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GRAY'S WORKS
VOL. III.
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In vain to me the smileing Mornin
And redning Phabus lifts his gobin Fire:
The Birds in win their amorció Terrant joyn
or cbeariful Liebs resilme their green Atire:
These on alas; for other Notes repine,
of different object do these lyes require
My lonely Anguish melts no Heart, but mine
And in me Breast the imperfect Soys expires
Yet Morning smiles the busy. Race to chear,
And non-born Pleasure brings to happies; Menu
* The fields to all their nontéSvibute bear
To warm their little Loves the Birds complain.
Les fruitleſs mourn to him, that cannot hear,
And weejo the more, because I weep in vain # at leke

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FACSIMILE OF SONNET TO RICHARD WEST.



26180
THE WORKS
OF
THOMAS GRAY
En Prose and verse
EDITED BY
EDMUND GOSSE
CLARK LECTURER ON ENGLISH LITERATURE AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
IN FOUR VOLS. -VOL. IV.
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES AND PLATO
London
MACMILLAN AND CO.
1884
CONTENTS.
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
PAGE
43
A CHARNENSES.
EQUITES.
VESPE . .
NUBES .
Pax
.
PAGD
|THESMOPHORIAZUSÆ
7 | LYSISTRATA .. .
11 | RANÆ . . .
CCLESIAZUSAE.
20 PLUTUS . .
.
26 NOTES ON THE PLUTUS
381
.
58
AVES
NOTES ON THE AVES
NOTES ON PLATO.
.
. .
.
1:16
122
124
.
.
.
134
140
158
BRIEF NOTICES OF SOCRATES LACHES . .
AND OF HIS FRIENDS. 67 HIPPARCHUS .
THE COMPANIONS OF So-
PHILIBUS
CRATES.
69 | MENO
PHÆDRUS
75 GORGIAS. .
LYSIS
87 MINOS . ..
ALCIBIADES ). .
90 | CHARMIDIS .
ALCIBIADES II. . 94 CRATYLUS .
TALAGES . . .
SYMPOSIUM
EUTHYPARO . .
EUTHYDEMUS.
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS
HIPPIAS MAJOR
CRITO . . .
· 110 HIPPIAS MINOR
PHADO
111 PROTAGORAS .
ERASTÆ . . . . 115 1 IO . . .
160
.
164
166
172
TOT
104
175.
177
178
.
198
CONTENTS.
PAGE
.
.
.
.
.
297
302
.
THEÆTETUS .
THE SOPHIST:.
POLITICUS
DE REPUBLICA
Book I. .
II.,
III. .
PAGE 1
205 DE LEGIBUS— .
209 Book IV. .
214 , V. .
221 THE EPISTLES—
223 Epistle I. .
226
232
III.
IV.
241
.
.
.
IV. ,
.
V.
.
HA
V.
.
VI. .
247
. .
A
VI.
.
VII.
252
G
.
308
309
312
315
316
317
320
330
332
333
334
336
339
345
or
VII.
VIII. . .
IX.
X. and XI. .
.
VIII.
IX. .
» X. .
DE LEGIBUS .
Book I. .
., II. .
, III. .
262
266
270
.sg.
.
.
»
282 APPENDIX
287 | INDEX .
XIII.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES
VOL. IV.
[The original of these notes was contained in a separate manu-
script, dated July 1747, in the possession of Mathias, which
was presented to him by Richard Stonehewer, one of Gray's
executors. They were published by Mathias in 1814, and
have never since been reprinted. It has been thought best
to print the Greek, in this instance, as Gray wrote it.- ED.]
ACHARNENSES.
Olymp. 88. 3.
IT1 appears from several passages in the drama itself
and in the Scholia, that it was played in this olympiad
and year, Archont. Euthydemo, and consequently the
year before his Equites. In the sixth line he mentions
the fine imposed on Cleon, of five talents; so that
it is not true, that his Equites was the occasion of
that disgrace (see v. 300), as the author of his life
has written, and the Scholia here say.
v. 11. This Theognis, satirized as a bad writer of
tragedy, and from his coldness nicknamed Xwwv, was
twenty-two years afterwards one of the thirty tyrants.
Moschus, Dexitheus, and Chæris, mentioned here, were
tibicines of this time.
47. Euripides, in his Iphigenia in Tauris, is here
ridiculed.
66. The allowance to an Athenian embassy con-
sisted of two drachmæ a day to each person employed.
119. The Medea of Euripides is here parodied. I
i It was not any oligarchy, or tyranny, which retrenched the
chorus in the Athenian comedy, or prohibited the representa-
tion of real characters, as Platonius asserts, in his observations
entitled Ilepi diapopas Kwuwde@v.-[GRAY.]
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
read, EÉvpnjeve, which improves the parody of Euri-
pides.—Effeminate persons began to shave their chins
even in these times. (V. Athenæum, L. 13. p. 565.
and Thesmoph. v. 225.)
233. The action against Pisistratus at Pallene, one
of the Amuor of Attica, is mentioned by Andocides,
de Mysteriis, whose great-grandfather Leogoras was
Στρατηγος there.
346-47.-
AvaGFLEUV Bomv,
Ολιγου τ' απεθανον ανθρακες Παρνασσιοι, κτλ.
Slhould we not read Παρνηθιοι !
387. &c. Hieronimus a tragick and lyrick poet.
Euripides and Cephisophon ridiculed.--The Æneus,
Phønix, Philoctetes, Bellerophon, Telephus, Thyestes,
and Ino of Euripides, are laughed at, where he had
introduced the principal characters in poor apparel to
move compassion. The sententious pertness of his per-
sonages, and the inactiveness and folly of his chorusses,
are all noticed. The poverty of his mother is alluded to.
442.—Tous d' av Xopeutas nuo lovs Tapeotavat, &c.
Euripides is here satirized for making his chorusses
take little part in the action of the drama, but either
telling long fables, or impertinently questioning and
answering the characters.
504.-—Oute yap popo: 'Hkovol, &c.
The time, when the contributions of the allies were
brought to Athens, was during the Dionysia ta kat
Aotv, (see Isocrat. de Pace, 175,) in spring time in the
month Elaphebolion ; the Lenæa were celebrated in
winter pretty late, two months before the other, and in
the country, at which time this piece was played.
ACHARNENSES.
ar
529. Περικλεης ολυμπιος
Ηστραπτεν, εβροντα, ξυνεχυκα την Ελλαδα, &c.
The fine fragment from the Anjol of Eupolis on
Pericles.
602. Mc bobopouvtas tpeus Spaguas, &c.
He seems to mean that they sent their Erpatnyou
on various useless embassies, who gladly accepted them,
as well to be out of the way of danger, as to earn the
publick allowance, two or three drachmæ a day, and to
be out of the power of their creditors.
628. Ef oủye xopowo w eDEOTIKE TpUyikous Ó Sidar-
kados yuwv, &c.
Tpvywdia seems always to mean comedy here. See
above, v. 498 and 499. Is this Parabasis to be under-
stood of Aristophanes himself, or of Callistratus the
actor, in whose name he seems to have exhibited all his
dramas, before the Equites? Some of the Scholia take
it of the latter (see v. 654); they also rightly under-
stand in a ridiculous light what is here said of the
Persian king, which the writer of the Poet's life, and
Mad. Dacier also, seriously report as a fact.
703. Is this the Thucydides, son of Melesias, who
underwent the ostracism, or, as Idomeneus says (see
Schol. ad Vespas, v. 941), perpetual banishment, and
that he fled into Persia, Ol. 83, 4, nineteen years before
this ? Cephisodemus seems to have been his accuser.
875. Nacoas, Kololovs, &c. Is Kolovos the jay, or
the jackdaw, or the magpye? It was, as it appears, an
eatable bird. It appears also, that the Greeks eat
hedge-hogs, foxes, locusts, moles, otters, and cats. (see
Athenæus, L. 17, p. 300.) The Megareans brought
NOTES ON ANISTOPHANES.
salt, swine, garlick, &c., to sell at the Athenian markets,
and bought corn there, &c. The Baotians (see Irene
v. 1003 and 4.) sold them water-fowl and wild-fowl of
various sorts, manufactures of rushwork, as mats, wicks
for lamps, &c., and fish from their lakes, particularly
excellent eels.
883. The 'OTwv Kplois of Æschylus is here parodied.
1000. It is certain that this comedy was played
during the Lenca, and many parts of it seem a repre-
sentation of the festival itself, as v. 238, where Dicæo-
polis and his family perform sacrifice to Bacchus, and
here is the Certamen Bibendi, used in the Xoai: but
we are not told that this ceremony was used except on
the second day of the Anthesteria. Hence it seems
probable, that it was used alike in the Lenæa.
1029. Oů dnpoo LeVWV TUYxavo. The publick elected
and gave a salary to certain physicians (see Aves, v.
585, and Plutus, v. 408) who took no fees from par-
ticular people.
It appears from some of the scenes in this comedy,
that the Prytanes were present in the publick assemblies,
seated in the place of honour; that they kept order
there, and commanded the archers to apprehend any
one who made a disturbance; and that they produced
ambassadors to the people, and dismissed the assembly.
Ambassadors were entertained in the Prytaneum at the
invitation of the senate.
EQUITES.
Olymp. 88. 4. In Lenæis, Mense Posideone.
V. 9. Olympus, the scholar of Marsyas, invented the
symphony of flutes. 19. Alludes to Euripides. 61.
Adel de xpnouovs. Alluding to the Sibyll's oracles.
123. Alluding to the oracles of Bacis. The Scholiast
says there were three of that name.
282. It seems, that Cleon, for his success at Sphac-
teria, had a publick maintenance allowed him in the
Prytaneum.
399. The sottishness of Cratinus.—Morsimus, the
son of Philocles, wrote Tragedy. 404. The TeO PUTITOL
of Simonides cited.
504. This was the first drama which Aristophanes
brought upon the stage in his own name, (see Vespæ, v.
1013.) and he himself played the character of Cleon in it.
517. Eldws å tabev Moyons dua taus Tollars
KATLOVOA's, &c.
Magnes, the comick poet, had great success in his
plays, named, Bupßitudes, Opvides, aves, Batpaxola
Avdou, but was hissed off the stage in his decline.
523. Kpativov peuvnuevos. Cratinus—his ancient
glory is declared ; but he afterwards grew negligent,
drunken, and despised in his old age. Connas, the
tibicen, lost his former reputation.
NOTI
.
ON
N ARISTOPHANESTO
524. The passage cited from the Pytine of Cratinus
in the Scholia must either not be in that drama, or the
poet must allude here to some other similar passage; as
the Pytine was not played till the following year, and
(as the Scholia say afterwards) written upon the provo.
cation here given by Aristophanes.
534. Crates; his various success. Aristophanes
assigns his reasons for not before exhibiting any drama
in his own name.
586. The comick chorus (as the Scholiast informs
us, and see also Aves, v. 298) consisted of twenty-four
persons, the tragick chorus but of fifteen. They were
(sometimes) composed of men, women, and children,
mixed, as in the Vespæ, &c. Casaubon, in his notes to
V. 495, gives an account of the Parabasis and of its
seven parts, namely, the Koupatiov, Ilapaßao is (propriè
dicta), Makpov or IIviyos, Etpoon, Erippnuo, Avto-
στροφη, και Αντεπιρρημα.
596. The humour of these lines, and of the naval
expedition of the horses, is hardly intelligible at present.
701. II poedpia was an honour conferred on principal
citizens for their services : every one was obliged to give
them place in the assembly, the senate, the theatre, &c.
Cleon had this honour after his success at Sphacteria.
782. Tyv ev Ealajivi. It is plain what part he
means : but why does he call it so ?
790. Etos oydoov. Must be understood of the eighth
year only beginning.
810. 1 Todes Apyovs. The sharpness of this parody
of Euripides consists in this : Cleon, under a pretence
of an embassy to Argos, was suspected of carrying on a
EQUITES.
9.
Y
private correspondence with the Spartans, on the sub-
ject of restoring the prisoners he had made at Sphacteria.
(See v. 463.)
851. Here is a good account of the ostracism, in the
Scholia, but with some errours. It is said to be in use
with the Argives, Megareans and Milesians ; but Phæax
in his oration on the subject, spoken probably not many
years after this, affirms the contrary; Movou yap avtov
των Ελληνων χρωμεθα, και ουδεμια των αλλων πολιων
EDeleu jeung ao dar; and it is not likely, that those
cities should have adopted it, after it ceased to be in
use at Athens, which took place Olymp. 91. 1. In
enumerating several great men exostracised, he mentions
Alcibiades, who never was so.
908. The ships were delivered to the Trierarchs, by
the Erpathyou (who seem to have appointed them) and
belonged to the publick; but the Trierarch, at his own
expense, repaired and furnished them with all neces-
saries. The Ecopopai were paid by the richer citizens,
a catalogue of whom seems to have been drawn by the
Etpatnyou.
947. The custom of the steward, or head-servant,
keeping his master's seal.
950. Opcov EEWTTN Levov. There are three receipts,
in the Scholia, of Greek cookery, to make a Opion. The
1st was in this manner : they boiled rice, or fine flour
in grains (called Xovopos) till it was tender ; then they
kneaded it up with new cheese, and eggs, wrapped up
the whole in a fig-leaf, and boiled it in a soup of broth
of meat; then fried it brown in honey, and served it
up to table with the honey in the dish. 2. A second
10
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
sort was made of flour, lard, or the fat of a kid, milk,
and yolks of eggs, boiled in a fig-leaf. 3. The third
sort was, the brains of any animal with garum (the
pickle of fish) and cheese ; the whole put in a fig-leaf,
and baked over the fire.
959. Μολγος-μυρρινου-Σμικυθην και Κυριον-
obscure passages. The Scholia assist us very little here.
1046. IIeVtecupyyov Evrov. This wooden machine
had five holes in it to receive the hands, feet, and neck
of the prisoners, serving at once for the pillory and for
the stocks.
1300. It is false to say, that the Athenians had no
connection with, or thoughts of, Carthage, (see Isocrates
de Pace, 177.) whatever the commentators may say ;
their ambition extended itself in proportion to their
conquests, and if their Sicilian expedition had succeeded,
they had actually thoughts of attacking that great
republick : Thucydides at least tells us, that this was
Alcibiades's view. L. 6. c. 15.
1375. EvvepKTIKOS yap egti, &c. This imitates the
turn of phrase then in use among the young gentlemen
of Athens, who had deserted the country, and the more
manly exercises of agriculture, hunting, &c., and divided
their time between the effeminate pleasures of the city
and the publick assemblies, in which they valued them-
selves upon their eloquence, and the new art of speak-
ing, then, perhaps, taught by the sophists. The terms
they use (as the Scholiast observes) bear a double mean-
ing; and he rightly explains the sense of Katada.KTUR,SELV.
There is no doubt, but that this line is spoken by the
chorus to Demus, who represents the people,
VESPÆ
Olymp. 89. 2. In Lenæis.
v. 139. Istvos is not the kitchen (as the Scholiast
would have it) but the stove for heating the bath.
Πυελος is the labrum, or bathing-tub. Tρημα, the hole
in it at the bottom to let out the water. Karin, the
funnel, or vent for the smoke. Tydia, a cap or cover
to close the vent.
157. Read, Alkagovta je.
158. 'Oyap Oeos, &c. It seems to be the old man
who says this, not his son; and Bdelycleon answers;
Atollov atOTPOTALE, &c.
240. 2s eotai Aaxnti VUVI (i.e. dikn.) &c. Laches,
who had been recalled from his command in Sicily two
years before this, Ol. 88. 3 (Thucyd. L. 3. c. 115.) seems
to have been accused this year by Cleon and his party.
287. Avnp maxus ņKEL TWV TT podovtwv Tári Opakns,
&c. Without doubt this relates to Thucydides, who
was Empatnyos in Thrace, and condemned to banish-
ment this very year, for his treachery or neglect in the
loss of Amphipolis.
322. Allw Zeû, &c. This is undoubtedly a parody
of some tragick chorus, perhaps of Æschylus or of
Euripides, though the Scholiast is silent.
388. 1 AUKE, &c. The fane of Lycus adjoining to
12
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
YA
all courts of justice, fenced in, and covered at the top
with mats.
415. Tavta Ont' ov delva, &c. This should be spoken
by the chorus.
576. When boys underwent the Aokimaola, their
puberty was publickly examined (as it seems) in the
court of Heliæa. .
598. Tópßadi v pwv TEPUKOV€l. The manner of black-
ing shoes (as it seems) was with a sponge and tar.
606. The custom of washing and anointing their
feet, as soon as they came home, which was in poorer
families the office of the daughters.
655. The publick revenue of Athens comprehending
the contributions of the allied cities (which may be set
at six hundred talents yearly, as Thucydides observes,
L. 2. c. 13.); the tolls and customs from the markets,
and ports, and mines; the Prytanea, or sums deposited
by such as had suits in any court (v. Nubes, v.
1134, and 1193, and Kuster ad v. 1182.); and the
confiscations, &c., here computed at two thousand
talents per annum (£387,500), out of which one
hundred and fifty talents were expended on the six
thousand Aukaotai kept in pay (see Isocrates de Pace,
185.) at three oboli a-day, which in ten months (for
the rest of the year consisted in holidays, during which
the courts did not sit) amounted to that sum. Qu.
what are the Εκατοσται, and Μισθοι mentioned as
branches of the revenue here? (v. Xenoph. de Athen.
Republ. 404.)
688. To onjuelov, the sign given to enter the court,
and take their places (v. Thesmoph. v. 285.); mentioned
VESPÆ.
13
also by Andocides de Mysteriis ; To OnLielov ka0e11),
p. 6.—The Evvnyopot, or orators, received a drachma in
each cause (as it seems) from the publick.
700. Notep alevpov. The metaphor seems to be
taken from some weakly young animal brought up by
the hand, by distilling milk or pap into its mouth,
gradually through a lock of wool. The Scholiast on
v. 700 comes nearer the true meaning, than on v. 699.
705. A thousand cities paid tribute to the Atheniaus
at this time. Genuine citizens were now above twenty
thousand.
716. In the Schol. on this verse for 'Itzapxov read
Ioapxov: but I do not find any revolt in Eubea till
eleven years afterwards ; nor can there be any allusion
here to the distribution of corn under Lysimachides,
which took place twenty-three years before.
787. The obolus, a silver coin. Custom of putting
money in the mouth. (Aves, 503.)
800. 2OTEP 'Ekatalov. A little chapel or tabernacle
of Hecate was erected before every man's door. (Ranæ,
369.)
840. Xoipokometov Eotias. Libations and prayers
were always begun to Vesta. (v. Aves, v. 865, and
Plato's Cratylus, p. 401.)
870. Apollo A yuleus was represented by a small
obelisk before the doors of houses. (v. Thesmoph. 485.)
'909. It is Bdelycleon who sustains the part of the
Thesmotzhetes. · The servant speaks for the accuser.
From O ßdelvpos oúros ov METEOWK' altoŮVTC Mot, are
his words in the character of the Cydathenæan dog,
who represents a sycophant informer, who prosecutes
14
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
Labes (the dog defendant) because he would not give'
him a share of the Sicilian cheese which he had stolen.
TW KOLVw yểuor, I suppose means, the dog of the
publick; or this last line may be spoken by the judge
himself, who represents the people, and is angry, that
he had no part in the spoil. In the Scholia, for Xapnta
read Max?ta.
930. Avtos kadedou—as far as ovdew, v. 934, is
said by Bdelycleon; and Philocleon adds, (as the Scho-
liast also reads) TOUtov de yogi cyw, &c., meaning the
defendant.
954. Eyw so eßovlounu av, &c., seems obscure, nor
do I perceive who says this. Akovcov w dacjovle, V.
956. belongs to Bdelycleon, who from Thesmothetes
turns advocate for Labes.
981. Tyvai laßwv, &c. The account in the Scho-
liast of the manner of voting, is to me unintelligible;
and Florens Christianus (who does little more than
translate the Scholia) is as much so. It seems that
the calculi put into the ύστερος καδισκος acquitted the
prisoner. The matter is better explained in the Schol.
on v. 985.
1014. Eurycles, an eyyaotpuudos or ventriloquist,
and prophet at Athens. Els addorplas yaotepas, I
imagine, means fetching his voice out of another per-
son's belly ; for persons, who have this faculty, often
seem to do so.
1025. Aristophanes—how he demolished Cleon in
his Equites : his Nubes, written against the school of
Socrates, exploded : he reckons it his best piece : ancient
Scholia, sung after meals, on Harmodius : the beginning
added
VESPXE.
15
of another by Alcæus : Aduntov doyos: the Paræria of
Praxilla : Æsophic and Sybaritic tales.
1037. The office of the Polemarch. See the Schol.
on this verse.
1052. The custom of putting apples (qu. whether
the citron fruit ?) among chests of clothes.
1221. This is the beginning of the Scholion on Har-
modius and Aristogēīton, to which Philocleon answers,
as continuing the song, OVK oŮtw Tavoûpyos, &c., mean-
ing Cleon, whom Bdelycleon personates. Observe the
way of singing successively (see Nubes, v. 1367), and
continuing the same Scholion, giving a myrtle branch
from one to another.
1275. E. TIVES oi, &c. This obscure antistrophe
relates to some transaction between Cleon and the
poet, of which we know little.
1300. Didymus and others take these lines for
nonsense.
1408. I know not why this character is called Euri-
pides : it seems a mistake.
1418. Example of a Sybaritic tale.
1481. Besides Phrynichus, son of Melanthus the
tragick poet, (who must have been dead fifty years at
least before this) and Phrynichus, the comick son of
Polyphradmon (or Eunomides, see Ranæ, v. 13.) and
contemporary with Aristophanes, there was a third
Phrynichus, a famed actor of tragedy mentioned here
in the Scholion on v. 1293, and by Andocides de
Mysteriis, p. 7, as a relation of his own. (See also Aves,
Schol. on 750.)
1491. Carcinus, the son of Thorycias, had three
16
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
sons, all players, Xenotimus, Demotimus, and the
youngest Xenocles, a tragick poet.
. 1507. The chorus here give way to the three sons
of Carcinus, or to such as imitated them, who dance a
vaulting dance.
1524. For ģuas read yas.' The chorus came on,
but never went off, dancing.
NUBES.
In Dionysiis tous karaotu, Mens. Elaphebol. after
the Vespæ.
Ol. 89. 1.
The Nubes was played Ol. 89. 1. and damned; it was
altered and repeated Ol. 89, 2, but still with ill success.
It was again altered, and published two or three years
after, but never played again.
v. 10. Eloupa, a kind of frieze (Ecclesiaz: 347) or
thick woollen garment, used as a great coat, and also to
cover beds, as here, like a blanket.
37. Anuapxos, an officer presiding over each Anuos,
instituted (as Aristotle says) by Clisthenes; for before
that time they were called Navklapou. They had a
register of all the debts of their anuotas, and obliged
them to give their creditors security, when demanded.
178. Acaßntny. The Scholiast here exactly describes
a pair of compasses. (Vid. Platon. Philebus, p. 567.)
180. Thales the Milesian.
256. The sacrifice of Athamas, in a tragedy of
Sophocles.
267. Kuvî, a leather cap, or calotte, with which they
covered their head against the rain
335. Bombast expressions of dithyrambick writers,
Cinesias, Philoxenus, and Cleomenes, as the Scholiast
says.
VOL. IV.
18
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
503. Chærephon; his leanness and paleness.
524. The first Nubes exploded : Aristophanes re-
garded it as his best work. His Aaltades, the first
comedy of his brought upon the stage, but under another
person's name, Philonides or Callistratus ; its success.
534. The Choephori of Æschylus.
549. His abuse of Cleon in the Equites. Eupolis's
Maricas, a bad imitation of the Equites. Phrynichus,
the comick writer. Hermippus, his drama against
Hyperbolus. The simile of the eel-catchers in the
Equites was famous.
586. It is not necessary that we should understand
this of Cleon's expedition to Thrace, where he was killed
and the Athenians defeated, as the Scholia and Span-
heim would have us understand it; it is meant of his
Στρατηγια, in the year he took Σφακτηρια, which, how-
ever successful in that particular, is always represented
by the poet, here and elsewhere, as the misfortune and
errour of the publick, on account of the signal depravity
of manners, rapacity, and mad conduct of Cleon. It
appears, even from v. 591, that Cleon was actually alive
at the time when this was written. Hyperbolus was
chosen Hieromnemon in this year, to go to Thermopylae
and Delphi. Mad. Dacier's explanation of v. 625, is
the best we can find.
765. A remarkable description of a burning-glass.
The Scholia here tells us, that at this time they called
rock-crystal 'Yados, which may possibly be, as he here
calls it, Aldos. Not that artificial glass, from Egypt
and the east, was unknown to them: Herodotus men-
tions it in his account of the Ethiopians, &c.; however
NUBES.
19
it appears, that they did not put it to this use of collect-
ing the sunbeams, till they had heated it first, and rubbed
it with oil : it seems to have been then newly invented.
Spanhemius, at v. 619 and 626, does not imagine this
confusion of the year to be owing to the irregularities
before the invention of Meto's cycle, (which was not
received into publick use), but to some attempt, per-
haps of the magistracy, at this time to introduce that
cycle, which, however, did not obtain : the months still
continuing of thirty, and the year of three hundred and
sixty, days.
919. The Telephus of Euripides.
961. The Greek children from ten years old to
thirteen were sent to the I'pajjatloths, who taught
them to read and write, then to the Kidupcorns, and
next to the Ilaidotpußns.
964. The odes of Lamprocles son of Midon an
Athenian, and of Cydides of Hermione.
967. Phrynis, the musician of Mitylene, scholar of
Aristoclitus, corrupted and softened the ancient musick.
981. Schol. Cecides, was an ancient dithyrambick.
1047. All natural warm baths were sacred to
Hercules.
1264. Carcinus introduced in his tragedies, certain
deities deploring and lamenting themselves. A parody
of two lines in the Licymnius of Xenocles.
1359. Scholia of Simonides. Speeches from Æs-
chylus and Euripides were sung at entertainments.
PAX.
