the puniſh- y cic.
ment of a parricide or Traytor.
Y Anguiſh, & xos, anger, an oppreffive grief.
Z
1
y Laert. Cic..
7 Mourning, wirds, "Luctus, grief for the death of a friend that z cic. Stob.
was dear to us.
a
Wailing, Meror,a grief accompany'd with Tears.
b Trouble, idin, ærumna, a laborious piercing grief.
C
a Cic.
b Cic. Laert.
Sorrow, Dolor,a vexatious grief, perhaps the fame which in Sto- ¢ cic.
baus is termed on, a grief with conflict of Spirit.
d Lamentation, avia, a grief with thoughtfulneffe,
from and encreafing by confideration and diſcourſe.
* Moleftia, a permanent grief.
1
1
proceeding & cic.
& Affliction, a grief with corporeall torment.
Deſperation, a grief without any hope of amendment.
i 'Evoxano, an urgent grief attended by difficulty.
*As, a grief taking away the voice.
e Laert.
£ Cic.
g Cic.
h Cic.
i Laert.
}
k Stob.
¹uys, an irrationall grief corroding, and hindring us from 1 Laert.
enjoying the prefent.
Under Pleafure are,
whence supply
Stobæus
where (pled-
Malevolence, maxazia, a Pleafure at anothers Ill, without m Cie Laert.
any good to our ſelves. This hath no reall fubfiftence; for no good
man was ever known to rejoyce at the harm of another.
» Delectation, nous a pleaſure affecting and foothing the mind
by the Ear, and in like manner by the eye, touch, fmell or taft,
which are all of one kind.
n
• Factation, a boaſting Pleaſure, with infolent behaviour.
fure
being omit-
applyed to a
ted these are
wrong bead.
n Cic. Laert:
o Cic.
r Tisdié, quaji, reģus, an inclination of the mind to diffoluteneffe. p Laert.
¶ Aaju, the diffolution of Vertue.
Ana pleaſure from things not expected.
froýgem, a Pleaſure cauſed by fight, without deceit.
Under Fear, are
t
* Dread, Saue, a fear caufing No.
u
A
q Laert.
r Stob.
f Stob.
t Laert. Stob.
Sloth, xres pigritia, a fear of future action, or] ſuſception of u Laert Stob.
labour.
}
"
Shame, gum, a fear of ignominy.
YEAnts, a fear of fome unufuall phantafie.
*eópu, a fear with loffe, or trepidation of voice.
* Laert. Stob.
y Laert:
z Laert.
* Agaria, a fear of fomthing uncertain, or a fear of offending or a Laert
falling.
b Asiquera, a fear of Gods or Demons.
C
Aíos, a fear of fome grievous thing.
Terrour, a fear, which by ſtriking the mind caufeth redneſſe,
paleneffe, trembling, or gnashing of the teeth.
c
Timor, a fear of approaching ill.
£ Pavor, a fear thruſting the mind out of its place.
& Examinatio, a fear confequent, and as it were companion to
b Stob.
c Steb.
d Cic.
e Cic.
F Cic.
g Cic.
Pavor.
Kkkkk
Contur-
72
ZENO.
h Cic
¡Cic.
k Stob.
1 Laere: Cic.
m Steb.
n Laert.
o Laert.
P Cic. Sab.
q Cic. Stob.
μήνις & κότος
are confounded
by Laertius.
r Stob.
Laert.
t Cic.
u Laert.
* Stob.
y Laert.
z Laert. Cic.
a Stob.
b Cic.
c Stob.
d Stob.
e Stob.
£ Stob.
Stob.
i Laert.
k Stob.
Conturbatio, a fear, which difperfeth all our thoughts.
i Formido, a permanent fear.
1
t
1
k The Paffions fubordinate to defire, are generally two, Anger
and Love.
¹Anger is a defire of taking revenge upon thoſe by whom wee
conceive our felves wronged.
m The ſpecies thereofare,
n
→vuos, or as Cicero, dújuris excandefcentia, anger beginning.
• Xóλos, anger encreafing.
P Mine, odium, anger inveterate.
9 Kóres, inimicitia, anger watching the occafion of revenge.
*Пgia, anger breaking forth into action.
Mio, a defire, whereby we wish ill to another, with conti-
nuall progreffion.
t
Malice, Difcordia,a bitter anger, with utmoſt hatred, conceived
in the Heart.
u
"ovemía, a defire converfant in difference of opinions.
* Love is an impulfion of good wil for apparent beauty, where-
by it is diſtinguiſhed from the love of the vertuous, which is a
voluntary fufception of labour for true beauty. The fpecies of
Love are,
Z
Emáns, indigentia, an (inexpleble ) defire, of that which wee
want, and being leparated from it, in vain incline to it.
2Пéos, defiderium, a defire to fee that which is not prefent.They
b diftinguish theſe two thus; Defire is of thofe things which are
faid, or prædicated of any thing which they call Categoremes, as
to have riches, to take honours; Indigence is of the things them-
felves, as of honours, of money.
C
clues, defire of converfation of that which is abfent.
A
e
Dandoria, defire of Pleaſure.
← Tía, defire of Riches.
fandožía, defire of glory.
k
1
$ In all theſe paffions there is opinion. h Opinion is a w cake
h Laert. Cic. affent. Hence paffions, (as Chryfippus in his Book of pafsions
affirmes) are Judgements; for Avarice is an opinion, or falfe
judgement that money is good; drunkenneffe, and intemperance,
are the like. Opinion is likewiſe ſudden from the contractive
motion of an unreaſonable elation of mind, unrefonable and præ-
ternaturall, in as much as it is not obedient to reafon. For every
paffion is violent, wherefore oftentimes, though we fee in thofe
that are tranfported by paffion, the inconvenience thereof; yet
notwithſtanding the fame perfons that condemn it, are carried
away by it,as by a head-ſtrong horſe,and therefore properly may
ufe that faying:
Against my Fudgement Nature forceth me, Meaning by judgement
the knowledge of right things for man is carried beyond nature
by paffion,to tranfgreffe naturall reafon and right.
All
ZENO
73
1
¹ All thoſe who are led by paffion, are diverted from reaſon, 1 Stob
but in another manner then thoſe who are deceived. For the de-
ceived, as for example, They who think Atomes to be the prin-
ciples of all things, when they come to know that they are not
change their judgment: but, thofe that are in paffion, although
that they are taught not to grieve, or fear, or give way to any
paffion in the Soule; yet, they do not put them off, but are led
on by their paffions, untill they come to be ſubject to their ty-
rannicall fway.
"TH
CHAP. VIII.
Of Sickneſſe and Infirmities:
HE fountain of all paffions is Intemperance, which is a à Cic. Tafe.
totall defection from the minde, and from right reaſon, queft, 4-
fo averſe from the prefcription of reafon, that the appetites of
the Soul can by no means be ruled, or contained. As therefore
Temperance allayeth appetites, and caufeth them to obey right
reaſon, and preferveth the confiderate judgments of the minde;
fo Intemperance, the enemy thereto, enflameth, troubleth, and
enciteth the ſtate of the Soul. Thus griefes, and fears, and the
reſt of the paſſions, all ariſe from this. For, as when the blood is
corrupt, or flegme, or choler abounder, fickneſſes and infirmi-
ties arife in the body: fo the diſorder of ill opinions, and their
repugnance to one another, deveſteth the Soule of health, and
troubleth it with diſeaſes.
By paffions the minde becommeth indifpofed, and as it were b Laeft. Stob.
fick. Sickneffe of minde, vinus, is an opinion and defire of that Cic.
which feemeth greatly expetible; but, is not fuch, as love of
women, of wine, of mony. Thefen, have likewife their
contraries in the other extream, as hatred of women, of wine,
of men.gg we th
Cic.
This fackneffe of minde happening with imbecillity, is called & Leért, Stob.
opjvenua, infirmity. For, as in the body there are infirmities, as
Gours, Convulfions, and the like; fo are there infirmities in the
minde, as love of glory, love of pleafure. And as in bodies, there
is a propenſity to fome particular difcaſes; ſo in the minde, there
is a proclivity userlaria, or, irapupía, to fome particular paf-
fions, as dire's propensity to enry, dvixençoir, propensity to unmer-
ἀνελεημοσύνη,
ciful, and the like.
In this place, much pains hath been taken by the Stoicks ad cis. Tuje.
chiefly by Chryfippus, to compare the fickneffes of the minde with quaft. 4-
shole of the body..
Paffion (for as much as opinions are inconftantly and turbu-
K k k k k ż
lently
74
ZENO.
lently toffed up and down) is alwaies in motion, and when this
fervour and concitation of the minde is inveterate, and, as it
were, fetled in the veines and marrow, then arifeth fickneſſe
and infirmity, and thofe averfions which are contrary to thoſe
infirmities and diſeaſes. Theſe differ only intentionally, but re-
ally are the fame, arifing from defire and pleaſure; for, when
mony is defired, and reafon not immediately apply'd, as a So-
cratick medicine, to cure that defire, the evill fpreadeth through
the veines, and cleaveth to the bowells, and becommeth fick-
neffe and infirmity, which when they grow inveterate, cannot
be plucked away. The name of this fickneffe is avarice. In like
manner ariſe other fickneffes, as, defire of glory, defire of wo-
men, yurid, and the reft of fickneffes and infirmities. Their
contraries ariſe from fear, as, hatred of women, og vía, hatred
of mankinde, inhofpitality, all which are infirmities of the
minde, ariſing from fear of thofe things which they flie and
Thun.
Infirmity of minde is defined, a vehement opinion, inherent,
and wholly implanted in us, of a thing not to be defired, as if it
were exceedingly to be defired. That which arifeth from aver-
fion, is defined a vehement opinion, inherent, and throughly
implanted in us, of a thing that ought not to be fhunn'd, as if it
ought to be ſhunned. This opinion is a judging our ſelves to
know what we have not.
Under Infirmity are thefe fpecies, Love of mony, of honour, of
women, of curious meats, and the like. Love of mony, Avarice, is a
vehement opinion, inherent, and throughly implanted in us, as
if it were exceedingly to be defired. In the like manner are all
the reft defined.
Averſions are defined thus, Inhofpitality is a vchement opi-
nion, inherent, and throughly implanted in us, that gueſts ought
to be fhunned. In like manner is defined hatred of women-
kinde, fuch as was that of Hippolitus; and of man-kinde, as that
of Timon.
As fome are more prone to one fickneſſe then to another; fo
are fome more inclinable to fear, others, to other paffions; in
fome is anxiety, whereby they are anxious; in others choler,
which differeth from anger; for it is one thing to be cholerick,
another to be angry, as anxiety differs from griefe; for all are not
anxious who are fometimes grieved, nor are all that are anxious
grieved alwaies: as there is a difference betwixt ebriety and e-
briofity, and it is one thing to be a lover, another to be amorpus.
This propenfity of feverall perfons to feverall fickneffes, is
called, from an analogy to the body, Infirmity, whereby is un-
derſtood a propenſity to be fick: but in good things, becauſe fome
are more apt to fome goods then to others, it is ftiled Facility ;
in ill things Proclivity, implying a lapfion; in neuters it hath
he former name.
As
ZENO.
75
As there is fickneffe, infirmity, and defect in the body, fo in
the minde. Sickneffe is the corruption of the whole body. Infi-
mity is fickneſſe with fome weakneffe. Defect is, when the parts
of the body diſagree with one another, whence arifeth pravity,
dillortion, deformity of the limbs; fo that thofe two, fickneffe
and infirmity, arife from the confufion and trouble of the health
of the whole body; defect is feen in perfect health. But, in the
minde, fickneffe is not diſtinguiſh'd from infirmity, but by co-
gitation only.
y
>
Vitiofity is a habit or affection, inconftant in it felfe, and oft
differing in the whole courſe of life; fo that in one by corruption
of opinions, is bred fickneffe and infirmity; in the other, incon-
ſtancy and repugnance. For, every vice hath not difagreeing
parts, as of them who are not far from wiſdome, that affection
is different from it felfe, as being unwiſe, but not diſtorted
nor depraved.
Sickneſſes and infirmities are parts of vitiofity; but, whether
paffions are parts thereof alfo, it is a queftion. For vices are per-
manent affections, paffions are moving affections, ſo that they
cannot be parts of permanent affections.
And as in all things the Soul refembleth the Body, fo in good
likewife. In the body, the chiefeft are beauty, ftrength, health,
foundrelle, agility, to likewife in the minde. And as the good
temper of the body is, when thoſe things whereof we confift a-
greewell among themſelves: fo the health of the Soule is, when
the judgments and opinions thereof agree. This is the vertue of
the sour, which fome affirm to be Temperance; others, a Soule
obedient to the precepts of Temperance, and obfequious there-
unto, not having any fpecioufneffe of her own. But, whether one
or other, it is only in a wifeman; yet, there is one kinde of health
of the foul; which is common alfo to the unwife, when by the
care of Phyſicians, the diftemper of the minde is removed.
And as there is in the body an apt figure of the limbs, toge
ther with a ſweetneffe of colour, which is called Beauty; fo in
theule,equality and conftancy of opinions, and judgments fol-
lowing venue, with a certain firmneffe and ſtability 3 or, inclu-
ding the very power of verrue, is called Beauty.
tkewife, correfpondent to the powers, nerves, and efficacity
of the body, in the fame termes are named the powers of the
Souls Agility of body is called quickneffe, the fame commenda-
tion is aferibed to wit, in refpect, that the Soul overrunneth ma-
nystkingvirà fhort time. ****).
Onlymhere is this difference betwixt Soules and bodies:
Strong foules cannot be affaulted by diſeaſes, ſtrong bodies may:
burs the offenfions of bodies may happen without any fault,
thofe of the Soule cannot all whofe fickneffes and paffions pro-
ceed fromïcontempt of reafon, and therefore are in men only;
for,
76
ZENO.
for, though beaſts do fomethings like this, yet, they fall not into
paffions.
Betwixt acute and obtufe perfons, there is this difference, the
ingenious, as Corinthian Braffe rufteth, flowly falling into fick-
neffe, and more quickly got out of it: the dull do not fo, neither
doth the foul of an ingenious perfon fall into every fickneffe and
paffion; for, there are not many things extreamly favage and
cruell, and fome alſo have a fhew of humanity, as compaffion,
griefe, fear.
But, the infirmities and ſickneſſes of the minde are leffe caſi-
ly rooted out, then thofe great vices which are contrary to the
vertues; for, the fickneffes remaining, the vices may be taken
away, becauſe the fickneffes are no fooner healed, then the
vices are removed.
a Laért.
c Stob:
d Stob.
e Laert. Stob.
f Laert.
g Laert.
h Laert.
CHAP. IX.
Of Vertue and Vice.
Ertue is a convenient affection of the Soul, throughout all
"VEF
life.
ત
Of vertues there are three kinds: The first generall, taken for
any perfection of a thing, as of a Statue: The Tecond are Scien-
ces, or contemplative, which, according to Hecaton, confift in ſpe-
culation, as Prudence and Justice. The third not-fciences, or not-
contemplative, which are confidered as confequent to the fpecu-
lative; as, health, ſtrength, hope, joy, and the like. Health is confe-
quent to Temperance, a theoretick vertue, as ftrength to the
building of an Arch. They are called not-contemplative, becauſe
they require no affent, but are by after-accefsion, and common
even to the wicked, as health and ſtrength.
Vice is the contrary to vertue, for the rationall creatureis
perverted fometimes by the perfwafion of exteriour things,
fometimes by the counſell of thoſe with whom he converſeth,
contrary to nature, who gives us inclinations unperverted..
"
Of vices therefore there are two kinds: The firft ignorance
of thoſe things whereof vertues are the knowledge; as, impru-
dence, intemperance, injuftice: The fecond not-ignorances ; as,
pufillanimity, imbecillity.
6 Panatius afferteth two vertues, Theoretick and Practick:
thers three, Rationall, Naturall, Morall. Poffidonius foures: Chan-
thes, Chryfippus, and Antipater more; Apollodorus one onlyo Bru-
dence.
h Of vertues, fome are primary, others fubordinate. The prima-
ry are foure, Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude, Justice; the first con
verfant in offices, the fecond in appetite, the third in tolerance,
the fourth in diſtribution.
i Pru-
ZENO.
77
i Laert.
i Prudence is the Science of things that are to be done, and not
to be done, and neuter, or the knowledge of good, bad and neu-
ter in civill life. The Vertues fubordinate to Prudence are k Stob.
five.
Bußuía,¹ The Science of things that are to be done, how thy 1 Laert. Stob.
may be done beneficially.
Eurasia, The Science of comprehending things to be effected. Stob.
Ayxia, The Science of finding out our office.
Nanyia, The Science of attaining the fcope in every thing.
Equnzari, The Science of finding out the iffues of things.
m
™ Temperance, is the Science of things expetible, avoidable and
neuter. Ünder Temperance are theſe fpecies.
n
Evrazia," the Science of time and order for the weldoing of
Ευταξία,
things.
Koons; the Science of honeſt and diſhoneſt motions.
› Aid'nusów'n¸ º the Science of avoiding juſt blame.
neuter, the fpecies under it theſe.
Stob.
Stob.
Stob.
m Stob. by
whom.corre&
Laertius, who
applies this de-
finition to Tem-
perance.
n Steb.
Fortitude, is the Science of things grievous, not grievous and
• Stob.
P Stob.
q Stob.
r Stob.
I Stob.
r
"Egára, a Science tenacious of right reaſon.
Kapneia, s a Science perfifting in right judgement.
t
Dappareóms, * a Science whereby we truſt that no ill ſhall happen e Stob.
to us.
>
u
C
μεγαλοψυχία " the Science of overcoming thoſe things which u Stob. Laert.
happen to the good and bad.
*
Joxia, a Science of the Soule which renders her invin- *Stob.
cible.
pa, the Science of going through to the attainment of y Stob.
that which we propofe to our felves.
Z
Justice is the Science of diftributing to every one according to z Stob.
his defert; under Juftice are four fubordinate vertues.
a
Eungia, The Science of worshiping the gods.
Xensorns, the Science of well-doing.
1
Zouromola, the Science of equality in community.
a Stobe
Zuruažia, the Science of contracting honeftly with others.
In like manner of Vices,fome are primary, others fubordinate
to the primary. The primary vices are, Imprudence, Intemperance, ↳ Laeri.
Pufillanimity, Injustice.
C
Imprudence is the ignorance of things good,ill and neuter; and
the ignorance of things to be done, not to be done,and neuter.:
Intemperance is the ignorance of things expetible, avoidable and
neuter.
Pufillanimity is the ignorance of things grievous, not grievous
and neuter.
Injustice is the ignorance of diſtributing to every one according
to his deferts.
The
b
"
Stob. abegou.
az adav, xat
p
ξέρων και
ayrolar ar
ποιητέον και
Tor,
ἐδιτέρων: Το
jupply the Text.
78
ZENO.
d Stob.
e Stob.
f Stob.
Stoic.
Stoic.
« The ſubbordinate vices to theſe are correfpondent to the fe-
condary vertues, as, exercía, Begduvós, naxoßenía, which are defined
anfwerably to their oppofite vertues.
c
Theſe vertues are perfect, and confift in contemplation; but,
there are other vertues, which are not arts, but faculties, con-
fifting in exercife, as, health of the Soul, integrity and ftrength
thereof, and pulchritude. For, as the health of the body is a good
temperature of hot, cold, dry, and moift; fo the health of the
foul is a good temperature of the doctrines in the foul. And as
the ſtrength of the body confifteth in a tenfion of the nerves; fo
the ſtrength of the foul in a proper extenfion thereof to judg-
ment and action. And as the beauty of the body is a fymmetry
of all the parts to one another, and to the whole: fo the beauty
of the foule is the fymmetry of the reafon and parts thereof, to
the whole, and to one another.
•
£ All thoſe vertues which are Sciences and Artsy have com-
g Plut. repugn. mon theorems, and the fame end, wherefore they are (ass Zeno
faith) infeparable, connexed to one another, as Chryfippus, Apol-
lodorus and Hecaton affirm. He who hath one, hath all( faith
h Plut. repugn. "Chryfippus) and he who doth according to one, doth according
to all. He who hath vertue, is not only contemplative, but alſo
practick of thoſe things which are to be done. Things which are
to be done are either expetible, tolerable, diſtributible, or re-
tainable; ſo that whofoever doth one thing wifely, doth another
justly, another conftantly, another temperately; and fo is both
wife, magnanimous, juft, and temperate.
î Stob.
Notwithſtanding, thefe vertues differ from one another by
their heads: For, the heads of prudence are, to contemplate and
do well, that which is to be done in the first place, and in the
fecond, to contemplate what things are to be avoided, as ob-
ſtructive to that which is to be done. The proper head of tem-
perance is to compofe our own appetites in the first place, and
to confider them; in the fecond, thofe under the fubordinate
vertues, as being obftructive and divertive of appetites. The
heads of Fortitude are in the first place, to confider all that we
are to undergo; in the ſecond, other fubordinate vertues. The
heads of juftice are in the firft place, to confider what every
one deſerves, in the ſecond, the reft. For all vertues confider
the things that belong to all, and the fubordinate to one ano-
ther. Whence Panatius faith, it is in vertue as in
many Archers,
who ſhoot at one mark diſtinguiſhed by divers colours: every
one aims at the mark, but one propoſes to himſelfe the white
line, another the black, and fo of the reft. For, as theſe place
their ultimat end in hitting the mark, but every one propoſes
to himſelfe a ſeverall manner of hitting: fo all vertues have
Beatitude, which is placed conformably to nature for their end,
but ſeverall perfons purfue it feverall waies.
As
ZENO.
79
* Ás vertues are infeparable, fo are they the fame fubftanti- k Stob
ally with the fupream part of the foul, in which refpc&t all
vertue is faid to be a body, for the Intellect and Soul are a body,
for the foul is a warm ſpirit innate in us. Therefore our foul is
a living creature, for it hath life and fence, efpecially the fu-
pream part thereof, called the Intellect. Wherefore all vertue
is a living creature, becauſe it is effentially the Intellect. And
therefore devise, for that expreffion is confequent to this
affertion.
¹Between vertue and vice there is no medium (contrary to 1 Stob.
the Peripateticks, who affert a mean progreffion betwixt vertue
and vice) for all men have a naturall appetite to good: and as a
ftick is either ſtraight or crooked, fo man must be either juft or
unjuſt ; but cannot be either more or leffe juft or unjuſt.
m That vertue may be learned, is afferted by Chryfippus, in his m Laert.
first book of the End, and by Cleanthes, and Poffidonius in his Ex-
hortations, and Hecaton, becauſe men of bad are made good
n
That it may be loft is likewiſe affirmed by Coryfippus, deny'd n swb.
by Cleanthes. The firſt faith, it may be loft by drunkenneffe or
madneffe: the other, that it cannot be loft, by reafon of the firm
comprehenfions of the foul.