Acted in the Dionysia ta kat' aotu, Ol. 90. 2. Archonte Archiâ.
Bentley and Malalam.
v. 81. This whole whim of making Trygæus fly to
heaven, mounted on the back of a monstrous beetle, is
a ridiculous imitation of the Bellerophon of Euripides,
who is introduced in like sort taming Pegasus for the
same purpose, and seating himself on his back. This
Hovxos, rouxos, npepa, kavowv, is a parody of that
scene which begun, Ay' w pilov you IInyacou ztepov :
and so, from the elevated expression, I imagine the rest
to be, as far as v. 155. The reason why he himself
chooses to go to heaven on a beetle, he himself gives us
out of Æsop's fables ;
Εν τοισιν Αισωπου λογους εξηυρεθη
Μονος πετεινων εις θεους αφιγμενος
and he adds another, which shews his - ceconomy and
prudence; for he says, that had he used any other
vehicle, he must have carried twice the provision,
whereas this animal will feed on what he himself had
digested.
146. The Bellerophon of Euripides introduced lame
after his fall.
218. Hy exwuev mnv IIudov. This seems to allude
PAX.
21
.
to the Athenians refusing to restore Pylus after the
ratification of the truce, Ol. 89. 4. See Thucyd. L.
5. 35.
236. Tas yvačovs alynpete, i.e. In eating the
MUTTWTOS which he is cooking for them.
342. The best account of the Kottaßiuos is in the
Scholia, and at v. 1241.
363. Prisoners condemned to death were executed
one only in a day, and drew lots who should die first.
373. Those who would be initiated at Eleusis sacri-
ficed a pig, which cost three drachmä. (See also Plat.
Rep. L. 2. 378.)
413. The eclipse of the sun, Ol. 88. 4, mentioned by
Thucydides; and in the Nubes, v. 584.
449. Kei TuS Otpatnyelv, &c. This (as the Scholiast
says) is a reflection perhaps on Alcibiades, but un-
doubtedly on Lamachus, who was always strenuous for
continuing the war.
456. Mars and Enyalius were two different divinities.
(See Sophocles, Ajax, v. 179.)
465. The Baotians refused to come into the truce
with Athens. See Thucyd. L. 5. 17.
530. The musick of Sophocles praised. Euripides's
little sentences and short replies.
642. ‘Att' av diabados, &c. This alludes to sick
stomachs, which are most inclined to eat what is most
prejudicial to them.
697. Simonides and Sophocles, now an old man;
their avarice.
699. This is not to be literally understood ; for
Cratinus was alive seven years after the invasion of
C
22
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
Attica by the Spartans, but he had given himself up to
drinking, and declined in his parts and reputation.
712. The senate seemed to have named the Oewpoi,
that is, the Areopagus, as I imagine.
728. The chorus here (as in Acharnens. v. 626.) pull
off their imatia, or mantles, or upper garments, that
they may dance the Parabasis, or the anapæstick digres-
sion, with more ease.
: 735. Aristophanes banished (as he says) low ribaldry
from the stage, and made comedy an art; he attacked
without fear the most powerful men, particularly Cleon.
Carcinus and his sons, Morsimus and Melanthius, tragick
poets, satirized. Ion of Chius, his hymn on the morning
star: now lately dead. See the account of him in the
Scholia.
756. These verses are repeated from the Nubes,
which proves that drama to have been exploded.
884. Ariphrades : his strange lust.
951. Chæris, the tibicen. Morychus and Melanthius;
their gluttony. Parody from the Medea of the latter.
Stilbides and Hierocles of Oreus, professed prophets.
Bacis; three of that name (Schol.), a Baotian, an
Athenian, and an Arcadian. Sibylla, her prophecies.
966. Ceremonies in sacrificing: extinguishing a
lighted torch in the water, with which they washed ;
carrying the vessel with barley, a garland, and knife in
it, round the altar to the right; throwing whole barley
among the people, &c. It appears (see Thesmoph. v.
402. and Aves, 795) that women were present in the
theatres, which is amazing, when one considers the
extreme indecency, not of words alone, but of actions,
PAX.
23
in these spectacles. The preceding scene at v. 881, is
a more than common instance of it. See also Lysis-
trata, v. 1095.
Possibly the chorus, not the audience, might be in
part composed of women, for it is they who are called
oi Dewuevot. The sacrificer asked before the libation,
Τις τηδε ; and the standers-by replied Πολλοι καγαθοι:
then they sprinkled them with the holy water, and
begun the prayer; after which they cut the victim's
throat : (1018. he calls it tov olv. Is this a general
name for all victims, or should one read to Oüpa ? it
appears to be a sheep, not a hog: the Schol. at verse
1019 sacrifice to Peace without any victim in the fes-
tival called Evvolkegla.) Then having dressed the
victim and piled wood on the altar, they offered up the
two, sprinkling them with wine and oil and barley
flour (Ta Ovinuata). The Mavtels wore laurel-crowns.
1056. Aye vvv anapxov, &c. The Atrapypa seems
to be the first cut, due to the Mavtis. After the offer-
ing they dressed the inward parts and the tongue, made
their libation, and then eat them.
1240. A cuirass was worth ten minæ; a trumpet,
sixty drachma; a helmet, one mina.
1253. Eupuara, an Egyptian purge. See Thesmoph.
864. In this play one would imagine, that the scene
must change at v. 179, (where Trygæus arrives at the
gates of heaven mounted on his winged steed), and
from thence to v. 829, it lies in heaven: but how the
chorus get thither I cannot imagine, as they have no
hippo-canthari (or horse-beetles) to carry them to that
place.
24
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
OBSERVATION. -
Bentley dates the time of the action of this play as
above, Ol. 90. 2. Palmerius dates it a year sooner, Ol. 90.
1.; Sam. Petitus two years earlier, Ol. 89. 3. Archonte
Alcão; and I cannot but think the last to be in the right.
What the two former chiefly go upon, are these lines :
Oi gov tpuxquel non
Τρια και δεκ' ετη-
This, I think, Petitus has answered by saying, that the
poet himself, v. 605, places the beginning of the war
three years higher than the common account, that is,
from the declaration against Megara, Ol. 86. 2. Archonte
Antilochida, which was the first cause of the Pelopon-
nesian war. So that this drama appeared during the
Dionysia, which immediately preceded the truce, (men-
tioned by Thucydides, L. 5. C. 20) when it was on the
point of being concluded, and before the Spartan
prisoners, taken at Sphacteria, were restored, as the
following lines seem to intimate;
Ap'owo @'; 8001 y' avtwv exovtal tov Évlov
Μονοι προθυμούντ'· αλλ' ο χαλκευς ουκ εα:
which the Scholiast rightly explains of these captives,
though Palmerius makes light of their interpretation,
and tries to give the passage quite another sense, under-
standing the words, έχονται του ξυλου, of the Γεωργοι,
and ở xalkeus of the armourer, who lived by the war;
not reflecting that the words undoubtedly relate to the
Lacedæmonians, among whom these arts belonged only
to slaves, whose inclinations could have no influence in
determining the state either to war or to peace. And
besides in the lines 270 and 280, and 311, (Evlaſeco B?
PAX.
25
EKELVOV TOV Kepſepov, &c.), there could be no manner of
humour, if we imagine Brasidas and Cleon to have been
dead three years. Whereas Ol. 89. 3. in spring-time,
it was but a few months from the battle of Amphipolis,
which happened at the end of the summer before. As
to that line, 294, IIpu ÉTepov av doiduka, &c. it may
as well be understood of Lamachus, Hyperbolus, or any
other favourer of the war, as of Alcibiades; or if it be
applied to him, what occasion is there to think it is
meant of his Etparnyia in Peloponnesus (Ol. 90. 1)?
What is said of the Argives at v. 474, and 492, is only
a reproach for the neutrality which they had observed
during the war; or their inclinations, might well be
suspected even at this time, before they had actually
formed a new confederacy against Sparta, as it after-
wards happened. For what could be more natural, than
that a powerful state, which by long peace had been for
many years acquiring new strength, while their ancient
enemies had been continually weakening themselves by
war, should (at a time when their truce with Sparta
was on the point of expiring) attempt to form a league
by drawing their discontented allies from them, and
setting themselves at the head of a new confederacy,
which necessarily must kindle a new war in Greece. As
to the aversion the Baotians and Megarensians had to
peace (mentioned v. 465 and 480) see Thucydides, L.
5. 17. As to v. 210. EKELVOV moldakis orovdas TTOLOVV-
Twv, it alludes to the Spartan offer of a truce, Ol. 88. 4,
which was rejected ; and the suspension of arms agreed
upon Ol. 89. 1, and ill-observed, the Lacedæmonians
continuing their conquests in Thrace.
AVES.
This Comedy was acted Ol. 91. 2. Archonte Chabria in Dionysiis
TOLS kar aotu. It was judged the second best; the Com-
asta of Ameipsias being the first.
THE PLANT OF THE AVES.
Euelpides and Pisthetærus, two ancient Athenians,
thoroughly weary of the folly, injustice, and litigious
temper of their countrymen, determine to leave Attica
for good and all; and having heard much of the fame
of Epops, king of the birds, who was once a man under
the name of Tereus, and had married an Athenian lady,
they pack up a few necessary utensils, and set out for
the court of that prince under the conduct of a jay and
a raven, birds of great distinction in augury, without
whose direction the Greeks never undertook any thing
of consequence. Their errand is to enquire of the birds,
who are the greatest travellers of any nation, where
they may meet with a quiet easy settlement, far from
all prosecutions, law-suits, and sycophant informers,
to pass the remainder of their lives in peace and
liberty.
i Perhaps the reader may be inclined to think with the editor,
that the plan, or detailed argument, of the Aves is drawn up
with such peculiar vivacity, pointed humour, and originality of
manner, as to be a model of its kind.—[MATHIAS.]
AVES.
27
Act 1. Sc. 1.
The scene is a wild unfrequented country, which
terminates in mountains : there the old men are seen,
accompanied by two slaves who carry their little baggage,
fatigued and fretting at the carelessness of their guides,
who, though they cost them a matter of a groat in the
market, are good for nothing but to bite them by the
fingers, and lead them out of the way. They travel on
however, till they come to the foot of the rocks, which
stop up their passage, and put them to their wit's end.
Here the raven croaks, and the jay chatters, and looks
up into the air, as much as to say, that this is the place :
upon which they knock with a stone, and with their
lieels, (as though it were against a door,) against the
side of the mountain.
Act 1. Scene 2.
Trochilus, a bird that waits upon Epops, appears
above; he is frighted at the sight of two men, and
they are much more so at the length of his beak and
the fierceness of his aspect. He takes them for fowlers ;
and they insist upon it, that they are not men, but
birds. In their confusion, their guides, whom they
held in a string, escape and fly away. Epops, during
this, within is asleep, after having dined upon a dish
of beetles and berries : their noise wakens him, and he
comes out of the grove.
Scene 3.
At the strangeness of his figure they are divided
between fear and laughing. They tell him their crrand,
I
LC
28
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
and he gives them the choice of several cities fit for
their purpose, one particularly on the coast of the Red
Sea, all which they refuse for many comical reasons.
He tells them the happiness of living among the birds ;
they are much pleased with the liberty and simplicity
of it; and Pisthetærus, a shrewd old fellow, proposes a
scheme to improve it, and make them a far more power-
ful and considerable nation.
Scene 4.
Epops is struck with the project, and calls up his
consort, the nightingale, to summon all his people
together with her voice. They sing a fine ode : the
birds come flying down, at first one by one, and perch
here and there about the scene; and at last the chorus
in a whole body, come hopping, and fluttering, and
twittering in.
. Scene 5.
At the sight of the two men, they are in great
tumult, and think that their king has betrayed them
to the enemy. They determine to tear the two old men
to pieces, draw themselves up in battle-array, and are
giving the word to fall on. Euelpides and Pisthetærus,
in all the terrours of death, after upbraiding each the
other for bringing him into such distress, and trying in
vain to escape, assume courage from mere despair, seize
upon the kitchen-furniture which they had brought with
them, and armed with pipkins for helmets, and with
spits for lances, they present a resolute front to the
enemy's phalanx.
AVES.
29
Act 1. Scene 6.
On the point of battle Epops interposes, pleads hard
for his two guests, who are, he says, his wife's relations,
and people of wonderful abilities, and well-affected to
their commonwealth. His eloquence has its effect; the
birds grow less violent, they enter into a truce with the
old men, and both sides lay down their arms. Pisthe-
tærus, upon the authority of Æsop's fables, proves to
them the great antiquity of their nation; that they
were born before the creation of the earth, and before
the gods, and once reigned over all countries, as he
shows from several testimonies and monuments of
different nations : that, the cock wears his tiara erect,
like the Persian king, and that all mankind start out of
their beds at his command ; that, when the kite makes
his first appearance in the spring, every one prostrate
themselves on the ground before it ; that, the Egyptians
and Phoenicians set about their harvest, as soon as the
cuckoo is heard ; that, all kings bear an eagle on their
sceptre, and many of the gods carry a bird on their
head; that, many great men swear by the goose, &c. &c.
When he has revived in them the memory of their ancient
empire, he laments their present despicable condition,
desire his advice.
Act 1. Scene 7.
He proposes that they shall unite, and build a city
in the mid-air, whereby all commerce will effectually be
stopped, between heaven and earth : the gods will no
longer be able to visit at ease their Semeles and Alc-
30
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
:
mænas below, nor feast on the fume of sacrifices daily
sent up to them, nor men enjoy the benefit of the
seasons, nor the fruits of the earth, without permission
from those winged deities of the middle region. He
shows how mankind will lose nothing by this change of
government; that the birds may be worshipped. at a
far less expense, nothing more than a few berries or a
handful of corn; that they will need no sumptuous
temples; that by their great knowledge of futurity they
will direct their good votaries in all their expeditions,
so as they can never fail of success; that the ravens,
famed for the length of their lives, may make a present
of a century or two to their worshippers; and besides
the birds will ever be within call, when invoked, and
not sit pouting in the clouds, and keeping their state
so many miles off. The scheme is highly admired, and
the two old men are to be made free of the city, and
each of them is to be adorned with a pair of wings at
the publick charge. Epops invites them to his nest-
royal, and entertains them nobly. The nightingale in
the mean time joins the chorus without, and the Para-
basis begins. They sing their own nobility and ancient
grandeur, their prophetick skill, the benefits they do
mankind already, and all the good which they design
them; they descant upon the power of musick, in which
they are such great masters, and intermix many strokes
of satire ; they shew the advantages of flying, and apply
it to several whimsical cases; and they invite all such,
as would be free from the heavy tyranny of human
laws, to live among them, where it is no sin to beat
one's father, or to lie with one's mother, &c. &c.
AVES.
.
31
Act 2. Scene 1..
The old men now become birds, and magnificently
fledged, after laughing a while at the new and awkward
figure they make, consult about the name which they
shall give to their rising city, and fix upon that of
Nephelococcygia : and while one goes to superintend.
the workmen, the other prepares to sacrifice for the
prosperity of the city, which is growing apace.
Scene 2.
They begin a solemn prayer to all the birds of
Olympus, putting the swan in the place of Apollo, the
cock in that of Mars, and the ostrich in that of the
great mother Cybele, &c.
Scene 3.
A miserable poet, having already heard of the new
settlement, comes with some lyrick poetry which he.
has composed on this great occasion. Pisthetærus
knows his errand from his looks, and makes them give
him an old coat; but not contented with that, he begs
to have the waistcoat to it, in the elevated style of
Pindar; they comply, and get rid of him.
Scene 4.
The sacrifice is again interrupted by a begging pro-
phet, who brings a cargo of oracles, partly relating to
the prosperity of the city of Nephelococcygia, and
partly to a new pair of shoes, of which he is in extreme
want. Pisthetärus loses patience, and cuffs him and
his religious trumpery off the stage.
32
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
Scene 5.
Meto, the famous geometrician, comes next and
offers a plan, which he has drawn, for the new build-
ings, with much importance and impertinence: he
meets with as bad a reception as the prophet.
Act 2. Scene 6 and 7.
An ambassador, or licensed spy from Athens, arrives,
and a legislator with a body of new laws. They are
used with abundance of indignity, and go off threatening
every body with a prosecution. The sacred rites being
so often interrupted, they are forced to remove their
altar, and finish them behind the scenes. The chorus
rejoice in their own increasing power; and (as about
the time of the Dionysia it was usual to make pro-
clamation against the enemies of the republick) they
set a price upon the head of a famous poulterer, who
has exercised infinite cruelties upon their friends and
brethren : then they turn themselves to the judges and
spectators, and promise, if this drama obtain the victory,
how propitious they will be to them.
Act 3. Scene 1.
Pisthetærus returns, and reports, that the sacrifice
appears auspicious to their undertaking: a messenger
then enters with an account how quick the works
advance, and whimsically describes the employments
allotted to the several birds, in different parts of the
building.
Scene 2.
Another messenger arrives in a violent hurry, to tell
AVES.
33
how somebody from heaven has deceived the vigilance
of the jack-daws, who were upon guard, and passed
through the gates down into the lower air ; but that a
whole squadron of light-winged forces were in pursuit
of this insolent person, and hoped to fetch him back
again. The birds are in great perturbation, and all in
a flutter about it.
Scene 3.
This person proves to be Iris, who in her return is
stopped short, and seized by order of Pisthetærus. He
examines her, where is her passport? Whether she
had leave from the watch ? What is her business?
Who she is? in short, he treats her with great authority.
She tells her name, and that she was sent by Jove with
orders to mankind, that they should keep holiday, and
perform a grand sacrifice : she wonders at their sauci-
ness and madness, and threatens them with all her
father's thunder. The governour of Nephelococcygia
returns it with higher menaces, and with language very
indecent indeed for a goddess and a maid to hear :
however, with much-ado, she carries off her virginity
safe, but in a terrible passion.
Act 3. Scene 4.
The herald, who had been dispatched to the lower
world, returns with an account that all Athens was
gone bird-mad; that it was grown a fashion to imitate
them in their names and manners; and that shortly
they might expect to see a whole convoy arrive, in
order to settle among them. The chorus run to fetch
VOL. IV.
34
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
a vast cargo of feathers and wings to equip their new
citizens, when they come.
Scene 5.
The first, who appears, is a profligate young fellow,
who hopes to enjoy a liberty, which he could not enjoy
so well at home, the liberty of beating his father.
Pisthetærus allows it indeed to be the custom of his
people; but at the same time informs him of an ancient
law preserved among the storks, that they shall maintain
their parents in their old age. This is not at all agree-
able to the youth : however in consideration of his affec-
tion for the Nephelococcygians, Pisthetærus furnishes
him with a feather for his helmet, and a cock's spur
for a weapon, and advises him, as he seems to be of a
very military turn, to go into the army in Thrace.
Scene 6.
The next is Cinesias, the dithyrambick writer, who
is delighted with the thought of living among the
clouds, amidst those airy regions, whence all his poetical
flights are derived; but Pisthetærus will have no such
animal among his birds : he drives him back to Athens
with great contempt.
Act 3. Scene 7.
He then drives away also (but not without a severe
whipping) an informer, who, for the better dispatch of
business, and to avoid highwaymen and bad roads,
comes to beg a pair of wings to carry him round the
islands and cities subject to Athens, whose inhabitants
10
AVES.
35
he is used to swear against for an honest livelihood, as
did, he says, his fathers before him. The birds, in the
ensuing chorus, relate their travels, and describe the
strange things and strange men they have seen in them.
Act 4. Scene 1.
A person in disguise, with all the appearance of
caution and fear, comes to enquire for Pisthetærus, to
whom he discovers himself to be Prometheus, and tells
him (but first he makes them hold a large umbrella
over his head for fear Jupiter should spy him) that the
gods are all in a starving miserable condition : and,
what is worse, that the barbarian gods (who live no
one knows where, in a part of heaven far beyond the
gods of Greece) threaten to make war upon them,
unless they will open the ports, and renew the inter-
course between mankind and them, as of old. He
advises Pisthetærus to make the most of this intelli-
gence, and to reject all offers boldly, which Jupiter may
make him, unless he will consent to restore to the birds
their ancient power, and give him in marriage his
favourite attendant, Basilèa. This said, he slips back
again to heaven, as he came. The chorus continue an
account of their travels.
Act 4. Scene 2.
An embassy arrives from heaven consisting of Her-
cules, Neptune, and a certain Triballian god. As they
approach the city walls, Neptune is dressing and scold-
1 c. e. Sovereignty.
36
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
:
ing at the outlandish divinity, and teaching him how
to carry himself a little decently. They find Pisthe-
tærus busy in giving orders about a dish of wild
fowl (i.e. of birds which had been guilty of high mis-
demeanours, and condemned to die by the publick)
which are dressing for his dinner. Hercules, who before
was for wringing off the head of this audacious mortal
without farther conference, finds himself insensibly
relent, as he snuffs the savoury steam. He salutes
Pisthetærus, who receives them very coldly, and is
more attentive to his kitchen than to their compliment;
Neptune opens his commission; owns that his nation
(the gods) are not the better for this war, and on
reasonable terms would be glad of a peace. Pisthe-
tærus, according to the advice of Prometheus, proposes
(as if to try them) the first condition, namely, that of
Jupiter's restoring to the birds their ancient power;
and, if this should be agreed to, he says, that he hopes
to entertain my lords the ambassadors at dinner. Her-
cules, pleased with this last compliment, so agreeable
to his appetite, comes readily into all he asks; but is
severely reproved by Neptune for his gluttony. Pisthe-
tærus argues the point, and shews how much it would
be for the mutual interests of both nations; and
Neptune is hungry enough to be glad of some reason-
able pretence to give the thing up. The Triballian
god is asked his opinion for form : he mutters some-
what, which nobody understands, and so it passes for
his consent. Here they are going in to dinner, and all is
well; when Pisthetærus bethinks himself of the match
with Basilèa. This makes Neptune fly out again : he
AVES.
37
will not hear of it; he will return home instantly; but
Hercules cannot think of leaving a good meal so; he
is ready to acquiesce in any conditions. His colleague
attempts to shew him that he is giving up his patri-
mony for a dinner; and what will become of him after
Jupiter's death, if the birds are to have everything
during his life-time. Pisthetærus clearly proves to Her-
cules that this is a mere imposition; that by the laws
of Solon a bastard has no inheritance; that if Jove
died without legitimate issue, his brothers would suc-
ceed to his estate, and that Neptune speaks only out
of interest. Now the Triballian god is again to deter-
mine the matter ; they interpret his jargon as favour-
able to them ; so Neptune is forced to give up the
point, and Pisthetærus goes with him and the barbarian
to heaven to fetch his bride, while Hercules stays
behind to take care that the roast meat is not spoiled.
Act 5. Scene the first and last.
A messenger returns with the news of the approach
of Pisthetærus and his bride; and accordingly they
appear in the air in a splendid machine, he with Jove's
thunderbolt in his hand, and by his side Basilèa magni-
ficently adorned: the birds break out into loud songs of
exultation as they descend, and conclude the drama with
their Hymenäal.
The end of the Plan of the Aves.
NOTES ON THE AVES.
103. The birds of the drama had only the head,
wings, and beak of the fowl which they represented.
115. Why is Tereus said to have been in debt?
126. This is the Aristocrates, who afterwards was one
of the four hundred, mentioned by Thucydides, L. 8. 89,
and by Lysias in his oration against Eratosthenes.
v. 31. Acestor, called Sacas, a tragick poet, pre-
tended to be a citizen of Athens.
151. Melanthius, the poet, had a leprosy.
180. IIolos. This word was used at this time for
the whole heavens. Xaos, the void space of air. (v.
1218.)
223. Avdel Tes. These words are not in the drama,
but are a lapelypaon, a direction written on the side
to signify, that an air is played on the flute, in imita-
tion of the nightingale.
276. The second Tyro of Sophocles. Philocles called
Halmion, the son of Philopeithes, and a sister of
Æschylus, wrote comedy. Philocles, the tragick poet,
was the son of Astydamus, the son of Morsimus, the
son of the former Philocles. Another of the same
name and profession, his contemporary.
285. Callias, his luxury and poverty noted. Pal-
merius here gives a genealogy of the family.
AVES.
39
293. Schol. The Alavlos was to run twice the
length of the Stadium ; the Aodexos, seven times.
298. Here the twenty-four persons, who form the
comick chorus, are all enumerated, as they enter under
the form of as many birds. They are, as follow : a
partridge, a godwit, a guinea-hen, a male and female
halcyon, an owl, a woodpecker, a turtle, a tit-lark, a
pigeon, a hawk, a stock-dove, a cuckow, a dive-dapper,
and ten more, of which I know not the English names;
an Eleâs, an ‘Yo Ouves, a Neptos, an Epv@portovs, a
Keßinatrupus, a unun, an Ausredes, a IIoppupis, a Apvoy,
and Kepxviìs. There are also several mute personages,
perched here and there to adorn the scene; a flamingo,
a Median bird, (perhaps a kind of pheasant), though it
appears that this bird, under the name of Paplavikos
from v. 68, was known at that time, a hoopee, a
Katwdayâs.
437. Schol. The Andromache and the Phænissæ
of Euripides were not acted till after the Aves.
471. Silly fable of Æsop. 485. The cock, called
the Persian bird.
494. The festival was on the tenth day after the
child's birth, at which time they named it. See v.
924.
501. The custom of rolling on the ground, when
they first saw a kite in the spring-time. In Egypt,
and in Phoenicia, they began their harvest as soon as
the cuckow is heard.
510. The figure of a bird was placed on the top of
royal sceptres (Schol. on v. 1354.) the Scholiasts say,
an eagle. The statues of Minerva were with an owl,
40
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
S
those of Jupiter with an eagle, of Apollo with a hawk
on their heads, &c. .
519. In sacrifices they first laid the inwards of the
victim upon the hands of the deity, and then eat them.
521. The Nemesis of Cratinus was written long
after this play.
653. The fable of Archilochus, attributed, like all
other such fables, to Æsop.
670. Progne (for it was she, not Philomel, according
to our poet, who was transformed to a nightingale)
was represented by some famous Avintpus of those
times, who accompanied the chorus with her flute.
716. X laiva, a winter garment. Andos or Andaplov,
one for the summer.
750. Phrynichus, the tragick poet, was said to borrow
his musick from the nightingale.
760. They used artificial spurs for fighting-cocks,
as now, called IIanktpa. (Schol. on v. 1365.)
780. Hence I should imagine that these spectacles
were exhibited in the forenoon. There was a place
in the theatre assigned to the senate, called To Boulev-
Tikov, and another to the youth under age, named
Εφηβικον.
800. The myrmidons of Æschylus. 808. The eagle
and arrow from Æschylus, who calls it a Lybian fable.
843. Schol. The Palamedes of Euripides was acted
a little before this, which joined to Ælian's testimony,
Var. Hist. Lib. 2. 8, proves the falseness of that story
concerning the application of some lines in that drama
to the death of Socrates, which did not happen till
sixteen years after. This passage in the Scholiast
AVES.
. 41
supports Ælian, and makes the emendation of S. Petitus
(ad Thesmophoruzas) of no account.
jointly for their own state and that of Chios.
920. The style of the dithyrambick poets, Simonides
and Pindar, &c., laughed at.
934. Etolas, an upper garment made of skins.
942. In the fragment of Pindar, for Erpatwv, read
Erpatos; after akdens eßa, something is wanting.
· 967. Ovdev olov EQTi, means here, nothing hinders.
. 995. Meto, the geometrician, ridiculed.
1023. ETLO KOTOL, a sort of deputies sent from Athens
as the Scholiast says.
1025. Pavlov Bißlcov Teleov. The Scholiast says
nothing upon this, nor any one else. Teleas, a bad
author.
1036. Eav • NepeloKOKKVYLEVS, &c. This is the
beginning of a new law made on the occasion.
1073. I should imagine that the proclamation against
Diagoras was made this very year during the Dionysia.
(See Andocides de Mysteriis, p. 13), or that perhaps
might be the time, when such proclamations against the
publick enemies were made during these assemblies. .
1114. MnVLOKOL. These were plates of brass with
which they shaded the heads of statues to guard them
from the weather and the birds.
1149. 'Ytaywyevs. The name of a trowel, or some
such instrument, but of a forked form, I imagine, like
a swallow's tail. 2OTEP zaidia alludes to some children's
play. .
42
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
1157. I read, IIELEKWVtWv, instead of IIeNEKAVTWV.
1200. The part of Iris, played by some courtezan,
which is not, as in the Irene and others, a mute personage.
1282. EowKparovv. It seems, that it was now a.
sort of fashion in Athens, to imitate Socrates in his
dress and manner, and to talk philosophy.
1294. This cannot relate (as Palmerius, deceived by
the pseudo-Plutarch who wrote the life of Lycurgus,
imagines) to that orator, who probably was not born at
the time when this comedy was written. 1296. Cha-
repho, called Nurtepis.
1338. A parody of the Enomaus of Sophocles.
1374. Cynesias, a bad dithyrambick writer, called
Bidvpivos, and why: he was lame. Parody of Alcæus
and Simonides.
1485-93. Schol. The heroes who are supposed to
walk in the night, and strike with blindness, or with
some other mischief, any who met them. The persons,
who past by their fanes, always kept silence.
1493. TA ETideţia. The nobler parts, the head and
the eyes.
1508. Ekladiov, an umbrella, used by the Kavnpopol,
to keep off the sun in processions.
1655. The law by which a father could not give his
natural son by will more than five minæ.
1675. Disputes between plenipotentiaries, deter-
mined by the majority.
1728. Alludes to the Troades of Euripides.
1762. The hymn of Archilochus to Hercules Cal-
linicus.
THESMOPHORIAZUSÆ.
Acted 01. 92. 1. Archon: Callia. V. Palmerium. What
Petitus says here, is all wrong.
3. Tov oilnva kojidh ri erBaselv, I imagine he
means with coughing ; for it is a cold winter's
morning.
109. It cannot be the Chorus who accompany Agatho
in his hymn here; if it were, they must hear all the
distress of Euripides, and see Mnesilochus dressed up
to deceive themselves. Therefore, it must be some of
Agatho's admirers, like himself, dressed up in female
habits; or it may be a chorus whom he is instructing
to perform in some tragedy of his own; or perhaps, the
Muses who (as the servant says, v. 40) are come to make
a visit to his master.
Agatho, the tragick poet, is derided for his effeminacy
and affectation. Euripides, his abuse of women.
. 142. The Lycurgïa of Æschylus parodied.
,175. Philocles, Xenocles, Theognis, the dramatick
poets, ridiculed.
201. The Alcestis of Euripides parodied. He is said
to have preached up atheism in his tragedies.
260. Kpokwtos, a woman's vest, or under-garment,
which they girt with the Etpoplov under their breast.
(So in Catullus, “et tereti Strophio luctantes vincta
44
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
papillas.") On their head they wore the Kekpupados,
bound about with a Murpa or broad fillet. On some
occasions they used a Kepaln Tepidetos, or Devakn, (see
Plutus, Schol. on v. 271.) like a tower (tot compagibus
altum cedificat caput, Juv. Sat. 6. v. 501.) or a peruke
with the head-dress fastened on it. Over their vest
they threw the Eykuklos, a broad flowing robe.. In v.
270, Xalapa yoûv xalpeus popôv; is said by Mnesilochus :
Agatho answers in the next line; Ev TOUTO, &c.
554. The Melanippe and Hippolytus of Euripides :
his Palamedes represented as writing on the fragments
of oars, and throwing them into the sea.
654. Io Ojov TLV' exels. Kusterus is mistaken here :
there are instances, in Thucydides and elsewhere, of
ships drawn by land over the isthmus of Corinth.
811. Navo quaxns uer—and 815. AXX Evßovins.
The explanation which Palmerius gives of these two
passages from history is very good and ingenious.
Aristomache and Stratonice are, as I fancy, the names
of two famous courtezans.
818. Zevyel ES toliveldou. To whom does this
relate? The Cleophon (V. Isocrat. de Pace, 174.) here
mentioned, and in the Ranæ, was put to death Ol. 93.
4. during the siege of Athens by the party who had a
mind to settle an oligarchy there. See his history in
Lysias, Orat. in Agoratum, p. 234. and Orat. in Nico-
machum, p. 476.
847. Lamachus was slain in Sicily about two years
before this, and Hyperbolus was murdered at Samos in
this very year.
855. That tragedy bad and insipid. Parody of the
THESMOPHORIAZUSÆ.
45
Helena, and of the Andromeda. Echo introduced into
it answering to the lamentations of Andromeda.
883. Proteas, the son of Epicles, is twice mentioned
by Thucydides, as Espatnyos commanding at sea,
particularly Ol. 87. 2.: and he died, as it appears here,
about Ol. 89. 3.
1069. The Andromeda of Euripides was played the
year before this.
LYSISTRATA.
In Lenæis, Mense Posideone. Archonte Callia.
V. 2. The feasts of Pan, of Venus Colias, and of
Genetyllis, celebrated by the women with tympana,
&c., like the Bacchanalian ceremonies.
58. Ovde Ilapa.wv, ovdek Ealapîvos. This alludes
to the two ships so called, which were the fleetest
sailors of all the Athenian navy.
64. Ta 'katlov. qu. ToỦKATELOV? i.e. To ‘EKOTELOV.
The statue of Hecate, which was consulted by some
persons about the success of any undertaking.
109. Oloſos. A Milesian manufacture of leather.
150. Linen tunicks of Amorgos, transparent.
174. The thousand talents in the Acropolis, called
το Αβυσσον.
229. Ta IIepoika. Persian slippers, worn by the
Athenian women.
The double chorus in this play is remarkable, one
of old men, the other of women.
598. All ÓCTIS EOTI, &c. There seems to be some-
thing wanting here.
633. Kai poprow to ŝipos. This alludes to the
Scolion of Harmodius and Aristogēīton. Ev uuptov
kladi to Eupos popnow, &c., preserved by Athenæus, L.
15. p. 695.
LYSISTRATA.
47
643. 'Hpp.popovv. A double meaning, quasi dix-
isset, appevopópelv. 'Adetpus also.
678. 'ITTiKwTATOV yap, &c. This alludes to what
they called Κελητιζειν. .
736. A uopyis, divokalajn, a fine kind of flax,
ÚTEP TNV Buogov, n Tyv kapracov. OX.
760. Obis Olkovpos, The serpent which lived in
Minerva’s temple. Owls also roosted there.
801. Tyv loxunu. It appears that men wore no
drawers or breeches under their tunick.
981. Conisalus, a deity of Athens, like Priapus.
1043. It is remarkable, that no one is abused by
name here, except a very few infamous and low people.
Pisander indeed is mentioned; so that this drama must
have been either before or after the oligarchy of the
Four Hundred.
1150. Apatos kai kalos. Perhaps this should be,
Apatov, ús kalos: I do not understand this, as Pal-
merius does. They excuse themselves upon the great
beauty of Attica, which would tempt any man to enjoy
it. The next verse, 'Yuas do apnoelv, &c., no body
explains.
1171. Tov Exivoûvta, Kal tov Mydiâ korov. These
places are named for the sake of the double meaning.
The Scholiasts ad Vespas tell us, that Exîvos is used
for-the belly of an ox: Mîlov for any round protuber-
ance, like the breasts, or hinder parts of a woman.
1191. All this is very obscure, like the chorus, 1042,
and upon the same subject. During this short interval
the Spartans and Athenian plenipotentiaries have been
entertained by Lysistrata. It is the chorus of women,
48
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
and not she, who say all this from v. 1191 to 1218.
Who the servant is chasing away, I do not perceive,
unless it be the crowd of people who come to receive
corn at the door.
The chorus in the end, and in several scenes of the
play, are remarkable examples of the true Spartan
Dorick.
RANÆ.
01. 93. 3. In Lenæis, Mense Posidæone. Archonte Callia
post Antigenem.
Spanheim, in his introduction to his notes, has
shewn, contrary to what Palmerius, Petitus, and others
imagined, that there were comedies, as well as tragedies,
performed four times in the year in the Panathenæa,
the Lenæa, the Dionysia kat aoTV, and the Anthes-
teria : that during this last festival they were exhibited
in the Piræeus, in the theatre built there; and that the
Lenæa were kept as well in the city, as in the country,
in a place called the Lenæum.
v. 14. Phrynichus, Ameipsias, and Lycis, comick
writers, are here satirized for their low and common-
place jokes.
48. Clisthenes, the son of Syınbirtius, if not Etpa-
anyos, as the Scholiasts say, at Arginusæ, was at least
a Trierarch.
53. The Andromeda of Euripides. That poet was
lately dead.
73. Iophon, the son of Sophocles and Nicostrata,
wrote tragedy with applause in his father's life-time;
he was suspected of exhibiting his father's dramas
in his own name. The Eneus of Euripides parodied.
Sophocles was dead not long since. The simplicity
VOL. IV.
50
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
CD
and easiness of his nature opposed to the cunning of
Euripides. Agatho was now at the court of Archelaus.
79. It is plain, that Sophocles was just dead, and
that Iophon, his son, had not yet published anything
since his death.
86. Xenocles, the son of Carcinus, and Pythangelus,
tragick writers, are mentioned with contempt. That
kind of poets were then very numerous at Athens.
The Alcmena of Euripides, and his Alexandra, and
Hippolytus, also the Melanippe of Sophocles are
alluded to.
104. Read ως και μοι δοκει, instead of σοι.
126. This is the usual effect of the cicuta, as Plato
describes it in his Phædo.
131. The three AajTradndpoucau celebrated in the
Ceramicus, to Minerva, to Vulcan, and to Prometheus.
141. It is sure from the Vespæ, and from other
plays, that in Cleon's time the Mulos dikaOTIKOS was
three oboli : probably after his death, or when the
republick began to decline, it might be again reduced
to two oboli.
193. IIepi TWV kpew. The Scholia and the Com-
mentators make out nothing here to one's satisfaction.
233. Schol. The strings of the lyre were made of
the sinews of animals, and more anciently, as now, of
their intestines; whence they were called Xopdat.
235. 'Yto duplov. The bridge or some part of the
lyre, made of a reed, afterwards of horn, as it seems.
It is remarkable that the chorus of frogs does not
appear, but is heard only, and that in a single scene,
though the play takes its name from them. The true
RANÆ
51
chorus of the drama consists of the ghosts of the initi-
ated, the Mvotai, and enters not before v. 319.
295. A description of the phantom, called Empusa.
305. Hegelochus was an actor in the Orestes of
Euripides. From this story of him, it should seem,
that in pronouncing words joined by a synalæpha, they
did not use totally to drop the vowel in the end of the
first, but liquefied it, as it were, into the following:
Otherwise, I do not conceive what difference there
could be between the sound of γαλην ορώ, and γαλήν
opû.
323. The profanation of the mysteries by Diagoras.
369. Alluding to Cynesias, the dithyrambick writer.
370. H Tovs ulo Dovs TWV TOINTWV, &c. seems to mean
some attempt made by an orator (the Schol. on v. 103.
of the Ecclesiasuzæ, say Archinus) to reduce the expense
of the Choregi by limiting the sum they gave to their
poets : and the two distinct persons (as Aristotle says
in the Schol. 406.) under this Archon, were ordered to
furnish the tragick and the comick chorus, which before
were at the expense of one. This drama then was
played a little before that order; and as the publick
had suffered greatly by the war the chorusses were but
poorly furnished out. From v. 412, it appears that
the chorus consisted of both sexes.
431. The Callias, who was now Archon, could not
be the son of Hipponicus, as he is here ridiculed by
name; unless the change of his father's name into
Hippobīnus might save the poet from the law. (See
also v. 504.)
475. Alludes to the Theseus of Euripides.
52
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
478. Tapinoia, TaP ÚTovolav for Taptapia. Mupaiva
is to be understood, as some dæmon very dismal, derived
from Mupeo bai; at the same time to raise laughter;
the obvious meaning being nothing, but lampreys
caught and salted on the Spanish coast, and imported
by the Phoenicians perhaps into Greece.
490. These two uses of a sponge are easily compre-
hended from the Scholia.
504. The temple of Hercules Aleệikakos at Melite,
à Anuos of Attica. Initiated there in the lesser
mysteries —founded during the plague. Statue by
Ageladas the Argive, the scholar of Phidias. Callias
had a house at Melite.
511. A manner of civilly refusing a thing : EtralVW.
καλλιστα. πανυ καλως.
546. See the history of Theramenes. Schol.
631. The horrid manner of torturing slaves, viz.
Εν κλιμακι δησας, binding them down with their back
on a pair of stairs, as it seems, or on a ladder; hang-
ing them up by the arms; scourging them with the
ÚOTPLE, a whip made of leather with the bristles on it;
stretching them on the wheel ; pouring vinegar up the
nostrils; pressing, by laying a weight of bricks on
them, &c. &c. !!!
674. The iambicks of Ananias. The Laocoon of
Sophocles. The Antæus of Phrynichus.
700. The poet's advice, given in this place, was
actually followed the year after this, when, upon the
battle of Ægos-Potami, and the siege of Athens, a decree
was made upon the motion of Patroclides (still pre-
served in the oration of Andocides de Mysteriis), to
RANÆ.
53
restore the Arquoi to all the privileges from which they
had been degraded. It seems from what he says,
v. 701, that when the government of the Four Hundred
was destroyed, many had been thus degraded for having
a hand in those transactions.
730. The Athenian gold coin had been debased the
year before this. Copper was first coined this very
year, and again cried down thirteen years afterwards.
775. This may probably enough be borrowed from
the Athenian customs, namely, that the principal artist
in each kind, should have a maintenance in the Pry-
taneum, and be seated ev Opovw, in a chair of dis-
tinction on some occasions.
800. The modesty and candour of Sophocles, and
the envious and contentious nature of Euripides.
803. Nuvido Elle dev, I take to be a solecism, used
by Clidemides, or some bad orator or poet.
913. The Scholia here seem to say, that there were
dramas played during the celebration of the Eleusinea ;
and above, v. 357, they tell us, that the scene of this
play lay at Eleusis. (v. 395.) Quære, Whether any
rites in honour of Ceres were joined with those of
Bacchus during the Lenæa ?
961. The Median hangings were wrought with
grotesque and monstrous animals.
1079. Is te ye kattov de kat' ovveßale. It should
seem that love was the cause of the death of Euripides,
and one would think, from the expression and from
the Scholia, that his wife had not only been false to
him, but that she destroyed him.
1106. Tw Danawak. This seems to prove, that the
54
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
three orders of rowers were placed directly over one
another.
1100 and 1145. Reading and the arts of speaking
were more universal among all orders of people than in
these times; which the poet satirizes, as corrupting
and enervating the minds of men, and especially of the
younger sort; and he attributes it to the philosophers,
to the sophists, and to the tragick writers, particularly
Euripides.
1209. Eroußn, a botch-word inserted only to fill up:
literally, the stuffing of a mattrass.
1231. Ankvolov. I have no clear idea of this
Ankvolov, on which so much of this scene turns; nor
of the Iηκοπον ου πελαθεις επ' αρωγαν which answers
to it, or the lattoOpat, which two last seem to relate
to the musick and the rhythm introduced by Æschylus
in his chorusses, and not to the sense of the verses.
1349. E.-6.—ELLOQETE. This shews that in the
ancient musick they dwelt not on words alone, and
repeated them, as we do, but also on syllables; or,
does it only express the lengthening out of the vowels ?
1580. It is here said, from Aristotle, that Cleophon,
after the battle of Arginusa, in the archonship of
Callias, came into the assembly drunk and in armour,
and rejected the peace, then offered by Lacedæmon.
But Lysias (in his oration contra Agoratum) tells us
that this happened not till the following year after
the battle of Ægos-Potami, when the siege of Athens
was actually formed. I cannot but believe the latter,
as a contemporary author.
.
ECCLESIAZUSÆ.
See Palmerius.
V. 2. Kalliot EV EVO KOTOLOLV EËEUPņuevov. So I
should read, rather than emTNuevov, of which I do not
see the sense, and understand with the Scholiasts,
“Thou noblest invention of wise artists." For though
this expression be somewhat obscure, it is far prefer-
able to Tanaquil Faber's emendation, ev EVO KOTOLO LV
EÉNTI Levov, which is neither sense nor Greek.
14. Eroa, all repositories of corn were so called.
22. As Edupouaxos Tot' ELTEV, &c. The allusion
in these lines is too obscure at this distance of time.
The Scholiasts say that it relates to a decree assigning
the courtezans and the women of reputation a different
place at some public spectacles (qu. whether in the
theatre, as Faber says ?); but the verses do not express
any such matter.
63. It was the custom of the men to anoint the
whole body with oil, and dry it in before the sun, and
of the women to shave themselves all over.
v. 74. AakwVIKAL, was the name for the usual chaus-
sure of the men, and IIepolkat, that of the women.
102. Agyrrius, the Etpatnyos, at Lemnos, re-
trenched the expense of the Choregi to their poets,
and appointed the sum to be given to the people at
56
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
their assemblies. (v. 184, 284, 292, 302, 380, and
Plutus, v. 330.)
128. Talî, a weasel, carried round the place of
publick assemblies, ós kabapolov Tl. They came to
their Ekkinolar with a staff (Baktupla) in their hands.
156. The oath peculiar to women, Ma tw Oew, i.e.
Ceres and Proserpina.
193. To ovujaxıkov. Petitus from this passage
and from a necessary emendation he makes in the
Scholia here, seems to fix rightly the time of this drama
to Ol. 96. 4. Archonte Demostrato.
203. What particular fact is here meant, one cannot
say at present; but Faber is mistaken in thinking that
it cannot be the famous Thrasybulus, for it appears
(from Lysias's Apology for Mantheus, p. 307), that he
was living, and present in the action before. Corinth
this very year; his death did not happen till three
years after. In spite of all his invaluable services to
the publick, the orators and comick writers of those
times did not cease to make very free with his char-
acter. (See v. 356 of this drama.) There is a remark-
able passage of this kind in the oration of Lysias in
Ergoclem, p. 456 and 7, which I take to relate to this
very Thrasybulus, and to be spoken a little while after
his death. .
256. ‘YTOKpovelv, I imagine, signifies, to stamp with
their feet, a noise made in great assemblies to express
their dislike. See Acharnens. v. 38. Sometimes it was
done merely for the purpose of interrupting. See v.
592 of this play.
318. The “Ημιδιπλοιδιον and Κροκωτος seem to be
ECCLESIAZUSÆ.
57
both the same, namely, a woman's vest, or under-garment
of a light red colour. Kolopvos and IIepolkn are the
same, a woman's proper chaussure.
531. Here the Kpokwtos is called by the name of
ματιον.
534. Etideloa inkvôov. On a dead body.
568. If this scheme be meant as a satire on Plato's
Republick, that work must have been written when the
philosopher was not thirty-six years of age.
974. Alludes to the manner of introducing causes
into the courts of justice, according to the age of the
plaintiffs ; first those (as I imagine) above sixty years
of age, and so downwards. After which, if there were
several, they cast lots whose should be heard first.
1017. A woman could not deal, of her own authority,
with any person for more than the value of a medimnus
of corn.
1023. The manner of laying out the dead.
1081. The decree of Cannonus is mentioned by
Xenophon in his Greek History, L. 1. as ascertaining
the punishment of persons accused of crimes against the
publick, and allowing the means of making their defence.
It is probable that, in some paragraph of that psephisma,
it was ordered that the prisoner should appear on that
occasion, holden between two of the Togotai, or perhaps
of the 'Evdeka.
1124. The number of citizens was now above thirty
thousand.
PLUTUS.
The Plutus was first played 01. 92. 4. and it was altered and
revived Ol. 97. 4. The drama, which we now have, is com-
pounded of both these.
THE PLAN.
Act 1. Scene 1. The prologue between Chremylus
and Cario, as far as v. 58. Sc. 2. Cario goes out and
returns at v. 229.
Act 2. Sc. 1. Cario returns with the chorus of old
countrymen at v. 253. Sc. 2. Chremylus re-enters and
salutes the chorus v. 322. Sc. 3. Conversation with
Blepsidemus. Sc. 4. Poverty rushes out of Chremylus's
house, and disputes with the two old men : they drive
her away, and prepare to carry Plutus to the temple of
Æsculapius. Here should be the Parabasis, but there
is none. The chorus remain silent on the stage for a
time; till
Act 3. Sc. 1. Cario returns with the news of the
cure of Plutus. This interval is supposed to be a whole
night. Sc. 2. Cario recounts the matter to Chremylus's
wife. Sc. 3. Plutus, being now restored to sight, re-
turns home with Chremylus. Here also is a short
interval; till
Act 4. Sc. 1. Cario comes out, and describes the
change which had happened on the entrance of Plutus.
PLUTUS.
59
Sc. 2. The honest old man comes to pay his vows to
the god. Sc. 3. A sycophant comes to complain of his
sudden poverty. Sc. 4. A wanton old woman enters,
who has lost her love : she appears, returning from a
drunken frolick. Here all, but the chorus, enter
Chremylus's house.
Act 5. Sc. 1. Mercury comes begging to the gate ;
Cario at last takes him into his service. Sc. 2. The
priest of Jupiter comes for charity. Sc. 3. The pro-
· cession conducts Plutus to the Acropolis.
NOTES ON THE PLUTUS.
v. 179. Epå de Mais, &c. It is probable enough, as
Athenæus shews from an oration of Lysias, L. 13. p.
586, that this should be read Nais: but the Scholiast
attempts to shew that the time would not permit it to
be Aaïs, as she was only seven years of age, when
Chabrias was Archon; and consequently under Diocles,
Ol. 92. 4, she could be but thirteen or fourteen. This
I take to be the meaning of the Scholiast, though the
words, as they are now read, seem to say, that from
Chabrias to Diocles was a space of fourteen years,
whereas it was but six in reality; and the Scholiast
adds, that at this age she could not be much in vogue.
If the author of this note knew, that the verse was in
the Plutus, when it was first acted, he is in the right,
and confirms the emendation of Athenæus ; but if (see
v. 303) it were only in the second Plutus, Lais was
then thirty-three years old, and might be still in admira-
tion. The Scholiast says, Epimandra, Timandra, or
Damasandra, the mother of the younger Lais, as Athen-
æus calls her, L. 13, p. 574, supposing her to have this
daughter at fourteen years of age, must be twenty-one,
when Hyccara was taken by Nicias, and consequently
was thirty-two, at the time of Alcibiades's death, whose
mistress she was, as Plutarch and Athenæus relate. I
PLUTUS.
61
should understand the Scholiasts here of the mother,
not of the daughter, though they are confused and
erroneous.
180. Timotheus was now making his appearance in
the world, Conon his father being yet alive. What ,
building of his is alluded to here, one cannot say, or
whether it relate to him at all. The fact is obscure,
the expression broken, and the Scholiast trifling.
253. The Scholia here explain all the marks used by
the grammarians in dramas with their names.
268. 2 xpvoov, &c. This is ironical, and not as the
Scholia interpret it.
278. It suffices to know that such Athenians, as
were appointed judges, drew lots (see v. 973, and
Ecclesiaz. v. 677.) in which of the courts they were to
sit, and that at their entrance the Knpuế, or crier of
each court, by order of the presiding magistrate, delivered
to every one a Evußodov and, upon his carrying it to
the IIputavus in waiting, he received his daily, pay,
Mco los dikastikos. This was done, as I imagine, every
morning to prevent corruption in the judges, who did
not know, till then, in what court or cause they were
to give sentence. The other ceremony mentioned in
the Scholia was only annual, when the tribes assembled,
and each drew lots by itself for a certain number who
were to sit as judges that year. There is much con-
fusion in these Scholia, collected out of very different
authors. Potter does not allow this to have been the
practice in the best times, at least not in the greater
courts, where the judges were fixed and certain after
their first election ; in the lesser, he says, it might have
62
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
been. The passage, however, from Aristotle's polity of
Athens is to be observed.