O
Vertue is in it felfe vertue, and not for hope or fear of any o Laert.
externall thing. It is expetible in it felfe, for which reaſon, when
we do any thing amiffe, we are afhamed, as knowing that only
to be good, which is honeft.
9 In vertue confifteth Felicity, for the end of vertue is to live q Laert.
convenient to nature. Every vertue is able to make a man live
convenient to nature: for, man hath naturall inclinations for
the finding out of Offices, for the compofure, of Appetites, for
tolerance and diftribution. Vertue therefore is felfe-fufficient
to Beatitude, as Zeno, Chryfippus, and Hecaton affert. For if, faith
he, magnanimity, as conceiving all things to be below it felfe, is
felfe-fufficient, and that be a part of vertue, vertue it felfe,
which deſpiſeth all things that obftru&t her, muſt alſo be ſelfe-
fufficient to Beatitude. But Tanatius and Poffidonius deny, that
vertue is felfe-fufficient, affirming, that it requireth the afft-
ftance of health, ftrength, and neceffarics; yet, they hold, that
vertue is alwaies uſed, as Cleanthes affirms, for it cannot be loft,
and is alwaies practifed by a perfect minde which is good.
Juſtice is not by nature, but by prefcription, as law and right'
reafon: Thus Chryfippus in his book of honeft.
'Vertue hath many attributes, it is called
1. dad, a good, becauſe it leadeth us to right life.
2. gesor, becauſe it is approved without any controverfy, as
being moſt excellent.
3. ada, becauſe it is worthy of much ſtudy.
4.
travis becauſe it may juftly be praiſed.
LIIII
5. Bandy,
1 Laefe
ε Stob.
80
ZENOS
<
5. and, becauſe it inviteth thoſe who defire it, chi mak
6. pie, becauſe it conduceth to goodneffe of life.
7. xphous, becauſe it is ufefull.
8,
becauſe it is rightly..expetible.
1
1
M
9. avayur, becauſe being preſent it profiteth, being abfent, it
it dotn not.
10. aus, becauſe it hath an uſe that exceeds the labour
..10.
II. aurapes, becauſe it is alone fufficient to bim that hath it.
12. ass, becauſe it takes away all want.
13. xã, becauſe it is common in ufe, and extenderh to all
the uſes of life.
J
J
a Stob.
b Stob.
€ Stob.
e Stob.
Stob.
"
CHAP. X.
Of the End.
}
#
A
[
* A
He end is that,for, whofe fake all offices are done, but it ſelf
is not done for the fake of any or that to which all things
done conveniently in life are referred, it felfe is referred to no-
thing.
C
b
The end is taken three waies: First, for the finall good,
which confifteth in rationall converfation: Secondly, for the
fcope, which is convenient life, in relation thereto: Laſtly, for
the ultimate of expetibles, unto which all the reft are referred.
Scope and end differ; for fcope is the propofed body, which
they who purſue Beatitude aim at. Felicity is propofed as the
Icope, but the end is the attainment of that felicity. If a man
throw a fpear or an "arrow at any thing, he muſt do all things
that he may take his aim aright, and yet fo, as to do all things
whereby he may hit So when we fay, it is the ultimate end of
man to obtain the principles of nature, we imply in like manner,
he muſt do all things neceffary to taking aim, and all things like-
wife to the hitting of the mark; but, this is the laft, the chiefe
good in life, that as to be felected, notdefired.
Reafon being given to rationall creatures, for the moft per-
fect direction, to live according to reafon, is in them to live ac-
cording to nature, that being the Artificer of Appetite. Hence
e Zeno firft (in his difcourfe of human nature) affirmes, that the
end is, to live conformably, that is, to live according to one
reafon concordantly, as on the contrary, favage Beafts that are
alwaies at difference, live miferably.
700
The followers of Zeno, conceiving his expreffion not full e-
nough, enlarged it. First, Cleanthes his fucceffor, added, to na-
ture, making it up thus, The End is to live conformably to Nature,
which is to live according to vertue: for nature leads us to vertue.
Thus
4
ZENO.
8t
Thus Cleanthes in his book of Pleasure, and Poffidonius, and Heca-
ton in his book of Ends.
5 Chryfippus, to make the expreffion of Cleanthes more clear, g51;
expounds it thus, To live according to expert knowledge of things
which happen naturally: For our natures are parts of the Univerfe,
our end therefore is to live conformably to nature, which Chry-
fippus, in his first book of Ends, expounds, both our own proper
human nature and likewiſe the common nature of the Uni-
verfe. But Cleanthes allowes only common nature to be follow-
ed, and not the particular. To live according to this knowledge,
is all one, as to live according to vertue, not doing any thing
forbidden by our common Law. Right Reaſon, which is cur-
rent amongſt all, being the very fame that is in God, the Go-
vernour of all. The vertue therefore, and beatitude of a happy
man, is, when all things are ordered according to the correfpon-
dence of a mans Genius, with the will of him who governs the
Univerſe.
h
h Diogenes defincth the end, A good use of reaſon, in the election ↳ Sub:
and refufall of naturall things, choosing thofe that are according to na-
ture, and refusing those that are repugnant to nature. So likewiſe
Antipater.
Archidemus defineth its To live, performing compleatly all offices
choofing of those things which are according to nature, the greatest and
most principall, and not to be able to tranfgreffe them.
Panatius, to live according to the appetites given us by nature.
·Poffidonius, to live contemplating the truth and order of the Uni-
verfe.
i
Thus by living according to nature, the Stoicks underſtand icie, de fin. 4.
three things: First, to live according to the knowledge of thoſe
things which happen by nature. This is Zeno's end, to live con-
venient to nature. Secondly, to live, preferving all, or the grea-
ter part of mean offices. This expofition differeth from the for-
mer; for that is a Rectitude, proper only to a wife man, this is
the office of a progreffive, not perfect perfon, which may like-
wife be to the foolish. The third is, to live in enjoyment of all,
or the greater part of thofe things which are according to na-
ture. This is not conftituted in our action, for it confifteth of that
kinde of life which enjoyeth vertue, and of thofe things which
are according to nature, and are not in our power.
k The chiefe good therefore, is to live fuitably to the know- k Cic. de fin. a:
ledge of thofe things which arrive by nature, elective of thofe
which are ccording to nature, and rejective of thoſe which are
1
contrary to nature. This is to live conveniently and conforma- 1 Philo. Judi
bly to nature, when the foul entring into the path of vertue, mel amin,
walketh by the ſteps and guidance of right
nd follow-
eth God. That which in other arts is artificiall, is here epige-
matick and confequent.
LIIII 2
This
82
ZENO.
m Stobe
n Stob.
o Cic.
1
?
This end is Beatitude. Beatitude, by Zeng, is defined a good
courfe of life, which definition is ufed likewife by Cleanthes and
Chryfippus, and all their followers, who affirm Beatitude to be no-
thing but happy life.
>
DOL
n
Fair and good, and Vertue, and that which participates, af Pentue
are equivalent termes, whence it followes that Beatitude is all
one with living according to Vertue. And as Good, and Virric
admit no degrees of increaſe or diminution, neither doth the ul
timate end of all good and Virtue increaſe or diminish. For, as
they who are drowned, are no more able to breath, though they
are nearer the top of the water then they who are in the bottom
nor a little whelp, the time of whofe fight approacheth, fee any
more then one that is newly litter'd; fo he,who hath made fome
little progreffe in Vertue, is no leffe in mifery then he who hash
made none.
f
L
^
เ
F
+
CHAP. XI
Of Indifferents.
*
2
<
a Cic.de finib.3 things- as we have faid, fome are good, fome ill, fome in-
b Laert.
a
different. To deny this difference of things, would be to
confound all life,as Arifto doth,neither could there be any functi-
on or act of wiſdom,fince that, if amongſt thoſe things which ap-
pertain to life there were no difference, no election were re-
quifite.
r
:
ད
3
>
Good and ill, as we faid, are theſe things which are honeft or
diſhoneft. Of thefe hitherto. Betwixt both thefe, there are fome
things which conferre nothing to happy or unhappy life, called
Indifferents. To profit is a motion or ftate proceeding from
Vertue; To hurt is a motion or ftate proceeding from Vices
but Indifferents neither ptofit nor hurt, fuch are life
health, pleaſure, Beauty, Strength, riches,honour, Nobility, and
their contraries; death, fickneffe, grief, deformity, imbecillity.
poverty, diſhonour, meanneffe and the like. Thus Hecaton in his
feventh Book of Ends, and Apollodorus in his Ethicks, and Chryfip-
pus. Theſe therefore are not goods, but indifferents. For, as the
property of Heat is to warm, not to cool, fo is it of good ito.
profit, not to hurt.But health and wealth doe not hurt more then
they profit, therefore health and wealth are not goods Again,
that which we may ufe ill as well as well, is not ok but
health and wealth may be uſed ill as well as well, etherefore
health and wealth are not goods. Yet Poffidonus reckons thefea
mongſt goods. But Hecaton in his 19th of Good, and Chryfippus of
Pleature, w Lot allow Pleafure a good: For pleaſures are
diſhoneſt, but nothing difhoneft isgood.
1
12
1
с
Moreo
ZENO
83
1
C
Moreover, Riches, as Diogenes con ceiveth, have not only this c Cic de finib.3
power that they guide to Pleaſure and good health, but that
they compriſe them. They do not the fame in Vertue nor in o-
ther arts, whereto mony may be a guide, but it cannot contain
them. Thus if Pleaſure or health were good, riches likewiſe
ſhould be numbred among the good, but if wildom be good, it
followeth not that riches likewife be good, nor that any thing
which is not reckoned amongst the good, not that which is good
can be contained by any thing which is not amongst the good.
And alfo for this reafon, becaufe Sciences and comprehenfions of
things, by which Arts are produced, move appetition, but riches
re not reckoned among the good, it followeth that no Art can
contained in Riches, and much leffe any Vertue, for Vertue
requireth far more fudy and exercife then Art, and comprifeth
the formuelle, ftability, and conftancy of all life, which Art doth
are
>
22. whence
Things are ſaid to be indifferent in three refpects; Firſt, if d Sext. Empir.
they move neither appetite nor averfion, as, if the ftarres be of e- Pyrrh. hyp. 3.
ven number, or to have even or uneven hairs on our head, to supply Laertius
ftretch out the finger this way or that way, to take up ftraw and and Stobrus.
the like. Secondly, things are faid to be indifferent which move
appetite and averfion equally, not one more then the other; as in
two pieces of Silver of equall value, no way different, which to
him who comes to make choice of either, are indifferent. There
is an appetition to the election of one, but not more of this then
of that. The third kind of indifferents are thoſe which are neither
good nor ill, expetible nor avoidable, conducing neither to hap-
pincffe nor unhappineffe. In this fenfe all things are called in-
different, which are betwixt Vertue and Vice, as health,wealth,
ftrength, glory, and the like; for we may be happy without thefe,
though their uſe hath fome relation to happineffe, their abuſe to
unhappineffe. In this fenfe whatſoever we may fomtimes ufe wel,
other times ill, is indifferent, which kind appertaineth chiefly to
Ethick.
C
Again, of Indifferents fome are Naturall, and move appe-e Stob.
tite, as health, ſtrength, foundneffe of fenfe and the like; fome
Præternatcall which move averfion, as fickneffe, infirmity, and
the like, fome Neuter, which move neither appetite nor averfion,
as the conftitution of the foul and body, one capable of receiving
Phantafies, the other wounds.
Of naturall and præternaturall indifferents, fome are primary, f Stob.
others by participation. Primary naturall Indifferents are motions
or affections convenient with reafon, as health and ftrength. Par
ticipant are thoſe by which that motion or affection is communi-
cated, as a healthfull body, found fenfe. • Præternaturall Indiffe-gStob.
rents are the contrary to thefe.
ទ
CHAP.
84
ZENO.S
a Laert.
b Stob.
< Stob.
d Laert. Stob.
Pyrrh. hyp: 3.
24.
ES
CHAP. XII.
Of Eftimation.
b
}
one
Stimation dia, is a certain concurrence with convenient life,
which concernes all good. Eftimation is two-fold; one, a
mediate power or uſe concurring with life according to nature;
fuch we call health or wealth, as far as they conduce to life, ac-
cording to nature. The other is the valuation of the Eftimator
impoſed by him who is skilfull in fuch things.
C
>
Again, Eftimation is taken three waies: Firft, for abfolute
nation: Secondly, for return of approbation: Thirdly, asipatin
calls it, Elective, by which, when fome things are propolek we
rather chooſe theſe then thoſe; as health before fickneffe, life be-
fore death, and riches before poverty. In like manner, difeftima-
tion is taken three waies, the termes only changed to the contra-
ry. Donation according to Diogenes, is a judgment, that a thing is
according to nature, or conferreth ufe thereto. Approbation is in
in man, not in things. Election only in the goood, not the indiffe-
rent.
d Hence followeth another diftinction of indifferents, whereof
Sext. Empir. fome are preferred, fome rejected, fome neither preferred nor re-
jected. Preferred are thofe, which though they are indifferents,
have nevertheleffe a fufficient reafon why they are to be had in
eſtimation, as health, foundneffe of fenfe, exemption from griefe,
glory, and the like. Rejected are thofe, which are not worthy a-
ny eſtimation, as poverty, fickneffe, and the like. Neuter are
thofe, which are neither preferred nor rejected, as to extend
or contract the finger.
e
Theſe termes preferred, eny, and rejected, amwzhyuercy,
e Cic. de fin. 3. were invented by Zeno, upon this ground: As when we fpeak
of the Court, no man faith, the King himſelfé is preferred to
dignity, but thoſe who are in fome honour, next and ſecond to
him in rank: fo when we fpeak of life, we call not thoſe things
which are in the firft place, the preferred or promoted, but thoſe
which are in the fecond: and fo likewife in the rejected. Now
forafmuch as good hath the firſt place, it followes, that what is
preferred, is neither good nor ill. [ No good is reckoned amongſt
the preferred, becaufe that hath the greateft eftimation; but the
preferred having the ſecond eftimation, approacheth fomewhat
to the nature of good. It is called preferred, not that ft condu-
ceth to Beatitude, but in refpect of the rejected. We define it
thus: an Indifferent with mean eftimation; for it could not be, that
nothing ſhould be left in mean things, that is according to, or
contrary to nature, neither being left, that nothing ſhould be
placed in them, which is fufficiently eſtimable, this being gran-
ted,
?
ZENO.
85
1
-
ted that there is not fomthing preferred. Rightly therefore this
diſtinction is made, and may more fully be explained by this
ſmile. As if we ſhould fuppofe our ultimate end, to be fo to caft
the dy that it may chance right, the dy that ſhall be fo caft as
to fall right, muít have fome thing prepofed and preferred to-
wards its end; and on the other fide the contrary, yet the pre-
pofition of the dy, nothing conduceth to that end, tothole which
are preferred, relate indeed to the end, but nothing pertain to
the power and nature thereof.
•
Of the preferred fome are in the Sout, as ingenuity, art, pro- f Laert Stob.
greffion and the like; fome in the body, as life, health, ftrength, a-
pility, foundaeffe, beauty fome externall, as riches, honour, no-
bulity and the like.
135
N
>
In like manner of the rejected, fome are in the Soul, as he be- g Laert. Stob,
tude, ignorance; fome in the body, as death, fickneffe, infirmity
maim, deformity. Some externall, as poverty, difhonour and
meanneffe.
Likewife of the Neuter, fome are in the Soul, as imagination
affent; Tome in the body, as whiteneffe, blackneffe, fome externall,
which having no eftímation or ufe, are of little value.
Thofe which are preferred in the Soul, conduce more to living
according to Nature, and are of more worth then thofe of the
body, or the externall, as to have a good diſpoſition of mind, is
better then to have a good difpofition of body.
h
Again, of the preferred, fome are preferred for themfelves, as h Stob. i
ingenuity, countenance, ftate, notion, and the like; fome for o-
thers, becauſe they effect fomthing, as Riches, and Nobility;
Tome both for themselves and others, as health, ftrength,foundneffe,
ability: for themſelves, as being according to Nature; for others
as affording no fmall benefit.
As concerning Reputation, dela, Chryfippus and Diogenes af- iCic.de finib.3.
firm, that being feparated from utility, we should not fo much as
ftretch out our finger for it. But thoſe who followed them, not
able to withstand Carneades, affirmed Reputation to be preferred
for it felfe, and that it was proper for an ingenuous man freely
educated, to defire to be well fpoken of by his Parents, kinred
and good men, and that for the thing it felf, not for the ufe there-
of, adding, that as we provide for Children, though to be born
after our death; fo we must provide for future reputation after
death, even for its own fake feparated from all ufe.
In like manner of the rejected, fome are rejected for themſelves, k Stob.
Ome for others, fome both for themselves and others, which appears
by the rule of Contraries.
Jadradjon by SR.
ed stron
M
ܕ܂
Ar
{
CHAP.
86
ZENO.
:
b Laert. Cic. de
finib.3.
ל
b Stob.
1
O
CHAP. XIII.
Of Actions and Offices.
from
1
thoſe Actions which proceed from appetite, ſome are
offices, fome prater-offices, fome neuter.
bOffice is that which is preferred, and hath a good reaſon for
the doing thereof, as being convenient to life; or, as others, Of-
fice is whatſoever reaſon requireth to be done, as, to honour our
Brethren, Parents, Country, to relieve our friends. Zeno
firſt gave it this name, rò xo, Office, anti të rarà trás ű”. It is an
action conformable to the dictates of nature, and extends even
to plants, and irrationall living creatures, for offices may even
be obferved in thoſe.
Præter-office is an action, which reafon requireth that we do
not, as, to neglect our Parents, to contemn our Brethren, to dif
agree with our Friends, to defpife our Country, and the like.
Neuter are thofe actions which reafon neither requireth nor
forbiddeth, as the taking up of a ſtraw.
bOi Offices, fome are perfect, called aropamara, Rectitudes, acti-
ons done according to vertue; as, to do wifely, to do justly: O-
thers not-rectitudes, actions which have not a perfect office, but a
mediate; as, to marry, to go an Embaffy, to diſcourſe, and the
like.
Of rectitudes, fome are in things requifite, others not: Of the firſt
kinde are, to be wife, temperate, and the like: of the ſecond
thoſe which are not requilite to the being fuch. In like manner
are præter-offices divided.
Again, of Offices fome are ordinary, as, to have a care of our
felves, of our limbs, and the like: Some extraordinary, as, to
maim our felves, throw away our goods. Accordingly is it of
præter-offices.
Again, of Offices, fome are continuall, as, to live vertuoufly:
fome intermiffive, as, to queftion, anfwer, walk, and the like.
Accordingly it is of præter-offices.
c
Cie de fin. 3. Office is a mean thing, placed neither amongſt the good, nor
their contraries; for, there is fomething in this approvable, ſo
as a right reafon may be given for it, as done approvably. That
which is fo done is office. And forafmuch as in thofe things
which are neither vertues nor vices,there is fomthing which may
be of ufe, it is not to be taken away. Again, it is manifeft, that
"a wife man doth ſomething in thefe mean things; he therefore,
when he doth it, judgeth that it is his office fo to do; but, a wife-
man is never deceived in judgment, therefore there is an office
in mean things. Again, we fee there is fomething which we call
a thing rightly done, or a Retitude, but that is a perfect office;
there-
ZENO.
87
therefore there is an inchoat office; as, if it be a Re&titude justly
to reſtore a depofitum, to reftore a depofitum muſt be a fimple
office. The addition of justly makes it a rectitude, the fimple
reſtitution without the additionall terme, is an office.
And fince it is not to be doubted, but that in mean things, a Cic.de finib.z.
fome are to be performed, others rejected, whatſoever is done in
that manner, is comprehended in common office, whence it is
manifeft, that all men by nature loving themſelves, as well the
fooliſh as the wife, will take thofe things which are according
to nature, and reject the contrary. This is therefore one com-
mon office of the wife and unwife, converfant in mean things.
·
All offices proceeding from theſe, it is juſtly ſaid, that to theſe
are referred all our thoughts, even the forfaking of life, or con-
tinuing in it. In whom moft things are according to nature,
the office of that perſon is to remain in life, in whom there are,
or are foreſeen to be more things contrary to nature, his of-
fice is to forſake life, although he be happy, and of a fool to con-
itinue in life, although he be miferable; for that good, and that
11, as we have often faid, are things that follow afterwards. The
firft principles of naturall appetite, fall under the judgement
and election of a wife man, and is as it were the matter ſubje-
ated to wiſdome. Thus the reaſon of continuing in life, or for-
faking it, is to be meaſured by all thoſe things we mentioned.
For, neither are they who enjoy vertue, obliged to continue in
life, nor they who live without vertue to die, and it is often the
office of a wife man, to part with his life, even when he is moſt
happy, if it may be done opportunely, which is to live conveni-
ently to nature, This they hold, that to live happily, depends on
opportunity; for wifdome commandeth, that a wife man, if it
be required, fhould part with his life. Wherefore vice not ha
ving power to bring a caufe of voluntary death, it is manifeft,
that the office even of fooles, who are likewife wretched, is to
continue in life, if they are in the greater part of thoſe things,
which we hold to be according to nature. And forafmuch as
going out of life and continuing in it be alike miferable, neither
doth continuance make his life more to be avoided. We fay not
therefore without caufe, that they who enjoy moſt naturalls,
fhould continue in life.
Hitherto it appertaines to know, that the love of Parents to-
wards their Children is the effect of nature, from which begin-
ning, we may track all mankinde, as proceeding from thence.
First, by the figure and parts of the body, which declare, that
nature carefully provided for procreation. Neither can theſe
two agree, that nature orders procreation, and takes no caré
that thoſe which are procreated ſhould be loved: For even in
beafts the power of nature may be feen, whoſe care when we
behold in bringing up of their young, me thinks we hear the
Mmmmm
very
}
{
88
ZENO.
very voice of nature her felfe. Wherefore as it is manifeft, that
we abhor pain by nature, fo it is likewiſe apparent, that we are
driven by nature to love thoſe we have begotten.
Hence arifeth a common naturall commendation of then a-
mongſt men, that it behooveth a man not to ſeem alienate from
man, for this very reafon, becauſe he is man. For, as among the
parts of the body, fome are made only for themſelves, as the
eyes and ears; others affift towards the ufe of the other parts, as
the thighes and hands: fo though fome huge beafts are born only
for themſelves; yet, that fhell fish which is called patula prima,
and the pinnoteres, fo named from keeping its ſhell, which ſhut-
teth it felfe up fo cloſe, as if it taught others to look to them-
felves: as alfo Ants, Bees, Storks, do fomething for the fake of
others. Much neerer is the conjuction of mankinde, ſo that we
are inclined by nature to Conventions, Counfells, Cities.
e Cic. offic. 1. Whatſoever is produced upon the earth, is created for
the uſe of man ;. but, men are generated for men that they may
profit one another. In this we ought to follow nature our
leader, and to bring forth common benefit to the publick, by
mutuall offices, by giving, by receiving, by arts, by en-
deavours, and by faculties, to unite the fociety of man with
£ cic. de fin. 3.
e
man.
f
* The world is governed by the power of God; it is as it were,
a common City of men and Gods, and each of us is a part of
the world, whence it followeth by nature, that we should
prefer the common benefit before our own. For as Lawes
prefer the fafety of the generall before that of any particular;
fo a good and wife man conformable to Law, not ignorant
of civill office, taketh more care for the benefit of the 'genes
rall, then of any particular, or of his own. Nor is he who be
traies his Country more to be condemned, then he who de-
ferts the common benefit or fafety. Whence it followeth,
that he is to be commended who undergoeth death for the
Common-wealth, and teacheth us, that our Country is dea-
rer to us then our ſelves. And becauſe that fpeech is eſteemed
inhuman and wicked of thoſe who affirm, they care not when
they are dead if all the earth were fet on fires it is certainly
true,
that we are likewiſe to provide for thoſe who ſhall hereaf
ter be, even for their own fake. From this affection of the foul,
whence proceed Wills and commendations of dying perfons, as
alfo fòrafmuch as noman will live folitary in a defart, even
with the greateſt abundance or plenty, it is easily underſtood,
that we are born for conjunction, congregation, or naturall'com-
munity, we are impelled by mature to benefit others the most that
we can. All theſe are offices, chiefly by teaching and communi-
cating the reafons of prudence, fo that it is not cafie to finde one,
who wil not communicate to fome other what he knoweth him-
felfe.
1
ZENO.
89
felfe. Thus we are not only inclined to learn, but alfo to teach.
And as it is given to Bulls by Nature,to fight even with Lyons,for
their heifers with great force & impetuofity;fo they who abound
in wealth, and are able to do it (as is related of Hercules and
Bacchus) are incited by nature to preferve mankind. Likewiſe,
when Jupiter is ſtil'd Optimus and Maximas Salutaris, hofpitalis 5
Stator, we hereby expreffe that the fafety of mankind is under his
tuition. But we cannot expect, if we our felves are vile, abject,
and neglected amongst our felves, that we ſhould be dear to the
immortall Gods, and loved of them. As therefore wee make uſe
of our limbs, before that we have learnt for what cauſe of utility
we have them, fo are we conjoined and confociated amongſt
our felves by Nature to civill community which if it were o-
therwife, neither would there be any room for Juftice or good-
neffe.
#
man,
Yet though there are mutuall Chains betwixt man and
man hath no common right with beafts, [& by reafon ef our diffi- g Laert.
militude, as both Chryfippus and Poffidonius affirm for all other
things faith Chryfippus, were made for men and the Gods, but
they for community and fociety one with another, fo that men
may make uſe of Beafts for their benefit without doing any
wrong.
Moreover, fince the nature of man is fuch, that there is a cer
tain civill right betwixt him and all mankind, he who preferveth
that right,is juft, who tranfgreffeth it, unjuft. But as in a Thea-
ter, though it be common, that room which a man poffeffeth, is
juſtly faid to be his place; fo this civil right in a City and the
World doth not repugne to the propriety of particular per-
fons.
•
}
In order to the confervation of all fociety, conjunction, and
dearneffe betwixt man and man, emoluments and detriments
μar and Bruuara, which benefit or hurt muſt be common a-
mongſt them,and not only common but equall. Convenients and
Inconvenients, xensúμara and Puoxensara, muſt be common, but
not equall. Thole which benefit or hurt, are either good or
ill, and therefore muſt neceffarily be equall; convenient and in-
convenient are ranked amongft the preferred and rejected, and
therefore, cannot be equall: Emoluments and detriments are
common, but rectitudes and fins not.common.
Herein Friendſhip is requifite, as being one of thofe things
which benefit. Some affirm,that a good man ought to be as much
concern'd for his friend as for himſelf others, that
every man
ought to be moft concern'd for himſelf. Yet thefe latter confeffe,
that it is contrary to Juftice, whereunto we are born, to take a-
way any thing fromother, and affume it to our felves.
Neither can friendhip be contracted, nor Juſtice performed
Mmmmm 2
for
90
ZENO.
h Cic offis.lib.
1. and again.
lib. 3.
i Laert.
25.
for private refpects and advantages, for then thefe advantages
might overthrow and pervert them. But neither could Juftice or
friendſhip be at all, unleffe they were expetible in themſelves.
Juftice is by Nature; it is contrary to a wife man, not only to do
an injury, but even to hurt. Neither can it be right to injure thoſe
who are our friends, or have deferved well of us; Equity cannot
be feparated from Utility; whatſoever is equall and juft,is like-
wife honeft, and reciprocally; whatſoever is honeft, is equal and
juſt...
{
Panatius, who difcourfed moft accurately of Offices, propo-
feth three kinds wherein men ufe to deliberate or confult of Offi-
ces. Firſt, when they doubt, whether that of which the queftion
is, be honeſt or difhoneft. Secondly, whether it be profitable or
unprofitable. Thirdly, if that which hath the fhew of honefty be
repugnant to that which feems profitable.
(1
+
Next the Gods, we are to reverence: our Parents and Brethren.
k Sext. Empir. k A's concerning the buriall of Parents, Chryfippus faith, it ought
Pyrrh. hypot. 3° to be done in the moft fimple manner. For the body,as the Nails,
teeth, or hair, thereof nothing pertaineth to us, and therefore
ought not to be uſed with any curiofity or refpect. Fleft, if it bee
ufefull, ought to be converted into aliment (though it were a
part of our own body, as the foot) as is proper to it; if, ufeleffe,
put under ground, or thrown into fome remote place, without
more refpect then wee have of our nailes or haire when cut
off.
lib. 3.
1.
1 Cic. de offic. Concerning the Office of the Buyer, and the Seller, Diogenes the
Babylonian, and Antipater his Difciple differ. Antipater holds
that all muſt be laid open, that the Buyer be not ignorant of any
thing that the Seller knoweth; Diogenes that the Seller as far as
is appointed by civill Law, ought only to tell the faults, and to
conceal the reft, for as much as he in felling defireth to fell to his
beft advantage.
. \T
Hecaton in his fixth Book of Offices, is full of thefe queftions, as
whether a good man in a dearth may give over houfe keeping. He difi
putes it on both fides, but concludes that the office is directed rae
ther by profit then humanity.
*
.0
He queſtions, whether if at Sea, a Ship be to be disburthen'd by the
cafting out of fomthing, we should rather caft over-board a horse of great
price, or a flave worth tittle. In this cafe, private intereft leads one
way, humanity another.
If a fool in a fhiprorack catch hold of a plank, may a wife man wreſt
it from him if he can? He faith, hee may not, for it is injurious
What may the Mafter of the Shippe? May not he take his
own? Noi namore then he may throw a Paffenger out of the
Ship, becauſe it is his own, into the Sea. Fl they come
to the place to which they are bound,the Ship is not the Mafters,
but the Paffengers.
what
4
91
ZENO
what if two Shipwrek'd perfons light upon one plank, and both pluck
at it, ſhould one give it quer to the other? yes but to him, who, it is
more expedient, fhould live, either for his own fake or the Com-
mon-wealth. But what if theſe be alike in. borh? There will be
wo contention, but either as it were by lot, or mication with the
fingers ( giuoco della mora one will give place to the other.
+
what if a Father rod Temples, undermine the publick treasury,fbould
the son reveal it to the Magiftrates? It were a great wickedneffe.
On the contrary, he ought to defend his Father, if he be called
into queftion. But isnot our Country before all Offices? yes,
but it is for the good of our Country to have Citizens pious to
their Parents!
Li
What if a Father ſhould aim at poffeffion of the Tyranny, or endeavour
to betray his Country, full the Son keep his Counfell? He fhall befeech
him not to do it. If that prevail not, he ſhall accuſe him, yea,
threaten; and lastly, if the matter fhall tend to the deftruction of
the Country, he thall preferre the ſafety of the Country before
that of his Father.
If a wife man receive Counterfeit money for good, if afterwards hee
know it to be counterfeit money, may be pay it where he ous anything for
good? Diogenes faith he may, Antipater, that he may not..
If a man fell wine that will not last, and know it to be fuch, ought hee
to declare it or no? Diogenes thinks he is not obliged, antipater con-
ceives a good man muft. Theſe are as it were cafes of Contro-
verfie amongst the Stoicks...
2
เ
GHAP. XIV.
៖
DA
• A
I
Of Prateroffices.
s every perfect Office in a rational Creature is a Rectitude; a Støb.
and alwaics compleat in all numbers; fo every Prater-
office in a rationall creature is a fin. A fin is that which is done
contrary to right reafon, or in which fomthing of Office is omit-
b
redbya
rationall Creature. A good deed is the command of b Plut.de re-
the Law Sin the prohibition of the Law. Hence it is that the Law Fugn. Stoic.
forbiddeth fools and mad men many things,but prefcribeth them
nothing, becauſe they are not capable of doing any thing wel.
All firns are impiety, as being a refifting of the will of the c Stob.
Gods. The Gods love Vertue and its works; they hate vice and
its works. Every fin therefore diſpleaſeth them, and confequent-
ly is impiety....
All fins are equall (fo Chryfippus in the firft of his morallď Plut. de ré
queſtions, and Perfeus, and Zeno) though not alike, for they flow Pugn. Stoic.
from one fountain, as it were of vice, and the judgment is the
fame
92
ZENO.
น
a Senco
fame in all, but by the externall object by which that judgment
is made, they are rendred unlike. That they are equall is evident
from this: If there be not one truth more truth then another, nor
one falfhood more falfhood then another, neither is one deceit
more deceit then another, nor one fin more fin then another. He
who is diſtant from Canobus a hundred furlongs, and he who is
diſtant but one furlong, are both alike not at Canobus: fo he who
fins more, and he who leffe, are both alike not in the right way.
b Cic. in Laert,
Yet, though fins are equall, there are fome differences in
them, foralmuch as fóme proceed from an obdurat incurable af-
fection, others from an affection not obdurat nor incurable.
And though every lie is equally a lie, yer all men do not lie
qually; but, every fin is equally fin, for every fin confifteth in
lying. Thus Chryfippus, Perfæus, and Zeno: But Heraclides of Tar-
fis, friend to Antipater, and Athenodorus hold, that fins are une-
quall.
{
CHAP. XV. *·
Of wife or vertuous Perfons
Paradoxes.
>
THere are (according to Zeno) two kinds of men, the wife or
vertuous, and the vicious. The wife make uſe of vertue
through the whole courſe of their life, the vicious of vice.
a
C
Of the wife there are two forts, one in perfection confum-
mate; the other in progreffion, procedent. Of the first are thefe,
following paradoxes to be understood; not that the Stoicks
c Quintil. lib. pofitively affirm there ever was fuch a one in nature (for Zeno,
Cleanthes, and Chryfippus were great and venerable perfons, yet,
did not attain the height of human nature) but, that fuch a one
might poffibly be.
12.
d Laert.
e Laers
fLaert. Stob.
g Laert,
a
A wife man is void of paffion, for he cannot fall. There is ano-
ther kinde of perfon void of paffion likewife, a wicked man that
is obdurate and inflexible.
e. A wife man is void of pride, honour and difhonour are alike
to him. There is another kinde of perfon void of pride, a wic-
ked man, equally inclinable to difhonour as to honour.
£ A wife man is auftere, for he neither fpeaketh for complai-
fance, nor admitteth any thing ſpoken in that kinde. There is
another fort of auftere perfons, which refemble foure wine, not
fit for drinking, but for medicines onl
{
A wife map is fincere, for he taketh care, that he be not
thought better then he is, by reafon of fome fpecious fhow, and
withall to expreffe whatfoever good he hath, without any Rhe-
toricall gloffe.
****
C
b A
Z EN Q
93·
* A wife man is hot pragmaticall; for he declines the doing of a- h Laert.
fy thing that is beyond his office.
Plut. de repugn.
Stoic, citing
i A wise man is never drunk, although he drink wine; for he ne- Chryfippus.
ver finneth, but doth all things according to Vertue.
i Laert. Steb"
A wife man is never mad,yet fomtimes ftrange phantafies may k Laert.
occurre to him through melancholy or deliration, not according
to the reafon of eligibles, but præternaturall.
~.. 1 A wife man is never grieved for grief, according to Apollodo- 1 Laert.
ras, is an irrationall contraction of the Soul.
n
J
m. A wife manis divine: for he hath God with himself; but a m Laert.
wicked man is an Atheiſt. An Atheiſt is taken two waies, for him
who is an Enemy to the Gods, and for him who believeth there
are no Gods: which all wicked men do not. . A wicked man is n Stob.
impious,becauſe he doth all things according to Vice,as the good
according to Vertue; and he who hath one vice hath all. He is an
Enemy to the Gods, for emnity is the difcord of life, as amity is
the concord. The wicked differs from the Gods in his courfe of
life, and therefore is an Enemy to them, for they account all their
Enemies who are contrary to them. The wicked are contrary
to the good, God is good, therefore the wicked are Enemies to
God.
}
A wife man is religious; for he is skilfull in all divine rites. Re- o Laert.
ligion is the Science of divine worship. Hee facrificeth to the
Gods ,
and is pure, detefting all fin, holy and juft in Divine
"things.
PA
P A wife man only is a Prieft, skillfull in Sacrifices, bufi- P Laert.
neffe of the Temple, expiations, and other things proper to the
Gods.
¶ A wife man only is a Prophet, enduèd with the Science of thoſe qiStob.
figns which are communicated by Gods or Demons which belong
to humane life. In him therefore are all kinds of vaticination, as
well by dreams, birds,and other things.
A wife man reverenceth and loveth his Parents and Brethren, next r Laert.
the Gods. He hath likewiſe an innate love of his Children, which
the vicious hath not.
E
1 A wife man ought to apply himself to fome office in the Commonwealth (Laert.
(according to Chryfippus) unleffe otherwife diverted; For he will
encourage Vertue,and fuppreffe Vice, eſpecially in thoſe Com- t Stob.
monwealths which are far from perfection. Hee ought to make
Laws, inftruct men, prefcribe rules. To which is oppofite, ſtudy
of popularity fpecious deceit, prefcription of things unprofitable,
which are not competible to a wife man.
X
1
A wife man ought to marry (as Zeno in his Common-wealth) u Laert
that he may have Children:
Cic.de finib. 3.
A wife man doth not opinionate or think;but believe or know,for xLaert
he never affents to any falfity: Ignorance is an infirm affent; y s tob
thinks all firmly. There are two kinds of opinion, one an
affent
94
1
ZENO.
z Laert.Cic. de
affent to things not comprehended, the other a weak beliefe.
Neither of theſe are in a wife man, for he never affented with-
out comprehenſion, and then alwaies firmly, for nothing is hid-
den from him, otherwife he might have a falfe opinion. There-
fore he is never diffident. Faith is proper to a wife man, for it is
a firm exiſtimation. A Science is a firm habit, therefore a wic-
ked man doth neither know nor believe.
7 A wife man muſt imitate the Cynicks: for Cyniciſme is the neà-
finib. lib. 3. reft way for vertue, as Apollodorus in his Ethick: Others ſay,
a wife man ought to continue in that Sect, if he have been
thereof; but if he have not, not to enter into it.
a Stob.
b Laert.
c Laert. Cicer.
Paradox.
d Lacrt.
e Stob.
fLaert.
g Laert.
h Laert.
i Stob.
k Laert. Stob.
1 Laert.
+
↳ A wife man may upon occafion eat mans fleſh. Of this already a-
mongſt the Offices.
C
A wife man only is free, the wicked are flaves; for liberty is
the power of doing according to our own judgment. Servitude
is a privation of the power of doing according to our own judg-
ment. There is another kinde of fervitude which conſiſteth in
fubjection, a third in being poffefs'd and ſubjected, to which is
oppoſed vicious domination..
A wife man only is a King: For Monarchy is a principality ſub-
ordinate to none, which only confifts in the wife, as Chryfippus
in his treatiſe, That Zeno ufed words properly. For (faith he‍) a
Prince muſt know both good and bad, which none of the
wicked knoweth. Dominion and the kinds thereof, Monarchy,
Magiſtracy, Generalfhip, Admiralty, and the like, are only pro-
per to a wife man; therefore the wife only command, though
not actually, yet potentially.
f
с
A wife man only is proper to be a Magiſtrate, Judge, and Oratour ;
but not any of the wicked.
h
A wife man is void of fin; for he cannot fall into errour.
A wife man is innocent, and uninjurious, for he cannot hurt ei-
ther himſelfe or others, nor receive, nor do any injury: For,
injury is a hurtfull injuftice, which is not competible to a wife
man, although he may be unjustly affaulted: for he having with-
in himfelfe all good and vertue, is not capable of vice or
harme.
k
A wife man is not mercifull, nor pardons any, remitting no-
thing of the puniſhments inflicted by Law, as knowing them to
be proportioned to, not exceeding the offence, and that who-
foever finneth, finneth out of his own wickedneffe. A wife man
therefore is not benign, for he who is benign, mitigates the ri-
gour of Juftice, and conceives the puniſhments inflicted by
Law to be greater then they ought: But, a wife man knoweth
the Law to be good, or a right reafort, commanding what is to
be done, and what not..
1
A wife man nothing wonders at those things which feem Parado-
xall, as Charon's Cave, the ebbing and flowing of the Sea, and
hot ſprings, and ebullitions of fire.
H
mА
ZENO.
95
m
A wife man will not live in a defart, for he is communicative Laert.
by nature, and practick, and will undertake exerciſe to ſtreng-
then his body.
" A wise man will pray, requeſting good things of the Gods, as a Laert.
Poffidonius affirmes, in his firft of Offices, and Hecaton in his thir-
teenth of Paradoxes.
J
Y
A wife man only is a friend: Friendship is only amongſt the o Laert. Stob.
wife, for in them only is an unanimity as to things that concern
life and community, fo as our friends may make uſe of them as
freely, as we our felves. Unanimity is the Science of common
good. A friend is expetible in himfelfe. Plenty of friends is a
good: but, amongst the wicked, there is no friendship; for friend-
Thip being reall and not faigned, it is impoffible it thould confift
without faith and conftancy. But, in the wicked, there is infi-
delity, and inconftancy, and hoftility, and therefore not friend-
'fhip, but fome externall connexions; whereby neceffity or opi-
nion ties them together.
P A wise man doth all things well, as we lay, all Pipes play the p Laert.
Ifmenian tune well. He doth all things wifely, temperately, a Stob.
-prudently, modeftly, and according to the other vertues,
throughout the whole courfe of his life. A wicked man doth all
amiffe, finning in the whole courfe of his life, inconftant by na-
ture, often grieved by his own ill actions, wretched and trou-
bled for as much as he is vexed at the thing done, fo much is
he angry at himfelfe for being the Author of it...
r
1
Awife man loveth (vertuously)thofe, whofe beauty expreffe their
inward vertue. Thus Zeno, Chryfippus and Apollodorus affirm.
For love is an impulfion of benevolence, raiſed from beauty
which love is not of conjunction, but of friendship. For this
reafon, Zen though he were in love with Thrafonides, a young
woman that was in his power, yet, fupprefs'd his affection be-
caufe The was averfe from him. This Chryfippus calls the love of
friendship it is no way difcommendable,for beauty is the flower
of vertue.c
t
Laert. Cic.
[Cic. de fin. 3.
Tufc, quần áo
3. A wise man upon cccafion will die voluntarily for his Country Laert.
and friends; or, in cafe he be feized by fome exceffive pain, loffe
of his fenfes, or incurable difeafes.
u
ร
A wife man is vijas, for he compaſſeth that which is propo- u Stob.
for he is every way augmented; 4na-;; for he hath
attained the juft height of wifdome; guess, for he is invincible,
and infuperable. The wicked are the contrary.
}
• A Amfe man profiteth the wife, and is mutually profited by all the x Stob.
wife, though noyfriends of acquaintance, for betwixt them there
is a concord and community of goods, and he who benefiteth
another, benefiteth likewifehimfelfe. A wicked man neither
conferreth-nor receivethbenefits; for one is to move towards
yertue, the other is to be moved towards vertue, bi
i' W
Nnnnn
YA
96
ZENO
*
y Stab.
z Stob.
a Stob.
b Stob.
e Stob.
d Stoba
e Stob.
£ Stob.
g
Stob:
h Stob.
istab.
k Stob.
*
C
* A wife man is a good Oeconomist, skilfull to acquire wealth.
economiſt is a habit active, and contemplative in the bufineffe
of a family, Oeconomy is the ordering of expences, works, and
poffeffions; the Science of acquifition is a reafon whereby
wealth is attained, which fome account in indifferents, others
in good. But no wicked man is a good Oeconomist, fince only a
wife man knoweth from whence, how, and how far gain may
be acquired.
ą
A wife man only is perfect, for he wanteth no vertue; a wic-
ked man is imperfect, for he hath no vertue. Therefore the
wife are alwaies happy, the wicked miferable; which happi-
neffe, according to Chryfippus, differs nothing from that of God,
nor is leffe expetible. The wicked partake of no good, becauſe
vertue and that which partakes thereof is good, and thofe things
which are convenient and requifite are proper only to the wife,
as the contraries to the wicked.
2 A wife man is only rich; for good is true riches, and ill true
poverty: a wicked man is poor, not having the means to become
rich.
fax
↳ A wife man is only obedient; the wicked can neither obey nor
command.
C
• Awife man only is honourable; for honour is the reward of
vertue, the wicked wanting this, are justly difhonourable,
d
A wife man only is ingenuous and noble, according to fome of
the Stoicks; but, others deny it, referring thefe not to nature,
but inftitution only, according to the proverb, Cuſtome is a
fecond Nature. So that ingenuity is an habit of nature or infti-
tution apt to vertue; Nobility is a habit of deſcent or inſtitution,
apt to verme
€
•
1
A wife man is pleafing, perfuafive, opportune, and fincere 3 for he
- is expert in every thing, raffable in converfation and helpfull to
the publick: The wicked are the contrary.
ca
*
>
A wife man is the best Physician, for he hath confidered his con-
ftitution, and thoſe things which are requifite for his health.
ya & A wife man may lawfully part with his life,the wicked cannot,
becauſe in their life they never acquire vertue; ner efchew vice.
But life and death are limited by offices, and their contraries.
↳ A wise man will accept of Empires and cohabit with Princes; buc
not unleſſe he perceive it may be done without danger, and to
much advantage.
i A wife man never lyeth; for he who fpcaketh a falfhood is not
properly faid to lie, unleffe it be with intent to deceive. A lie
may be ufed many waies without affent, as in War againft ene-
mies, or in the like neceffity.
k
02 BA
A wife man neither deceiveth, nor is deceived, for he never fh-
neth, he ufeth not his fight, hearing, or any other fenfe ill • He
is not fufpicious, nor repenteth, for both theſe are proper to
fallaci-
ZENO
97
fallacious affent. He can no way be chang'd or erre, or opinio-
nate.
e
2. A wife man only (though not all wife men) is happy in Children, 1 Stob.
in old age, in death.