278. Schol. The key-stone of the entrance into each
particular court was painted of a certain colour. The
judge, having received his staff, went to that court
which was distinguished by the same colour with his
staff, and marked with the same letter which was in-
scribed on the head of it (όπερ εν τη βαλανω) and at
his entrance he received from the presiding magistrate
a Evußodov, as above. I doubt of what the Scholia
say, that there were as many courts as tribes; and that
the tribes at first drew lots, in which court each should
judge, and the tribules drew among themselves who
should be judges, and who not.
290. Philoxenus, the dithyrambick: his Galatea
parodied. The origin of that piece in the Scholia,
which appears to have been a drama.
330. The Scholia, and Kuster, and Spanheim too,
confound the Mcbos dukaotikos with the Ekkinolao-
TIKOS : the words are to be understood of the latter.
385. The picture of the Heraclidæ by Pamphilus
the painter, the master of Apelles.
408. The publick salary to physicians was no longer
in use.
596. The suppers of Hecate were distributed
monthly, every new moon, to the poor by every rich
housekeeper.
601. The Phænissæ of Euripides parodied.
663. The ceremonial of sleeping in the temple of
Æsculapius.
690. The serpents, Opeis Trapecat, which frequented
63
it, as they did the temple of Minerva (Lysistr. v. 760)
and those of Bacchus (see Schol. v. 690 and 733 Plut.),
and of Trophonius. See Pausanias in Epidauro et
Lebadea.
701. Iaso and Panacea, the attendants and daughters
of Æsculapius by Lampetia.
725. E-Wuool. The Scholia do not well explain
this, but confound it with 'Y7wuoola, and cite a passage
from Hyperides, wherein this latter word is used.
768. Kataxuomata, nuts, figs, almonds, dates, &c.,
which they strewed on the head of a new-bought slave,
when they had first seated him on the hearth of the
house into which he entered, and which his fellow-
servants picked up and eat.
796. @optos, impertinence, tiresome absurdity. The
art in use with the comick writers to win the common
people by throwing nuts and dried fruits among them.
820. TPCTTUS; a sacrifice of a hog, a ram, and a he-
goat. Evtelns Ovola. See Schol.
fascination, bites of venomous creatures, &c. Aak-
τυλιοι φαρμακιται φυσικοι,
905. Merchants were exempt from the Ecobopa, or
extraordinary taxation.
984. A man's pallium (iuatlov) cost twenty drachmæ;
his shoes, cost eight.
1127. The fourth day of every month was sacred to
Mercury, the first and seventh, to Apollo, the eighth
to Theseus. Libations to most gods were made with
pure wine; to Mercury with wine and water equally
mixed.
64
NOTES ON ARISTOPHANES.
1195. Schol. The Iloramou of Stratis1 were pub-
lished before the Ecclesiazusæ or the Plutus of Aristo-
phanes : I read the last lines here cited,
. Mn daßortes laptadas,
Μηδ' αλλο μηδεν εχομενοι Φιλυλλιου
instead of exouevov. Philyllius is often cited by
Athenæus, and hence he appears to have lived con-
temporary with Stratis.
i In the Scholiast we read the name uniformly written
Etpatis, and in Athenæus Erpatris.—[MATHIAS.]
NOTES ON PLATO
VOL. IV.
Essay on
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BRIEF NOTICES OF SOCRATES AND
OF HIS FRIENDS.
SOCRATES.
ALL which Socrates possessed was not worth three
minæ, in which he reckons a house he had in the city.1
Critobulus often prevailed upon him to accompany him
to the comedy. Xantippe, his wife, the most ill-
· tempered of women: he made use of her to exercise
his philosophy. He amused himself by dancing when
he was fifty years old : his face remarkably ugly, and
resembling that of the Sileni or satyrs, with large pro-
minent eyes, a short flat nose turned up, wide nostrils,
great mouth, &c. nicknamed o povtioTYS. 4 He rarely
went out of the walls of Athens ;5 was never out of
Attica, but when he served in time of war, and once to the
Isthmian games. He was seventy years old, when he
died. He left three sons, the eldest a youth, the two
youngest children. His intrepid and cheerful behaviour
at his trial and death.8 Compared to a torpedo, 9
1 Xenophon Economic.
2 Id. Eod.
3 Id. Sympos.
4 Eod.
5 Plato, Phædrus, p. 230. 6 Id. Crito. 7 Ibid.
8 Plato, Apolog. and Phædo ; Xenophon, Memorabil.
9 Plato, Menon. p. 80.
68
NOTES ON PLATO.
Called Prodicus, the sophist, his master.1 Learns, at
near fifty years of age, to play on the lyre of Connus,
son of Metrobius.2 His mother, Phænarete, married
Chæredemus, and had by him a son named Patrocles.
Seldom used to bathe, and commonly went barefooted.4
He could bear great quantities of wine without being
overpowered by it, but did not choose to drink volun-
tarily.5
1 Plato, Menon. p. 96. 2 Id. Euthydem. p. 272.
3 Id. Euthyd. p. 297. 4 Plat. Sympos.
5 Ibid. p. 214, 220.
THE COMPANIONS OF SOCRATES.
CRITOBŪLUS.
A man of fortune; his estate was worth above eight
talents, which in Athens was very considerable. Had
served the offices of gymnasiarch, choregus, &c. the most
expensive of the city. Of an amorous disposition ;
negligent of economy; a lover of dramatick spectacles ;
he married a very young inexperienced woman, with
whom he conversed very little :1 he was present at the
entertainment given by Callias to Autolycus, Socrates,
and others, and at that time was newly married. Ol.
89. 4. He was remarkable for his beauty; his fine
panegyrick on it: was passionately fond of Clinias.
Crito, his father, introduced him to the acquaintance
of Socrates, that he might cure him of this passion.2
ISCHOMACHUS.
He was called in Athens, by way of pre-eminence,
ο καλος κ’ αγαθος ; he married a young maid under if-
teen years of age, whom he educated and instructed
himself. His first serious conversation with her, related
by him to Socrates, on the duties of a mistress of a
family. The order and arrangement of his house de-
1 Xenophon, Economic: 2 Id. Sympos.
70
NOTES ON PLATO.
stitution, ankably goods, and
scribed : his morning exercises, walk to his villa, and
ride from thence. He was a remarkably good horse-
man, of a vigorous constitution, and lasting health;
was one of the richest men in Athens. His instruction
and treatment of his slaves ; his knowledge in agricul-
ture. His father before him was a great lover of that
art. He meddled not much in publick affairs : 2 was
believed, while he lived, to be worth above seventy
talents; but at his death he left not twenty, to be
divided between his two sons.3
CALLIAS.
His genealogy :..... Phænippus
Callias 4 8 Aadouxos.
Hipponicus
Callias 6
Hipponicus ?
Callias—Hipparete—Alcibiades.
1 Xenophon, Economicus.
2 Id. Eod.
3 Lysias, Orat. de bonis Aristophanis, p. 348,
4 Dictus ó AakkOTloutos. Herod. 5. Plutarch in Aristide.
Scol. in Demosthen. p. 393. Victor Celete Ol. 54.
5 Dictus Ammon. Athenæus, L. 12. Plutarch de Malign.
Herodoti.
6 • Aakkomlouros, uti et avus. Plut. in Aristide. Herodot. 7.
Demosth. de Fals. Legat.
7 Qui ad Delium occubuit, 01. 89. 1. Thucyd.—Plut. Alcib.
Andocides in Alcibiadem.
OF SOCRATES AND OF HIS FRIENDS.
71
Callias was in love with Autolycus, the son of Lyco,
who gained the victory (while yet a boy) in the Pan-
cratium during the greater Panathenæa, Ol. 89. 4, upon
which occasion Callias gave an entertainment to his
friends 1 at his house in the Piræeus. He had been
scholar to the sophists Protagoras, Gorgias, and Pro-
dicus; was very wealthy; and had learned the art of
memory from Hippias of Elis, at the recommendation
of Antisthenes. He was II poçevos of the Lacedæmonians
who came to Athens; was hereditary priest of the
nobility and the gracefulness of his person;2 he had
two sons, who were instructed by Evenus, the Parian
sophist;3 he entertained Protagoras, Prodicus, and
Hippias, and other sophists, their companions, in his
house, Ol. 90. 1.4
NICERATUS.
He was son to the famous Nicias; was present at
the symposium of Callias, Ol. 89. 4, and then newly
married. He could repeat by heart the whole Iliad
and Odyssee, and had been scholar to Stesimbrotus
and Anaximander. He was very wealthy and some-
what covetous; was fond of his wife, and beloved by
her ; 5 was scholar to Damon, the famous musician,
who had been recommended to his father by Socrates ; 6
and finally, he was put to death by order of the Thirty,
with his uncle Eucrates.?
2 Ibid. 3 Plato, Apolog. 4 Plato, Protagoras.
5 Xenophon, Sympos.
6 Plato in Lachete.
7 Xenophon, Gr. Hist. L. 2. Andocides de Mysteriis.
NOTES ON PLATO..
ANTISTHENES.
He was extremely poor, but with a contempt of
wealth ; was present in the symposium of Callias,
where he proved that riches and poverty are in the
mind alone, and not in externals. His way of life
was easy and contented : he passed whole days in the
company of Socrates, who taught him (he says) to be
mentally rich. He was much beloved in the city, and
his scholars were esteemed by the publick. He recom-
mended Prodicus and Hippias the Elean to Callias ; 1
bore great affection to Socrates, and was present at
his death.2
CHÆREPHON.
A man of warmth and eagerness of temper ; 3 he was
a friend to the liberties of the people; he fled to and
returned with Thrasybulus; he died before Socrates's
trial; for he is mentioned in Socrates's Apology, as
then dead, and in the Gorgias, as then living: his
death must therefore have happened between Ol. 93. 4.
and Ol. 95. 1. He consulted the Delphian oracle to
know if any man were wiser than Socrates. His
brother, Chærecrates, survived him.4
EPIGENES.
He was the son of Antipho of Cephisia : 5 and was
present at the death of Socrates.
i Xenophon, Sympos.
3 Vid. Charmidem, p. 153.
5 Plato, Apol.
2 Plato, Phæd.
4 Apol. Socrat.
6 Phædo.
OF SOCRATES AND OF HIS FRIENDS.
73
APOLLODORUS.
He was brother to Aiantodorus :1 was a man of
small abilities, but of an excellent heart, and remark-
able for the affection he bore to Socrates ;2 he was
present in the prison at the time of his death. He
lived at Phalerus, of which Anjos he was ;4 was but a
boy when Socrates was fifty-three years old, and must
therefore have been under thirty-seven, at the time of
Socrates's death. He was called Mavikos from the
warmth of his temper.
PHÆDO.
He was an Elean. See his account of Socrates's
last moments.5
SIMMIAS.
. He was a Theban, and a young man at the time of
Socrates's death (as was Cebes), at which they were
both present. He had received some tincture of the
Pythagorean doctrines from Philolaus of Crotona; and
was inquisitive and curious in the search of truth, far
above all prejudice and credulity.6
CEBES.
He was a Theban. (Vid. Simmiam.)
HERMOGENES.
He was a man of piety, and believed in divination.
He was present in Callias's symposium; was a person
i Apol. Socrat.
• Plato, Sympos.
2 Phædo.
5 Plato, Phædo.
3 Id.
6 Plato, Phædo.
74.
NOTES ON PLATO.
of great honesty, mild, affable, and soberly cheerful :1
not rich, and a man of few words ;2 was son to Hipponi-
cus and brother to Callias. He was present at the
death of Socrates. 4
CHARMIDES.
He had a considerable estate in lands before the
Peloponnesian war, which he thence entirely lost, and
was reduced to great poverty. He was present at the
symposium of Callias, where he discoursed on the
advantages and pleasures of being poor. He ran at the
stadium, at Nemea, contrary to Socrates's advice. He
was of extreme beauty when a youth.6
IS
ÆSCHYLUS.
He was of Phlius, and was introduced by Antisthenes
to Socrates.
. CRITO.
He was father to Critobūlus; was of Alopecæ, and
about the same age with Socrates.? He made the
proposal to contrive the escape of Socrates out of prison,
and to send him into Thessaly ; 8 he attended him daily
in his confinement, and at the time of his death; he
received his last orders: be closed his eyes, and took
care of his funeral.9
1 Xenoph. Sympos.
3 Plato, Cratylus.
6 Plato, Charmid.
2 Ibid. p. 391 and 408.
4 Plato, Phædo. 5. Plato, Theages.
7 Plato, Apolog. 8 Id. Crito.
9 Id. Phædo.
PLATO.
PHÆDRUS.
H, IIEPI KAAOY.
THIS is supposed to be the first Dialogue which Plato
wrote; exeu yap (says Laertius 1) MELPAKiwdes TI TO
προβλημα: Δικαιαρχος δε και τον τροπον της γραφης
olov ett lueuDetai, ós Doptikov. Dionysius Halicarnas-
sensis 2 calls it one of his most celebrated discourses ;
and from it he produces examples both of the beauty
and of the blemishes of Plato's style, of the xapaktne
coxvos kai apeins, which is all purity, all grace and
perspicuity; and of the indos, wherein he sometimes
1 Diog. Laert. L. 3, c. 38. (c. 25 edit. Kraus. Lipsiæ, 1759).
2 IIepi tos Anuoo Devolls deLVOTNTOS. p. 270. V. 2, ed. Hudsoni.
He attributes the first to Plato's education in the company of
Socrates; the latter to his imitation of Gorgias and Thucydides.
Vid. et Epist. ad Cn. Pompeium, p. 202.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platonis Opera, Edit. Serrani H. Steph. 1578, Vol. 3.
Vol. 3. p. 227. Akouuerw.] Acumenus was father to Eryxi-
machus, both of them physicians of note, and friends of Socrates.
Ib. Ev Tols Spouocs.] Places in the Gymnasia, where people
exercised themselves by walking a great pace, or by running.
See Plato's Euthydemus, p. 273. IIEPLETATELTNV EV TW Kataoteyw
Apouw, &c.
76
NOTES ON PLATO.
rises to a true sublimity, and sometimes falls into an
ungraceful redundancy of words and of ill-suited figures
ungraceful and obscure.
There is a good analysis of the Phædrus by Mr.
Abbé Sallier, 1 wherein he shews its true subject and
intention. It is upon eloquence and is designed to
demonstrate, that no writer, whether legislator, orator,
historian, or poet, can do any thing excellent without a
1 Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, &c. V. 9, p. 49.
See also another analysis by Mr. Hardion in his tenth Disserta-
tion on the eloquence of Greece. Ib. V. 16, p. 378, des Mémoires.
NOTES.
P. 227. Tou Oluusilov.] The vast temple of Jupiter, begun
by Pisistratus, but never finished till the time of the emperor
Hadrian.
Ib. IIpoonkovoa ye col.] Socrates professed the art of love.
See Xenoph. Sympos.
Ib. IIpeo Butepw.] He was then threescore and upwards.
Ib. Kara'Hpodikov.] Herodicus of Selymbria, é maldorpßns.
See Plat. Protagoras, p. 316. There was also Herodicus, the
Leontine, a physician, and brother to the famous Gorgias (See
Plat. Gorg. 448 and 456.): the first was also a physician, and the
first who regulated the exercises of youth by the rules of medi-
cine. See de Republicâ, L. 3, p. 406, fusè.
228. EOPUTTETO.] He played the coquet; he denied, only to
be courted to do what he wished.
Ib. Autou den Onti, ÓTEP Taxa TAVTWS TOLNOEL.] Read, monon,
and make no other correction : i.e. “Be now intreated to do,
what you will do presently without any intreaty at all."
229. Tns Aypalas.] The district, or onuos, was called Aypal,
in which stood the temple of Diana A ypotepa. Pausanias, Attic.
L. 1, p. 45. ed. Kuhnii.
Ib. Zuv appakelą.] Orithyia and Procris were the daughters
of Erectheus. Who Pharmacéa was, I do not find.
Ib. Alar de OeLvov.] Such disquisitions were the common
employments of the sophists and grammarians.
PHÆDRUS.
77.
foundation of philosophy. The title prefixed to it, IIepu
Kaloù, cannot be genuine ; it has no other relation to
it, than that beauty is accidentally the theme of Socrates's
second little oration, which is contained in this dialogue ;
not that it is, directly, even the subject of that, for the
tendency of it is to prove, 's epaotü ualdov, n Tw un
ερώντι δει χαριζεσθαι, as the two preceding orations were
to shew the contrary. These are what Laertius calls
le.
NOTES.
P. 230. Typhon or Typhæus, the youngest son of Earth and
Tartarus. Hesiod, Theogon. v. 821. has given a fine description
of this portentous form.
Ib. Axelwov.] The Achelous was looked upon in Greece as
the principal of all rivers, and his name was used for all fresh
water in general : he was usually worshipped in common with
Pan and the Nymphs, as here.
Ιb. Καρπον πρoσιoντες.] Read προσειoντες, shalking it before
them.
231. Av deopa..] What he desired, will appear but too plainly
in the course of these little orations, and must appear a most
strange subject of conversation for Socrates, to all who are un-
acquainted with the manners of Greece. The' President de
Montesquieu has observed, but too justly, on the nature of their
love and gallantry. Esprit des Loix, V. 1. See also Xenoph.
Economic. and Symposium ; and the Symposium of Plato; see
also de Legib. L. 1. p. 636.
Ib. Tov vonov.] There were, indeed, laws of great severity
in Athens against this vice; but who should put them in force
in such general and shocking depravity ?
234. This praise he cannot help bestowing on Lysias's com-
position, namely, Oti oaøn, kal Otpoyyula, kal akpißws &KAOTA
των ονοματων αποτετορνευται.
235. 'DOTEP ól evvea.] The Archons took an oath to do this,
if they were guilty of corruption, before they took their seats in
the roa Baridelos. See Jul. Pollux, L. 8, c. 13. Plutarch in
Solon; and Heraclides in Politiis.
78
NOTES ON PLATO.
Προβληματα μειρακιωδη, though he may mean it of the
whole dialogue, which is something juvenile and full of
vanity. Dionysius very justly says, Hv yap.ev jev TN
Πλατωνος φυσει, πολλας αρετας εχουση, το φιλοτιμον,
and before, Πλατων το φορτικωτατον και επαχθεστατον
των εργων προελομενος, αυτον επαινειν κατα την δυναμιν
των λογων, &c.
The Socratick Dialogues are a kind of dramas,
wherein the time, the place, and the characters are
NOTES.
P. 235. Παρα γε εμαυτού ουδεν.] It is observable, that
Socrates, whenever he would discourse affirmatively on any
subject, or when he thought proper to raise and adorn his style,
does it not in his own person, but assumes the character of
another. Thus, for instance, he relates the beautiful fable
between Virtue and Pleasure after Prodicus ; he treats of the
miseries of human life in the words of the same sophist; he
· describes the state of souls after death from the information of
Gobryas, one of the Magi ; he makes a panegyrick on wine in
the style of Gorgias; and here he does not venture to display
his eloquence, till the Nymphs and the Muses have inspired
him. This is consistent with that character of simplicity and
of humility which he assumed. .
236. Κυψελιδων.] See Pausanias, L. 5, p. 378.
Ib. Oμοιας λαβας.] A metaphor talken from Wrestling: you
give me a good hold of you. So in Lib. de Republ. 8, p. 544.
Παλιν τοινυν, ώσπερ παλαιστης, την αυτην λαβην παρεχε.
Ιb. Των Κωμωδων.] The repetition of a person's words by
way of reproach.
Ib. Ποιητην.] Used for one who composes any thing, whether
prose or verse. So above, p. 234. Ως τα δεοντα ειρηκοτος του
Ποιητού.-Ομνυμι γαρ σοι : what follows should be written thus,
Τινά μεντοι ; τινα θεων και ει βουλει, την πλατανην ταυτηνι.
237. Αγετε δη, ω Μουσαι.] This far, says Dionysius, παντα
χαριτων μεστα: hence begins a style more turbid and obscure,
and disagreeably poetical.
PHÆDRUS.
79
almost as exactly marked as in a true theatrical repre-
sentation. Phædrus here is a young man particularly
sensible i to eloquence and to fine writing, and thence
a follower and an admirer of the famous Lysias, whose
1 V. p. 242, et passim. He was an Athenian, son to Pytho-
cles, of the district of Myrrhinus, and tribe Pandionis. V. the
Sympos. p. 176.
NOTES.
P. 237. Kparovons tw kpatel, owopoouvy ovoua.] Write thus,
Kparovons, tw kpatel owo poouvn ovoua, which answers to käl
αρέασης εν ημιν, τη αρχη ύβρις επωνομασθη.
238. Ilabos TETOVOeva.] The word, which Serranus would
insert here, (DELOV) Talos, is not in Dionysius.
Ib. Eupola.] An easy fluency and volubility of expression.
So Diogenes Laertius in Timone Phliasio, Lib. 9, c. 114. Alla
Kal evpous, os unde aplotāv ovyxwpelv : i.e. he wrote with that
ease and fluency, that he could not find time to dine ; that is,
he found no interval, no interruption in the course of his writ-
ing, to bestow on the necessities of nature : though, perhaps,
the true reading is, ús unde apLOTOls, so as to vie with the best.
I mention this passage, because Meric Casaubon was wise
enough to understand expovs of a looseness, to which Timon was
subject, and distinguishes very accurately between evpoia and
dlappoia. D. Laert. L. 9, c. 114.
241. Ootpakov META TETOVTOS.] A proverb, taken from a
play in use among children, called Ootpakida, described by
Jul. Pollux, L. 9, c. 154, ed. Jungermanni, and by Eustathius.
They were divided into two parties, which fled or pursued each
other alternately, as the chance of a piece of broken potsherd,
thrown up into the air, determined it: the boy who threw it
cried out. Nuß 'Huepa ; if the black (or pitched) side came
.uppermost, his party ran away, and the other gave them chase ;
if the white one, the others ran, and they pursued them.
Hence Οστρακου Περιστροφη was used to describe a total reverse
of fortune. Erasmus, in his Adagia, has not explained it well.
See Plato de Republ. L. 7, p. 521.
80
NOTES ON PLATO.
reputation was then at its height in Athens. He has
sat the greatest part of the morning at the house of
Epicrates, near the Olympium, to hear Lysias recite a
discourse; and, having procured a copy of it, is medi-
tating upon it with pleasure, as he walks without the
city walls, where Socrates meets him. To avoid the
heat of the day they retire to the shade of an ancient
plane-tree, that overshadows a fane of Achelous and
the nymphs on the banks of a rivulet, which discharges
NOTES,
242. Explay onßaiov.] See Diog. Laertius, L. 2, c. 124.
He is mentioned in the thirteenth Epistle, and is an interlocutor
in the Phædo.
Ib. Ov Toleuov ye ayyelles.] These words belong to
Phædrus, as H. Stephens observes. It is a proverb: you are
the messenger of no bad news. See De Legibus, L. 3, p. 702.
Ib. EdvowTovunv.] A fragment of Ibycus : Mn TL tapo
θεοις αμπλακων, τιμαν προς ανθρωπων αμειψω.
243. The beginning of a Palinodia of Stesichorus on Helen.
Ουκ εστ’ ετυμος ο λογος ούτος, Ουδ' εβας εν νηυσιν εύσσελμους, Ουδ'
{KEO IIepyana Tpolas, which is alluded to at the end of the third
Epistle, Thu Taliwdiav avtov Miuno auevos. Plat. V. 3, p. 319.
244. Ala te opviowy Tolovuevny, and afterwards Topesquevnv,
as H. Steph. corrects it.
Ib. Olovonotiknv.] He derives it from Olos and vous, as
attained by human experience alone. A very bad etymology.
Ib. Ečavtn.] Serranus translates, indemnem, incolumem,
i.e. placed aloft, as it were, out of the reach of danger and envy.
See Constantini Lexicon.
246. 'H YUXn tara.] This is, indeed, an example of those
Alinyoplal parpai, OUTE MET pov exovoal, Oute kalpov, of which
Dionysius Halicarnassensis coniplains in Plato; (Dion. Halic.
Vol. 2, p. 272, ed. Oxon.); and which, indeed, Plato himself
calls in this very Dialogue (p. 265) a uvoikos úuvos.
Ib. Abavarov TL Swov.] He defines God so, exov Mev Yuxny,
εχον δε σωμα.
PHÆDRUS.
81
itself at a little distance into the Ilyssus. The spot
lay less than a quarter of a mile above the bridge,
which led over the river to the temple of Diana Agræa.
NOTES.
P. 246. KEKOLWYNKE de un.] I imagine he means, that the
soul of man approaches in perfection to the corporeal part of the
Gods. The translation has no affinity to the text here ; Ý
αχρωματος και ασχηματιστος και αναφης ουσια, the true substance
and essence of things, of which the properties are only the con-
sequences; this is the TO OUTWS OV of Plato.
Ib. 'Ouer autê kalos.] The rational and intellectual faculties
of the soul.
Ib. 'O DE EE EVAvtwv.] The appetites and passions.
250. MuovuEVOL TE KAL ETT OTTEVOVTES.] An allusion to the
Attick mysteries of Ceres. See Meursius and Potter. So in
the seventh Epistle, p. 333.
251. Kavros Úto râv.] Perhaps we should read etc.
253. 'Notep år Bakxa..] What Bacchanalian ceremony is
here alluded to ? See the Ion : “Ωσπερ αι Βακχαι αρυττονται εκ
των ποταμων μελι και γαλα κατεχομεναι, &c.
256. Ølloooplav.] Polemarchus, the elder brother of Lysias,
was a friend of Socrates, and a philosopher : so Plutarch calls
him, “De esu Carnium." Polemarchus had another brother,
called Euthydemus. Polemarchus was murdered by the Thirty
Tyrants, Ol. 94. 1. See Lysias in Eratosthenem, p. 196.
257. I'lukus aykwv.] Erasmus explains it in his Adagia,
(Euonua pwvel) as though in a part of a river, where there was
a long and dangerous winding, the sailors used this piece of
flattery by way of propitiating the Nile: but this does not fully
clear up the passage here. That this proverb was so used may
appear from these words of Athenæus, L. 12, p. 516. Tov TOTOV
Kalovol I'uvalkw aywva, YAUKUP ayk@va : which last may mean,
a specious termn to cover their ignominy ; Casaubon does not
explain it: here it seems applied to such as speak one thing,
and mean another.
258. Edoše mou.] He alludes to the form of a Psephisma,
Edoge tw onuw. To adevos ELTE, &c. as H. Stephanus observes.
VOL. IV. -
G
82
NOTES ON PLATO.
.
Here they pursue their conversation during the hours
of noon, till the sun grows lower and the heat becomes
more mild.
NOTIS.
P. 258. Aapelou duvamiv.] See Epist. 7, p. 332.
Ib. Epwrâs, el dequeda ; TLVOS Lev ovv, &c.] I do not see the
transition, and I imagine that some words are wanting here;
and also, after Kekinutai.
259. Nuorašovras.] The Greeks usually slept at noon in
summer, as it is still the custom in Italy and Spain, and in
other hot countries. Xenoph. Græc. Hist. L. 5. p. 557.
Ib. AOLTOV Kal atotov.] The cicada is an animal with
wings, the size of a man's thumb, of a dark brown colour,
which sits on the trees and sings, that is, makes a noise like a
cricket; but much more shrill, and without any intervals,
which grows louder as the sun grows hotter. Some supposed
it to live on the air, others on dew only. Vid. Meleagrum,
Niciam, et alios in Anthologiâ, L. 3. p. 265, ed. H. Steph. and
Plin. Nat. Hist. L. 28, C. 26.
“Ο θεσπεσιος οξυμελης αχετας
θαλπεσι μεσημβρινοις υφ' ήλιω μανεις βοά.
Aristophan. Aves, v. 1095.
It does in reality live on the exsudations of plants, having a
proboscis, like flies, to feed with ; but is capable of living a long
time, like many of the insect race, without any nourishment at
all. The tettigometra, which is this creature in its inter-
mediate state between a worm and a fly, was esteemed a delicacy
to eat by the Greeks. See Aldrovand. de Insectis, and Reauinur,
Hist. des Insectes, V. 5, Dissert. 4.
Ib. IIpeoßutatn.) Hesiod names the Muses in the same
order in which their names are inscribed on the books of He-
rodotus; and says, that Calliope was åtaOEWY TT popepeotatn.
Theogon, v. 75. See also Ciceronem in Bruto, and Quintilian,
L. 3. c. 1.
260. Ønow ó Aakwv.] Perhaps Alcman ; though the words
do not seem to be poetry.
261. Gorgias came to Athens on an embassy from the
PHÆDRUS.
83
We may nearly fix the year when this conversation
is supposed to have happened. Lysias was now at
Athens; he arrived there from Thurii in Italy in the
NOTES.
Leontines, 01. 88. 2. (See Diod. Sic. L. 12, p. 313.) when Socrates
was about forty-three years old. (V. Ciceronem in Bruto, et
Quintil. L. 3. c. 1.) Tisias and Corax of Syracuse, and Gorgias
the Leontine, first composed treatises on the art of speaking.
P. 261. OvK. apa movov.] "Socrates apud Platonem in Phædro
palam, non in judiciis modo et concionibus, sed in rebus privatis
etiam et domesticis, rhetoricen esse demonstrat.” (Quintil. L. 2,
C. 21.) Plato here makes knowledge, that is, the perception of
truth, the foundation of eloquence. IIepi mavta ta leyoueva
μια τις τεχνη, ειπερ εστιν, αυτη αν ειη, ήτις δια τ' εσται, πάν παντι
ομοιούν των δυνατων, και δις δυνατον και, αλλου όμοιούντος και
ATOK PUT TOLEVOV, els ous ayelv. This has some resemblance to
Locke's definition of knowledge: “It is (says he) the perception
of the connection and agreement, or of the disagreement and
repugnancy, of any of our ideas." Locke's Essay, B. 4. ch. 1.
261. EXERTIKOV Ilalaunomy] Quintilian informs us, that the
person here meant is Alcidamas of Elea. Laertius takes it to
be meant of Zeno Eleates, who is looked upon as the inventor
of disputation (ý dialektikn) and of logick, and who was at
Athens when Socrates was not above eight years old, that is,
above fifty years earlier than the time of this dialogue; but his
contemporary Empedocles was the first who cultivated rhetorick
as an art, and taught it to Gorgias who published a book on
that subject.
N.B. Athenæus (L. 13. p. 592.) mentions Alcidamas, é Aairns,
(read ó Elearns, not Elairns, as Casaubon corrects it from Suidas);
he says, that Alcidamas was scholar to Gorgias, and had written
Encomia on Lagis and Naïs, two famous courtezans from Athens;
whence, it seems, that he must have flourished about this time,
and perhaps near twenty years after. There is the right read-
ing of it in Athenæus, L. 9. p. 397, 'O EXEatikos Ilalaunoms
ovomatoloyos eon, &c. which is a name he bestows on
Ulpian of. Tyre, an indefatigable hunter after words. Casau-
84
NOTES ON PLATO.
forty-seventh year of his age, Ol. 92. 1. Euripides is
also mentioned as still in the city: he left it to go into
Macedonia, Ol. 92. 4, and, consequently, it must have
NOTES.
bon has not explained this. See also Laertius in Protagoras,
L. 9. 54. We have still an oration of Alcidamas in the person
of Ulysses against Palamedes. It may be also observed, that
Laertius (L. 9. c. 25.) when he mentions Zeno Eleates, cites
by mistake the Sophistes, instead of the Phædrus of Plato.
Isocrates, in his oration on Helena, indeed says, that Zeno in
his disputations would shew the same things to be possible
and impossible.
Ρ. 262. Eστιν ουν όπως τεχνικος κτλ.] Read μεταβιβαζων-
απαγειν- to answer to διαφευγειν.
264. Χαλκή.] Epitaph on Midas, by some attributed to
Homer and by others to Cleobulus of Lindias. See Vit. Homeri,
Herodoti ut dicitur, (V. Herodot. Edit. Gronov. 1715, p. 559.)
and D. Laertius in Cleobulo, L. 1, c. 89.
265. Definition of a general complex idea, Εκ πολλων των
αισθησεων εις εν λογισμω ξυναιρουμενον.-Εις μιαν τε ιδεαν συνο-
ρώντα αγειν τα πολλαχη διεσπαρμενα.
266. Almost all these persons are mentioned by Quintilian
L. 3, 1., as having written arts of rhetorick, and were all now
flourishing, Ol. 92, except Tisias of Syracuse, Evenus of Paros,
Protagoras of Abdera, and Licymnius.
Ib. See Quintilian, L. 4. c. 1. 2. 3. and L. 5. ο. 1. 4. and
L. 8. C. 5. for an explanation of the terms, Προοιμιον, Διηγησιν,
Μαρτυριας, Τεκμηρια, Πιστωσιν, Ελεγκος, Διπλασιολογια, Γνωμο-
λογια, Εικονολογια, Ευεπεια, Επανοδος Οι Ανακεφαλαιωσις.
267. Oικτρογοων επι γηρας και πενιαν ελκομενων.] An allusion
to some poet: he means that Thrasymachus had gained great
wealth by his art.
268. Διεστηκoς τo ητριον.] A metaphor from an unequal and
ill-woven texture.
269. Μελιγηρυν Αδραστον.] An allusion to Tyrtaetus :
Ουδ' ει Τανταλιδεω Πελοπος βασιλευτερος ειη,
Γλωσσαν δ' Αδρηστου μειλιχογηρυν εχοι.
PHÆDRUS.
85
-
happened in some year of that Olympiad, probably the
2d or 3d, and Plato must have written it in less than
ten years afterwards, for his Lysis was written before
NOTES.
so that perhaps we should read in this place μειλιχογηρυν for
μελιγηρυν.
P. 270. Νου τε και ανοιας.] He (i.e. Anaxagoras) attributed
the disposition of the universe to an intelligent cause, or mind,
whence he himself was called Nolls. He was nearly of the same
age with Pericles, and came to Athens Ol. 75. 1, where he
passed about thirty years.
Ib. “Ιπποκρατει.] That famous physician was then about
fifty years of age; and his works were universally read.
272. Αλλα του πιθανου.] See the allusion to this passage in
Quintilian, L. 2, c. 15.
273. Η αλλος όστις δη ποτ' ων τυγχανει, και oπoθεν χαιρει
ονομαζομενος.] The art, which bore the name of Tisias, was not
certainly known to be genuine. He says this in allusion to the
custom of invoking the gods by several names. See Callim.
Hymn. ad Jovem. Hor. Od. Sæcul. &c. &c. See also Plato in
Protagoras, p. 358. and in Cratylus, p. 400. and in Euthydemus,
p. 288.
274. Θεύθ.] The Egyptian deity, Mercury, to whom the
bird Ibis was sacred. Vid. Platon. Philebum, Edit. Serrani,
Vol. 2. p. 18. Επειδη φωνην απειρον, &c.
275. This discourse of Thamus (or Jupiter Ammon) on the
uses and inconveniences of letters is excellent; he gives a lively
image of a great scholar, that is, of one who searches for wisdom
in boolks alone: Τουτο των μαθοντων ληθην μεν εν ψυχαις παρεξει
μνημης αμελητησια, ατε δια πιστιν γραφης εξωθεν υπ' αλλοτριων
τυπων, ουκ ενδοθεν αυτους υφ' αυτων, αναμιμνησκομενους" ουκουν
μνημης, αλλ' υπομνησεως, φαρμακον ευρες" σοφιας δε τοις μαθηταις
δοξαν, ουκ αληθειαν, ποριζεις. πολυηκοοι γαρ σοι γενομενοι ανευ
διδαχης, πολυγνωμονες ειναι δοξωσι, αγνωμονες, ως επι το πλήθος,
οντες και χαλεποι ξυνειναι δοξοσοφοι γεγονοτες αντι σοφων.
Ib. Δρυος και πετρας.] An allusion to that saying, Απο δρυος,
η απο πετρης. Ηom. ΙΙ. ν. 126.
86
NOTES ON PLATO.
* 51
Ι
the death of Socrates, which was Ol. 95. 1, but the
Phædrus was still earlier, being his first composition; so
he was between twenty and twenty-nine years of age.
NOTES.
P. 276. Αδωνιδος κηποι.] Corn and seeds of various Ikinds, Sown
in shallow earth to spring up soon, which were carried in the
procession on the feast of Adonis. Theocritus, Idyll. 15. v. 113.
Παρ δ' απαλοι κάποι πεφυλαγμενοι εν ταλαρισκους
Αργυρεοις"
and the Schol, on the passage : see also the Emperor Julian in
his Caesares : “ Κηποι, ούς αι γυναικες τω της Αφροδιτης ανδρι
φυτευουσιν οστρακιους επαμησαμενοι γην λαχανιαν χλωρησαντα
δε ταυτα προς ολιγον αυτικα απομαραινεται. Julian. Op. Edit.
Ιb. Αντι τουτων δις λεγων.] Do not, with Serranus, correct
it to έν τι ; yet read oία λεγω.
278. Νυμφών νάμα και Μουσων.] The Ilyssus was consecrated
Μουσαι Ειλισσιαδες, possibly near the scene of this dialogue.
Ib. Ισοκρατην τον καλον.] Isocrates was now about twenty-
five years of age, and had a share in the friendship both of
Socrates and of Plato. Laertius, L. 3. C. 8.
279. Πλεον η παιδων.] Subauditur, οι αλλοι ανδρες ; the same
ellipsis is used in Plato's 4th Epist.
LYSIS
H, IIEPI QIAIAS.
THERE is no circumstance in this dialogue to inform one
at what time it is supposed to have happened; but it
is certain that Plato wrote it when he was yet a young
man, before Ol. 95. 1, for Socrates heard it read. The
scene of it is in a Palæstra, then newly built, a little
without the walls of Athens near the fountain of
Panops, between the Academia and the Lycæum. The
interlocutors are Socrates, Hippothales, and Ctesippus,1
1 Νεανισκος τις Παιανιεύς, μαλα καλος τε καγαθος, την φυσιν όσον
Mev, UBplotns de, dla TO VEOS elval. In Euthydemo, Plat. Op. V.
1. p. 273. Both Ctesippus and Menexenus were present, at
Socrates's death. (In Phædone.)
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 203.
From 204 to 211.] Thus far the dialogue is very easy and
elegant, particularly the short conversation with Lysis, which
is an example how children of fortune and family ought to be
treated, in order to correct that arrogance which those advan-
tages are apt to inspire, and to win them gradually to reflection
and good sense.
P. 204, Mikkos.] Perhaps the same person who is mentioned
by Suidas, as a Mytilenean, who settled at Athens, and father
to Alcæus the comick poet, who flourished. Ol. 97. 4. V. Schol.
ad Plutum Aristophan. in Argumento. We see the sophists
88
NOTES ON PLATO.
two young men of Athens; Lysis, a boy of noble birth
and fortune, beloved by Hippothales, and Menexenus, 1
also a boy, and cousin to Ctesippus, and friend to Lysis.
The characters are, as usual, elegantly drawn; but
what is the end or meaning of the whole dialogue, I
do not pretend to say. It turns upon the nature and
definition of friendship. Socrates starts a hundred
notions about it, and confutes them all himself; no-
i The discourse with Menexenus is intended to correct a boy
of a bolder and more forward nature than Lysis, by shewing
him that he kuows nothing; and leaves him in the opinion of
his own ignorance. The second title of the dialogue is a false
or an incorrect one, for friendship is only by accident a part of
it; the intent of the whole seems to be, to shew in what manner
we should converse with young people according to their dif-
ferent dispositions.
NOTES.
frequented the Palæstræ, as the publick resort of the youth, and
taught their art there.
P. 204. Ilaparanoetai.] Enecabitur, conficietur.
Ιb. Ως “Ερμαια αγoυσιν αναμεμιγμενοι, εν ταυτω εισιν οι νεανισκοι
KaL ÓL Taldes.] A festival celebrated in all the places of education
for boys. We see here how little the severe laws of Solon on
this head were observed, which particularly forbade grown per-
sons to be admitted on that occasion. Æschin. Orat. in Timar-
chum in principio.
Ib. Ilaidotpißms.] The master of the Palæstra, who taught
them their exercise.
207. Emnuyao auevos TT POEOTn, read 7 POO EOTT, as in p. 210,
åvelino Onu ótl kal apogeotws, &c.
208. Dlaidaywyos.] Commonly some old slave who waited
on them to the schools and to the Palæstræ.
211. Optuya.] The passion of the Athenians for fighting
quails and game-cocks is well known. See Plutarch in Alcibiade.
213. Either leave out ovk in that passage, óte nkpoâto ouk
OŮTWS EXELV, or read perhaps, ouk nouxws.
LYSIS.
89
thing is determined, the dialogue is interrupted, and
there is an end. Perhaps a second dialogue was de-
signed on the same subject, and never executed. As
to all the mysteries which Serranus has discovered in
it, they are mere dreams of his own.
The first part of this dialogue is of that kind called
MALEVTIKOS, and the second part, IleLpAOTIKOS.
NOTES.
P. 214. Twv oopwtatwv.] Empedocles, perhaps, who ascribed
the first formation of things to this friendship: Allote MEY
PilotITOUVEPXOMLEV ELS Èv atravta, &c. D. Laert. L. 8. c. 76. or
Anaxagoras, who taught ek twv Opolopepwv ulkPWY owuatwy TO
Tây TUYEcop&Goat. Laert. L. 2. C. 8.
219. KWVELOV TET WKOTA.] A quantity of wine, drunk after
the cicuta, was believed to prevent its mortal effects.
223. Hvoye.] It was a law of Solon, ta odaokalcia KAELETWOAV
a po nacou duvOvtos. (Æschines.)
ALCIBIADES I.
H, ΠΕΡΙ ΦΥΣΕΩΣ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΥ.
THE title expressing the subject of this dialogue (like
that of Lysis) is wrong. Dacier rightly observes, that
the titles are commonly nothing to the purpose; but he
is strangely mistaken in saying, they are of modern
invention, and that Diogenes Laertius makes no mention
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Edit. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 103.
P. 104. Meyaklea ET LT POTOV.] Megacles (the father of Dino-
mache, the mother of Alcibiades), and Agariste, the mother of
Pericles, were brother and sister. Alcibiades was not above
three years old, and his brother Clinias was still younger, when
they lost their father at the battle of Coronea, Ol. 83. 1.
106. Ieval ETL To ßnua.] Boys when they had undergone the
Aokiyagia before the Thesmotheta who presided in the court of
Heliæa, (V. Lysiam in Diogeiton. p. 508 and 515., Aristophan.
in Vespis, v. 576., and Antiphont. de cæde Choreuta, p. 143,
ed. H. Steph. fol.), and were enrolled among the men, though
they were for a year excused from all sectoüpylai, seem to have
been at liberty (at this time of the republick) to vote and speak
in the assembly of the people. Therefore, Potter (Archæolog.
L. 1, c. 17.) is not correct when he affirms that they could not
speak there, who were under thirty years of age. They could
not indeed be chosen into the senate, &c. till that age.
Ib. Ipajipata kal Kidapišelv.] The usual education of the
Athenian children from seven years old to fifteen. See Æschines
de Axioco, p. 94, ed. Le Clerc, and Aristoph. in Nubibus, v. 961.
ALCIBIADES I.
of them. That author actually mentions them all, and
from his account they appear to be more ancient than
Thrasyllus, who lived probably under Augustus and
Tiberius, and who seemingly took them to be all of
Plato's own hand.
NOTES.
P. 113. Eov rade KLV OUVEVELS.] These are the words of Phædra
in the Hippolytus of Euripides, v. 352. Eov tad' OUK EMOV KAUELS,
which was played full three years after the time of this dialogue ;
but this is only a slight anachronism, and I wish that Plato had
never been guilty of any greater.
Ib. Ekevaplw v.] It is here used for clothes.
118. IIudoklecón.] He was a musician of great note, as well
as Damon. See Aristotle, cited by Plutarch in his life of
Pericles. Some attribute to Pythoclides the invention of the
Mixo-Lydian harmony, used in tragedy ; but Aristoxenus ascribes
it to Sappho. See Plutarch de Musicâ, and Burette's notes in
the Mémoires de L'Acad. des Inscriptions, &c. vol. 13. p. 234.
Ib. Hlow eyeveo Onv.] He speaks of Xanthippus and Paralus,
as already dead, though in reality they were living two years
after the time of this dialogue.
119. Pythodorus, son of Isolochus and scholar to Zeno of
Elea. Qu?-Whether he were the same who was Archon Ol.
94. 1. ?
120. Meidlav.] He is mentioned by Aristophanes in Avibus.
Ib. Avoparoowon tpixa.] This is explained by Potter, L. 1.
c. 10.
121. 'Nv al yuvalkes.] One office of the Ephori was, to watch
over the chastity of the queen.
122. Ovdevu MER EL. Of old the court of Areopagus were in-
spectors of the education of youth. The members of it divided
that care among them, and each of them in his province took
note of such fathers as gave not their children an education suit-
able to their fortune and way of life, as Isocrates shews at large
in his beautiful Areopagitick oration. At what time their
vigilance on this head began to decline, I cannot fix; but it was
probably towards the beginning of the administration of Pericles,
92
NOTES ON PLATO.
The true subject certainly is, to demonstrate the
necessity of knowing one's self, and that, without this
foundation, all other acquisitions in science are not only
useless, but pernicious.
NOTLS.
when the authority of that venerable body was lessened and
restrained by Ephialtes, that is, before Ol. 80. 1 ; yet I find the
form of the thing still continued, though not the force of it: for
Æschines speaking of the discipline young men were subject to,
from about the age of eighteen to twenty, has these words ; IIas
ο του μειρακισκου χρονος εστιν υπο Σωφρονιστας, και την επι τους
νεους αιρεσιν της εξ Αρειου παγου βουλης. (Eschin. in Axiocho,
p. 96.) The Sophronistæ here mentioned, are distinct from the
Areopagites, being the name of a magistracy thus described
in Etymolog. Magn. Σωφρονισται, αρχοντες τινες χειροτονητοι,
δεκα τον αριθμον έκαστης φυλης, επεμελούντο δε της των εφηβων
σωφροσυνης.
Ρ. 122. Πολλας γαρ ηδη γενεας.] We are not told, I believe, by
any other writer, that the use of money was so early introduced
into Lacedæmon; but the following passage of Posidonius in
Athenaeus, may help to explain it; Λακεδαιμονιοι υπο των εθων
κωλυομενοι εισφερειν εις την Σπαρτην, (ώς και αυτος Ιστορει Ποσειδωνιος),
και κτάσθαι χρυσον και αργυρον, εκτώντο μεν ουδεν ήττον, παρα-
κατετιθετο δε τοις όμοροις Αρκασιν, ειτα πολεμιoυς αυτους εσχον αντι
φιλων, όπως ανυπευθυνον το απιστον δια την έχθραν γενηται· τω
μεν ουν εν Δελφοις Απολλωνι τον προτερον εν τη Λακεδαιμονι χρυσον
και αργυρον ιστoρoύσιν ανατεθηναι. κτλ. Αthen. L. 6. p. 233, and
we may consult also Plato's Hip. Maj. p. 283, and De Republicâ,
L. 8, p. 548. Plutarch says, that money was not even allowed
for the uses of the publick, till after the siege of Athens and its
surrendering to Lysander, when that point was carried after a
great struggle; though, at the same time, it was made capital
to apply it to private occasions. This happened twenty seven
years after the date of this dialogue.
Ib. Γενεθλια.] The birthday of the Persian king was yearly
observed by all Asia.
Ib. Και Μεσσηνης.] Messenia was a country far surpassing
ALCIBIADES I.
93
The time of this dialogue is towards the end of
Alcibiades's nineteenth year, which (as Dodwell reckons)
is 01. 87. 1. Socrates was then about thirty-nine years
old.
NOTES.
Laconia in fertility, and equal to the best in Greece: Euripides
describes them both. See ap. Strabonem, L. 8, p. 367, and
Pausanias, L. 4, p. 285.
P. 122. Twv te allwy kal twv 'ELNwTikwv.] The Spartans, there-
fore, made use of other slaves besides the Heilota.
123. Aelvouaxns.] The value of an Athenian matron's ward-
robe and ornaments was about fifty minä, (£161. 9s. 2d.)
Ib. I'ns alebpa Epxlasiv.] Three hundred Icopa of land
was a great estate for an Athenian : a plethrum is one hundred
feet square. Observe, that the lands of Alcibiades did not lie
in that Anuos to which he belonged, for he was of Scambonida.
Ib. Baoilkos popos.] Herodotus, L. 6, enumerates the
privileges and prerogatives of the Spartan kings, but makes no
mention of this revenue, which was probably instituted after
his time.
124. Observe that Agis did not come to the crown till five
years after this conversation.
ALCIBIADES II.
H, ΠΕΡΙ ΠΡΟΣΕΥΧΗΣ.
This is a continuation of the same subject; for what
ductory to the main purpose of the dialogue. It is
nothing inferior in elegance to the former. Some have
attributed it to Xenophon, but it is undoubtedly Plato's,
and designed as a second part to the former.
I could be glad if it were as easy to fix the time of
it, as Dacier would persuade us, who boldly fixes it Ol.
93. 1, but there are facts alluded to in it, that will
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 138.
Vol. 2. p. 138. Xalkw deleo dac.] See Æschylus Sept. cont.
141. Ta zaidika.] Craterus conspired with Hellenocrates
and Decamnichus to murder that prince, (Archelaus of Mace-
donia) as he was hunting. Aristotle calls him Crateus, and
gives a fuller account of this conspiracy than any other author.
Aristot. Politic. L. 5. c. 10. Archelaus had promised him one
of his daughters in marriage, for he had two, but gave one to
the king of Elimea and the other to his own son Amyntas.
Hellenocrates was a Larissæan who had likewise been subser-
vient to the king's pleasures.
143. Autika wala napaotain--ELTELV—Boulojevov, &c.] All
words importing the present time, and not to be in any way
interpreted of the past, as Dacier pretends.
ALCIBIADES II.
95
neither be reconciled to that date, nor indeed to one
another; and besides, it is better to allow Plato to be
guilty of these inaccuracies in chronology, than of those
improprieties of character which must be the conse-
quences of Dacier's supposition. It is plain, that
Socrates continues, as in the preceding discourse, to
treat Alcibiades with a certain gentle superiority of
understanding, and that he prescribes to (and instructs)
him in a manner extremely proper to form the mind
NOTES.
P. 144. What Plato would prove in this place is excellent,
namely; To των αλλων επιστημων κτημα, εαν τις ανευ του βελτιστου
κεκτημενος η, ολιγακις μεν ωφελειν, βλαπτειν δε τα πλειω τον εχοντα
auta. See also de Repub. L. 6. p. 506. and de Legibus, L. 2.
p. 661.
145. Avin onu.] This relates to what he had proved in the
former dialogue, (Alcibiad. 1. p. 116.) which would be absurd if
that conversation had passed twenty years before.
147. A line from Homer's Margites; IowlMIT LOTATO epya,
KAKWS 8 TTLOTATO avta.
148. A Spartan prayer : Ta kala didoval ETL TOLS ayados.
Ib. OLTRELOTAS Mev Ovolas.] The Athenians were remarkably
sumptuous in their teinples and publick worship, beyond any
other people : two months in the year were taken up entirely
in these solemnities. See Aristophan. in Vespis, Schol. ad v.
655, and Xenoph. de Republ. Athen. p. 699.
149. Evonula.] Proclamation was always made in the be-
ginning of sacrifices in this form : Evonueite, eu nueite, and
then followed a solemn prayer.
Ib. Kakov TOKLOTNU.] Perhaps we should read, Alkaornv.
150. Oůtos ĖOTLY Ú Medel tepi gov.] Socrates may either mean
the Divinity here, as in the former dialogue, Alcibiad. 1. p.
135. Eav Bounov. EwK: Ou kalws leyes. AlKiß: Alla TWS
xpn Leyelv ; Ewr: 'Ott eav Deos edeln: for it was the character
of Socrates to assume nothing to himself: he ascribes all to the
96
NOTES ON PLATO.
of a youth just entering into the world, but ill-bred
and impertinent to a man of forty years of age, who
had passed through the highest dignities of the state
and through the most extraordinary reverses of fortune.