.m
30m A wife man doth nothing contrary to his appetite, for all fuch m Stob.
things are done with a privation, and nothing adverfe unfore-
feen happeneth to him." But in the primitive time, there was a Stob.
fome wife man that did not defire or will any thing, becauſe that
thofe things which were then prefent, were not fufficient to be
required by him.
2.º A wife man is meek, for meekneffe is a habit whereby things
are done meckly, not breaking forth into Anger.
• Stob.
P A wife man is peacefull and modeft. Modefty is the Science of de- p Stob.
cent motion; tranquillity the order of natural motions.The con-
trary to theſe are feen in the wicked.
9 A wife man is free from all Calumny; he calumniates none, and q Stob.
is not calumniated by any; for Calumny is a lying imputation of
fained friends, to which the wife are not liable, for they are
true friends; the wicked are, for they are feigned.
r
A wife man delayeth no bing, for delay is an omiffion of Office * Stob.
through flothfulneffe,of which Hefiod,
Nothing deferre a year, a month, a day,
He fights aginst himself that doth delay.
£ A wife man can only incite, and be incited to Vertue, a fool can- f Stob.
not, for he neglecteth præcepts, and goeth no further then the
words, not proceeding to Action. A wicked man is not defirous
to hear or learn, as not being capable by reafon of his imprudence
of what is rightly faid; waence it followeth, that he can neither
be incited nor incite to Vertue. He that is capable to be incited,
or to incite, muſt be prepared by Philofophy, which is not com-
petible to a wicked man, for he who diligently heareth Philofo-
phers, is not prepared to Philofophy, but ne who expreffeth their
doctrine in their life and actions. This no wicked man can do, for
he is prepoffefs'd by Vice. If he ſhould be incited, Vice would
pull him back; but none that is vicious incited to Vertue, as none
lick to health.
Everynicked man is an exile, wanting Law and Country, for both ‹Stob.
thefe are good. That a City or Country is good,Cleanthes proveth
thus. If there be a habitation,where thofe, who fly for fuccour,
find juſtice, it is good, but a City is fuch a habitation, therefore
a City is good. A City is taken three waies; for a habitation, for,
a convention of men, and for both. In the two latter fignificati-
ons it is called good.
"Every wicked man is ruftick, for rufticity is ignorance of Lawsu Sub.
and civill manners. A wicked man refufeth to live according to
Law, and is hurtfull as a favage Beaſt.
Nnnnn 2
* A
}
1
98
ZENQ.
x Stob.
y Stob.
z Stob.
a Stob.
b Stob.
:
* A wicked man is tyrannical,cruell, violent, and iniurious, when-
foever he gets an occafion.
* A wicked man is ungratefull, not obliging nor requiting for he
doth nothing by Friendship.
2 A wicked man is not perfeverant, for perfeverance is the
Science of obtaining our purpoſe, not being deterred by
labour.
2 A wicked man is not capable of the right of donation. Donation is
the good beſtowing of eftimation, but nothing that is good is
competible to the wicked.
5 Every wicked man is delighted with his wickedneſſe, which wee
may perceive not ſo much by his diſcourſe, as actions, which
fhowes that he is carried on to wickedneſſe.
1
a Laers
THE
THIRD PART.
CHAP. I.
PHYSICK, and the parts thereof.
PHYSICK
HYSICK is divided into thefe places; Of Bodies, Of Princi
ples,Of Elements, Of Gods, of Place, Of Vacuum: thus eſpeci-
ally; but generally into three places; Of the world, of Elements,
Aitiologick of Cauſes.
That concerning the VVorld is divided into two parts; whereof
one, Contemplation, is common alfo to the Mathematicks, con-
cerning fixed ftars and Planets; as whether the Sun' be of the
fame magnitude as he appears to be, and whether the Moon be ſo
likewife; of their periods and the like; The other contemplati-
on proper only to Phyfick, to enquire into the effence of thefe $
whether the Sun and Stars confift of matter and form; whether
generate or ingenerate, whether animate or inanimate, whether,
corruptible or incorruptible, whether govèrn'd by Providence
or the like.
The place concerning Caufes is likewife twofold; whereof one,
Contemplation, is common alfo to medicinall difquifitions,
whereby they enquire concerning the principall part of the foul,
and thofe things which are produced in the Soul & feed,and the
like. The other is likewife ufurped by the Mathematicks, as, in
what manner we ſee, what is the caufe of the vifuall phantafies
How
ZENO.
99.
How are madeClouds, Thunder, Rainbows, Halo's, Comets and
the like.
·
•
CHAP. II.
Of Bodies:
Aturall Philoſophy brancheth into two parts, of Corpore- a Senec. Epift.
alls and Incorporealls.
C
89.
A body is that which doethor fufficeth; It is the fenfe with b Laert.
effence or fubftance, and finite: whatſoever is, is a body, for e Plut. cont.
whatſoever is; either doeth or fuffereth.
& Principles are Bodies void of form.
Elements are bodies endued with form.
Caufes are corporeall, becauſe they are fpirits.
Stoic.
d Laert.
e Flut. plac.
f Plut.cont.
* Qualities are Corporeall; for they are fpirits, and aeriall in- phil. 1. 11
tentions, which affect the parts of all things, generated with Stoic.
form and figure.
$ Vertues, Vices, Arts, Memory, Phantafies, Affections, Ap-g Plut. cont.
petitions, Affents, are bodies,éxifting in the Supream part of the Stoic. Tertal.de
anima cap. 6.
Soul.
The Soul is a Body, becauſe it maketh us to be living Crea- h Sen. Ep.113.
turcs.
Night and day are bodies.
i Plut.
* Voice is a body, for it maketh that which is heard; in a k Laert.
word, whatfoever is, is a body and a foject, (for the Stoicks 1 Orig.
take away intellectuall fubftances, affirming all things that arë,
to be comprehended by ſenſe ) onely differences are not
fiftent.
m
fub-
A folid body (according to Apollodorus) is diviſible thrée m Lgert.
waies, into length, breadth, and depth.
A fuperficies is the terme of a body, or that which hath onely
length and breadth, but no depth; thus Poffidonius.
Aline is the terme of a Superficies,or a length without breadth,
that which hath length only.
n
A point is the terme of a line, or the leaſt mark.
A body is diviſible into infinite, yet it confifteth not of infi- n Stob.Phyſ.17
nite bodies..
CHAP. III.
Of Principles.
Señec.
THe place concerning bodies is divided into two degrees, a Seher. Ep 49.
into thofe which produce, and thofe which are produced,
the first Principles, the fecond Elements.
Prin-
100
ZENO
b Laert.
c Laert.
F
a Sen. Ep. 65.
e lbid.
f Cic.
h Laert.
༣
b Principles and Elements differ: Principles are ingenerate,
incorruptible: Elements fhall perish by conflagration.. Moreo-
ver, Principles are bodies, and void of form; Elements have
forme.
There are two principles of all things, the Agent, and the
Patient: The Patient is a fubftance void of quality, called Mat-
ter: the Agent is the reaſon which is in the Matter, God.
d
Matter is fluggiſh, a thing ready for all things, but will ceaſe
if none move it. The Caufe, that is, the Reafon, formeth mat-
ter, and moldeth it which way he pleafeth, out of which he
produceth various works. There must therefore be fomething
out of which a thing is made, and alfo by which it is made. This
is the Caufe, that Matter. The Caufe or active Reafon is
God.
In the Agent there is power, in the Patient a certain matter
[ or capacity,] and in both, both; for matter it felfe could not
cohere, if it were not kept together by a power, nor that power
without fome matter; for there is nothing, which is not com-
pelled to be fomewhere.
h
g Latlant.7.3. 8 Both thefe, God and the World, the Artiſt and his work,
they comprehend within this terme, Nature, as if nature were
God mixed through the World. Sometimes they call that na-
ture which containeth the World, fometimes that which gene-
rateth and produceth things upon the ear.
i Stob. Phyf. 1.
16.
The Agent is, as we faid, called the Caufe. A Cauſe, ac-
cording to Zeno, is that, by which there is an effect, which is
not a Caufe; or, as Chippus, the reafon of the effect; or, as
Poffidonius, the firſt Author of a thing. A Caufe is a body, a not-
Caufe a Categorem. It is impoffible that the caufe being affign-
ed, the effect should not be prefent, which is to be underſtood
thus: The Soule is the Caufe through which we live, Prudence
the Cauſe by which we are wife. It is impoffible, that he who
hath a Soule ſhould not live, or he who hath Prudence ſhould
not be wife.
a Laert
bStob.Phyf.14.
c Laert.
d Laert.
e Stob. Phyf.14.
a
T
CHAP. IV.
of Matter.
}
2
He fubftance of all [ qualitative] beings is firft Matter,
according to Zeno and Chryfippus, in his firſt of Phyficks.
Matter is that of which every thing is made, it hath two
names, šola Subſtance, and van, Matter. Subſtance is of all things
in generall, Matter of particulars.
ત
Univerfall matter is [ according to Zeno, wholly eternall, }
not admitting, as Chryfippus faith, encreaſe or decreaſe.
£ Particu
ZENO.
f.Particular matter admitteth augmentation, and diminution, f Laert.
$ for it remaineth not alwaies the fame, but is feparated and Stob.Phyf.14.
mixed, fo that, according to Chryfippus, its parts perish by ſepa-
ration, and exift by mutuall miftion. But thofe who call fire,
aire, water, and earth, Matter, affert not a thing void of forme,
but of a body.
Matter is a body, [and finite.] Poffidonius faith, that the stab. Phyf.14.
fubftance and matter of the Univerſe is void. of.quality and i Laert.
form, in as much as it hath not a certain figure and quality in it
felfe, but it is alwaies feen in fome figure and quality. But, the
fubftantiall nature of the Univerſe, differs from matter intenti-
onally only.
1
* Matter is paffible, for if it were immutable, things could not k Laer.
be generated of it. Hence it followeth, that it is diviſible into
infinites yet, it felfe, as Chryfippus faith, it not infinite, for no-
thing that is divifible is infinite, but matter is continuous.
Through this matter, Zeno affirmeth, that the reafon of the 1 Stob. Phyf. 14.
World, which fome call Fate, is diffuſed as feed.
i. *
OF
a
CHAP. V.
Of the World.
F this matter was made the world. The World hath feve-
rall appellations, wu, The World, à, the All; rokov, the
Whole World, is taken three waies: Firft, for God him a Laert.
felfe, who is properly qualified with all Effence, incorruptible,
and ingenerate, who framed the Univerſe after, a certain period
of time, who refolved all nature into himselfe, and again gene-
rated it out of himſelfe. Secondly for the ftarry Ornament and
thirdly that which conſiſts of both.ɔn wij d
1
b
• rò
The All, 7, is one way taken, as Apollodorus faith, for the & Laert.
World, and another way for the Syftem of the World, and the
vacuity beyond it. The World is finite, the vacuity infinite.
Thus likewife they diftinguish betwixt to war, and 78 dor: c Stob. #hyf.
Tò, includeth alſo an infinite vacuity, in which the world is: cap. 24.
a fignifies the world without that vacuity, which neither
is increafed nor diminished; but its parts are fometimes ex-
tended, fometimes contracted. It began from the earth as its
center, for the center is the beginning of a Circles
1413
१९.
The world is that which is properly qualited with the ef- d Lave
fence of all things; or, as Chryfippus and Poffidonius define it, e Stob. c. 4.
& Syftem of Heaven and Earth, and of the natures therein con- f Laert.
tained; or a Syftem of God and Men, and of all things that were
made for them.
The world was made by God, for if (faith Chryfippus) there g Lactant. de in
be ra dei, cap. 16.
102
1
ZENO.
}
h Cic.de nat.2.
be any thing which produceth fuch things, as Man, though in-
dued with reaſon, cannot produce, that ( doubtleffe) is greater
and ſtronger, and wifer then man. But a Man cannot make the
Celeſtiall things, therefore that which made them, tranſcendeth
man, in Art, Counfell, Prudence, and Power, and what can that
be but God?
h The World was made for thofe animate offences which have
the uſe of Reafon, thefe are the Gods and men, then whom no-
dei cap at a thing is better. All things of which it confifteth and which it
produceth within it felfe, are accommodated to the uſe of
i La&ant de ira
k Laert.
13.
:
1 Laert. Stob.
Man.
k
The World was made in this manner; God in the beginning
being alone by himſelf, converted all fubftance (which according
to Zeno was fire) firſt into air, then into Water. And as in the
Plant the feed is contained; fo God, who is the prolifick reafon
of the World, left ſuch a feed in the humidity, as might afford
eafie and apt matter for the generation of thofe things that were
to be produced.
}
¹Zeno addeth, that one part tending downward, was con-
Phyf. cap. 20. denfed into Earth, another part remained partly water, and
partly, being exhal'd, air, of a particle of which air flaſhed out
m Stob. Phys.
cap. 20.
n Laert.
o Laert.
•
p Plu. Pl.
Phil. 2.9.
q & lut. Pl.
Phil.2.9.
fire.
m Cleanthes defcribeth it in this manner. The Univerfe being fet
on fire, the midle part thereof firft fetled downwards, then the
next parts by little and little were quenched. Thus the Univcrfe
being wet, the extream fire, (the midle part oppofing it) fprang
upward, and began the coftitution of the Worlds and the revo
lution of this conftitution fhall never end. For as the parts of eve
ry thing are at certain times produced of Seed; fo the parts of
the Univerſe (amongst which are living Creatures and Plants )
are produced in their feafons; and as fome reafons of the parts
are mixed together in the feed, which being compofed, are again
diffolved, foof one are all things made; and again of one is all
compounded by an equall and perpetuall revolution.
n The World is One, of the fame corporeall ſubſtance, and
of a Sphærical figure, for this is of all figures moft apt for moti-
on. Thus Zenos Chryfippus, Peffidonius, and others.
.0*
The World -is feared in an infinite incorporeall vacuity,
Which is beyond it, circumfufed about it, into which the world
fhall be diffolved by conflagration. The World is finite, the va
cuity infinite, yet a Piffidonius faith, itis no more then will füffice
a. for the refolution of the World, when it ſhall perish. By this
argument they confute the motion of Atomes downward, intro-
duced by Epicure, for in that which is infinite, there are no locall
differences of high or low.
r Plut, contra.
Stoic.
1
1
A
}
The world is not heavy, becauſe the whole fabrick thereof
confifteth of heavy and light Elements, and, being placed in the
midft, whither fuch bodies tend, it keepeth its place.
• In ·
ZENO.
103
'In the World there is no vacuity, but it is compleatly one,
for that neceffitates a confpiration and harmony, betwixt Ce-
leſtialls and Terreftrialls,
t
f Laert.
The World only is felf-fufficient, becauſe it alone hath all t Plut.contra.
in it felf, whereof it ſtandeth in no need. Of it felf it is nouriſh- Stoic.
ed and augmented, whereas the parts are tranfmuted and con-
verted into one another.
The World is a "perfect body, the parts of the World are u Plut. cont.
not perfect; becauſe they are refpective to the whole, and not of Stoic.
themſelves. The Univerſe is by Nature apt to move it ſelf in all
parts, to contain,preferve,and not break, diffolve and burn it ſelf,
the Univerſe fending and moving the fame point, and the parts
thereof having the fame motion from the Nature of the body.
Like it is that this first motion is naturally proper to all Bodies,
namely, to encline towards the midft of the World, confidering
the World moveth fo in regard of it felf; and the parts likewife,
in that they are parts of the whole.
-
>
*The World is a living Creature, rationall, animate and in- x Laert;
tellectuall (fo Chryfippus, Apollodorus and Peffidonius )`and hath an
animate fenfible effence. For a living Creature is more excellent
then that which is not a living Creature; but nothing is more ex-
cellent then the World, therefore the World is a living Crea-
ture. That it is animate is manifeſt from our Soul, which is a
piece therof taken out of it.(but Boëthius denies that the world is a
living Creature The mind, or Providence paffeth through eve- y Laert.
ry part thereof, as the Soul doth in us, but in fome parts more,
in others leffe; through fome permeating, as a habit as in the
bones and Nerves, through fome as a mind, as through the prin-
cipall (Hegemonick) part. In like manner the whole World
is an animate rationall Creature, the Hegemonicall part thereof
is the Ether, as Antipater the Tyrian, in his eighth Book of the
World. But Chryfippus in his firft of Providence, and Peffidonius
of the Gods, affirm, that Heaven is the Hegemonick of the World;
Cleanthes, the Sunne. But Chryfippus in the fame Book (differing
from what he ſaid before)affirmeth it to be the pureft part of the
Æther, which they call the firft God, fenfibly, becauſe it paffeth
through all in the air,and through all living Creatures and
Plants, but through the Earth as a habit.
Z
•
* The World, according to the greater part of Stoicks, is cor- z Laert.
rup ible,for it is generated in the fame manner as things compre-
henfible by fenfe. Again, if the parts thereof be corruptible, the
whole is alſo corruptible; but the parts of the World are cor-
ruptible, for they are dayly changed into one another,
therefore the whole it felfe is corruptible. And again,
if any thing admit any change into the worſe, it is corrup-
tible; but the World doth,for it admitteth exficcation, and inun-
dation; therefore, &c.¸.
00000
a The
"
104
ZENO.
di.
a Phile lud. de a The World ſhall perish by fire, cauſed by the power of fire
immortal. mun- which is in all things, which, after a long time, confuming all
the moiſture, ſhall refolve all things into it felf.The Moon,Stars,
b.Plus.com.no.b and Sun, faith Cleanthes,fhall perith,but God fhall affimilate all
Numen. apud. things to himſelf, and refolve all into himself. This opinion of
the generall conflagration of the World, was held by the first
and moſt antient of this Sect,Zeno, Cleanthes and Chryfippus.
Eufeb.
d Plut.com.not.
e Phi. Iud.
↑Cic. Stob.
a Laert.
d
This fire is the Seed of the World; after the conflagration it
diffuſeth it felf even into the Vacuity that was beyond the
World. Afterwards, by order of the fame reafon which made
the World, it fhall withdraw and contract it felf towards the
generation of a new World, yet not be quite extinguished, but
fo as that fome portion thereof remain, for as much as it is the
cauſe of motion.
e
But Boethius, Poffidonius, and Fanatius deny this conflagrati-
of the World, conceiving rather that the VVorld is eternall,
to whom likewiſe Diogenes the Babylonian affents.
on,
CHAP. VI.
Of Elements.
Od having converted, as we faid, all matter into moilture,
Gand timing, the
b'Laert.
and prepared it for the generation of future things, in the
next place, produced the foure Elements, Fire, VVater,
Air, and Earth. Of theſe diſcourſeth Zeno in his Book of the Uni-
verfe, and Chryfippus in his firft of Phyficks, and Archedemas of E-
lements.
Element is that, of which generated things are firft made,
and into which they are refolved. The foure Elements are
matter or ſubſtance endued with quality. Fire is hot, water
moift, Aire cold, Earth dry; yet not fo, but that in Aire,
there is part of the fame quality, for in the higheft it is fire,
which is called Æther, in which is generated the first fphear of
Planets, next Air, then Water, the bafis of all, Earth, being pla-
ced in the midſt of all.
C
Of the four Elements, two are light, Fire and Air, the other
two, Earth and water, heavy,which properly tend to the centre,
but the centre it felf is no way heavy.
CHAP.
ZENO.
105
2
TH
CHAP. VII.
Of Fire.
HE firſt Element is that of Fire, which, as all bodies tend a Stob.
to the middle, enclineth, as much as the lightneffe of its
Nature permits, to the centre of the world, by a circular moti-
on round about it.
,
d Cic. de Nat,
b There are (according to Zeno) two kinds of fire one arti- b Stob.
ficiall, requifite to the ufe of life, which converteth nutriment
into it felf; the other inartificiall (for Cicero renders arexendy) by c De Nat. deor.
which all things grow, and are preferved; for whatſoever is 2.
nouriſhed and groweth, compriſeth within it felf the power of dear. 2.
heat. This fire is diffuſed through all the parts of the World,
and they are all ſuſtained by it. That it is in the Earth appeareth
by Seeds and Roots, which fpring up and grow by the tempera-
ment of this heat. That it is in Water appeareth, forafmuch as
Water is fufceptible of greater cold, as by freezing. It is confe-
quently in air alfo; that being a vapour extracted from Water,
and ſupply'd by motion of the heat which is in the Water. But
primarily, and originally, it is in the Element of fire, a Nature
abfolutely hot, which difpenfeth falutary vitall heat to all other
things. This is Nature, faith Zeno, and the Soul: Of fire conſiſt e Stob. Phyf. §.
the Sun, Moon, and Starrs.
e
47.
CHAP. VIII.
Of the Starres.
* IN the ather are generated the Starrs, of the nobfeft and pureft a cicer. Nat.
part thereof, without admixtion of any other Nature wholly
hot and pellucid, animate creatures indued with fenfe and In-
tellect.
deor. 2.
b Poſſidonius defineth a Star, a divine body, confifting of æthe- b Stob. Phyf.
ricall fire, fplendid and fiery, never refting, but alwaies moving
circularly.
C
That the Starrs are wholly fiery, Cleanthes proveth by the c cic. nat, leor.
teftimony of two fenfes, touch and fight. For the Luftre of the 2.
Sun is brighter then of any fire, feeing that it fhines fo far and
wide, to ſo vaſt a world; and fuch is its touch, that it not onely
warmeth, but oftentimes burneth, neither of which it would do
if it were not fiery.
Now (faith he) the Sun being fiery, is either like that fire
which is requifite to the uſe of life,or unto that which is contain-
00000 2
ed-
106
ZENO.
* Cic. nat. deor.
2.
d Cic.
e Laert.
£ Stob,
ned in the bodies of living creatures; but this our fire, which
the uſe of life requireth, is a confumer of all things, diſturbeth
and diſpatcheth all things. On the contrary, the other is corpo-
reall, vitall, and falutary, it conferveth all things, it nourisheth,
encreaſeth, ſuſtaineth, and affe&teth with fenfe; therefore, faith
he, there's no queftion to which of theſe fires the Sun is like
for he cauſeth all things to flourish and fprout up, according
to their feverall kinds: Wherefore the fire of the Sun being like
thofe fires which are in the bodies of living creatures, the Sun
muſt be a living creature alſo, and fo muſt be likewiſe the reſt
of the Starres in the celeftiall fire, which is called Ether or
Heaven.
*For feeing that of living creatures, one kinde is generated in
the earth, other kinds in the water, others in the aire, it were
abfurd to think, that in that part which is moſt apt for generati-
on of living creatures, no living creature is generated. The
Starrs poffeffe the Ether, which being moſt rare, and in perpe-
tuall agitation and vigour, it is neceffary the living creature
that is generated in it be erdued with moſt acute fenfe, quic-
keft mobility. The ſtarrs therefore have fenfe and intelligence,
whence it followeth, that they are to be reputed Gods. For we
fay, that they who live in the pureft aire are much more acute
and underſtanding, then thoſe who live in a thick climate: The
diet likewife is thought to conduce not a little to the ſharpening
of the underſtanding. Whence it is probable, the ftarrs are en-
dued with moſt excellent underſtanding, forafmuch as they
dwell in the etheriall part of the world, and are nouriſhed with
exhalations from the Sea and Earth, extenuated by a long di-
ftance.