Plato himself may convince us of this, by what he
makes Socrates say in the first Alcibiades; p. 127.
Αλλα χρη θαρρείν: ει μεν γαρ αυτο ήσθου πεπονθως
πεντηκονταετης, χαλεπον ην αν σοι επιμεληθηναι σαυτού
νυν δε, ήν εχεις ηλικιαν, αυτη εστιν εν ή δει αυτο
αισθανεσθαι.
The principal difficulties are, that he speaks of
· Pericles as yet living, who died Ol. 87. 4, and of the
NOTES...
dæmon who directed him, whom he calls his Eritportos: or
Socrates may here mean himself, as I rather think. Some
Christian writers would give a very extraordinary turn to this
part of the dialogue, as though Plato meant to prove the
necessity of a Revelation : but I spy no such mysteries in it.
Socrates has proved that we are neither fit to deal with man-
kind, till we know them by knowing ourselves; nor to address
ourselves to the Divine Power, till we know enough of his
nature to know what we owe him : what that nature is, he
defers examining till another opportunity, which is done to
raise the curiosity and impatience of the young Alcibiades, and
to avoid that prolixity, into which a disquisition so important
would have naturally led him.
P. 151. Etepavov.] Alcibiades, as going to perform sacrifice,
had a chaplet of flowers on his head, which was the custom for
all present at such solemnities.
Ib. Ở Kpewv.] From the Phænissæ of Euripides, v. 886.
Οιωνον εθεμην καλλινικα σου στεφη:
Εν γαρ κλυδωνι κειμεθ', ώσπερ οισθα συ.
Ib. TW owv epastwv.] He here continues the same style to
Alcibiades, which would be absurd to a man of forty years of age.
ALCIBIADES II.
.
murder of Archelaus king of Macedon as a fact then
recent, which did not happen 1 till Ol. 95. 1, the same
year with Socrates's death, and near five years after that
of Alcibiades.
1 According to Diodorus Siculus, L. 16. p. 266. who, though
he may have rightly fixed the period of the reign of Archelaus,
contradicts himself as to the duration of it. He says, that he
reigned seven years, yet mentions him as king of Macedon
(L. 13. p. 175.) ten years before his death. Ol. 92. 3. Accord-
ing to the Marmor Parium, he must have reigned still longer,
for there he is said to have come to the throne, Ol. 90. 1. ; but
that date is certainly false, as Thucydides speaks of his father
Perdiccas, yet living four years afterwards. But let Diodorus
be mistaken or not, it is sure, from this passage of Thucydides,
that Archelaus came not to the crown till at least thirteen years
after the death of Pericles. See also Athenæus, L. 5. p. 217.
VOL. IV,
THEAGES.
H, IIEPI ZOPIAE.
DEMODOCUS of Anagyrus, an old Athenian who had
passed with reputation through the highest offices of
the state, and now, after the manner of his ancestors,
lived chiefly on his lands in the country, (Euthydem,
p. 291.) employed in agriculture and rustick amuse-
ments, brings with him to Athens his son 1 Theages, a
youth impatient to improve himself in the arts then in
vogue, and to shine among his companions who studied
i He actually became a friend and disciple of Socrates, and
is mentioned by him as such, together with a brother of his
called Paralus, in his Apology, p. 33. Theages was probably
dead at the time of the condemnation of Socrates; he is men-
tioned as of a weak and unhealthy constitution. See De Republ.
L. 6. p. 496.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 121.
P. 124. Tov vEwOTI Apxovta.] Archelaus was then just come
.to the throne, and consequently this year, in which Diodorus
first mentions him, was, it is probable, the first of his reign.
(V. Alcibiad. II.) Bacis, a prophet, often cited by Herodotus.
The Scholiast on Aristophan. Equites, v. 123, says, there were
three of the name. (Clemens Alexandr. Strom. L. 1, p. 398.)
Ib. Aubilutov.] The name of this Athenian prophet I do
not elsewhere meet with,
THEAGES.
99
eloquence, 1 and practised politicks, as soon as ever their
age would permit them to appear in the popular
assemblies.
Socrates, at the father's desire, enters into conversa-
tion with the young man, and decoys him by little and
little into a confession that he wanted to be a great
man, and to govern his fellow citizens. After diverting
himself with the naiveté of Theages, he proposes ironic-
ally several sophists of reputation, and several famous
statesmen, who were fit to instruct him in this grand
art: but as it does not appear that the disciples of those
sophists, or even the sons of those statesmen, have been
1 Aristophanes ridicules this turn of the age in which he
lived, in many places, particularly in Equitib. v. 1375. Read-
ing, and the knowledge of the Belles Lettres, having more
generally diffused itself through the body of the people, than it
had done hitherto, had an ill effect on the manners of a nation
naturally vain and lively. Every one had a smattering of elo-
quence and of reasoning, and every one would make a figure
and govern ; but no one would be governed : the authority of
age and of virtue was lost and overborne, and wit and a fluency
of words supplied the place of experience and of common sense.
See the character of Hippocrates in the Protagoras, p. 312; and
Plato himself gives this as the characteristick of the Athenians
in his time, 'I martwv ELS Tavta coplas doša, kal Tapavouca.
See de Legib. L. 3, p. 701.
NOTLS.
P. 125. Els didao kalov.] Perhaps Aldao Kalelov.-This poem of
Anacreon on Callicrete, the daughter of Cyane, is now lost.
Dacier seriously imagines that she was a female politician, like
Aspasia ; but it is more agreeable to Anacreon's gallantry, that
we should suppose the seat of tyranny was only in her face.
128. Saluorlov.] See Mr. Foster's note on the Euthyphro,
ad p. 22, and Fraguier's Discourse on Socrates, Mém. de l'Acad.
des Inscript. V. 6.
100
NOTES ON PLATO.
much the better for their lessons, both Demodocus and
Theages intreat and insist that Socrates himself would
admit him to his company, and favour him with his
instructions. The philosopher very gravely tells them
stories of his demon, without whose permission he
undertakes nothing, and upon whom it entirely depends,
whether his conversation shall be of any use, or not,
to his friends; but at last he acquiesces, if Theages
cares to make the experiment.
The scene of the dialogue is in the portico (described
by Pausanias, L. 1. c. 3.) of Jupiter the Deliverer, in
the Ceramicus, the principal street of Athens; and the
time Ol. 92. 3-4, during the expedition of Thrasyllus,
in which he was defeated at Ephesus by the Persians,
and other allies of Sparta. Socrates was then sixty
years old.
NOTES.
P. 129. Klectquaxov eperbac] This assassination of Nicias, the
son of Heroscamander, by Philemon and Timarchus, and the
condemnation of the latter with Euathlus, who had given him
shelter, is not recounted in any other author.
130. OOUKUoLOnv.] Thucydides, the son of Melesias, was at
the head of the Athenian nobility and of the party which op-
posed Pericles and Ephialtes: he was a near relation to Cymon,
and banished by Ostracism about Ol. 83. 4, when Socrates was
twenty-six years old. He had two sons, Melesias and Stephanus,
the eldest of which was father to the Thucydides here mentioned.
130. Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, surnamed the Just,
had a son, called after his grandfather, Lysimachus, whose
son was also called Aristides, which interchange of names was
common at Athens.
EUTHYPHRO.
H, IIEPI 'OZIOT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 2.
SOCRATES, 1 about the time that an accusation had been
preferred against him for impiety in the court of the
Bagilevs, 2 walking in the portico, where that magistrate
used to sit in judgment, meets with Euthyphro, a per-
son deeply versed in the knowledge of religious affairs,
1 01. 95. 1.
2 Impeachments for murder were laid in the court of the
Baoilevs, but not tried till four months after in the court of Areo-
pagus, where the Basileus had himself a vote. The cause was
judged in the open air, for all such as were (quoppo cou) under
the same roof with the defendant were thought to partake of his
guilt. The accuser gave him immediate notice not to approach
(stpoonyopevel elpyeobal twv vouluwv) and in that state he con-
tinued, till he was acquitted of the crime. See Antipho, Orat.
de cæde Herodis, and de cæde Choreutæ. Informations might
also (as it seems) be laid in the court of Heliaa before the
Thesmotheta.
NOTE.
Mr. Foster having published and made remarks on this and
some other pieces of Plato, it is unnecessary for me to dwell
long upon them.
hand, as you come from the gate which led to the Piræeus.
102
NOTES ON PLATO.
as sacrifices, oracles, divinations, and such matters,
and full of that grave kind of arrogance which these
mysterious sciences use to inspire. His father, having
an estate in the isle of Naxus, had employed among
his own slaves a poor Athenian who worked for hire.
This man, having drunk too much, had quarrelled with
and actually murdered one of the slaves. Upon which,
the father of Euthyphro apprehended and threw him
into a jail, till the Eényntail had been consulted, in
order to know what should be done. The man, not
having been taken much care of, died in his confine-
ment: upon which Euthyphro determines to lodge an
indictment against his own father for murder. Socrates,
surprised at the novelty of such an accusation, inquires
into the sentiments of Euthyphro with regard to piety
and the service of the gods, (by way of informing him-
self on that subject against the time of his trial) and
by frequent questions, intangling him in his own con-
cessions, and forcing him to shift from one principle
and definition to another, soon lays open his ignor-
ance, and shews that all his ideas of religion were
1 The Egmyntal at Athens, like the Pontifices at Rome, were
applied to, when any prodigy had happened or any violent
death, to settle the rights of expiation or to propitiate the
manes of the dead. Harpocration and Suidas have these words,
Εξηγητης, ο εξηγουμενος τα ιερα εστι δε και α προς τους κατ-
OLXquevous voue oueva efnyOÚVTO TOLS DEQUEvols. So Demosthenes
contra Everg. of a woman supposed to be murdered : ETELON
τοινυν ετελευτησεν, ηλθον ως τους Εξηγητας, ένα ειδειην ό τι με χρη
TT OLELV TEPL TOUTWV: and the prosecution of the murderer made
a necessary part of this expiation. See Theophrasti Charact:
TEPL AELoldaluovias, c. 16, and Plato de Republ. L. 4, p. 427,
where he calls the Delphian Apollo, Εξηγητης πατριος.
EUTHYPHRO.
103
founded on childish fables and on arbitrary forms and
institutions.
The intention of the dialogue seems to be, to expose
the vulgar notions of piety, founded on traditions un-
worthy of the divinity, and employed in propitiating
him by puerile inventions and by the vain ceremonies
of external worship, without regard to justice and to
those plain duties of society, which alone can render
us truly worthy of the deity.
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS.
PLATO was himself present at the trial of Socrates,
being then about twenty-nine years of age; and he was
one of those who offered to speak in his defence, (though
the court would not suffer him to proceed), and to be
bound as a surety for the payment of his fine : yet
we are not to imagine, that this oration was the real
defence which Socrates made. Dionysius says, that it
was δικαστηριου μεν η αγοράς ουδε θυρας ιδων, κατ'
aliny de Tiva Bovino u yeypappevos, and what that
design was, he explains himself by saying, that, under
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 17.
P. 18. It is remarkable that he should mention this comedy
of Aristophanes, as having made a deep impression on the
people, and yet it was brought on the stage twenty years
before, where it was exploded ; and afterwards it was produced
again, but still in vain : (Vid. Prolegom. ad Nubes, and y. 524.)
though the author regarded it as his best play.
23. Qr? Whether Anytus were the same person who was
colleague to the great Thrasybulus, and had a principal share
in restoring the democracy, mentioned by Lysias in Agoratum,
p. 260, 263, by Xenophon, Hist. Græc. L. 2, p. 468, and by
Isocrates, in Exc. adv. Callimachum? Melitus, who is mentioned
as a bad tragick poet in the Ranæ of Aristophanes, v. 1337,
and whose person is described in the Euthyphro, was not prob-
ably the same with that Melitus, who was among the accusers
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS.
105
the cover of an apology, it is a delicate satire on the
Athenians, a panegyrick on Socrates, and a pattern
and character of the true philosopher. (Dion. Hali-
carnass. de vi Demosthen. p. 289, and de Art. Rhetor.
p. 83. Vol. 2. edit. Huds. Oxon. 1704.) Nevertheless,
it is founded on truth; it represents the true spirit and
disposition of Socrates, and many of the topicks used
in it are agreeable to those which we find in Xenophon,
and which were doubtless used by Socrates himself;
as where he mentions his dæmon, and the reasons he
had for preferring death to life, his account of the
oracle given to Chærepho, and the remarkable allusion
to Palamedes, 2 &c. the ground-work is manifestly the
same, though the expressions are different. In one
1 Xenophon was absent at the time of the trial, Ol. 95. 1,
in Asia ; and the account, which he gives, he had from Hermo-
genes, the son of Hipponicus, a great friend of Socrates : we see
from him, that many persons had written narrations of the
behaviour of Socrates on the occasion.
2 This doubtless gave occasion to what Ælian and others
have said, (Var. Hist. and Diog. Laert. L. 2, s. 44.) that Euri-
pides, in some lines of his Palamedes, alluded to Socrates's
death ; whereas that drama was played Ol. 91. 1, and Euripides
died 01. 93. 2, seven years before Socrates.
NOTES.
of Andocides, the year before this, for Socrates speaks of him
as a youth not known in the world before this accusation of his
(See Euthyphr.); nor with the Melitus who was deputed by
the Athenians to go to Sparta, Ol. 94. 1 : these two last facts
seem to belong to one and the same person.
P. 24. Ilomino apdoviav.] Hence it appears that, in whatever
court Socrates was tried, the judges were extremely numerous.
26. Apaxuns ek ins Opxnotpas.] The price of a seat in the
theatre was at most one drachma.
106
NOTES ON PLATO.
thing only they seem directly to contradict each other :
Xenophon says, he neither offered himself any thing in
mitigation of his punishment, nor would suffer his friends
to do so, looking upon this as an acknowledgment of
some guilt : OUTE AUTOV ÚTETIunoato, OVTE TOVS pilovs
ειασεν· αλλα και ελεγεν, ότι το υποτιμάσθαι ομολογούντος
ειη αδικειν. If the word υποτιμάσθαι means that he
would not submit to ask for a change of his sentence
NOTES.
P. 32. EBoulevoa de.] Socrates was in the senate of Five
Hundred, Ol. 93. 3, being then sixty-five years of age. The
Prytanes presided in the assemblies of the people, were seated
in the place of honour, and attended by the Togotal, who, by
their orders, seized any persons who made a disturbance; they
introduced ambassadours, gave liberty of speaking to the orators,
and of voting to the people ; and (as it appears) any one of
them could put a negative on their proceedings, since Socrates
alone, at the trial of the Etpatnyol, insisted, that the question
was contrary to law, and would not suffer it to be put to the
assembly.
Ιb. θολος.] Δbuilding in the Ceramicus near the Βουλευτηριον
των Πεντακοσιων, where the Prytanes assembled to perform
sacrifice and to banquet. (Pausanias, L. 1, p. 12, and Jul.
Pollux in fin. L. 8.) Who were Nicostratus and Theodotus,
the sons of Theodotides ?
· 34. Els lev, jeipaklov non duw de, Ilaidia.] Socrates had three
sons, (D. Laert. L. 2, s. 26.) Lamprocles, Sophroniscus, and
Menexenus, the first by Xanthippe, the two others (as it is said)
by Myrto, grand-daughter to the famous Aristides. Some say,
he married the latter first; but that is impossible, because he
had Lamprocles, his eldest son, by Xanthippe ; and she certainly
survived him ; therefore, if Myrto were his wife, he must have
had two wives together. This is indeed affirmed in a treatise
on nobility ascribed to Aristotle, and by Aristoxenus and Callis-
thenes his scholars, as well as by Demetrius Phalereus, and
others. It is a very extraordinary thing, that such men should
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS.
107
into banishment, or perpetual imprisonment, so far it is
agreeable to Plato, p. 37. but if it means, that he would
not suffer any mulct himself, nor permit his friends to
mention it, we see the contrary, p. 38, where he fines
himself one mina (all he was worth), and where his
friends Crito, Critobūlus, Plato, and Apollodorus, offer
thirty minä (£96. 178. 6d.) which was, I suppose, all
they could raise, to save him. Now this being a fact,
NOTES.
be deceived in a fact which happened so near their own time;
yet Panætius, in his life of Socrates, expressly refuted this
story; and it is sure, that neither Xenophon, nor Plato, nor
any other of his contemporaries, mentions any wife but Xan-
thippe.
P. 35. Aplota Elval kar Újlv.] Here is an interval; and we see
that Melitus, Anytus, and Lyco, having gone through their
accusations, and Socrates having made his defence, and some
of his friends, perhaps, having also supported it, the judges
proceeded to vote guilty, or not guilty. The former suffrages
exceeded the latter by three, by thirty, or by thirty and three,
for the MSS. differ in the number. Justus of Tiberias (Laert.
L. 2. s. 41.) says by 281, which is doubtless false ; and he adds
that 361 condemned him to death.-I imagine, from what occurs
afterwards, that Melitus and Auytus spoke a second time, after
Socrates had finished his defenco, before the court had voted.
Xenophon tells us, that some of Socrates's friends actually pleaded
for him. Ερρηθη πλειονα υπ' αυτου, και των συναγορευοντων φιλων
Autov. Xenoph. Apolog. Sect. 22.
36. Kæv wgle xilas.] I do not see how Socrates should know
this, unless a small number of the judges, immediately after his
defence, had risen to give their vote against him, and the rest
deferred voting, till after Lyco and Anytus had spoken a second
time in support of Melitus. In all publick accusations (some
sorts of Eloayyelial excepted) this was the case, if the accuser
did not get a fifth of the votes. The next question regards the
Tiunua, which the court had it in their power to mitigate, if
108
NOTES ON PLATO.
at that time easily proved or disproved, I am of opinion
that Plato never would have inserted into his discourse
a manifest falsity, and, therefore, we are to take Xeno-
phon's words in that restrained sense which I have
mentioned.
Potter says, that from the nature of the crime
(Agepeia), it is evident that the trial was before the
court of Areopagus : but I take the contrary to be
NOTES.
they were persuaded or moved by the plea of the criminal. See
Lysias in Epicratem, p. 454.
P. 37. Mn ulay movov.] Here we see that capital causes were
decided in a single day.
38. Ağcoxpew.] Here follows a second interval, during which
the court voted, and condemned him to die.
39. Tijwplav.] Do not imagine with Dacier, in this place,
that he is threatening them with plagues and divine judgments :
he only means that for one Socrates a hundred shall spring up
to tell the Athenians their faults, which was very true; as the
Socratick school was continually increasing,
N.B. It may be observed, that Socrates was one of the
senate of Five Hundred, and was one of the Prytanes on the
trial of the Etpatnyol : this is certain, both from Plato, in this
piece, and from Xenophon, Hist. Græc. L. 1. p. 449, and from
Æschines in Axiocho, p. 101. This last writer tells us, that the
matter was carried the next day by the choice of certain IIpoed pol
eykata etol, to take the votes ; whence it should seem that it
was not, at that time of the republick, the constant custom to
elect II poeopol for this purpose, as it afterwards was out of the
nine tribes, which were not Prytanes ; (See Potter, L. 1. 17.)
but that the Prytanes alone, or some chosen from among them,
exercised this office. Xenophon, in his Apomnemon, L. 4. C.
4, seems to speak of the same trial, and says, that Socrates was
ETotatys in the assembly : if so, it was his particular province
to give the people liberty of voting; but it is certain that he
was not an Επιστατης chosen out of the Προεδροι, as was usual
APOLOGIA SOCRATIS.
109
.
.
evident from the style both here and in Xenophon. He
always addresses his judges by the name of Avdpes, or
Ανδρες Αθηναιοι, whereas the form of speaking either
to the 1 Areopagites or to the senate 2 of Five Hundred,
was constantly w Bovin: and in the courts 3 of justice,
Avopes Alkaotal, or sometimes Avdpes A Onvalot, or
Avopes alone : he therefore was judged in some of these
courts.
1 See Lysias's Apolog. in Simonem; and his Oration, Pro sacrâ
Olivâ.
2 See Lysias in Philonem, pro Mantitheo, &c.
3 Ib. in Epicratem in principio et sub fin. : et pro Euphileto,
et passim.
NOTE.
in the time of Demosthenes : he might indeed be Emotains of
the Prytanes, an honour which continued but one day. See
also Xenophon in Apomnem: L. 1. c. 1, where a clearer account
is given of the same fact, where he is called Bouleutns and
ErlotaTYS EV TW Anug. See also Plato's Gorgias, p. 473, and
Corsinus Fast. Attic. v. 1. Diss. 6. de Ipoedpwy kal ETLOTATWY
Electione.
CRITO.
H, ΠΕΡΙ ΠΡΑΚΤΟΥ.
or (as the second Basil edition more justly entitles it)
ΠΕΡΙ ΔΟΞΗΣ ΑΛΗΘΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΙΚΑΙΟΥ.
01. 95. 1.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 43.
This beautiful dialogue (besides Dacier's translation
and Foster's notes) has been translated and illustrated
by the Abbé Sallier, keeper of the printed books in the
French king's library; see Vol. 14. Mém. de l'Acad.
des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, p. 38.
PHÆDO.
H, NEPI VIXHE.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 57.
This famous dialogue was supposed by Panätius 1 the
stoick, a great admirer of Plato, not to be genuine, or
at least interpolated, rather, as it seems, from his own
persuasion 2 of the soul's mortality, than from any thing
in the piece itself unlike the manner or the tenets of
the philosopher, to whom it has always been ascribed.
The whole course of antiquity has regarded it as one of
his principal works; and (what seems decisive) Aristotle3
himself cites it, as a work of his master.
The historical part of it is admirable, and, though
written and disposed with all the art and management
of the best tragick writer, (for the slightest circumstance
in it wants not its force and meaning) it exhibits
nothing to the eye but the noble simplicity of nature.
1 Anthologia, L. 1. 44. 2 Cicero, Tusc. Quæst. L. 1. 32.
3 Meteorolog. L. 2. 2.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 58. Kat' evlautov.] This annual solemnity should be dis-
tinguished from the great Delian festival described by Thucy-
dides, (See Taylor's Comment on the Marmor Sandvicense,)
which returned only once in four years, and which, after a long
intermission, was revived 01. 88. 3.
112
NOTES ON PLATO.
Every intelligent reader will feel what those who were
eye-witnesses are said to have felt, namely, anon tiva
κράσιν, απο τε της ηδονης συγκεκραμενην δμου και της
duans. The innocence, the humanity, the cheerfulness,
and the unaffected intrepidity of Socrates, will draw some
tears from him (as it did many from them) as for the
loss of a father; and will, at the same time, better than
any arguments, shew him a soul, which, if it were not
so, at least deserved to be immortal.
The reasoning part is far inferior, sometimes weak,
us of any thing; yet with a mixture of good sense and
with many fine observations. The fabulous account of
a future state is too particular and too fantastick an
invention for Socrates to dwell upon at such a time, and
has less decorum and propriety in it than the other
parts of the dialogue.
Socrates attempts in this dialogue to prove, that true
philosophy is but a continual preparation for death; its
daily study and practice being to wean and separate the
body from the soul, whose pursuit of truth is perpetu-
ally stopped and impeded by the numerous avocations,
the little pleasures, pains, and necessities of its com-
panion. That, as death is but a transition from its
i This was an idea of Pythagoras. Ev Biw apxn TENEUTNS: Ey
Śwp de yeveols poopâs, Diog. Laert. L. 8. s. 22.
NOTE.
P.61. Dioraov.] We see that Philolaus of Crotona had been
at Thebes, and that Simmias and Cebes had both received from
him some tincture of the Pythagorean doctrines.
PHÆDO..
113
weakness from strength, and all things, both in the
natural and in the moral world, from their contraries)
so life is only a transition from death; whence he would
infer the probability of a metempsychosis. That, such
propositions,1 as every one assents to at first, being
self-evident, and no one giving any account how such
parts of knowledge, on which the rest are founded, were
originally conveyed to our mind, there must have been
a pre-existent state, in which the soul was acquainted
with these truths, which she recollects and assents to
on their recurring to her in this life. That, as truth is
eternal and immutable, and not visible to our senses
but to the soul alone; and as the empire, which she
exercises over the body, bears a resemblance to the power
of the Divinity, it is probable that she, like her object,
is everlasting and unchangeable, and, like the office she
bears, something divine. That, it cannot be, as some
have thought, merely a harmony resulting from a dis-
position of parts in the body, since it directs, commands,
and restrains the functions of that very body. That,
1 Socrates has explained the same doctrine in the Meno, p.
81, &c. but rather as conjectural than demonstrable, for he
adds, in the conclusion, p. 86. Ta ley ye alla ouk av travu ÚTTEP
Tou loyou diio Xuplo aluny, &c.
NOTES.
P. 97. Hence it is clear that Socrates never was the scholar of
Anaxagoras, (whatever Laertius and others have said) though
he had read his works with application.
* See who Echecrates was, in Plato's 9th Epistle, Op. Vol. 3.
1. 358. The Phliasians were ever the faithful allies of Sparta,
and (though the Peloponnesian war was now at an end) it is no
wonder if they had not any great intercourse with Athens.
VOL. IV.
114
NOTES ON PLATO.
the soul, being the cause of life to the body, can never
itself be susceptible of death; and that, there will be a
state of rewards and punishments, the scene of which
he takes pains in describing, though he concludes, that.
no man can tell exactly where or what it shall be.
Dacier's superstition and folly are so great in his
notes on the Phædo, that they are not worth dwelling
upon.
ERASTÆ.
EPASTAI SEU ANTEPASTAI:
ΠΕΡΙ ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΑΣ.
The scene lies in the school of Dionysius the gram-
marian,who was Plato's own master. The design is
to shew, that philosophy consists not in ostentation,
nor in that insight (which the sophists affected) into
à variety of the inferior parts of science, but in the
knowledge of one's self, and in a sagacity in discover-
ing the characters and dispositions of mankind, and of
correcting and of modelling their minds to their own
advantage.
The dialogue is excellent, but too short for such a
subject. The interlocutors are not named, nor is there
any mark of the time when it happened.
1 I'pappatiotns, of whom children learned to read and write.
Vid. Charmidem. p. 161.