The ſenſe and intellect of the Starrs is chiefly manifeſt from
their order and conftancy, for nothing can be moved by propor-
tion and number without providence, in which nothing is te-
merarious, nothing various, nothing cafuall. But the order of
Starrs, and conftancy throughout all eternity, cometh neither
from Nature, for that is void of Reafon, nor from Fortune
which affecteth variety, and diſalloweth conftancy.
*
Again, all things are moved either naturally, or violently, or
voluntarily. Thofe which move naturally, are carried either by
their weight downward, or by their lightneffe upwards, neither
of which is proper to the Starres, for their motion is circular.
Neither can it be faid, that they are moved violently againſt
their own nature; for what power can be greater? it remaineth
therefore, that their motion be voluntary.
તેં
e
¿No fire can fubfift without fome aliment, the ftarres there-
fore are nouriſhed by the vapours of the earth.
Of Starrs (according to Coryfippus ) there are two forts, both
which are by nature divine, animate, and providentiall the
fixed
"
107
ZENO.
1
fixed and the Erratick. The multitude of the fixed is incompre-
henfible; the Erratick are lower then the fixed. The fixed are
allranked in one fuperficies, as is manifeft to the fight; the er-
ratick in feverall. The fphear of fixed ſtarrs includeth that of the
erratick. The higheſt of the erratick, and next to the fixed
ftarres, is the fphear of Saturn, next, that of Jupiter, after which,
that of Mars, then that of Mercury, then that of Fenus, then that
of the Sun, and lastly that of the Man, which being neereſt
the air, feemeth therefore aeriall, and hath greateſt influence.
terreſtriall bodies.
upon
Saturn, gávay, finifheth his courfe in almoft thirty years; gCic. de Nat.
Jupiter, qailor, in twelve; Mars, vees, in twenty fouré Months deor. 2.
wanting fix daies; Mercury, sinßwv, in a year; Venus, owoqópos, ( low-
eft of the five Planets) in a year.
h
The Sun and the Moon are properly calledasga, Starrs; but h Stob.
asp and so differ; for every asp is asgor, but not the contrary.
i
The rifing of a ftar, Chryfippus defineth, its advancement a- i Stob.
bove the earth; and the fetting thereof its occultation under
the earth. The fame ftarrs at the fame time, riſe to ſome, and
fet to others. The apparition of a ſtar, man, is its rifing toge-
ther with the Sun; and the ſetting thereof, is its fetting with the
Sun: for fetting is taken two waies, in oppofition to riting, and
in oppofition to apparition. As the apparition of the Dog-ftar is
its rifing together with the Sun, and its fetting is its occultation
under the earth together with the Sun. The fame is faid of the
Pleiades.
Next
CHAP. IX.
Of the Sun.
b
Ext Venus (the loweſt Planet) is the Sun, the chiefe of all a cic. nat. deor.
that confift of this ætheriall fire, The Sun is defined by 2.
b Sto.p.56,57.
Cleanthes and Chryfippus, an intellectuall Taper, gather'd and
kindled from the vapours of the Sea. Poffidonius defineth the c Laert.
Sun a moft pure fire, greater then the çarth, of a fphæricall fi-
gure (as a Cleanthes alſo affirmes) anfwerable to that of the d Stob.p.57%
world.
fcic.
* That the Sun is fiery, is manifeft in that it hath all the opera-e Ldert.
tions of fire; f and forafmuch as he is fire, it followeth that hee
muſt be nouriſhed. The Sun is nourished by exhalations from g Stob. p. 56.
the great Ocean.
Laert,
According to the expanſion of this fnbjected aliment, faith ʼn Stob.
Cleanthes, in his motion from Tropick to Tropick. He moveth in
a fpirall line, from the Equinoctiall towards the North, and to-
wards the South. Zeno faith, he hath two motions, one with i Stob.p. 57.
the
108
ZENO.
k Laert.
1 Laert.
59.
2. 13.
c Laert.
the World from Eaft to VVeft, the other contrary, through the
Signes.
K
That the Sun is greater then the Earth, appeareth in that it
enlightneth, not only all the Earth, but Heaven alfo. Again, the
ſhadow of the Earth being conicall, argues the Sun to be greater
then the Earth. Again, it is viſible every where by reaſon of its
magnitude.
The Sun is Eclipfed by interpofition of the Moon betwixt us
and that part of the Sun which is toward us (as Zeno in his book
of the Univerſe.) For meeting the Sun, and coming under him,
ſhe ſeemeth to darken his light, and afterwards to diſcloſe it a-
gain, as will appear in a baſin of water.
CHAP. X.
Of the Moon.
C
d
2 Stob. byf.p. IN the loweſt part of the æther is the Moon: The Moon (ac-
cording to Zeno is an intellectuall, wife, igneous, Star con-
fifting of artificiall fire. Cleanthes faith, fhe is of a fiery fubftance,
b Phyfiol. Stoic, and of a dirty figure. Lipfius for no, dirty, fubftitutes
wixed,as if of the fame figure, as a hat or cap. But perhaps there
needs no alteration, for they affirmed, as fhe is nearer to the
d Plut.plac. 2. Earth then the Sun, fo is fhe of a more terrene Nature. & Poffido-
25. Stob p. 59. nius and moſt of the Stoicks affirm, ſhe is mixt of fire and air, by
reaſon of which diverfity of fübftance ſhe is not fubject to cor-
ruption. To this mixtion of air in her compofition, they impute
likewiſe thoſe fpots which are ſeen in her face. She is greater
then the Earth, as well as the Sun is, and Sphæricall as the Sun,
yet apeareth in various figures,the full-Moon,firft quarter,New-
Moon, laſt quarter.
© P l.plac.Phil.
2.30.
f St. p. 60.
g Pl. Ph.2.
26.
h Stob. p.59.
i Laert:
k Laert.
1 Stob. p. 57.
f
e
↳ Chryfippus faith, fhe is a fire collected after the Sun, from
the exhalation of fresh Waters, for which caufe fhe is likewife
nouriſhed by them,as ¹ Poffidonius alfo afferteth.
i
m
k Her motion is fpiral; Zeno faith,ſhe hath two motions, as the
one with the World from East to west, the other contrary
m Stob. p. 59. through the fignes. The period of her courfe is called a
Monti; is, is likewife that part of the Moon which appeareth to
for one halfe of her is alwaies turned towards us.
Lacrt.
us,
The Moon is Eclipſed when ſhe falleth into the fhadow of the
earth. For although every month fhe is oppofite to the Sun, yet
The is then only eclipfed when the is fulleft, by reafon of the
obliquity of her courfe, whereby her latitude is varied towards
the north and fouth. When therefore fhe happens to be neer the
Ecliptick, and oppofite to the Sun, fhe is eclipfed; which hap-
pens ( as Poſſidonius ſaith) in Libra and Scorpio, and in Aries and'
+
Taurus.
ZENO.
109
Taurus. Thus Laertius, but Poffidonius feemes to have been igno-
rant of, or not to have confidered the motion of the Nodes of
the Moon (commonly called Caput & Cauda draconis) whereby
the reſtitution or period of Eclipfes is made in ninteen yeeres,
´(nara rò drogepester ) which was the ground of Meton's period, and
of the Cycle of the Moon, in the Julian Calender.
a
:
N
C
CHAP. XI.
of Aire.
ત
2
¿
Ext the fphear of the Moon (faith Chryfippus) is the element a Stob.
of Aire, interpofed betwixt the Sea and Heaven (ſpheri- b Cicer.
call in figure) confecrated by the name of Juno, Sifter and Laert.
Wife of Jupiter, who is the Ether; betwixt theſe there is a
neer conjunction.
e
d cic.
The Aire is divided into three regions, the higheft, the mid-estob, Phyf.
dle, and the loweſt. The highest region is the hotteſt and dryeſt,
and rareft, by reaſon of the vicinity of the eternall fires. Thè
loweſt and neereft to the earth is thick and caliginous; becauſe
it receiveth terrene exhalations. The middle region is more tem
perate then the higher and lower, as to ficcity and rarity, but
colder then both. This, wherein the clouds and winds are gene-
rated, is, according to Poffidonius, forty furlongs above the earth.
Next to it is the pure and liquid aire of untroubled light. From
the turbulent part to the Moon is twenty hundred thouſand
furlongs.
fTo the aire is attributed the primitive cold.
•f Laert,
$ As concerning things in the Aire. Winter is the rigour of the & Lari.
aire, next above the earth, occafion'd by the remoteneffe of the
Sun, and is the coldeft of the ſeaſons of the year. Spring is the
ſeaſon fucceeding Winter, preceding Summer, and is a good
temperature of the air, occafion'd by approach of the Sun. Sum-
mer is that feaſon of the year, when the aire above the earth is
warmed, by the Suns acceffe towards the north. Autumne that
feafon of the year which followeth Summer, and precedeth.
Winter, is made by the return of the Sun from us.
h
¹ Winter commeth, when the aire is predominant in thick-h Laéri.
neffe, and is forced upward: Summer, when the fire is predomi-
nant, and driven downward.
Phil. 3. 7.
i Winde is a fluxion of the aire, having feverall names, from i Plut, plac.
the variety of places; as for example: That which bloweth
from the darkneffe of the night, and Sun-fetting, is called Zephy-
rus; from the Eaft and Sun-rifing; Apelotes; from the North,
Boreas; from the South Lybs. It is occafion'd by the Sun's extek Lari.
nuation of the vapours.
'The
1
L
ZENO
110
1 Laert.
m Laert.
n Laert.
o Laert.
p Laert.
q Laert.
x Laert,
f Laert.
& Laert. Plut.
plac. Phil.3.3.
Stob. p. 65.
u Laert.
x Laert.
a Stob.
The Rainbow is a reflection of the Sun's beams from a humid
cloude: or, as Poffidonius, an apparition of part of the Sun or
Moon in a cloud, dewy, concave, and continuous to the planta-
fy, as in a looking-glaffe, the reprefentation of a Circle.
ṁ
Comets are fires fubfifting of thick air, carried up to the
ætheriall place.
I
zies is an accenfion of fuddain fire, fwiftly carried through
the air, appearing length-waies.
• Rain is a converfion of clouds into water, when either from
the Earth, or from the Sea, by the power of the Sun, the hu-
mour is drawn upwards ineffectually.
P Froft is congealed rain.
9 Hail is a concrete cloud, difperfed by the winde.
Snow is humidity, from a concrete cloud, according to Pof-
fidonius.
1
Lightning is an accenfion of clouds, which are driven by the
winds upon one another, and broken, according to Zeno.
Thunder is a noiſe occafion'd by the colliſion of clouds.
"Thunderbolt is a ſtrong inflammation, rufhing upon the earth
with great violence, when the clouds by impuliion of the winds
are broken againſt one another. Some define it a converfion of
fiery inflamed aire, violently rufhing down.
*
* Typho is a violent Thunder, thruft down with a great force
of winde, or a ſmoaking winde, which ruſheth down upon the
breaking of the cloud.
Prefter is a cloud inclofed with fire by winde in the concavi-
ties of the earth: There are many kinds thereof, Earthquakes,
Chafma's, and the like.
D
TH
CHAP. XII. ·
Of Water and Earth.
a
Hat part of the world (faith ª Chryfippus) which is the moſt
folid fupport of nature, as bones are in a living creature, is
called the earth: About this the water is evenly diffuſed. The
earth hath fome uneven parts arifing out of the water, called
Iflands, or, if of large extent, Continents, from the ignorance
of man, who knowes not, that even thoſe are Iſlands, in respect
of the great Ocean.
>
The earth is in the midft, being in the nature of a Center
b Plut. plac. bone and finite, ſphericall in figure. The water is likewife
€ Plut plafphericall, having the fame center with the earth.
Phil.3.9.Laert
Phil: 3. 10.
The earth hath five Zones, one northern, beyond the Artick
Circle,uninhabitable through extremity of cold:another tempe-
rate; a third not habitable by reafon of extream heat, whence
it
1
III
ZENQ.
*
it is called Torrid; a fourth temperate, a fift fouthern, not habi-
table by reafon of cold. But Pofidomus conceiveth the Climate Cleomed:
under the Equinoctiall to be temperates for, faith he, under the
Tropicks where the Sun dwells longeft, the places are habitable,
and why not then under the Equator? Again, the night being
equall to the day, affordeth leifure enough for refrigeration,
which is affifted likewife by fhowers and winds.
*The generation of the world began from the earthy as from* Stob.
the Center; for the Center is the beginning of a fphear.
Plants have not any foul at all, but fpring up of themſelves, & Plut. plac
'd
Phil. 5. 26.
as it were by chance.
5
CHAP. XIII.
Of Miſtion and Temperament.
Chryfippus afferteth a
Hryfippus afferteth a * Spirit moving it ſelfe to it felfe, and a Stob. Phys.
from it felfe, or a ſpirit moving it felfe backwards and for- 20.
wards. He calleth it fpirit, as being moved aire, anſwering in
fomé proportion to the Ether, fo that it both meets in one; and
this motion is only according to thoſe who think, that all na-
ture receiveth mutation, folution, compofition, and the like.
Compofition, mixtion, temperament, and confufion are different.
Compofition is a contract of bodies, whofe fuperficies are con-
tiguous to one another, as in heaps of grain of fand. Mixtion is
of two or more bodies, whofe qualities are diffuſed through the
whole, as we fee in fire, and red hot iron, and in our own foules;
for every where there is a diffufion through entire bodies, fo as
one body doth paffe through another, Temperament is of two
or more humid bodies, whofe qualities are diffuſed through the
whole. Mixtion is affo common to drie bodies, as to fire and
iron, to the foul and the body, temperament only to the humid.
For qualities appear from the temperament of feverall humid
things, as of wine, honey, water, vinegar, and the like; that in
fuch temperament, the qualities of the things tempered re-
main, is evident from this, that oftentimes they are by fome
art feparated from one another. For, if we put a fpunge dipped
in oyle into wine mixt with water, the water, feparating it felfe
from the wine, will gather to the fpunge. Laftly, confuſion is
the tranfmutation of two or more qualities into another of a
different nature, as in compofition of Unguents and Medicines,
4
PPPPP
CHAP
112
ZENO.
CHAP. XIV.
Of Generation and Corruption.
1
•
2 Sitob. Phyf. a)
*Poſſidonius afferteth foure fpecies of generation and corrup-
1
1
"}
tion, of things that are into things that are(for that of things
that are not, and of things that are, not he rejected, conceiving
there is none fuch.) Of tranfmutations into things that are, one
is by divifion, another by alteration, a third by confufion, a
fourth of the whole by refolution. Of theſe, alteration concern-
eth the ſubſtance, the other three are of the qualities which in-
here in the ſubſtance. According to thefe are generations made.
But the fubftance it felfe is neither augmented nor diminiſhed
by appofition or detraction, but is only altered as happeneth to
numbers and meaſures. But in things properly qualited, as Dion
and Theon, there is augmentation and diminution, wherefore
the quality of each remaineth from the generation untill the
corruption thereof, in plants and living creatures which are ca-
pable of corruption. In things properly qualited, 'he afferted
two fufceptible parts; one, according to the fubftance, another
according to the quality: This, as we have often faid, admit-
teth augmentation and diminution. Neither is the thing pro-
perly qualited, and the fubftance out of which it is, all one, nor
divers, but only, not all one, becauſe the fubftance is a part, and
Occupateth the fame place; but things that are divers have di-
ftinct places, and are not confider'd in part. That as to the thing
properly qualited, and as to the fubftance, it is not the fame
Mnefarchus affirmeth to be evident, becauſe it is neceffary, that
to the fame happen the fame things. For if, for example, a man
having formed a horſe, ſhould break it, and make a dog, we
would prefently, beholding it, fay, this was not before, but it is
now: Soare the qualited and the fubftance divers. Neither is it
likely that we ſhould all be the fame as to fubftance, for it often
happens, that the fubftance is preexiftent to the generation, as
the fubftance of Socrates was, before Socrates was; and after the
corruption and death of Socrates, the fubftance remaineth
though Socrates himfelfe be not.
a Stob.
!
CHAP. XV.
↓
}
}
› Of Motion.
Otion (according to Chryfippus) is a mutation of parts,
either in whole or in parts, or an exceffion out of place,
either in whole or in part, or a change according to place, or
figure.
ZENO.
113
figure. Jaculation is a vehement motion from on high. Reft is partly
a privation of motion in a body, partly the fame habit of a body
before and after. There are two firft motions, right and oblique';
from the mixtion of theſe arifeth great variety of motions.
b Zeno affirmes the parts of all things confifting by themfelves b Sub.
are moved towards the midle of the whole, and likewife of the
World it felf; wherefore it is rightly faid, that all parts of the
World tend to the midle thereof, and principally the heavy, and
that there is the fame caufe of the rest of the World in the infi-
nite vacuity, and of the reft of the Earth, in the World, in the
midft of which it is conftituted as a point. All bodies have not
gravity, as air, and fire; yet theſe in ſome manner tend to the
midſt of the World.
"OF
CHAP. XVI.
Of Living Creatures.
Fanimate Creatures there are two kinds(for Plants as weea Plut.Pl. PÅ-
faid have no fouls) fome are appetitive and concupifcible,
others rationall. The Soul, according to Zeno, Antipater and
Piffidonius, is a hot fpirit, for hereby we breath and move. Clean-
thes faith, we live fo long as that heat holdeth.
12
Every foul hath fenſe and is a ſpirit innate in us, wherefore
it is a body, and fhall not continue after death; yet is it by Na-
ture corruptible, notwithſtanding, that it is a part of the Soul of
the Univerſe which is incorruptible: Yet fome hold, that the leffe
firm Souls, fuch as are thofe of the unlearned, perish at the diffo-
lution of the body, the ftronger,as thofe of the wife and virtuous,
ſhall laſt even untill the generall conflagration.
5 The Soul hath eight parts, whereof five are the Sences, the b Laert. Plut.
fixth generative, the ſeventh Vocall, the eighth Hegemonick. plac.phil. 4. 4.
The Supream or Hegemonick part of the Soul, is that which c Plut. place
maketh Phantafies, affent, fenfe, appetite. This Supreme part is phil. 4. 4.
called Ratiocination; it is feated in the Heart; fome fay in the a Plut. plac.
Head, as in its ſphear.
e
ત
phil. 4. 4.
From the Hegemonick iffue and are extended to the body e Plut. plac.
the feven other parts, which it guideth by their proper Organs, phil. 4. 21.
as a fifh its claws.
Senfe is an apprehenfion by the Senfitive Organ, or a compre-
henfion. Senfe is taken many waies; For the faculty, habit, act,
phantafic, whereby the fenfible object is comprehended, and the
Hegemonick parts of the Soul are called Senfe. Again, the senfo-
ries are intelligent fpirits, diffuſed from the Hegemonick to the f Plut. plac
Organs. The fenfes are Sight, Hearing, Smell, Taft, Touch. phil. 4. 21.
5. Sight is a ſpirit extended from the Hegemonick part to the
f
Ppppp 2
Eies.
Plut. plac
phil 4. 21.
114
ZENO.
iPlut. Pl. Ph.
4.21.
k Plac. Phil.
4. 2I.
1 Plut, ibid.
m Plut, ibidt
n Plut.ibid.
o Plut, ibid.
P Plut.Pl.
Ph.4. 19.
Eies. Sight is made by contraction of that light which is between
the eye and the object into a Cone, according to Chryfippus. Apol-
lodorus faith, that part of the Air which is Conicall is next the
fight, the Baſe next the Object; fo as that which is ſeen is point-
ed out to by the Air as by a ſtick.
Colour is the first figuration or habit of matter.
Darkneſſe is vifible, for from the fight there iffuetha fplendor
which paffeth round about that darkneffe. Neither is the fight
deceived, for it truly fees that it is dark. Chryfippus faith, that we
fee according to the intention of the mediate air, which is ftruck
by the viſuall ſpirit, which paffeth from the Hegemonick to the
apple of the eye, and, after that blow, falleth upon the car next',
extending it felf in a Conicall figure. Again, from the eye are
emitted fiery raies, not black or dusky, and therefore darkneffe
is viſible.
i Hearing is a fpirit extended from the Hegemonick part to
the Ears. Hearing is made when the Air betwixt the ſpeaker and
hearer is verberated in a circulation, and at laſt by agitation,
paffeth in at the Ears, as the circles that are made in a pond, by
cafting in aftone.
* Smelling, is a ſpirit extended from the Hegemonick to the
noftrils.
است
¹Tafting is a fpirit extended from the Hegemonick to the
Tongue.
m
Touching is a fpirit, extended from the Hegemonick part to
the fuperficies, ſo that it perceiveth that which is obliged to it.
"The fixt part of the Soul is the Generative, which is afpirit
from the Hegemonick to the Paraftate; of this part, fee Laertius
from avipua N´éyvom învas,&c. tỏ wsi opãïç☺, and Plutarch de Philofoph:
Plac. lib. 5. cap. 4, 5, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 23.
• The feventh and laft part of the Soul, is that which Zeno
calls vocall, commonly called the Voice. It is a ſpirit proceeding
from the Hegemonick part to the throat, tongue, and other pro-
per Inftruments of fpeech. P Voice is Air, not compofed of little
pieces, but whole and continuous, having no vacuity in it. This
Air being ſtruck by the wind, fpreadeth into circles infinitely
untill the Air round about it be filled like the Water in a pond
by throwing in of a ftone, only the Water moves fpherically, the
Air circularly. Voice is a body, for it acteth, it ftriketh upon,
and leaveth an impreffion in our Ear, as a feal in Wax. Again,
whatſoever moveth and difturbeth fome affection is a body; Har-
mony moveth with delight, difcord diſturbeth. Again, whatfo-
ever is moved is a body, but Voice is moved and reverberated
from fmooth places, as a ball againſt a Wall. So in the Ægyptian
Pyramids, one Voice is redoubled four or five times.
CHAP.
•
*
H
God.
[
+
ZENOS
CHAP. XVII.
of God.
}
1
;
•
Itherto of the Material principle, and that which is produ-
ced of it, we come now to the other principle, the Agent,
as
*This queſtion they divide into four parts; first, that there are a cic. nat.deor.
Gods, fecondly, what they are;thirdly that they order the world ; lib. 2.
fourthly, that they take care of humane affairs. 1
} Del
Cleanthes faith, that the notions of God are imprinted in the cic, ibid.
minds of men from four caufes. First, from Divination, for the
Gods afford us fignes of future things, wherein if there be any
mistake, it is not from their part, bur from the errour of humane
conjecture. The fecond is from the multitude of good things wee
receive by the temperature of Heaven, the fertility of the Earth,
and abundance of other benefits. The third from the Terrour of
Thunder, Tempeft Rain, Snow, Hail, Devaftation, Peftilence,
Earthquakes, and fomtimes groanings, fhowers of ftones and
blood, Portents, Prodigies, Comets and the like; with which
men are affrighted into a belief, that there is a heavenly divine
power. The fourth and greateft caufe is the æquability of the
motion and reyolution of Heaven, the Sun, Moon and ſtarres,
their diftinctions, variety, beauty, order, the very fight whereof
declares that they were not made by chance.
That there are Gods Chryfippus proveth thus: "If there is ſome- b cic. ibid.
thing in Nature, which the mind, reafon, power, and faculties
of man could not make, that which did make it is better then
Man; but Celeſtiall things, and all thoſe, whoſe order is fempi-
ternal, could not be made by Man; there is therefore fomthing
which made them, which is better then Man and what is that
but God? For if there are no Gods, what can there be in Nature
better then Man, for in him only is reaſon, then which nothing
is more excellent? But for a man to think that there is nothing in
the World better then himfelf, is a fooliſh arrogance. Therefore
there is fomthing better, and confequently there is a God.
,
Zeno more concifely thus; That which is rationall is better c Cic. ibid.
then that which is irrationall, but nothing is better then the
World, therefore the World is rationall. In like manner may be
proved that the World is wife, that it is happy, that it is eter-
nall, for all theſe are better then the want of theſe; But there
is nothing better then the World; whence it followeth that the
World is God.
Again, he argues thus. No part of an infenfible thing hath
fenfe; but the parts of the World have ſenſe, therefore the
World hath fenfe.
He
1
116
ŽENOS
?
^
He proceedeth to urge this more ftrictly: Nothing, faith he,
that is void of minde and reaſon, cart of it felfe generate that
which is animate and rationall; but the world generates ani-
mate and rationall creatures, therefore the world is animate
and rationall.
+
T
*
Likewife, according to his cuftome, he concludeth his argu-
ment with a ſimilitude: If out of an Olive-tree ſhould come har-
monious Pipes, that made Mufick, you would not doubt, bur
that the fcience of Mufick were in the Olive tree. What if a
Plain-tree ſhould bear Muficall inftruments, you would think
there were muſick in thoſe Plain-trees: Why then ſhould we
not judge the world to be animate and wife, that produceth but
of it felfe animate and wife creatures.
1
IT.
!!!
2
There is nothing befides the world which wanteth nothing
and which is perfect and compleat in all its numbers and
parts:
for as the cover, faith Chryfippus, was made for the fhield's fake,
and the ſcabberd for the words; fo befides the world, all other
things were made for the fake of fomething elfe. Fruites of the
earth were made for living creatures, living irrationall creatures
for the ufe of man, horfes for carriage, oxen for tillage, dogs
for hunting and defences but, man hamfelfe was made to con-
template and imitate the world. Not that he is at all perfect,
but only a part of that which is perfect. But the world it felfe,
forafmuch as it comprehendeth all things, neither is there any
thing which is not in it, is every way perfect. What therefore
can be wanting to that which is beft? But, there is nothing bet-
ter then the minde and reaſon, therefore thefe cannot be wan-
ting to the world.
d Plut. Pl. Ph..
1.6.
Chryfippus addeth this compariſon: As all things are beft in the
moſt perfect and mature creatures, as in a Horfe better then in
a Colt, in a Dog better then in a Whelp, in a Man better then
in a Child: So that which is beft in all the world, muſt be in
that which is perfect and abfolute; but, then the world, no-
thing is more perfect, nothing better then vertue, therefore the
world hath proper vertue. The nature of man is not perfect s
yet, in man there is vertue, how much more then in the world
The world therefore hath vertue, therefore it is wife, and con-
fequently God.
Thus the notion and apprehenfion men have of God, is,
firſt, by conceiving the beauty of thofe things which are obje-
cted to their eyes, for no beautifull thing hath been made by
chance and adventure, but compofed and framed by fome inge-
nious and operative art. Now that the heaven is beautifull, ap-
peareth by the form, colour, and bigneffe thereof, by the va
riety alfo of ſtarres difpofed therein. Moreover, the world is
round in manner of a ball, which figure of all others, is princi-
pall and moſt perfect, for it alone`reſembleth all the parts; for
being
ZENQ
117
being round it felfe, it hath the parts alſo round.
e
As to the fecond part of the queftion, God is an immortalle Laert.
being, rationall, perfect, or intellectuall in Beatitude, voide of
all evill, provident over the world, and things in the world,
not of human form, maker of all, and as it were father of all.
f They define God a fpirit full of intelligence, of a fiery na-
ture, having no proper form, but transforming himselfe into
whatfoever he pleafeth, and refembling all things.
We underſtand by God, faith Antipater, a living nature of
fubftance, happy, incorruptible, doing good to mankinde. All
men acknowledge the Gods immortall. They who deprive the
Gods of beneficence, have an imperfect notion of them, as they
likewiſe, who think they are fubject to generation and corrup-
Y
tion.
f Elut. Pl. Ph.
'I 6:
8 Yer, are there fome Gods, faith Chryfippus, generative and & Pl. contred.
mortall, as well as there are others ingenerate: [The world, h Stob.
ftarres, and earth are Gods, but the fupream God is the ætheri-
all minde, Jupiter.] The fun, moon, and other ſuch like Gods
were begotten; but Jupiter is eternall. Other Gods ufe a certain
nouriſhment, whereby they are maintained equally; but Jupiter
and the world after another fort then the generated, which fhall
be confumed by fire. Jupiter groweth continually, untill fuch
time as all things be confumed in him, death being the fepara-
tion of the foul and body; for feeing that the foul of the world
never departeth at all, but augmenteth continnally, untill it
have confumed all the matter within it felfe, we cannot ſay that
the world dieth.
}
iThe fubftance of God', Zeno affirmnes to be the whole World i Laert.
and Heaven, fo alfo Chryfippus in his art of the Gods; and Poffi-
dopius in his firft of the Gods. But Antipater in his 7th of the
world, affirmes his fubftance to be aeriall. Boethius in his book of
nature, faith, the fubftance of God is the fphear of fixed ftars.
Sometimes they call him a nature containing the world, Tome-
times a nature producing all upon earth.
2 7
་ :
As concerning the third part of the queſtion, they affirm, that
God is an operative artificiall fire, methodically ordering and k Plut.
effecting the generation of the world, comprehending inbim-
felfe all prolifick reafon, by which every thing is produced ac-
cording to Fate. God is a Spirit, diffufed through the whole
world, having feverall denominations, according to the feverall
parts of the matter through which he fpreadeth, and the feve- 1 Laers.
rall effects of his power hewn therein. They call him, as
Stor rarla, by whom all things area, as the author of
Jife. Minervas as diffufed through the ether; and, as through mould be dry-
m Perhaps it
fould άτεχ
the aire alan, as through the artificiall fire Neptune, as vinde though
through the water; Ceres, as through the earth. In like manner Efchylus af
the rat of His names were impofed, with respect to fome proper-Vulcan, may
2
P
cribe this to
ty. τέχνον πυρ.
J
118 1
ZENO.
n Cic
• Cic.
ty. "This place was firft difcourfed upon by Zenol, after whom,
Cleanthes and Chryfippus dilated more largely upon
it.
By this Providence, the World, and all parts of the World,
were in the beginning conftituted, and are în all time ordered.
This diſputation they divided into three parts: The firſt,from the
fame reaſon that teacheth us there are Gods; inferreth, that the
World is ordered by them,feeing that there is nothing higher or
more excellent, then this adminiltration. The fecond, from that
reaſon which teacheth us, that all things are fubjected to an
underſtanding nature, and exquifitely ordered by it, inferreth,
that it is generated of animate principles. The third place is de-
rived from admiration of celeftiall and terreftriall things. Upon
theſe, Cicero diſcourſeth at large, according to the opinion of the
Stoicks.
p Agcl. lib. 6.
cap. I.
As to the fourth part of the queftion in generall concerning
the Gods, that they have a particular providentiall care of
man-kinde, it is manifeft, in that whatſoever is in this world
was made for the uſe of man, and is conducible thereunto; and
if for the whole fpecies, they muſt conſequently have the fame
care of particulars, which they expreffe by many portents, and
all thofe fignes whereupon the art of Divination depends. There
was never any great perfon without fome divine infpiration.
But we must not argue from hence, that if the corn or vine-
yard of any man be hurt by a Tempeft, or Fortune deprive him
of any of the conveniencies of life, that he to whom this hath
happened, may be judged to be hated or neglected of God. The
Gods take care of great things, the little they neglect; but to
great perfons all things have alwaies a happy iffue.
* Chryfippus în his fourth Book of Providence faith, there is no-
thing more ignorant, nothing more fordid then thofe perfons
who think, good might have been without ill. For, Good and Ill
being contraries, it is neceffary, that both confift together mu-
tually, fuftaining one another, as it were by oppofition. For
how could we underſtand, Justice, unleffe there were Injuries ?
What is Juſtice, but a privation of Injuftice? How can Fortitude
be underſtood, but by oppofition to Fear? How Continence, but
~from Intemperance? How Prudence, if there were not Imprudence?
Why do not thefe fooles defire that Truth might be without Fal-
flood? Such are good and ill, happineſſe and mifery, griefe and plea-
fures one is tyd to the other, as Plato fayes, by their contrary
• ♬
-ends.
Agel. ibid. Here followeth the question,, whether that Providence
which framed the world and mankinde, did make likewife
thofe corporeall infirmities and fickneffes which men fuffer.
Chryfippus affirmeth it was not the intent of Nature-to make men
obnoxious to ſickneffe: For this agreeth not with the Author of
Nature, and Parent of all good things; but he having genera-
ted
ZENO.
119
ted many great things, moft apt and ufefull, other things alfo,
incommodious to thofe which he made, were aggenerated toge-
ther with them, coherent to them, made, not by Nature, but
certain neceffary conſequence, xara rapaxonbun As,faith he,when
Nature framed the bodies of Men,more ſubtle reaſon & the bene-
fit of the World,would have required that the head fhould have
been made of the ſmalleſt and thin bones; but this utility would
have been followed by another extrinfecall inconvenience of
greater confequence, that the head would be too weakly defen-
ded, and broken with the leaſt blow. Sickneſſes therefore and
diſeaſes are engendred whilft health is engendred.In like manner
faith he, whilft Vertue is begotten in Man, by the counſell of Na-
ture, vices like wife are begotten by contrary affinity.
NE
CHAP. XVIII.
of Nature.
28. Laext,
[Ext Jupiter, Poffidonius placeth Nature. By Nature they a Plut. Plac.1.
fomtimes underſtand that which containeth the World
fomtimes, that which produceth things upon Earth; both which,
as we faid, is to be underſtood of God. For that Nature which
containeth and preſerveth the World,hath perfect fence and rea-
fon, which power is the Soul of the World, the mind and divine
Wiſdom. Thus under the terme of Nature, they comprehend b Lallant. lib.
both God and the World, affirming that the one cannot be with- 7.cap.3...
out the other, as if Nature were God permeating through the
World, God the mind of the World, the World the body of
God. This Chryfippus calleth Common-Nature in diftin&ion from cplat:
particular Nature.
с
Nature is defined by Zeno an artificial fire, proceeding in the & Laert.'
way of generation, which is the fiery ſpirit, the Artiſt of formes;
by others, a habit receiving motion from it ſelf, according to pro-
lifick reafon,and effecting and containing thoſe things which fub-
fift by it, in certain definite times, producing all things, from
which it ſelf is diſtinct by Nature, propofing to it felf theſe two
ends, Utility and Pleaſure, as is manifeft from the porduction of
man.
Q qqq q
CHAP
120
ZENO.
}
a Stob.1.9.
Plut.
b Plut. PhPh.
1.28.
c Laert.
d Stob:
e Stob.
f Agel.
g Stob.
h Pl. Pl.Ph. I.
27.
a
CHAP. XIX.
of Fate.
THe third from Jupiter (according to Puffidonius) is Fate, for
Jupiter is firſt, next Nature, then Fate.
#
b They call Fate a concatenation of Cauſes,that is,an order and
connexion which cannot be tranfgreffed.
Fate is a caufe depending on Laws, and ordering by Laws, or
a reaſon; by which the World is ordered.
C
• Fate is, according to Zeno, the motive power of matter, diſ-
pofing ſo and fo, not much differing from Nature and Pro-
vidence.
ત
d Panatius affirmeth Fate to be God.
e
* Chryfippus defineth Fate a fpirituall power, governing the
World orderly; or, fa fempiternall and indeclinable feries and
chain of things, it ſelf, rolling and implicating it felf by eternall
orders of confequence, of which it is adapted and connected; or,
as Chryfippus again in his Book of Definitions hath it, s The reafon
of the World, or Law of all things in the World, governed by
Providence; or the reaſon why things paft have been, the preſent
are, the future fhall be. For Reaſon, he ufeth Truth, Caufe, Na-
ture, Neceffity, and other termes, as attributed to the fame thing
in different refpects. Fate from the feverall diftributions thereof,
is called Clotho, Lachefis and Atropos. Lachefis, as it difpenfeth to e-
very one, as it were by lot; Atropos, as it is an immutable difpen-
fation, from all eternity; Clotho, in allufion to the refemblance it
hath with ſpinning and twifting of Threads.
Neceffity is a caufe invincible, moft violent, and inforcing all
things. Fortune is a Cauſe unknown and hidden to humane rea-
i Pl. Ph.1.29. fon. For fome things come by Neceffity, others by Fate, fome by
deliberate Counſel, others by Fortune, fome by Cafualty.
k Pl. Ph.1.27.
1 Laert.
k
* But Fate,being a connexion of Caufes interlaced and linked or-
derly, comprifeth alſo that caufe proceedeth from us.
m
1 That all things are done by Fate, is afferted by Zeno in his
Book of Fate, and Poffidonius in his fecond Book of Fate, and Boe-
m Cic.de Fato, thus in his 11th of Fate. Which Chryfippus proves thus. If there
is
any
motion without a caufe, then every axiom is not either
true or falfe, for that which hath not efficient cauſes, will be nei-
ther true nor falſe; but every axiom is either true or falſe
therefore there is no motion without a caufe. And if fo, then all
things that are done, are done by precedent cauſes, and if ſo, all
things are done by Fate. That all axioms are either true or falſe,
Cicero faith, he labour'd much to prove, whereby he takes away,
Poffibles
,
ZENO:
121
poffibles, indeterminates, and other diſtinctions of the Academicks,
of which fee Alcinous, Chap. 26.
n
In anſwer to the fluggish reafon, if it be your fate to die of a cic.de fato.
this fickneffe, you fhall die whether you have a Phyfician or no;
and if it be your fate to recover, you fhall recover whether you
have a Phyfitian or not. Chryfippus faith, that in things fome are
Simple, fome conjunct. Simple is thus, Socrates fhall die on ſuch a
day; for whether he do any thing or not, it is appointed he
fhould die on ſuch a day. But if it be deftind thus, Laius fhall
have a fon Oedipus, it cannot be faid, whether he accompany
with a woman or not, for it is a conjunct thing, and confatall, as
he termes it, becauſe it is deftin'd that Laius fhall lie with his
wife, and that he fhall get Oedipus of her. As if we ſhould ſay,
Milo fhall wraftle at the Olympick Games, and another ſhould
infer, then he thall wraftle whether he have an adverſary or
no, he were miſtaken; for that he fhall wraftle is a conjunct
thing, becauſe there is no wraftling without an adverſary. Thus
are refelled all fophifmes of this kinde (you fhall recover whe-
ther you have a Phyfician or not) for it is no leffe determined by
fate that you ſhall have a Phyſician, than that you ihall recover.
They are confatall.
Thus there being two opinions of the old Philofophers; one,
that all things are fo done by Fate, that Fate inferreth a power
of Neceffitie, as Democritus, Heraclitus, Empedocles, and Aristotle
held; the other, that the motions of our fouls were voluntary
without any Fate: Chryfippus, as an honourable Arbitratour,
took the middle way betwixt thefe, but, inclining meft to thofe
who conceived the motions of our fouls free from neceffitie.
The Antients, who held all things to be done by Fate, faid,
it was by a violence and neceffitie; thoſe who were of the con-
trary opinion, denyed, that Fate had any thing to do with our
affent, and that there was no neceffitie impofed upon affents.
They argued thus: If all things are done by Fate, all things are
done by an antecedent caufe, and if appetite, then likewife
thofe things which follow appetite, therefore affents alfo. But,
if the caule of appetite is not in us, neither is the appetite it
felfe in our power, and if fo, neither thoſe things which are
effected by appetite are in our power, and confequently neither
affents nor actions are in our power; whence it followeth, that
neither praiſe can be juft, nor difpraife, nor honour, nor pu-
niſhment; but this is falfe, therefore all things are not done by
Fate.
But Chryfippus not allowing this neceffity, yet maintaining that
nothing happened without precedent caufes, diftinguifheth thus.
Of Cauſes, faith he, fome are perfect and principall, others af-
fiftant and immediate. When we fay, all things are done by
Fate, from antecedent cauſes, we underſtand not the perfect
Qqq93 2
and
鹰
​122
ZENO.
1
o Agell. 6. 2.
and principall cauſes, but the affiftent and immediate. He there-
fore anfwers the former objection thus If all things are done
by Fate, it followeth, that all things be done by antecedent
cauſes, but not by the principall and perfect, but by the affiftent
and immediate, which though they be not in our power, it fol-
loweth not, that the appetite likewife is in our power. This Ar-
gument therefore concludes well againſt thoſe who joyne ne-
ceffity with Fate, but nothing againſt thoſe who affert antece-
dent caufes not perfect nor principall. What affent is, and how
it commeth to be in our power, we have already fhewn in the
Logick.
Hence it followeth, that notwithſtanding that all things are
neceffarily coacted and connected by Fate, with a certain prin-
cipall reafon ; yet (faith Chryfippus our mindes are fo obnoxious
to Fate, as their property and quality is. For, if at the firſt by
nature they were formed foundly and profitably, all that power
which commeth upon them extrinfecally from Fate, they tranf-
mit easily and inoffenfively; but, if they are harsh, ignorant, and
rude, not ſupported by any helps of good art, although they are
preffed by little or no conflict of fatall incommodity, yet by
their own unluckineffe, and voluntary impulfion, they rush into
continuall fins and errours, which thing maketh that this na-
turall and neceffary conſequence of things, which is called Fate,
be by this reaſon. For it is, as it were, fatall, and confequent in
its kinde, that wicked minds ſhould not be without fins and
errours, an inſtance whereof he bringeth not unappofite. As,
faith he, a rolling ftone, if you turn it down a fteep place, you
firft give it the cauſe and beginning of its precipitation, but af-
terwards it rolleth headlong of it felfe; not that you make it do
fo any longer, but becauſe its figure, and the volubility of its
form is fuch. In like manner, order, and reafon, and neceffitie,
moveth the beginnings of cauſes; but the impetuoufneffe of our
thoughts and mindes, and our own actions, are guided by every
mans private will and minde. Thence continueth he, the Py-
thagoreans ſay,
Men of their own accord their ills procure.
As conceiving that all ills proceed from themfelves, and ac-
cording to their own appetites when they fin and offend, and ac-
cording to their own minde and figne.
For this reaſon he denyeth, that we ought to fuffer and hear
fuch wicked, or idle, or noxious, or impudent perfons, who be-
ing taken in ſome fault and wickedneffe, have recourſe to the
neceffity of Fate, as to a Sanctuary, affirming that they have done
wickedly, is not to be attributed to their temerity, but to Fate.
CHAP.
ZENON
123
CHAP. XX.
Of Not-Bodies, or Incorporealls; and firft of Dicibles.
Hitherto of Bodies, we come next to the ſecond place of Phy-
fick, concerning Not-Bodies, or Incorporealls. Incorporeall
a
is that which may be, but is not contained in bodies. Of thoſe a Sext. Emper:
there are four kinds, Dicibles, Vacuum, Place, and Time.
Dicible is that which confifteth according to rationall phan-
taſy, a mean betwixt notion and thing. Of this already in the
Logick.
}
CHAP. XXI.
Of Vacnum and Place:
He fecond incorporeall is Vacuum, which is the folitude or
vacuity of a body. In the world there is no vacuum, neither
in the whole nor in any part: Beyond it there is an infinite vacu-
ity, into which the world fhall be refolved. Of this already in
the Chapter concerning the world.
Next is Place: Place is that which is fully occupated by the
body; or, as Chryfippus defines it, that which is or may
may be occu-
pated by one or more things. Thus it differs from vacuity, which
hath no body, and from ſpace, which is occupated but in part,
as a veffell halfe full of wine.
L
CHAP. XXII.
Of Time.
Aft of the Incorporcalls is Time. Time is, according to ma-
ny of the Stoicks, the motion of it felfe, not of heaven, and
had no beginning of generation. Chryfippus faith, that Time is the
meaſure of flowneffe or fwiftneffe., Zeno defined it the intervall
of motion, and meaſure of flowneffe and fwiftneffe, according to
which, all things were and are.
Puffidonius faith, that fome are wholly infinite, as all Time;
fome only in part, as the paft and future; for they are joyned to-
gether by the prefent. He defined Time the intervall of motion,
or the meaſure of fwiftneffe and flowneffe, one part of it being
preſent, the other future, the prefent connected to the future by
fomething like a point. It is called, attributed to the leaſt
part of Time that falleth under fenfe, fubfifting according to the
difference of paſt and future.
Chry-
124
ZENO.
Chryfippus faith, that Time is the intervall of motion, the
meaſure of ſwiftneffe and flowneffe, a confequent intervall to
the worlds motion, according to which all things are, and are
moved, unleffe rather there be a two-fold Time, as the Earth
and Sea, and Vacuity and Univerſe, have the fame names with
their parts. And as vacuity is every way infinite, fo Time is both
waies infinite, for the preſent and future have no end. He like-
wife afferts, that no entire prefent is Time, for continuous things
being divided into infinite, Time likewiſe admitteth of the fame
divifion; fo that no Time is properly prefent, but fo called, after
a leffe accurate manner. The prefent only is fubfiftent, unleffe it
be underſtood as of Categorems;. as walking is attributed to
him that walketh, but not to him that fitteth or lyeth. Thus
much for the STOICALL PHILOSOPHY.
CLEAN:
125
CLEANTHES
CAP. I.
His Life.
Leanthes was of Affus an Æolian City (forti- Laert.
fied, as Strabo deſcribes it, both by Nature
and Art) fonne of Phanias. He was firſt ac-
cording to Antisthenes a wraftler, and come-
ing to Athens, having no more then four
Drachms, he apply'd himſelf firſt to Crates,
then to Zenc,whom he heard conftantly,and
perfevered in his Philofophy and Opinions.
He was much commended for his laborioufneffe, in as much as
being poor, he went by night to the Gardens to draw water, and
in the day time ftudied Philofophy.Hence he was called právy\ns.
The drawer of water.