NOTE ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 132.
P. 135. The price of a slave skilled in carpenter's work, was
five or six minæ, about £19. 7s.6d. ; of an architect, 10,000
drachmæ, i.e. above £322. 178. Od.
LACHES.
ΕΙ, ΠΕΡΙ ΑΝΔΡΕΙΑΣ.
rank and figure in the state of Athens.
1. Lysimachus, 1 son to the famous Aristides, sur-
named, The Just.
2. Melesias, son to that Thucydides who was the
great rival of Pericles in the administration.
1 Vid. Menonem. p. 93. 94. Both he and Melesias were
persons little esteemed, except on their father's account.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 178.
P. 178. Tov Avopa.] Stesilaus, as it afterwards appears, an
Athenian.
179. Ilamtw ovre.] Perhaps we should read, IIamnou kal
OUTOS ovou exwv, toûjou tratpos.
180. Ovta onuotnv.] Both Socrates and Lysimachus were of
Alopecæ.
Ib. Aapwva.] Damon the sophist and musician, scholar to
same professions, had been banished by the faction opposite to
Pericles, on account of his intimacy with that great man, in
whose education Plutarch (in Vit. Pericl.) would make one
imagine he had a principal share ; but, in reality, their intimacy
did not begin till Pericles was an old man, as Plato (in Alcih.
I. p. 118.) expressly tells us; and accordingly we find here, that
Laches had as yet never seen Damon, who probably, after the
ten years of his ostracism were expired, was returned to Athens,
while Laches commanded in Sicily.
LACHES.
117
3. Nicias, 1 so often the general in the Peloponnesian
war, celebrated for his goodness, for his conduct, and
for his success, till the fatal expedition to Syracuse in
which he perished.
4. Laches, son of Melanopus of the district Æxone,
and tribe Cecropis,2 commander of the fleet sent to the
assistance of the Leontines in Sicily, 01. 88. 2, in which
expedition he defeated the Locrians, reduced Messene,
Mylæ, and other places, and after his recall, seems to
have been 3 prosecuted by Cleon for corruption in this
very year; whence it appears, that he was in the battle
of Delium.4
i Thucydides passim. — Plutarch: in Vitâ Niciæ- Lysias
contra Poliuchum, p. 318.
2 Thucydides in multis locis. Laches was also among the
commanders of the troops sent into Peloponnesus to assist the
Argives. Ol. 90. 3. (See Diodorus, L. 12. p. 126. edit. Rhodo-
manni, 1604.
3 Aristophanes in Vespis, et Scholia ; which drama was
played Ol. 89. 2; see verse 890, where he is called Aaßns ó
Alfweus, as Cleon is called, Kuwv • Kuoaonvalevs.
4 He was one of the generals of the Athenians in the battle
near Mantinea, Ol. 90. 3, and was slain in that action. See
Thucydides, L. 5. p. 334, and Androtion in Schol. ad Aves
Aristophanis, v. 13.
NOTES.
P. 180. IIatpikos pilos.] Sophroniscus, therefore, though in
low circumstances, was a man of good character, and known to
the principal citizens.
182. Oů yap ay@vos.] The war with Sparta. It is plain,
that this was not one among the usual exercises of their gym-
nasia, and the teachers of it were but lately introduced in Athens.
183. Tpayudas TomTns.] A satire on the Athenians who
were devoted to these entertainments. See de Republ. L. 2.
P. 376, L. 3. p. 390, and L. 8. p. 568.
118
NOTES ON PLATO.
.
wer
( Two youths under
5. Thucydides, son to Melesias. 1 |
{ twenty years of
6. Aristides, son to Lysimachus.
I age.
7. Socrates, then in his forty-seventh year.
The two first of these persons, being then very
ancient, and probably about seventy years of age, and
sensible of that defect in their own education, which
had caused them to lead their lives in an obscurity
unworthy the sons of such renowned fathers, were the
more solicitous on account of their own sons, who were
now almost of an age to enter into the world. They
4 Vid. Menonem, p. 94. et Theagem, p. 130. et Theætetum,
p. 151.
NOTES.
P. 183. Aßatov lepov.] Like the temples and groves of the
Seuvai Deal, the Furies, Xwpos—alkTOS OVO OLKNTOS, &c. Soph. Ed.
Col. v. 39.
Ib. Etepw..] In the Sicilian expedition.
Ib. Aopuõpetavov.] A long halbard, whose head was fashioned
like a scythe or broad sickle. They were used to cut the rig-
ging of ships down, and in sieges to pull down the battlements
of walls, such as Livy, L. 38, calls, “Asseres falcati ad deter-
gendas pinnas.” Vid. Fragm. Polybii, v. 2. ed. Gronov. p.
1546.
184. Eripavedtepos YEVOLTO, nolos nu.] Perhaps we should
read olos nv, and omit the n.
185. Alov Tepl Tou, où éveka allo ešntel.] Perhaps we
should read, ò evera allov ešntel.
188. Awploti, all'ouk Iagtı.] A satire on the Athenians,
and a compliment to Sparta (V. de Republ. L. 3. p. 398.) which
Plato seldom omits, when he finds an opportunity. (Vid.
Hippiam Major, p. 283 and 4.—Protogoram, p. 342.–Symposium,
p. 209, where he calls the laws of Lycurgus, Ewrnpas ens
Ελλαδος.
LACHES.
119
therefore invite Nicias and Laches, men of distinguished
abilities and bravery, but some years younger than
themselves, to a conference on that subject; and after
having been spectators together of the feats of arms
exhibited by Stesilaus, a professed master in the exer-
cise of all weapons, they enter into conversation.
Socrates, who happened to be present, is introduced by
Laches to Lysimachus, as a person worthy to bear a
part in their consultation. The first question is occa-
sioned by the spectacle which they had just beheld,
namely, “whether the management of arms be an exer-
cise fit to be learned by young men of quality ?”
Nicias is desired first to deliver his opinion, which is,
that it may give grace and agility to their persons,
and courage and confidence to their minds; that it
may make them more terrible to their enemies in
battle, and more useful to their friends; and at the
same time may inspire them with a laudable ambition
to attain the higher and more noble parts of military
NOTES.
P. 189. E. de vewrepos, &c.] Socrates does not seem to have
attained a great reputation and esteem till about this time of
his life, when Aristophanes also first introduced him on the
stage, 01. 89. 1, in his Nepelai.
194. Twv DELVWV kau Dappalewv.] Which he afterwards de-
fines, Δεινα μεν, α και δεος παρεχει. θαρραλεα δε, α και μη δεος
παρεχει.
195. Ilotepov guoloyees Mavtis elva..] Dacier explains well
this piece of raillery on the supposed timidity and superstition
of Nicias's character : but when he carries it still farther, and
supposes it a part of Nicias's religion to believe in the bravery
of the Crommyonian wild-sov (p. 196.), he grows insipid, and
interprets the meaning of Socrates quite wrong.
120
NOTES ON PLATO.
knowledge. Laches has a direct contrary opinion of
it: he argues from his own experience, that he never
knew a man, who valued himself upon this art, that
had distinguished himself in the war; that, the Lace-
demonians, who valued and cultivated military discipline
beyond all others, gave no encouragement to these
masters of defence; that, to excel in it, only served to
make a coward more assuming and impudent, and to
expose a brave man to envy and calumny, by making
any little failing or oversight more conspicuous in him.
Socrates is then prevailed upon to decide the differ-
ence, who artfully turns the question of much greater
importance for a young man of spirit to know, namely,
“what is valour, and how it is distinguished from a
brutal and unmeaning fierceness." By interrogating
Laches and Nicias, he shews, that such as had the
highest reputation for courage in practice, were often
very deficient in the theory; and yet none can com-
municate a virtue he possesses, without he has himself
a clear idea of it. He proves, that valour must have
NOTES.
P. 197. Aajaxov.] See his character in Plutarch in Nicias's
life, and in Thucydides, and in Aristophanes in Acharnens :
he was remarkable for his bravery and his poverty ; he went
to Sicily with Nicias and Alcibiades, as their colleague, Ol. 91.
1, and died there.
Ib. Kalliota Ta Tolauta ovouara dialpelv.] Prodicus is accord-
ingly introduced in the Protagoras, p. 337, accurately distin-
guishing the sense of words, and defining all the terms he uses;
and again in the Protagoras, p. 358, and in the Meno, p. 75,
and in the Charmides, p. 163. See also the Euthydemus, p.
277, and this seems to have been the subject of his ELDELELS
TTEVTNKOVTadpaxuos. Vid. Cratylum, p. 384.
LACHES.
121
good sense for its basis; that it consists in the know-
ledge of what is, and what is not, to be feared; and
that, consequently, we must first distinguish between
real good and evil; and that it is closely connected
with the other virtues, namely, justice, , temperance,
and piety, nor can it ever subsist without them. The
scope of this fine dialogue is to shew, that philosophy
is the school of true bravery.
The time of this dialogue is not long after the
defeat of the Athenians at Delium, Ol. 89. 1, in which
action Socrates had behaved with great spirit, and
thence recommended himself to the friendship of
Laches. :
NOTES.
Ρ. 197. Αληθως Αιξωνεα.] Βλασφημον scilicet. Vid. Ηarpo-
cration in Alfwvas.
201. Acows.] The verse is in the Odyssey, P. v. 347 :
Αιδως ουκ αγαθη κεχρημενω ανδρι πρόικτη.
Plato here reads-avopi tapelval. And so again in the Char.
mides, p. 161.
Ib. Hţw tapa oe.] Accordingly Aristides and Thucydides
were actually under the care of Socrates from this time; (see
the Theages sub fin.) but they soon left him.
HIPPARCHUS.
H, QIAOKEPAHE.
The intention of the dialogue is to shew, that all man-
kind in their actions equally tend to some imagined
good, but are commonly mistaken in the nature of it;
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Edit. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 225.
P. 225. 'Iva Ti kal ñuels twv coowy pnparwv.] Iookwla kal
όμοιoτελευτα.
228. IIoActn TW Euw.] Thucydides affirms the express con-
trary to Plato, that Hipparchus never reigned at all. OUK
Ιππαρχος, ώσπερ οι πολλοι οιoνται, αλλ' Ιππιας, πρεσβυτατος ων,
eoxe tnv apxny. Thucyd. L. 6. Sect. 54. p. 379. Ed. Huds.
Oxon : but he agrees with Plato that the government of the
Pisistratidæ was mild and popular, till the murder of Hippar-
chus. Hipparchus first brought the works of Homer to Athens;
he was intimate with Simonides, and sent a galley to bring
Anacreon to Athens, as I imagine, from Samos, aſter the death
of Polycrates, which happened in the fourth year of Hippias's,
(or according to Plato) of Hipparchus's reign.-The custom of
the Rhapsodi successively repeating all Homer's poems during
the Panathenæa.--Hermæ were erected by Hipparchus in the
middle of Athens, and of every Anuos in Attica, with inscrip-
tions in verse, containing some moral precept, written by him-
self.
229. Tos adenoms atidlav tms kavnpopias.] Perhaps, tms
APMOAIOT adellons-ns Kavn popov, or ev tn kamnoplą, unless
xaply or éveka be understood.
HIPPARCHUS.
123
and that nothing can properly be called gain which,
when attained, is not a real good.
The time of the dialogue is no where marked.
NOTE.
" P. 231. Ayti dwdekaotaolov.] Gold was therefore to silver at
that time, as twelve to one.
PHILEBUS.
H, IEPI HAONHE.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 11.
THIS dialogue is too remarkable to be passed over
slightly: we shall therefore annex the principal heads
of it. The question is, Τι των ανθρωπινων κτηματων
aplotoV; “What is the supreme good of mankind ?"
and, “whether pleasurel or wisdom have the better
pretension to it?"
The persons are, Protarchus, the son of Callias, who
supports the cause of pleasure, and Socrates, who
opposes it: Philebus, who had begun the dispute but
was grown weary of it, and many others of the Athenian
youth, are present at the conversation. The time of
it is no where marked. The end of the dialogue is
supposed to be lost.
P. 12. The name of pleasure, variously applied, to
the joys of intemperance and folly, and to the satis-
faction arising from wisdom, and from the command
of our passions.
Though of unlike, and even of opposite natures,
they agree so far, as they are all pleasures alike; as
black and white, though contrary the one to the other,
are comprehended under the general head of colours.
i V. de Republ. L. 6. p. 505.
PHILEBUS.
125
Though included under one name, if some are con-
trary and of opposite natures to others, they cannot
both be good alike.
P. 14. Vulgar enquiry, how it is possible for many 1
to be one, and one, many, laid aside by consent as
childish.
Obscure question on our abstracted idea of unity.
The vanity and disputatious humours of a young man,
who has newly tasted of philosophy and has got hold
of a puzzling question, are well described.
Every subject of our conversation has in it a mixture
of the infinite and of the finite.
P. 16. The true logician will (as the ancients pre-
scribed,) first discover some single and general idea, and
then proceed to two or three subordinate to it, which
he will again subdivide into their several classes, which
will form, as it were, a medium beneath finite and in-
finite.
· Example in the alphabet. The human voice is one
idea, but susceptible of a variety of modulations, and
to be diversified even to infinity: to know that it is one,
and to know that it is infinite, are neither of them know-
ledge; but there can be no knowledge without them.
When we first attain to the unity of things, we must
descend from number to infinity, if we would know
any thing: and when we first perceive their infinity, we
must ascend through number to unity. Thus the first
inventora of letters remarking the endless variety of
i V. Phædon. p. 96.
2 V. Phædrum. p. 274. V. et Politicum. p. 285. Acoy, ótav
την των πολλων τις προτερον αισθηται κοινωνιαν, μη προαφιστασθαι,
126
NOTES ON PLATO.
sounds discovered a certain number of vowels, distin-
guished others of a different power, called consonants,
some of which were mutes, and others liquids, and to
the whole combination of elements he gave the form
and name of an alphabet.
P. 20. The good, which constitutes happiness, must
be in itself sufficient and perfect, the aim and end of all
human creatures.
A life of mere pleasure considered by itself, which,
(if pleasure only be that good) must need no mixture
nor addition.
If we had no memory nor reflection, we could have
no enjoyment of past pleasure, nor hope of future, and
scarcely any perception of the present, which would be
much like the life of an oyster : on the other hand, a
life of thought and reflection, without any sense of
pleasure or of pain, seems no desirable state. Neither
contemplation, therefore, nor pleasure, are the good we
seek after, but probably a life composed of both.
P. 22. Whether the happiness of this mixed state is
the result of pleasure, or rather of wisdom, and which
contributes most to it?
P. 23. Division of all existence into the infinite, the
limited, 1 the mixed, which is composed of the two
former, and the supreme cause of all.
πριν αν εν αυτη τας διαφορας ειδη πασας oπoσαι περ εν ειδεσι κεινται:
τας δε αυ παντοδαπας ανομοιοτητας, όταν εν πληθεσιν οφθωσι, μη
δυνατον ειναι δυσωπουμενον παυεσθαι, πριν αν συμπαντα οικεια
εντος μιας ομοιοτητος ερξας, γενούς τινος ουσια περιβαλη.
i Or rather, that which limits and gives bounds (To zrepas)
such as figure, which gives bounds to extension; as time, which
limits duration, &c.
PHILEBUS.
127
Example of the first; all that admits of increase or
decrease, greater or less, hotter or colder, &c. i.e. all
undetermined quantity.
Of the second; all that determines quantity, as
equality, duplicity, and whatever relation number bears
to number, and measure to measure.
Of the third, or mixed; all created things, in which
the infinity of matter is, by number and measure, re-
duced to proportion.
P. 27. Pleasure and pain, having no bounds 1 in
themselves, are of the nature of the infinite.
P. 28. The supreme power and wisdom of the Deity
asserted.
But a small portion of the several elements is visible
in our frame. Our soul is a small portion of the spirit
of the universe, or fourth kind mentioned above.
P. 31. Pain is a consequence of a 2 dissolution of
that symmetry and harmony in our fabrick, which is
the cause of health, strength, &c. as pleasure results
1 Happiness and misery, says Mr. Locke, are the names of
two extremes, the utmost bounds whereof we know not; but of
some degrees of them we have very lively ideas. (Chapt. of
Power, 1. 41.)
2. This is an idea of Timæus, the Locrian: 'Okooal MLEV WV (TWV
Κινασεων) εξιστάντι ταν φυσιν, αλγειναι εντι: οκοσαι δε αποκαθισ-
Tâyti es aurav, ådovai ovoualvontal. And Mr. Locke makes
much the same observation. Excess of cold (says he) as well
as heat, pains us ; because it is equally destructive of that
temper, which is necessary to the preservation, and the exercise
of the several functions of the body, and which consists in a
moderate degree of warmth, or, if you please, a motion of the
insensible parts of our bodies confined within certain bounds.
Essay on H. U. Ch. 7. §. 4.
128
NOTES ON PLATO.
from the return and restoration of the parts to their
just proportions.
Thus hunger and thirst are uneasinesses proceeding
from emptiness ; eating and drinking produce pleasure
by restoring a proper degree of repletion. Excess of
cold is attended with a sensation of pain, and warmth
brings with it an equal pleasure.
Pleasures and pains of the soul alone arise from the
expectation of pleasure or pain of the body: these are
hopes and fears, and depend upon the memory.
A state of indifference is without pleasure or pain,
which is consistent with a life of thought and contem-
plation.
P. 33. Sensation is conveyed to the soul through
the organs of the body; the body 2 may receive many
motions and alterations unperceived by the mind.
Memory is the preserver of our sensations.
Recollection, an act of the mind alone, restores to
us ideas imprinted in the memory, after an intermission.
Desire, in the mind alone, by which it supplies the
wants of the body : it depends on memory.
In the appetites, pleasure and pain go together, a
1 "Hope is that pleasure in the mind, which every one finds
upon the thought of a profitable future enjoyment of a thing
which is apt to delight him. Fear is an uneasiness upon the
thought of future evil, likely to befall us." Locke H.U. Ch. 20.
bogos 7 Tpo AUTs eÀ Tus: wappos se, " Tạo Top 60 CVTLOU. L. 1.
Legum. p. 644.
2 This is also from Timæus. Kuvaoiwv de TWY ATO TWV EKTOS
τας μεν αναδιδομενας εις τον φρονεοντα τοπον, αισθησιας ειμεν, τας
δε υπ' αντιλαψιν μη πιπτουσας, ανεπαισθητως, η τω τα πασχοντα
σωματα γεωδεστερα ειμεν, η τω τας κινασιας αμένηνοτερας γιγνεσθαι.
De Animâ Mundi. p. 100.
PHILEBUS..
129
proportionable satisfaction succeeding as the uneasiness
abates.
Memory 1 of a past pleasing sensation inspires hope
of a future one, and thereby abates an uneasiness actu-
ally present; as the absence of hope doubles a present
pain.
Whether truth and falsehood belong to pleasures
and pains ?
They do: as these are founded on our opinions 2 of
things preconceived, which may, undoubtedly, be either
true or false.
Our opinions are founded on our sensations, and the
memory of them. Thus we see a figure at a distance
beyond a certain rock, or under a certain tree, and
we say to ourselves, it is a man; but on advancing up
to it, we find a rude image of wood carved by the
shepherd.
The senses, the memory, and the passions, which
attend on them, write on our souls, or rather delineate,
a variety of.conceptions and representations of which,
when justly drawn, we form true opinions and proposi-
tions; but when falsely, we form false ones.
On these our hopes and fears are built, and conse-
quently are capable of truth and falsehood, as well as
the opinions on which they are founded.
1 What Plato calls by the name of Munun, and Avalinois,
are by Locke distinguished under the names of contemplation
and memory, L. 1. Ch. 10. being the different powers of reten-
tion. (See De Legib. L. 5. p. 732.)
2 All this head is finely explained by Locke. (Ch. of Power,
8 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, &c.) which is the best comment on this
part of Plato.
VOL. IV.
130
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 40. The good abound in just and true hopes,
fears, and desires; the bad in false and delusive ones.
P. 41. As pleasures 1 and pains are infinite, we
can only measure them by comparison, one with the
other.
Our hopes and fears are no less liable to be deceived
by the prospect of distant objects, than our eyes. As
we are always comparing those, which are far off, with
others less remote or very near, it is no wonder that
we are often mistaken ; especially as a pleasure, when
set next a pain, does naturally appear greater than its
true magnitude, and a pain less.
So much then of our pains and pleasures as exceeds
or falls short of its archetype, is false.
- A state of indolence, or of apathy, is supposed by
the school of Heraclitus to be impossible, on account
of the perpetual motion of all things.
Motions and alterations 2 proved to happen continu-,
ally in our body, of which the soul has no perception.
P. 43. Therefore, (though we should allow the per-
petual motion of things,) there are times when the soul
feels neither pleasure nor pain; so that this is a possible
state.
Pleasure, and its contrary, are not the consequences
of any changes in our constituent parts, but of such
changes as are considerable and violent.
i “If we will rightly estimate what we call good and evil,
we shall find it lies much in comparison.” (Locke, C. of
Power. $ 42.)
2 Whatever alterations are made in the body, if they reach
not the mind,—whatever impressions are made on the outward
parts, if they are not taken notice of within,-there is no per-
ception. Locke, Ch. 9.
PHILEBUS.
131
The sect of philosophers, who affirm 1 that there is
no pleasure but the absence of pain, is in the wrong,
but from a noble principle.2
To know the nature of pleasure, we should consider
such as are strongest : bodily pleasures are such.
Pleasure is in proportion to our desires. The de-
sires and longings of sick persons are the most violent:
the mad and thoughtless feel the strongest 3 degree of
pleasure and of pain; so that both the one and the
other increase with the disorder and depravity of our
body and mind.
Pleasures of lust have a mixture of pain, as the pain
of the itch 4 has a mixture of pleasure, and both sub-
sist at the same instant.
Anger, grief, love, envy, are pains of the soul, but
with a mixture 5 of pleasure. Exemplified in the
exercise of our compassion and terror at a 6 tragick
spectacle, and of our envy at a comick one. The
pleasure of ridicule arises from vanity and from the
ignorance of ourselves. We laugh at the follies 7 of
the weak, and hate those of the powerful.
1 "Pleasure,” says Mr. Selden, "is nothing but the inter-
mission of pain, the enjoyment of something I am in great
trouble for, till I have it."
2 Δυσχερεια τινι φυσεως ουκ αγεννούς λιαν μεμισηκοτων της της
ηδονης δυναμιν, και νενομικοτων ουδεν υγιες.
3 V. Plat. in Republ. L. 3. p. 403.
4 Vid. Gorgiam. p. 494.
5 V. Aristot. Rhetor. L. 2. C. 2.
6 Μη τοις δραμασι μονον, αλλα και τη του βιου ξυμπαση τραγωδια
Kal Kwuwdiq, p. 50.
7 Teloia jev, ônova ag evn. Monta 8€, ômoda ñ epfwleva.
132
NOTES ON PLATO.
Pure and unmixed pleasures 1 proved to exist : those
of the senses resulting from regularity of figure, beautiful
colours, melodious sounds, odours of fragrance, &c. and
all whose absence is not necessarily 2 accompanied with
any uneasiness. Again : satisfactions of the mind re-
sulting from knowledge, the absence or loss of which
is not naturally attended with any pain.
A small portion of pure and uncorrupted pleasure is
· preferable to a larger one of that which is mixed and
impure.
The opinion of some philosophers, that pleasure is
continually generating, but is never produced, i.e. it
has no real existence, seems true with regard to mere
bodily pleasures.
Enquiry into knowledge. The nature of the arts :
such of them, as approach the nearest to real know-
ledge, are the most 3 considerable, being founded on
number, weight, and 4 measure, and capable of demon-
stration.
Secondly, those attainable only by use and frequent
trial, being founded on conjecture and experiment, such
as musick, medicine, agriculture, natural philosophy, &c.
. P. 60. Recapitulation.
P. 61. Happiness resides 5 in the just mixture of
wisdom and pleasure; particularly when we join the
1 Vid. de Republ. L. 9. p. 584.
2 OUTI DUOelye, all'ev Tlol loyco uols. p. 52.
3 Vid. de Republ. L. 10. p. 602.
4 And above all, logick, to which we owe all the evidence
and certainty we find in the rest. 'Notep O peykos, TOLS Maonuaow
ñ Alalektikn nuev etaVW KELTAL, &c. De Republ. L. 7. p. 534.
5 Vid. de Republ. L. 9. p. 582. and de Leg. L. 5. p. 733.
PHILEBUS.
133
purest pleasures with the clearer and more certain
sciences.
P. 63. Prosopopeia of the pleasures and sciences, con-
sulted on the proposal made for uniting them.
P. 64. No mixture is either useful or durable, with-
out proportion. The supreme good of man consists in
beauty, in symmetry, and in truth, which are the causes
of all the happiness to be found in the above-mentioned
union.
MENO.
II, IIEPI APETHE.
THE subject of the dialogue is this : That virtue is
knowledge, and that true philosophy alone can give us
that knowledge.
I see nothing in this dialogue to make one think
that Plato intended to raise the character of Meno.
He is introduced as a young man who seems to value
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 70.
P. 70. EⓇ LITTLKY TE kal arloutw.] The breed of Thessalian
horses was the most celebrated in Greece ; and when the-cities
of Thessaly were united among themselves, they could raise a
body of six thousand, equal to any cavalry in the world.
(Xenophon Hellenic. L. 6. p. 339 Pausan. L. 10. p. 799. Plato
in Hipp. Maj. p. 284.) They were of great service to Alexander
in his expeditions. The country was very rich in pasture and
in corn, and, as their government was generally remiss and
ill-regulated, their wealth naturally introduced a corruption
(Athenæus, L. 14. p. 663.) of manners, which made them first
slaves themselves, and then the instruments of slavery to other
people. It was they who invited the Persian (Herod. L. 7.
and L. 9.) into Greece ; and afterwards gave rise to the power
of the Macedonians.
Isocrates (Orat. de Pace, p. 183.) produces them as an example
of a strong and wealthy people, reduced by their own bad
management to a low and distressed condition.
MENO.