Being cited to the Court to give an account how he lived, be-
ing fo healthfull and lufty, hee produced the Gardener, under
whom he drew water, and a woman for whom he ground meal,
to witneffe how he fubfifted. The Areopagites wondring hereat,
allotted him 10.mina,which Zeno would not fuffer him to accept.
Antigonus gave him 3000. mine. On a time leading fome young
men to a fpectacle,the wind blew back his Cloak, and difcovered
that he had no Coat; whereupon the Athenians much applauded
him, and, as Demetrius the Magnesian faith, beſtowed a Coat upon
him.
Antigonus, who was his Auditor, asked him why he drew wa- Laert. Plută
ter, he anſwer'd, Do 1 only draw water? Do I not alfo dig and water
the ground, and all for the fake of Philofophy? For Zeno brought him
up to this, and bad him bring him an obolus gained by his labour.
Upon a time he brought in his gains before all his Difciples,
faying, Cleanthes, If he would, could maintain another Cleanthes; but
they who have wherewithall to maintain themſelves, would be fupply'd by
others; yet ftudy Philofophy nothing the more diligently.Hence Cleanthes
was called a fecond Hercules, He was very laborious, but dull and
flow.
He
126
a Laert.
CLEANTHES
He uſed to write the dictates of Zeno in fhells, and the ſhoul-
der-blades of Oxen, for want of money to buy paper. He was
his auditor 19. years.
For theſe reaſons, though Zeno had many other eminent Diſ-
ciples, yet he fucceeded him in the School.
a
НЬ
CHAP. II.
His Apophthegmes.
Is Fellow-Difciples derided him, he took it patiently, and
being called Affe, anfwered, he onely could bear Zeno's
burthen.
Another time being reproached as timerous,therefore, faith he,
I fin little.
1
Preferring his own Poverty before the plenty of the richs whilft
they, faith he, Play at Ball, I manure a hard barren foil.
He often chid himſelf, being all alone, which Aristo overhea-
ring; whom, faith he, do you chide, he fmiling, anſwered, a grey-
beaded old fellow without wit.
To one that faid Arcefilaus abrogated the offices of lifes peace,
faith he, difpraife him not, for though he take away offices in
diſcourſe, he commends them in his actions; To whom Arcefilaus
faying, I cannot endure flattery; I do indeed flatter, replies Clean-
thes, when I say, you speak one thing and do another.
To one that asked what he ſhould teach his Son, he anſwer'd
in the words of Electra,
Peace, peace, a little ſtep.
A Lacedemonian ſaying, that labour was good, hee laughed,
anſwering,
My Son, thou of a gen'rous race art come.
Difputing with a young man, he asked him whether hee did
feel; the other anfwers he did, he replyed, why then do I not feel
that you feel?
Sofythius the Poet faying in the publick Theatre when Cleanthes
was prefent;
Those whom Cleanthes madneffe leads away; hee fate ftill, not
changing his countenance; whereupon the Auditors applauding
him, turned out Sofythius, who afterwards coming to Cleanthes
told him he was forry that he had reproached him; Cleanthes an-
fwer'd, it were unfit I ſhould behold unconcerned Bacchus and Her-
cules derided by the Poets, and be angry at a little word againſt my ſelf.
He
>
CLEANTHES..
127
He compared the Peripateticks to Lutes, that make good Mu-
fick, but hear it not themſelves.
: P
Holding according to Zeno that the mind may be difcerned in
the countenance, fome merry young men brought an effeminate
youth to him ruftically cloathed, defiring his opinion of that
mans difpofition, He bad him depart, which the other going to
do, fneezed; Cleanthes prefently cryed out, I have found out the
man, he is effeminate.
D
To one that was all alone talking to himſelf, you difcourfe
faith he, with a man that is not ill.
To one that reproach'd him with his age, I would be gone, faith
he, but when I confider that I am in health, fit to write and ſtudy, I ra-
ber choose to stay.
lib.z.
b Cleanthes bad thoſe who came to hear him, to fancy pleaſure b cic de Finib:
painted in a Tablet, richly habited and adorned, fitting upon a
Throne, the Vertues ftanding about her, as her handmaids, do-
ing nothing elſe but wait on her commands, and whiſpering in
her ear (if it can be phancied of a picture) to bid her take heed
of doing any thing imprudently, that may offend the minds of
men, or any thing that may occafion grief.
C
c
He faid, whofoever fweareth, at the fame time fweareth e Stob. Ser.
truly, or forfweareth himſelf: if he intend to do that which hee 116.
fweareth, though he do it not, he fweareth truly; if he intend it
not, he is forfworn.
CL
A
One obferving him filent, faid to him, why do you hold your à Ser. 126.
peace, it is pleaſant to talk to friends; It is indeed, anfwer'd cle-
anthes, but the more pleafant it is, the more we ought to allow them the
freedom of it.
e
Hee faid that unlearned men differed from Beafts in their Ser. 210.
figure.
t
1
Being demanded why amongſt the Antients,when there were f Ser, 212.
feweſt Philofophers,there were more eminent then at this time;
he anfwer'd, because then they minded the thing it felf,now only in
words.
To one that asked him, how a man might be rich, he anfwe- g Ser. 229.
red,by being poor in defire.
CHAP. III.
His Writings.
HEE left behind him (faith Laertius) theſe excellent
Books.
Of time.
Of Zeno's Philofophy.
Explications of Heraclitus, 3.
Rrrrr
of
128
CLEANTHES.
Of Senfe 4.
of Art.
To Democritus.
To Ariſtarchus.
To Erillus.
of Appetite 2.
Archeology.
of God.
of Gyants.
of Hymenealls:
of a Poet.
of Office 3.
Of right confultation
Of Gratitude.
Protreptick.
of Vertues.
of Ingenuity.
of Gorgippus.
of Envy.
Of Love.
Of Liberty.
The Art of Love
Of Honour.
of Glory.
The Politick:
of Counsell
Of Laws.
of Judging.
f
Of the reason of living.
Of Speech 3.
Of the End.
Of honest things.
of Actions.
Of Science.
Of a Kingdom.
Of Friendship.
of a Symposium.
That the vertue of man and woman is the fame.
That a wise man may uſe Sophifmes.
Of Chria's.
Differtations 2.
Of Pleasure.
Of Properties.
Of Inexplicables."
of Dialectick.
Of Tropes.
Of Categoremes.
Befides,
CLEANTHES.
129
Befides thefe, are mention'd
a Of Atoms.
Of Braffe.
b
C
Of Sumptions.
Fabulous Traditions.
• The Art of Rhetorick.
HE
CHAP. IV.
His Death.
a Laert vit.
Zen.
b Athen. deipn.
c Cic de fin.l.4.
E lived according to Laertius 80. years, according to Lucian,
99. The occafion of his death this,being troubled with a fore-
neffe of his gumms (Stobaus faith, an ulcer under his Tongue)
he was enjoyned by the Phyfitians to faft two daies, which he did,
and was wel;then they told him he might eat again,but he would
not,laying, he was now gone a great way on his journeys would
you have me,faith he having paft over the greatest part of my life,return
back again, and begin it anew? Having fafted two daies more hee b Laert.
died.
b
a
a Stob.
Simplicius faith, he faw an exquifite ftatue of Cleanthes in Affus, c In Epic.
an example of the magnificence of the Romane Senate, dedicated
to his honour.
Rrrrr 2
a
CHRY.
!
}
}
130
༤
Laert.
CHRYSIPPVS
GHAP.I.
His Life.
1
Hryfippus was of Soli, (a City of Cilicia, after-
wards called Pompeiopolis. ) his Father was of
Tarfis, named Apollonius, or, as Suidas, Apollo-
nides, who came and lived at Soli, which per-
haps gave Laertius, and from him Suidas, occa-
fion to doubt whether Chryfippus himſelf were
not of Tarfis.
He firſt exerciſed in the Hippodrome. Hecaton faith, that having
wafted his Patrimony in the Kings fervice, hee applyed himſelf
to Philofophy. Coming to Athens, he heard, as fome affirm Zeno,
or rather (as Diocles and others) Cleanthes, from whom whilſt he
was yet alive he diffented. He was an eminent Philofopher, inge-
nious and acute in every thing; fo that in moft opinions he
differ'd from Zeno and Cleanthes, to whom he would only ſay, tell
me the Doctrines and let me alone for proofes.If at any time he croffed
Cleanthes in diſpute, he was afterwards ſorry for it, often ſaying,
Of happineffe in all I am poffeffes'd,
But in Cleanthes; there alone unblefs'd.
He was fo famous for Dialectick, that it was a common fpeech,
If the Gods themselves woul dufe Dialectick, they would make ufe only of
the Chryfippean. But he was more plentifull in matter then free in
expreſſion.
He was infinitely ftudious and induſtrious, as appeareth from
the multitude of his Books. An old woman that waited on him
faid,that he wrote every day. Patagraphs.
When any queſtion'd him in private, he anſwer'd meekly and
freely; but affoon as any company came, he grew eager and liti-
gious, faying,
Brother,there hangs a cloud before your eyes .....
Caft quite away this madneffe, and be wife.
1
When
CHRYSIPPUS.
131
When he drunk at Feafts he lay very ftill, only ſhaked his
legs; whereupon his woman faid, Chryfippus's legs only are drunk.
He had fo good an opinion of himfelfe, that to one who asked
him to whom he ſhould commend his fon, he anſwered, To me 3
for if I knew any better, I would hear Philofophy of him my felfe:
Whence it was faid of him,
He is infpir'd by Jove,
The reft like ſhadowes move.
As alfo that,
Had not Chryfippus been,
No Stoa we had feen.
Arcefilaus and Lacydes (as Sotion faith) coming into the Aca- Laert.
demy, he ſtudyed Philofophy with them, whence he difputed
againſt Cuſtome, and for Cuſtome, and of Magnitude and Multi-
tude, ufing the arguments of the Academicks.
b
C
c Stob.
d Laert.
He was a great defpifer of honours, for of all his writings, b Laert.
he dedicates none to any King. He was content with little, for
The lived without any other attendants then one old woman;
and when Ptolomy wrote to Cleanthes, defiring he would come to
him, or fend fome one of his Diſciples, Sphorus went, but Chry-
fippus refuſed.
Having fent for Ariftocreon and Philocrates, his fifters fons, he
first taught in the Lyceum in the open air, as Demetrius writes.
+ Too
a
CHAP. II.
His Apophthegmes.
O one that blamed him for not hearing Arifto as many did ; a Laerti
If I ſhould follow many, faith he, I fhould not ftudy Phi-
lofophy.
To a Dialectick affaulting Cleanthes with fophifmes: Leave,
faith he, diverting an aged perfon from ferious things; propound thofe
to us that are young.
b He faid, meditation is the fountain of difcourfe.
с
He faid, drunkenneffe is a leſſer madneffe.
b Stob.
c Stob. Ser. 44
He faid, a wife man grieveth, but is not troubled, for his d Ser. 48.
minde yields not to it.
с
To one that faid to him, your friend revileth you behinde e Ser. 71.
your back: Blame him not, faith he, for he might do it before my
face.
To a wicked man that caft many afperfions upon him: You flbid.
have done well, faith he, not to omit any thing that is in your felfe.
Being told that fome fpoke ill of him; It is no matter, faith he, & Ibid.
I will live fo, that they shall not be believed.
He
1
133
A
CHRYSIPPUS.
{
'h Ser. 116.
i Ser. 151.
k Ser.249.
He faid, there is a difference between fwearing true, and
fwearing truly, and betwixt fwearing falfe and forfwearing.
That which is fworn, at the time that it is fworn muft neceffari-
ly be either true or falfe, feeing that the form of fwearing is an
Axiom: But he that fweareth, at the fame time that he ſwea-
reth is not neceffarily perjur'd, or fweareth true, becauſe the
time is not yet arived that must determine his oath. For as a
man is ſaid to have covenanted truely or falfely, not when the
covenant is made, but when the time whereby it is limited is
come: fo a man is faid to fwear truly or falfely, when the time
comes wherein he promiſed to make good his oath.
Being demanded why he did not undertake the government
of the Commonwealth; Becauſe, faith he, If I govern ill, I ſhall
difpleafe the Gods; if well, the people.
He faid, he who hath arrived at perfection diſchargeth all
offices, omitting none, yet his life is not happy, for Beatitude is
a poft-acceffion thereto, when as the mean actions acquire a
conſtancy, habit, and peculiar confirmation.
BECa
CHAP. III.
His Writings.
Ecauſe, faith Laertius, his writings were very celebrious
we ſhall give an account of them digeſted according to their
fubjects: They were thefe.
Of the Logicall place, Thefes.
Logick.
Philofophick Commentaries. ››
Dialectick definitions, to Metrodorus, 6.
Of Dialectick names, to Zeno 1..
Dialectick art, to Ariftagoras 1.
Of connex Probables, to Diofcorides
4.
The firſt order of the Logicall place of things.
of Axioms 1.
Of not-fimple Axioms 1.
of Connex, to Athenades 2.
of Negatives, to Ariſtagoras 3.
Of Catagoreuticks, to Athenodorus r.
Of things Spoken by privation, to Thearus 1,
Of best Axioms, to Dion 3.
of Indefinites 4.
Of things Spoken according to Time 2.
Of perfect Axioms 2.
The
t
CHRYSIPPUS.
433
The fecond order.
Of true difjunct, to Gorgippides 1.
of true connex, to Gorgippides 4.
Divifion, to Gorgippides I...
Of Confequents 1.
Of that which is for three, to Gorgippides 1.
Of Poffibles, to Clitus 4-
Of Significations, against Phila 1.
What are falfe 1.
The third order.
Of Precepts 2.
,"A
of Interrogation Y.
of Percontation 4.
Epitome of Interrogation and Percontation 1.
Epitome of Answers 1.
of Question 2.
Of Answer 4.
The fourth order.
2
Of Categorem's, to Metrodorus to,
Of right and fupine to Philarchus 1.
Of Conjunctions, to Apollonides 1.
To Pafylus, of Categorems 4.
The fifth order.
Of the five cafes 1.
}
Of expreffions defined according to the ſubjeƐ į.
of Affimilation, to Stefagoras z.
of Appellatives 2:
Of the Logicall place concerning words, and
their reaſons, the first order.
of fingular andpluralt expreſſions, 6.
Of Words, to Sofigenes and Alexander 5.
Of the anomaly of Words, to Dion 4.
Of Sorites pertaining to voice 3.
of Solæcifmes, to Dionyfius 1.
Of unusuall Speech i.
Words, to Dionyfius t.
The fecond order.
Of the elements of Speech 5.
Of the Syntax of things faid 4.
7
Of the Lyntax and elements of fpeech,to Philip 3.
134
CHRYSIPPVS
Of the elements of Speech, to Nicias 1.
Of relative speech. I.
The third order.
Of not-dividents 2:
Of Amphibolies, to Apollas 4.
Of Tropicall Amphibolies 1.
R
Of connex Tropicall Amphibolies 2.
Upon Panthœdus, of Amphibolies 2.
Introduction to Amphiboly 5.
}
دا
Epitome of Amphibolies, to Epicrates 1,
Connex to the Introduction of Amphibolies
$2
A
Of Logicall place concerning Reaſons and Moods,
the first order.
1
The Art of Reasons and Moods, to Diofcorides 5.
of Reaſons 3.
Of the compofition of Moods, to Stefagoras 2..
Comparison of tropicall Axioms 1:
?
Of reciprocall Reafons and connexx.
To Agatho, or of fequent problems 1.
Of Inferences, to Ariftagoras 1.
Of placing the fame reafon in diverfe Moods 1.
Against those who oppose that the fame reafon may be placed
in fyllogiftick and not fyllogiftick Moods 2.
Against those who oppose the reduction of Syllogifmes 3.
Against Philo's book of Moods, to Timoftratus.1.
Logicall conjuncts, to Timocrates and Philomathes.
Upon Reaſons and Moods 1.
The ſecond order.
Of conclufive Reasons, to Zeno 1.
$
1
Offirst indemonftrable Syllogifmes, to Zeno 1.
Of Reduction of Syllogifmes 1.
Of redundant Syllogifmes, to Pafylus 2.
Theorems of Solacifmes 1.
Syllogiftick Introductions, to Zeno 1.
Introductions to Moods, to Zeno 3.
Of Syllogifmes falfe in figure 5.
Syllogistick reafons by reduction in indemonftrables 1.
Tropicall Queflions to Zeno and Philomathes (fufpected to
be spurious) 1.
The third order.
Of coincident reasons, to Athenades 1. Spurious.
Coincident reafons as to the medium 3. Spurious.
Of Aminius's difjunctions 1.
The
CHRYSIPPUS;
$35
The urth Order.
of Hypothefes to Meleager 3.
Hypothetick reafons in Law,to Meleager 1.
Hypothetick Reafons for introduction 2.
Hypothetick reafons of Theorems 2.
Solution of Hedyllus's Hypotheticks 2.
Solution of Alexander's Hypotheticks 3. Spurious.
Of expofitions, to Leodamas 1.
The fift order.
4
of introduction to the lying reafon,to Ariftocreon 1.
Lying reafons to the Introduction.
of the lying reafon, to Ariftocréon 6.
The fixt order.
Against those who think true and falfe are one, I.
Against those who diffolve the lying Reafon by diſtinction 2:
Demonftration, that infinites are not to be divided 1.
Upon that which hath been faid against the diviſion of infi-
nites, to Pafylus 3.
Solutions according to the Antients, to Diofcorides 1.
Of the folution of the lying reafon to Ariftoereon 3.
Solution of Hedyllus's Hypotheticks, to Ariftocreon and
Apollas:
The ſeventh Order.
Against those who say the lying reafon hath falfe fumpti-
ons I.
of the negative, to Ariftocreon 2.
Negative Reasons, to Gymnafias 1.
Of the diminutive reafon, to Stefagoras 2.
Of opinionative and quiefcent reafons,to Onetor 2.
Of the veiled reafon, to Ariftobulus 2.
Of the occult reason, to Athenades 1.
The eighth Order.
of the Nullity, to Menecrates 8.
Of reafons confifting of indefinite and definite, to Pafylus 2.
Of the Nullity to Epicrates I..
The ninth Order:
Of Sophifmes to Heraclides and Pollis 2.
Of infoluble dialectick reafons to Diofcorides 5.
Against Arcefilaus's method, to Sphærus 1.
The tenth order.
Against Cuftom, to Metrodorus 6.
sffff
of
136
CHRT SIPPVS.
}
८
+
Y
•
Of the Logicall place,
fides theſe four differences
there are difperfed, not containing in the body of
Logical Queftions, 39.
Of the Ethick Place, for direction of morall notions, the
Firſt Order.
Defcription of speech, to Theoporus ì.
Morall Thefes 1.
Probable fumptions for Doctrines,to Philomathes
Definitions of civill perfon, to Metrodorus 2.
Definitions of wicked perfons, to Metrodorus 2.
Definitions of mean perfons, to Metrodoruş 2.
Generall Definitions, to Metrodorus 7. :
Definitions of other arts, to Metrodorus 2,
The fecond Order.
Of things like, to Ariſtocles 3.
Of Definitions, to Metrodorus 7.
The third Order.
"
•
3.
Of things not rightly objected against Definitions, to Laoda-
mas 7.
f
Probables for Definitions, to Diofcorides.
Of Species and Genus, to Gorgippides 2.
of Divifions 1.
of Contraries, to Dionyfius 2.
>
Probables for Diviſions, genus's and ſpecies.
of Contraries 1.
The fourth Order.
Of Etymologicks, to Diocles 6
Etymologicks, to Diocles 4.
The fift Order.
of Proverbs, to Zenodotus 2.
of Poems,to Philomathes 1.
How Poems must be heard 2.
Againſt Criticks, to Diodorus 1.
Of the morall place of common fpeeches, accor-
ding to Arts and Vertue: The first Order.
Against Refcriptions, to Timonax 1.
How we think and speak fingulars 1.
Of notions, to Laodamas 2.
of Sufpition, to Pythonax 2.
A
1
Demonftration
CHRYSIPPUS:
137
&
Demonftrations that a wife man doth not opinionate 1.
of Comprehenfion and Science, and ignorance4.
Of Speech 2.
Of the use of Speech, to Leptines.
The ſecond Order.
That the Antients approved Dialectick with Demonftration, te
Zeno 2.
of Dialectick; to Ariftocreon 4.
Upon the objections against Dialectick 3.
of Rhetorick, to Diofcorides 4.
The third Order.
Of habitude, to Cleon 3.
Of art and floth, to Ariſtocreon 4.
Of the difference of Vertues, to Diodorus.
what vertues are I.
of vertues, to Pollis.
Of the morall place concerning Good and Ill; the
firft Order.
Of Honesty and pleasure, to Ariftocreon 10.
Demonstration, that Pleasure is not the chief end 4.
Demonftration, that pleaſure is not good 4.
Of thoſe which are faid ********
Thus concludes the ſeventh Book of Laertius, and who feeth
not that the laſt of theſe titles is defective,and moreover that the
reft of the Orders, concerning this place of Good and Ill, (whereof
this is but the firſt) are wanting. Doubtleffe the end of this book
is imperfect, and wanteth, if not the lives of any Stoicall Philo-
fophers, who fucceeded Chryfippus (whereof he mentions Zeno and
others elfe where) yet at leaft a confiderable part of his Cata-
logue, containing the rest of his Ethick writings and all his Phy-
fick, many of which are elſewhere cited even by Laertius himſelf,
which as the learned Cafaubon had obferved, he would not have
aſcribed to Laertius's neglect that Chryfippus's book of Lawes is
not mentioned. Of his Ethick writings,befides thofe here named,
were thefe,
a
Of Laws.
b Introduction to the confideration of things good or ill.
Of Honeft.
d
Of Confent.
e
૬
Of things expetible in themſelves.
£ of things not expetible in themselves.
$ Of Politick,
¹ of ends.
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of
a Ael. 14. 4.
b Athen.deipn.
4. II.
c Deipn: 4. &
8.
à Deipn. 6.
← Athen Deipn.
ว
7.
f Ath.Deipn. 4.
g
Laert. vit.
Zen.Pl. Rep.
Stoic.
h Laert. Zen.
Pl. Rep,
128
CHRYSIP PVS.
iLaert.vit,Zen.
k Laert.
1 Plut.rep.
Laert.
m Laert.
n Plut. repug:
Laert.
o Laert.
P Plus. rep.
q Plut. repugn.
x Plut. repugn.
↑ Plut.repug⋅ &
de com. not.
↑ Plut. repug.
î
Of Paffions.
Of Ethick queftions.
¹ of lives, whereof Plutarch cites the 4th book.
That Zeno ufed names properly.
m
n
Of Justice, the first book cited by Laertius.
• Of Life and Tranfaction.
P of Offices.
¶ Demonstration of Justice.
r
f
t
u
u Plut. repug.
× Plut. repug.
X
y Plut. repug.
z Laert.
a Laert.
b Laert.
c Plut.repug
Laert.
d Plut. rep.
Laert.
e Laert.
f Laert.
g Plut. rep.
h Plut. rep. G
com. not.
i Plut. repugs
k Plut. rep.
1 Plut. rep.
m Plut. rep.
n Plut.com.not.
o Plut.com.not.
Laert.
Laert,
q De Benef. I.
3.
Protrepticks.
of the End.
Of a Common-wealth.
Of the office of a Judge.
of Good.
y of Habits.
To Phyfick belong theſe.
2
2
Phyficks
* Of the Soul, the 12th book cited by Laertius.
b Of Providence, the first book cited.
C
Of the Gods.
d Of Fate.
e
f
of Divination.
£ of the Philofophy of the Antients.
5 In calumniation of the Senfes.
h of Jupiter.
¿ of Nature.
k
* Phyficall Thefes:
¹Of Subftance.
m
n
Of Motion.
Phyficall questions, the third book cited.
• of Vacuity.
P Epistles.
:
The number of all his writings, according to Laertius, was
705. He wrote fo much, that he had often occafion to treat upon
the fame fubject, and ſetting down whatſoever came into his
minde, he often corrected and enlarged it by the teftimonies of
others; whence having in one book inferted all Euripides's Me-
dea, one having the book in his hand, anſwer'd another that
asked him what book it was, It is Chryfippus's Medea. And Apol-
lodorus the Athenian, in his collection of Doctrines, afferting, that
Epicurus had written many books upon his own ftrength, with-
out uſing the teftimonies of others, and that he therein far excee-
ded Chryfippus, addes theſe words; For if a man should take out of
Chryfippus's writings all that belongs to other men, he would leave the
paper blank.
Seneca gives this cenfure of him: 9 He is moft fubtle and acute,
penetrating into the depth of truth. He fpeaks to the thing that is
to
CHRTSIPPVS.
139
r
to be done, and uſeth no more words then are neceffary to the
underſtanding thereof; but addes, that his acuteneffe being too r Sen.de. Benef.
fine, is many times blunted, and retorted upon it felfe; even 14-
when he feemes to have done fomething, he only pricks, not
pierceth.
Some there are who inveigh againſt him, as one that wrote fLaert.
many obfcene things, not fit to be fpoken, as in his Commentary of
the antient Phyfiologifts, what he writes concerning Jupiter and
Juno is obfcenely feigned, delivering that in 600 Paragraphs,
which the moſt impudent perfon would not have committed to
writing; for, fay they, he hath related the ſtory moſt unhand-
fomly, and though he prais'd it as naturall, yet it becommeth
Curtezans rather then Gods.
Morcover what he faith of thoſe that writ of Tables is falſe,
not to be found neither in Polemo, nor Hipficrates, nor Antigonus,
but forged by himſelfe.
In his book of a Commonwealth, he allowes marriage with a
mother and a daughter, and repeats the fame in the beginning of
his book, Concerning things expetible in themselves.
In his third book of Justice, extending to a thouſand Para-
graphs, he adviſed to feed upon the very dead.
In his fecond book of Life and Tranfaction, he affirmeth, a wiſe
man ought to take care to provide himfelfe food; but to what
end muſt he provide himfelfe food? for Livelyhood? Life is an
indifferent. For Pleaſure? Pleaſure alfo is indifferent. For Vertue ?
that is felfe-fufficient for Beatitude. Such kinds of acquifition of
wealth are very ridiculous. If they proceed from a King, there
is a neceffitie of complying with him; if from friend, that
friendſhip is veniall; if from wiſdome, that wiſdome is merce-
nary. For theſe things, faith Laertius, fome have inveigh'd a-
gainſt him.
CHAP. IV.
•
HE
His death.
E died, according to Apollodorus, in the 143 Olympiad,
(fo fupply Laertius, in whom the centenary number is wan-
ting by Suidas) having lived 73 years.
The manner of his death is differently related; Hermippus af-
firmes, that being in the Odeum (a kinde of publick Theatre at
Athens) his Difciples called him away to Sacrifice, and thereup-
on taking a draught of wine, he was immediately feiz'd by a
Vertigo, of which at the end of five daies he died. Others report,
he died of exceffive laughter: Seeing an Affe eat figs, he bad his
woman offer it fome wine, and thereat fell into fuch extremity
of laughter, that it killed him.
As
140
CHRYSIPPUS.
As to his perfon, he was very little, faith Laertius, as appea-
reth by his Statue in the Ceramick, which is almoſt hid by the
horſe that ſtands next it, whence Carneades called him si,
bid by a horse. The pofture of this Statue, Cicero faith, was fitting,
and ſtretching forth his hand. Paufanias faith, it was fet up in the
Gymnafium, called Ptolomean from the Founder, not far from the
Forum.
Laertius reckons foure more of this name.
The first, a Phyſician, to whom Erafiftratus acknowledgeth
himfelfe beholding for many things.
The fecond, his fonne, Phyfician to Ptolomy, who, upon the
calumnies of ſome that maligned him, was publickly puniſhed
and beaten with rods.
The third, Difciple to Erafiftratus.
The fourth, a writer of Georgicks:
ZENO!
145
a
Z
T
ZENO
ENO was of Tarfis, or, according to others, of Siodn, his a Suïdas.
Father named Diofcorides. He was Difciple to Chryfippus,
and his fucceffor in the School.
behinde him many Difciples.
b
He wrote few bookes, but left b Laert, vit,
DIOGENES
Zen.
¡OGENES was born at Seleucia, he was firnamed the Baby- a 1 dert, vit.
lonian, from the vicinity of that place. He was Difciple of Diog.
Chryfippus, and is ftiled by Cicero an eminent and ferious Stoick:
b Seneca relates, that diſcourſing tarneftly concerning anger, a b De ira. 3.38.
fooliſh young man ftanding by, fpat in his face, which he took
meekly and difcreetly, faying, I am not angry, but am in doubt
whether I ought to be fo or not. He was one of the three that was
fent from Athens on Embaffy to Rome; of which already in the
life of Carneades, who learn'd Dialectick of him. Cicero faith, he
lived to a great age. Amongſt other things, he wrote a treatiſe
of Divination.
ANTIPATER
>.
C
NTIPATER was of Sidon, Diſciple to b Diogenes the Baby- a Laerts
lonian. Cicero calls him a moſt acute perfon ; Seneca, one of b De Offic. 3.
the great authors of the Stoicall Sect. He declined to difpute & Plut. de Gar-
with Carneades, but filled his bookes with confutations of him, rul.*
whence he was called anaßias, the clamorous penman. ª He difpu- d Cic.Ac.quaft.
ted much againſt thofe who afferted nothing.Befides other things,
he writ two books of Divination. © Cicero, at the latter end of his e Cic.de divin.
fecond book of Offices, faith, he then was lately dead at Athens.
PAN
d
PANÆTIUS
C
b
4.
l. I.
b
2. lib. I.
C
A
ANÆTILLS was of Rhodes, his Anceftours eminent for Mar- a Strab. 1. 14.
tiall affairs and exercifes. He was Difciple to Antipater, Cic.de Divin.
intimate friend to P. Scipio Africanus, whom he accompanyed c Plut. Apoph.
in his journey to Alexandria. Cicero calls him, almoft Prince of & Acad. R.4.
the Stoicks, a perfon extreamly inigenous and grave, worthy the famili-
arity of Scipio and Lælius:
He
d
d
142
POSIDONIUS.
Cic. Tufc.
He was a great admirer of Plato, whom every where he cal-
quæft. lib. I. leth, divine, most wife, most holy, the Homer of Philofophers. But his
opinion of the immortality of the Soul he approved not, arguing
thus; Whatſoever is generated dieth; but foules are generated,
as is manifeft from the likeneffe of thoſe that are begotten to their
Parents, not only in body, but difpofition. His other argument
was, There is nothing that is grieved or pained but is fubject to
sbe fick; whatſoever is fubject to fickneffe is likewife fubject to
death; fouls are ſubject to griefe, therefore they are fubject to
death.
Cic. de divinat.
·lib. 2.
笋
​He alone rejected Aftrologicall predictions, and receded from
De divin. 11. the Stoicks, as to Divination; yet, would not pofitivly affirm there
was no fuch art, but only that he doubted it.
Cic.Tufc.qu.l.2.
He wrote three books of Offices, much commended by Cicero.
Lipfius conjectures he died old, becaufe Cicero affirmeth out of
Pofidonius that he lived thirty years after he had written his
Bookes of offices.
}
UF
POSIDONIUS
Strab. lib.14. POSIDONIUS was born at Apamea in Syria. He lived at Rhodes
and there managed civill affairs, and taught Philofophy. Pom-
pey in his return from Syria, went to Rhodes purpofely to hear
him, and coming to his dore, forbad the Lictor to knock as was
the cuſtome, but he (faith Pliny) to whom the East and Weſt had
fubmitted, himſelfe fubmitted his Fafces at this Gate. But under-
ſtanding that he was very fick of a great pain in his, joynts he re-
folved only to give him a vifit. At his firft coming and falutation,
he told him with much refpect, that he was extreamly forry he
`could not hear him. Pofidonius anſwer'd, You may; for no corporeal!
pain Shall make me fruftrate the coming of fo great a perfon: And
thereupon he difcourfed ſeriouſly and copioufly upon this fub-
ject, as he lay in his bed, That nothing is good, but what is honeft.
And as often as his pain took him,he would fay, Pain,it is to no pur-
pofe; though thou art troublefóme, I will never acknowledge thou art ill.
He made a Sphear, wherein were all the converfions of the
Deor. lib. 2. Sun, Moon, and Planets exactly as they moved in the Heavens
every day and night.
Cic. de nat.
De divinat.
f
1
་
Of his writings are cited by Cicero, five Bookes of Divination;
as alfo five bookes of the nature of the Gods.
Thus far we have a continued fucceffion of the Stoick Philofo-
phers, the laft School, according to Laertius's difpofon, of thfoe
that were defcended from Thales.
FINIS
{
་
ldı. di
THE TABLE
b'e
i..
The fourth Part.
Containing the Cyrenaick, Megarick, Eleack
and Eretriack Seas.
RISTIPPUS: Chap. 1 His Country and Parents
AR
II. How he went to Athens and heard Socrates
Ilk How he went to Ægina
IV. His inftituion of a Sect
• Sect. 1. Of Judgment and Judicatories
-Se&t. 2. Of the End or chief Good
* Se&. 3. Of Vertue
V. How he went to Dionyfius's Court
VI. His Emulators
VII. His Apophthegms
VIII. His Writings
IX. His Death
X-His Difciples & fucceffors
HEGESIAS. Chap. I. His Life
II. His Philofophy
ANNICERIS. Chap. I. His Life
II. His Philofophy
He His Philofophy
Chap. 1. His Life
THEODORUS,
III. His Death, Writings, &c.
BION. Chap. I. His Life
II. His Apophthegms
III. His Death
*
I
2
ibid
1. 3
4
4
5
ibid
6
8
II
12
14
15
ibid
17
ibid
19
20
21
22
23
24
.27
ibid
28
29
31
33
ibid
ibid
33
34
ibid
35
36
37
38
39
Tittt
ME-
EUCLID. Chap. I. His Country and Masters
II. His inftitution of a Sect
III His Apophthegms, Writings
EUBULIDES
ALEXINUS
EUPHANTUS
APOLLONIUS CRONUS
DIODORUS. Chap. I. His Life
11. His Philoſophy
ICHTHIAS.
CLINOMACHUS
STILPO. Chap. I. His Life
III. His Philofophy
IIL His Difciples
IV. His death, writings
PHÆDO.
PISTHENES
"
The Table.
13
Chap
MENEDEMUS Chap. I. His Country, Parats, Teachers
11. His School and Philofophy
III. His manner of living
IV. His Civill Employment
V. His Vertues and Apophthgmes
VI. His Departure from Eretria, and Death
Houn
Pag.
ibid
4T
ibid
43
44
The Fifth Part.
Containing the Academick Philofophers.
LATO, Chap. I. His Country, Parents and time
II. His firft Education, Exerciſes, and ſtudies
PL
III- His Mafters in Philofophy,and his Travels to that end
IV. What Authors he follon'd
V. His School
Vil How he inftituted a Sect
• Se&. 1. Ethick
· Sect. 2. Phyfick
Sect. 3. Dialectick
VII His Inventions
VII.His Diftinctions
IX. His three voyages to Sicily
His Authority in Civill Affairs
XI. His Vertues and Morall Sentences
XII, His VVill and Death
X. His Difciples and Friends
XIV. His Æmulators and Detractors
XV His Writings
1
A
+
Pi
P1
a
7
.10
13
IS
*
ibid
16
17
19
29
314
* * * 5 $ ***
45
5
The Doctrine of Plato delivered by ALCINOMs.
Chap. 1. Of Philofophy, and how a Philofopher must be qualify'd
IF That contemplation is to be preferred before Action
と
​The three parts of Philofophy
DIALECTICK.
1. Of the Judiciary part
The Elements and office of Dialectick
iOf Propofitions and argumentations
VII OF THEORETCK Philoſophy
•
}
pag 56
ST
ibid.
T
6m
64
VII of firft matter
IX Of Ideas
%. Of God
XI.Of Qualities
XII. Of the Canfes, generation Elements, and order of the World
XIII. Of the convenience of Figures, with the Elements and World
XIV. of the Soul of the World, the ſphears and Starres
"
d
73
Of
4
The Table.
Chap.
XV. Of Demons and Elements
XVI. Of the younger Gods, makers of men
XVII of the body and parts of man, and powers of the Soul
Pag.
75
ibid
76
XVIII. Of Sight
77
XIX. Of the rest of the Senfes
ibid
XX. Of Heavy and Light
79
XXI. Of Refpiration
ibid
XXII. Of the Causes of Difeafes
ibid
XXIII. Of three principall powers of the Soul
80
XXIV. Of the diſtinction of the parts of the Soul
ibid
XXV. Of the immortality of the Soul
81
XXVI. Of Fate and Free-will
83
XXVII. Of the chief Good, and of Vertue s
84
XXVIII. The Definition and kinds of Vertue
86
XXIX. Of Vertues, Vices and their differences
XXX. That Vertue is Voluntary, Vice involuntary
XXXI. Of love and Friendship
XXXII. -Of Paffions
XXXIII. Of the Forms of Common-wealths
87
88
89
90
92
XXXIV. Of a Sophiſt
*
A PLATONICK DISCOURSE.
93
Written in Italian by JOHN PICUS Earl of Mirandula, in explication to
a Sonnet by Hieronimo Benniuieni: The first part
The Second Part
The Sonnet
The third Part
SPEUSIPPUS. Chap. I. His Life
II. His Profeffion of Philoſophy
III. His Writings
IV. His Death
XENOCRATES. Chap. 1 His Country, Parents, living with Plato
II. His Profeffion of Philoſophy
III. His Vertues and Apophthegms
IV. His Writings
His death
POLEMO
CRATES.
CRANTOR
ARCESILAUS. Ghap. I. His Country, Parents and Teachers
1. Upon what occafion he conftituted the middle Academy
III. His Vertues and Apophthegms
IV. His death
LAGYDES
CRANEADES. I. His Country, Parents, Time, Mafters
Ttttt 2
pag. 94
99
109
113
119
I 20
121
122
123
124
125
127
129
ibid
131
132
133
135
139
142
143
145
II. How
The Table.
Pag.
Chap.
146
II. How he constituted the New Academy
III. Upon what occafion he was fent on an Embassy to Rome
IV. His Vertues and Apophthegms
ISI
152
144
V. His Death and Writings
155
CLITOMACHUS
157
PHILO
158
ANTIOCHUS
The Sixt Part.
A
Containing the Peripatetick Philofophers.
RISTOTLE. Chap. I. His Country, Parents, and time of his Birth p. I
II. His firft Education and Studies
III. How he heard Plato
IV. How he lived with Hermias
V How he lived with Philip and Alexander
VI. His School and manner of Teaching
VU. His Philofophy
VIII. His Correspondence with Alexander
IX. Upon what occafion he left Athens and went to Chalcis
X. His Apophthegms
XI His Will and Death
XII. His Perfon and Vertues
XIII. His Wives and Children
XIV. His Difciples and Friends
XV. His Detractors
XVI His Writings
XVII. His Commentators
ARISTOTLE'S Epiftles
3
ibid
6
8
10
II
13
16
18
20
23
24
25
27
29
36
39
THE DOCTRINE of ARISTOTLE
The First Part.
F Philofophy in generall, and particularly of DIALECTICK
"Of
II. Of Termes
III. Of Propofition
IV. Of Syllogifme
V, Of Apodeictick (or Demonftrative) Syllogifme"
VI. Of Dialectick Syllogifme
VII. Of Sophiftick Syllogifme
42
43
44
35
46
48
49
The Second Part.
•
Chap. I.
F PHYSICK
Off
Il Of the Principles of naturall Bodies
III. Of Nature and the Caufes of natural Bodies,
IV. Of the Affections of naturall Bodies, motion, time, place
t
SI
ibid
52
53
v.uf
The Table.
Chap.
Page
V. Of the first mover
VI. Of Heaven
Xl. Of Imperfect mixt Bodies
V Of the kinds and properties of motion
VII. Of Elements
VIII. of Generation, Corruption, Alteration, Augmentation and Diminution
IX. Of Action and Paffion
X. Of Mixtion and I emperament
XII. Of Perfect mixt Bodies
XIII. Of Plants and Animals
53
54
56
59
61
Ibid
63
66
68
XIV. Of the Soul
Ibid
XV. Of the Nutritive Faculty
70
XVI. Of the Senſitive Faculty
XVII. Of Common Sense
72
XVIII. Of Phantafy and Cogitation
73
XIX, Of Memory and Reminiscence
74
XX. Of Sleep and Waking
Ibid
XXI. Of Dreams
XXII. Of the Intellective Faculty
75
76
XXIII. Of the Motive Faculty
XXIV. Of Life and Death.
I
THICK
LELL
EZ
The Third Part.
II. OECONOMICK
II. Politick
I.
The Fourth Part.
OF METAPHYSICK
LOof
II. Of the firſt Principle
III. Of Subftance and Accident
IV. Of Power and Alt
V. OfTrue and Falfe
VI. Of one, the fame, and divers
*
VII. Óf immortall, eternall, and immovable Subſtances
VIII. Of Gods
IX. Of Intelligences
THEOPHRASTUS, Chap.I. His Country, Parents, Maſters
W. His profeffion of Philofophy, and Difciples
I. His Vertues and Apophthegmes
IV. His Will and Bath
V. His Writings
STRATO, Chap. I. His Life
II. His Will and Death
II. HisWritings
77
78
80
90
91
93
Ibid
94
95
96
97
Ibid
98
99
100
Ibid
ΤΟΣ
103
105
III
Ibid
Ì31
LYCO
The Table
Chap.
LYCO, Chap. I. His Life
II. His VVill and Death.
ARISTO
CRITOLAUS
DIODORUS
Page.
115
116
119
120
ibid
The Seventh Part.
Containing the Cynick Philofophers.
IAN. His Institution of a Sett.
NTISTHENES, his Life
III. His Apophthegmes
IV His VVritings
V His Death.
DIOGENES, Chap. I. His Country, Parents, Time, Banishment
II. How he lived at Athens
III. How he lived at Corinth
IV. His Philofophy
V. His Apophthegms
VI. His VVritings ·
VII. His Death
MONIMUS
ONESICRITUS
CRATES
METROCLES
HIPPARCHIA
MENIPPUS
L
1
2
4
6
9
10
II
13.
14.
>
15
29.
31
32
ibid
MENEDEMUS
Z
The Eight Part.
Containing the Stoick Philofophers.
ENO, his Country, Parents, and firfl Studies
II. Of his Maflers
III. His School, and Inſtitution of a Sect.
IV. What honours were conferred upon him
V. His Apophthegimes
VI. His Death
VII. His Perfon and Vertues
VIII. His VVritings
IX His Difciples
The DOCTRINE of the STOICKS.
The First Part.
33-
35
36
6 79
mmmm
38
37
I
2
3
ibid
498
10
II
.12
I.
F Philofophy in generall, and particularly of DIALECTICR
II. Of the Instruments and Rules of judgment
16
19
III.of
The Table.
Chap.
III. Of Senfe
IV.Of Phantafy
V. Of True and Truth
VI. Of Comprehenfion
VII. Of Aſſent
VIII. Of Notions
IX. Of Science and Opinion
X. Of Voice, Speech, and VVords
XF. Of Definition and Divifion
XI. Of Genus, Species, &c.
XHI. Of Things
RIV. Of Subjects
XV. Of Qualitatives
XVI. Of Quodammodotatives
XVII. Of Quodammodotatives as to others
XVIII. Of Dicibles
XIX. Of Categorems
XX: Of Simple Axioms
773
Y
Page
288
25
28
33
35
37*
38
39
40
XXI. Of Not-fimple Axioms
XXII. Of Contrary Axioms
44
46
XXIII. Of Poffible and Impoffible, Necessary and Unneceſſary, Probable, Paras
doxall, and Reasonable Axioms
XXIV. Of Reciprocall Axioms
XXV. Of Signes
XXVI. Of Reaſons or Arguments
XXVII. Of Conclufive Reafons
XXIX. Of Moods
XXVIII. of Syllogiftick conclufive Reasons or Syllogifmes
XXX. Of Not-Syllogiſtick concluſive Reaſons
52
12
XXXI. Of Not-conclufive Reasons
54€
XXXII. of Fallacious Reasons or Sophifms
$5
XXXIII. of Method
57
58
The Second Part.
LE11. Of Appetite
THICK, and the parts thereof
III. Of firft Naturall Appetite
IV. Of Appetites confequent to the firſt
V. Of Good and Ill
VI. Of Enpathies
VII, Of Paffions
T
60
6I
b
69
lb
VIII. Of Sickneſſe and Infirmities -
73
IX. Of Vertue and Vice
76
X. Of the End
80
XI. of Indifferents
82
XII. Of Estimation
84
XIII. Of Actions and Offices
86
XIV. Of Præter-Offices
91
XV.Of wife or Vertuous Perfons, PARADOXES
92
The
The Table.
Chap.
"PH
The Third Part.
HYSICK, and the parts thereof
II. Of Bodies
III. Of Principles
IV. Of Matter
V. Of the World
VISOf Elements.
VII. Of Fire
VIII. Of the Starrs
IX Of the Sun.
Page..
· 28.-
199
X. Of the Moon
XI Of Air
XII Of Water and Earth
XIII. Of Miſtion and Temperament
XIV. Of Generation and Ĉorruption
XV. Of Motion
XVI. Of living Creatures
XVII. Of God
XVIII. Of Nature
XIX. OfFate
1
XX. Of Not-Bodies, or Incorporealls, and fir ft of Dicibles
XXI. OfVacuum and Place
XXII. Of Time
CLEANTHES,Chap. I. his Life
II. His Apophthegms
II His Writings.
IV. His Death
CHRYSIPPUS,Chap.I. his life
II. His Apophthegmes
III.His Writings
IV. His death
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