135
himself on his parts, and on the proficiency he has
made under Gorgias the Leontine, (whose notions are
here exposed) and the compliments Socrates makes him
on his beauty, wealth, family, and other distinctions,
are only little politenesses ordinarily used by that philo-
sopher to put persons into good humour, and draw
them into conversation with him.
The time of the dialogue seems to be not long before
the expedition of the ten thousand into Asia, for Meno
was even then a very young man, (eto úpatos, ayevelos)
as he is represented here; and the menaces of Anytus
(p. 94) shew, that it was not long before the accusa-
NOTES.
P. 70. APLOTLTTOU TOU Aapcovalov.] Aristippus of Larissa,
one of the potent house of the Aleuada, descendants of Hercules,
from which the Thessalians had so often elected their Tayot,
or captains-general. There had been a friendship kept up
between them and the royal family of Persia, ever since the
invasion of Greece by Xerxes, in which they were of great use
to him. This Aristippus had particular connections with the
younger Cyrus (Xenoph. Anab. L. 1. p. 145. and 2. 173.) who
lent him a body of four thousand mercenaries, which he made
use of to subdue the faction which opposed him in Thessaly,
and seems to have established a sort of tyranny there. Meno
(also of Larissa) son of Alexidemus, led a body of fifteen hundred
men to the assistance of Cyrus in his expedition against his
brother, Artaxerxes, 01. 94. 4, and (after the death of Cyrus)
betrayed the Greek commanders into the hands of the Persian,
who cut off their heads. He himself survived not above a year,
but was destroyed by the Persians. His character is admirably
drawn by Xenophon, (Anab. L. 2. p. 173.) and many have looked
on this as a mark of the enmity between Plato and Xenophon.
See Athenæus, L. 11. p. 505 and 506. Diog. Laert. L. 2. Sect.
57, and L. 3. s. 34, and Aul. Gellius, L. 14. s. 3.
136
NOTES ON PLATO.
tion of Socrates : so that we may place it Ol. 94. 4, if
Plato may be trusted in these small matters of chrono-
logy which, we know, he sometimes neglected. Gorgias
was yet at Athens, Ol. 93. 4, and it is probable, that
the approaching siege of that city might drive him
thence into Thessaly, and he returned not till after
Socrates's death.
Socrates here distinguishes (p. 75.) the truel method
of disputation from the false, Το Διαλεκτικoν απο του
Xalpelv te kalocou kai duvao bac: (p. 77.) this is
Meno's first definition of virtue, that it consists in
desiring good, and in being able to attain it. Socrates
proves that all men desire good, and consequently all
men are so far equally virtuous (which is an absurdity);
it must therefore consist in the ability to attain it;
which is true in Socrates's sense of the word good,
1 An art which Socrates allowed to none, but to the true
philosopher, tw kalapws Te Kal dikalws Piloo opoûvti. V. Sophist.
p. 253.
NOTES.
P. 76. Definition of figure, Exnua, otepeOU repas, the limit or
outline of a solid : but this seems imperfect to me, except we
read Etepeov (ETT LITEOOV) repas. Lucretius calls it Filum, or
Circumcæsura.
Ib. Aropsoas, kat' Eureooklea.] See Lucretius, L. 2, v. 381.
ct sequent. and L. 4. v. 217.
Ib. definition of colour, in the manner of Gorgias, Xpoa
atroppon oxnuarWV OVEL O VPLETpos kal al Ontos (perhaps we should
read owuatwv); that eflux, or those effluvia, of figured bodies,
which are proportioned to our sense of seeing. This is true,
if understood of the particles of light reflected from bodies ;
and not otherwise. But Empedocles, and after him Epicurus,
MENO.
137
(which makes him say, Iows av ev deyous): but it is
necessary to know if men's ideas of it are the same.
Upon enquiry, Meno's meaning appears to be health,
honour, riches, power, &c.; but, being pressed by
Socrates, he is forced to own, that the attainment of
these is so far from virtue, that it is vice, unless accom-
panied with temperance, with justice, and with piety;
as then the virtue of such an attainment consists in
such adjuncts, and not in the thing attained ; and as
these are confessedly parts of virtue only, subordinate
NOTES.
thought, that the immediate objects of vision were certain par-
ticles detached from the surface of the bodies which we behold:
Ωστε oράν ημάς, τυπων τινων επεισοιοντων ημιν απο των πραγματων,
απο χροων τε και ομοιομορφων, κατα το εναρμοντον μεγεθος, εις την
OYL m anu dlavolav, wkEWS Tals popals xpwuerwv. Epicurus in
Epistolâ ad Herodotum ap. Diog. Laert. L. 10. s. 49.
P. 76. Euves Ở Tu leyw.] From Pindar.
1 77. Πολλα ποιων εκ του ενος, (όπερ φασι τους συντριβοντας τι
ÈKAOTOTE OL OKWTTOVTES.] An allusion to some comick writer.
80. Ty Tlatela vapky tn Dalattia.] The torpedo, called by
the French on the coast of the Mediterranean, la torpille, is a
fish of the scate or ray-kind; as all of that species have a wide
mouth and prominent eyes, the face of Socrates, who had these
two remarkable features, reminds Meno of this fish. Its figure
and extraordinary property of benumbing any creature which
touches it are described by Mr. Reaumur, in the Mémoires de
l'Académie des Sciences, pour l'Année 1714, where there is a
print of it.
81. A fragment of Pindar on the immortality of the soul :
'Olor yap av Ilepoegova molvav, &c.
86. EpwindelS ETT eyepdeioa..] Read, Epwindel.
88. Tw av pwrw Ta jer alla tavta.] He alirms, that virtue
is wisdom and right reason. On this subject see also Woollaston's
Religion of Nature, Sect. 1. p. 23.
138
NOTES ON PLATO.
to some more general idea, they are no nearer dis-
covering what virtue in the abstract is, than they were
at first.
Though the doctrine of reminiscence, repeated by
Plato in several places, be chimerical enough; yet this,
which follows it, (p. 84.) is worth attending to, where
Socrates shews how useful it is to be sensible of our
own ignorance. While we know nothing, we doubt of
nothing; this is a state of great confidence and security.
From the first distrust we entertain of our own under-
standing springs an uneasiness and a curiosity, which
will not be satisfied till it attains to knowledge.
NOTES.
P. 89. Ev Ak potole.] Where the sacred treasure was kept.
It consisted of one thousand talents never to be touched, unless
the city were to be attacked by a naval force ; in any other case
it was nmade capital to propose it. Χιλια ταλαντα απο των εν τη
Ακροπολει χρηματων εδοξεν αυτοις, εξαιρετα ποιησαμενοις, χωρις
θεσθαι, και μη αναλούν, αλλ' απο των αλλων πολεμειν' ην δε τις
ειπη η επιψηφιση κινειν τα χρηματα ταυτα ες αλλο τι, ην μη οι
πολεμιοι νηϊτη στρατω επιπλεωσι τη πολει, και δεη αμυνεσθαι,
Oavarov Šmulav ETTEDEVTO. Thucyd. Hist. L. 2. Sect. 24. They
called this treasure To Aßvooov. Aristophan. Lysistrata, v. 174.
It was thus set apart the first year of the Peloponnesian war.
90. In autov oopla.] Probably by the leather-trade, which
Anytus also carried on, as the famous Cleon, and other principal
Athenians, had done. See Aristophanes in the Equites.
Ismenias, the Theban, had a principal hand in raising the Theban
or Corinthian war, (as it was called) against the Lacedæmonians,
being bribed by Timocrates the Rhodian, who was also bribed
by the Persians, with money for that purpose ; but as this
happened five or six years after the death of Socrates, we can
hardly suppose that Plato here alluded to it. Yet I think it
very possible that he might have written this dialogue about
MENO.
139
Whoever reads the dialogue (attributed to Æschines
the Socratick) intitled IIepi Apetns, el Sidaktov; will
same time find so great a difference in several respects,
that he will believe both one and the other to be sketches
of a real conversation, which passed between Socrates
and some other person, noted down both by Æschines
and by Plato at the time : the former left his notes in
as he thought fit, and worked them up at his leisure
into this dialogue.
NOTES.
that time, when the name of Ismenias was in every one's mouth,
Ol. 96. 2, or perhaps not till 01. 99. 3, when his condemnation
and death must doubtless have been the general subject of con-
versation : Plato was then just returned to Athens, after his
first voyage to Sicily. I do not find what Polycrates is here
meant. Xenoph. Hellenic. L. 3. p. 294, and L. 5. p. 325, 326.
90. Anytus, the son of Anthemio. See Xenoph. Apol.
Socrat, sub fin.: and Diog. Laert. L. 2. s. 38, 39, 43.
91. Aro Avelv eyyus.] Protagoras was cast away on his voyage
to Sicily, 01. 92. 3; he began therefore to teach, Ol. 82. 3, being
then thirty years of age.
93. Cleophantus, the youngest of the three sons of Themis-
tocles, by Archippe. See Plutarch in his life.
94. See the Laches, where Melesias and Lysimachus are intro-
duced in the dialogue. For the character of this Thucydides,
see Plutarch in Pericle, Aristophan. in Acharn. V. 703, and
Schol. ad Vespas, v. 941: he underwent the sentence of ostracism,
01. 83. 4.
95. Nine lines from the 'Eleyela of Theognis.
GORGIAS
ON THE ABUSES OF ELOQUENCE.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 447.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Ρ. 448. Κατα τεχνην — κατα τυχης – αλλοι αλλων
addws.] Observe the jingle of words introduced by
Gorgias, and affected by his imitators in rhetorick: see
Isocrates Orat. ad Philippum, p. 87. Aristotle tells us,
that Isocrates was a disciple of Gorgias (Quintil. L. 3.
c. 1.); and he too in the former part of his life, dealt
in these llapioa, 'OMOLOTEEUTA, &c. which, as frivolous
as they may seem, yet they often add to the beauty of
a period, when managed by skilful hands; that is, when
they are “velut oblata, non captata ; atque innata
videntur esse, non accersita." Quintil. L. 9. c. 3. See
also Aulus Gellius, L. 18. 8.
. Ib. Hpodikos.] The Leontine, a physician, and
brother to Gorgias. There was another Herodicus
about this time of Selymbria, a famous IIaidotpußns
and a sophist. See Protag. p. 316.–Aristophon and
his brother, Polygnotus, were both painters, the sons of
Aglaophon. Ion. p. 532.
P. 451. Ekolov.] These Scolia were a kind of
lyrick compositions, sung either in concert, or succes-
sively, by all the guests after a banquet : the subjects
GORGIAS.
141
of them were either the praises of some divinity, or
moral precepts, or reflections on life, or gay exhortations
to mirth, to wine, or to love. There were some Scolia
of great antiquity; the most esteemed were those of
Alcæus, of Praxilla, and of Anacreon.
P. 451. What Plato alludes to here runs in this
manner : Υγιαίνειν μεν αριστον ανδρι θνητω, δευτερον
δε, καλοφυα γενεσθαι, το τριτον δε, πλουτειν αδολως, και
το τεταρτον, συνηβαν μετα των φιλων. On this subject,
see Athenæus, L. 15. p. 694, where he alludes to this
passage of Plato; Aristophan. Vesp: v. 1221, et Nubes,
V. 1367, and Burette on Plutarch, de Musicâ: and
Mémoires de l'Acad. des Inscript. vol. 15. p. 315.
P. 453. The first definition of rhetorick by Gorgias :
“Οτι Πειθούς δημιουργος εστι.
P. 454. His second and fuller definition is, “OTU
δημιουργος εστι της πειθούς της εν τοις δικαστηριους, και
εν τοις αλλοις οχλοις, και περι τουτων & εστι δικαια τε
και αδικα.
Ο Ρ. 455. Περι Ιατρων αιρεσεως.] There were publick
physicians elected in most of the Greek cities, who
received a salary from the commonwealth, and seem to
have taken no fees of particular people. Those physicians
who exercised this office, were said δημοσιευειν. See
Aristophan. in Avibus, v. 585, and Acharnens. v. 1029.
Plutus, v. 508; but this custom seems to have been laid
aside before Ol. 97. 4, in Athens : Aristophan. Plutus,
v. 407. Gorgias, p. 514, and the Politicus, p. 259.
Ib. The third definition of rhetorick, to which
Socrates reduces Gorgias, is this ; Οτι πειθούς εστι
δημιουργος πιστευτικης, αλλ' ου διδασκαλικης.
142
NOTES ON PLATO.
Ρ. 455. Περι του δια μέσου τειχους.] The Μακρα
Τειχη, which joined Athens to the Piraeus were begun
on the motion of Pericles, Ol. 80. 3. (Vid. Thucyd. L. 1.
s. 107.) Socrates at that time was about twelve years
old. See Plutarch in the lives of Pericles and Cimon.
Harpocration tells us, that of the two walls which extended
from the city to the Piræeus, the southern only, or the
innermost, was called To dia jegov, as lying between
the outermost, Το βορειον, and the To Φαληρικον, which
was a third wall, drawn from Athens to the port
Phalerus; and he cites this very passage.
P. 563. Socrates's own ludicrous definitions of elo-
quence to mortify the professors of it, as an art, are
these : Εμπειρια τις χαριτος και ηδονης απεργασιας
επιτηδευμα τι, τεχνικον μεν ου, ψυχης δε στοχαστικης,
και ανδρειας, και φυσει δεινης προσομιλειν τοις ανθρωπους.
Πολιτικης μοριου ειδωλον, το κεφαλαιον δε αυτου,
κολακεια: αντιστροφoν οψοποιϊας εν ψυχη, ως εκεινο μεν
εν σωματι. There is much good sense in this part of
the dialogue; he distinguishes the arts, which form and
improve the body, into the gymnastick, which regulates
its motions and maintains its proper habit, and the
medical, which corrects its ill habits and curęs its dis-
tempers : those of the 1 soul, which answer to the former,
are the legislative, which prescribes rules for its conduct
1 Η Νομοθετικη, και η Δικαστικη, for we should so read it, εις
Ficinus and H. Stephanus seem to have found it in some MSS.
though Quintilian, and Aristides also, in Orat. 1. contra
Platonem pro Rhetoricâ, p. 7. edit. Jebb. Vol. 2. doubtless
followed the common reading, η Δικαιοσυνη ; the sense is the
same, but the former reading seems more elegant. Plato com-
prehends both these arts under the general name, η Πολιτικη.
GORGIAS.
143
and preserves its uprightness, and the judicative, which
amends and redresses its deviation from those rules.
Flattery, ever applying herself to the passions of men,
without regarding any principle or proposing any
rational end, has watched her opportunity, and assum-
ing the form of these several arts, has introduced four
counterfeits 1 in their room, viz. 1. Cookery, which, while
it tickles the palate, pretends to maintain the body in
health and vigour; 2. Cosmeticks, which conceal our
defects and diseases under a borrowed beauty; 3.
Sophistry, which, by the false lights it throws upon
every thing, misleads our reason and palliates our vices;
and 4. Rhetorick, which saves us from the chastisement
we deserve and eludes the salutary rigour of justice.
As Quintilian has given the sense of this in Latin,
and has also hit the true scope of the dialogue better
than any one, I shall transcribe the whole passage, L.
2. § 15. “Plerique 2 autem, dum pauca ex Gorgiâ
Platonis a prioribus imperitè excerpta legere contenti,
neque hoc totum, neque alia ejus volumina evolvunt,
in maximum errorem inciderunt; creduntque eum in
hâc esse opinione, ut rhetoricen non artem, sed peritiam
quandam gratiæ ac voluptatis, existimet, et alio loco,
1 Η Οψοποιητικη, η Κομμωτικη, η Σοφιστικη, και η Ρητορικη :
these deserve not the name of arts (texval); for art (he says) exeu
λογον τινα, ώ προσφερει α προσφερει, όποια αττα την φυσιν εστιν
wote any altlav KAOTOU EXELV ELTELV : whereas these are only
EUTELLAL, tpißal, ETLTYDEVO ELS (i. e. knacks, practices, businesses)
ål Tou ūdeos otoxa Sovtal AVEU TOU BEATLOTOV. See Gorgias, p. 501.
2 Cicero himself seems to fall under this censure, L. 1. de
Oratore, where he mistakes the great end and aim of this dia-
logue.
144
NOTES ON PLATO.
civilitatis particulæ simulachrum, et quartam partem
adulationis : quod duas partes civilitatis corpori assig-
net, medicinam, et quam interpretantur, exercitatricem;
duas animo, legalem atque justitiam. Adulationem
autem medicinæ vocet coquorum artificium et exercita-
tricis mangonum, qui colorem fuco et verum robur
inani saginâ mentiantur, legalis, cavillatricem, justitiæ,
rhetoricen. Quæ omnia sunt quidem scripta in hoc
libro, dictaque a Socrate, cujus personâ videtur Plato
significare, quid sentiat. Sed alii sunt ejus sermones,
ad coarguendos qui contra disputant, compositi, quos
ελεγκτικους vocant; alii ad praecipiendum qui δογματικοι
appellantur. Socrates autem, seu Plato, eam quidem,
quæ tum exercebatur, rhetoricen talem putavit, nam et
dicit his verbis, TOUTOV TOV TPotov óv ÚMELS TONITEVEO DE ;
non autem vera et honesta intelligit. Itaque disputa-
tionem illam contra Gorgiam ita claudit, ovkovv avayan
τον ρητορικον δικαιον ειναι, τoνδε δικαιον βουλεσθαι
dikala Kal TT PATTELV. Ad quod ille quidem conticescit,
sed sermonem suscipit Polus juvenili calore inconsi-
deratior, contra quem illa de simulachro et adulatione
dicuntur. Tum Callicles adhuc concitatior, qui tamen ad
hanc ducitur clausulam, tov wellovtu opows ønTopikov
εσεσθαι δικαιον αρα δειν ειναι, και επιστημονα των δικαιων:
ut appareat Platoni non rhetoricen videri malum, sed
eam veram nisi justo et bono non contingere," &c.
P. 465. AELOTNT! kai au Ongel.] Read EoOnti, as
in Aristides, Orat. 1. cont. Plat. Ed. Jebb. Vol. 2.
p. 8.
Ib. To tou Avaxayopov.] An allusion to the first
words of Anaxagoras's philosophy, Ilavta xonuata nu
GORGIAS.
145
όμου, ειτα Νούς ελθων αυτα διακοσμησε. Diog. Laert.
L. 2. Sect. 6.
Ρ. 467. Ω λώστε Πώλε, ένα προσειπω σε κατα σε.) Α
jingle of sounds, such as Polus had prescribed in his
Art of Rhetoriclk. So in the Symposium : Παυσανιου
δε παυσαμενου (διδασκούσι με γαρ ισα λεγειν οι Σοφοι)
p. 185. and in the Hipparchus, p. 225. Και χωρα και
ώρα, άτο.
Ιb. Ου τουτο βουλεται και πραττει, αλλ' εκεινο ου
ενεκα πραττει.] He is here proving that fundamental 1
principle of his doctrine, namely, that the wicked man
is doing he knows not what, and sins only through
ignorance : and that the end of his actions, like that of
all other men, is good, but he mistakes the nature of
it, and uses wrong means to attain it.
Ρ. 468. Το αγαθον αρα διωκοντες.] See Loclke on
Hum. Und. B. 2. Ch. 21. sect. 41, 42. on Power.
Ρ. 47ο. Εχθες και πρωην.] As the time of this
dialogue plainly appears (from that passage in p. 473.
και περυσι βουλευων λαχων, αο. which is talken notice
of by Athenæus, L. 5. p. 217.) to be Ol. 93. 4. the year
after the sea-fight at Arginusæ, these words must be
taken in a larger sense, as we say of a thing long since
past, “It happened but the other day," when we would
1 Vid. Protagoram, p. 357. et sequent. et Epist. ειd Dionis
Famil. p. 336. Meno, p. 77, 78. Philebus, p. 22. Sophist.
p. 228. This was a real maxim of Socrates ; Ουδενα γαρ υπε-
λαμβανε πραττειν παρα το βελτιστον, αλλα δι’ αγνοιαν. Aristot.
Ethic. ad Nicom. L. 7. c. 2. Ουδεις γαρ αν εκων εθελοι πειθεσθαι
πραττειν τουτο, ότω μη το χαιρειν του λυπεισθαι μαλλον έπεται:
σκοτοδινιάν δε το πορρωθεν δρωμενον πάσιν, ως επος ειπειν, παρεχει.
Plato de Legibus. L. 2. p. 663.
VOL. IV.
146
NOTES ON PLATO.
compare it with more ancient times; for Archelaus
had now reigned at least nine years, and continued on
the throne about six years longer. So in p. 503, in
those words, IIepikdea TOUTOVE TOV VEWOTI TETELEVTI-
KOTO, we must understand Newoti in the same manner,
for Pericles had been dead 23 years, but the time
is there compared with that of Cymon, Themistocles,
and Miltiades, who died many years before. Socrates
indeed might have seen and remembered Cymon, the
other two he could not. These particulars of Archelaus's
history are curious and not to be met with elsewhere :
viz. That he was the bastard son of Perdiccas by a
female slave belonging to his brother Alcetas; that he
caused his uncle and master Alcetas, together with
Alexander his son, to be murdered after a banquet, to
which he had invited them; that he caused his own
brother, a child of seven years old (the true heir to the
crown and the son of Perdiccas by his wife Cleopatra)
to be drowned in a well. Athenæus (L. 11. p. 506.) is
absurd enough to question the truth of these particu-
lars, or, supposing them true, he says, that they are
instances of Plato's ingratitude, who was much in favour
with Archelaus. The passage, which he cites imme-
diately after from Carystius of Pergamus, disproves all
this, for it shews Plato's connexion to have been with
Perdiccas, the Third, who began to reign thirty-five
years after Archelaus's death, and was elder brother to
the famous Philip of Macedon. We have an epistle of
Plato to that prince still remaining. At the time of
Archelaus's death, Plato was under thirty years of age.
P. 471. Evdaljwv yeveo bac.] This is the true read-
GORGIAS.
147
ing, and is meant of Archelaus. The other reading,
which Ficinus followed, is very insipid, Evdaluova
γενεσθαι.
P. 472. Niklas.] The famous Nicias. He is pro-
duced here as an example, on account of his great
wealth, whence Socrates supposed him to have placed
the chief happiness of man in affluence of fortune, The
tripods, mentioned here as dedicated in the temple of
Bacchus, must be the prizes which he and his family
must have gained in their frequent Xopnyiat. Nicias
was remarkable for his piety and innocency of life.
See Thucydides and Plutarch. The brother of Nicias
was nanied Eucrates : he outlived his brother, and was
this very year Trierarch at Ægos-Potami ; (Lysias. Orat.
contr. Poliuchum, p. 320.) and soon after was put to
death with Niceratus, his nephew, by order of the thirty
tyrants, in the number of which he had refused to be.
Ib. Aplotokpatns ó Ekeldcov.] A principal man in
the oligarchy of Four hundred (Ol. 92. 1.) and of the
same party with Theramenes. Ου αυ εστιν εν Πυθιου
TOUTO TO Kadov avaOnua. (See Thucyd. L. 8. p. 516.
Taylori. Aristophan. in Avibus, v. 125. et Schol. D.
Heraclides of Pontus, speaking of the seditions at
Miletus, says, Oi mdovolov kpatnoavtes åttavras, úv
κυριοι κατεστησαν, μετα των τεκνων κατεπιττωσαν. (Αp.
Athenæum L. 12. p. 524.)
P. 473. KATATT ITTWO.] Covered with pitch, and
burned alive.
P. 480. Tovvavtiov ye av metaßalovra.] This is a
conclusion so extravagant, that it seems to be only a
148
NOTES ON PLATO.
way of triumphing over Polus, after his defeat, or
perhaps in order to irritate Callicles, who heard with
great impatience the concessions which Polus had been
forced to make, and now breaks out with warmth, and
enters into the dispute. Or, perhaps, this may be
meant of that justice, which Socrates practised on him-
self and on all who conversed with him, (which made
him many enemies) in exposing their ignorance and
their vices, and in laying them open to their own
correction : and from p. 509. Teva av Bondelar un
duvamevos, &c. I judge this to be the true sense of it.
See also p. 521. Kpivovuar yap, ús ev taidious catpos,
&c. See also De Republica, L. 9. p. 591.
P.481. Tov Te Aonvawwv Anuov, Kal Tov II vpılaprolls.]
The son of Pyrilampes was called Demus, and Plato
here alludes to his name. It is possible too, that there
may be a secret allusion to the Equites of Aristophanes,
where the Athenian people is introduced as a person,
under the name of Demus, an old man grown childish,
over whom the demagogues try to gain an ascendant
by paying their court to his ridiculous humours. The
drama of the Equites was played about twenty years
before the time of this dialogue. Demus was much in
the friendship of Pericles, and remarkable for being
the first man who brought peacocks to Athens, and
bred them in his volaries. (Plutarch in Pericle and
Athenæus, L. 9. p. 397.) Demus is mentioned as a
Trierarch in the expedition to Cyprus (as I imagine)
about Ol. 98. 1. under Chabrias. (Lysias de Bonis
Aristophanis, p. 340.) He was, when a youth, famous
for his beauty :
GORGIAS.
149
Καινη Δι', αν ιδη γε που γεγραμμενον,
Τον Πυριλαμπους εν θυρα Δημον καλον, &c.
Aristophan. in Vespis, v. 98, and Scholia. The play
of the Vespa was played eighteen years before the time
of this dialogue.
P. 482. 'O KRELVLELOS.] Alcibiades had now left
Athens, and taken refuge in Thrace, and the year after
he was murdered.
P. 484. Nojos, ở TAVTwv Barilevs.] A fragment
of Pindar.
Ib. Pilooobla yap tou.] Aulus Gellius, L. 10, C.
22, having transcribed this passage at large, ending at
the words kai alla molda ayada, (in p. 486.) makes
several reflections upon it. “Plato veritatis homo
amicissimus, ejusque omnibus exhibendæ promptissi-
mus, quæ omnino dici possunt in desides istos igna-
vosque qui, obtento philosophiæ nomine, inutile otium
et linguæ vitæque tenebras sequuntur, ex personâ
quidem non gravi neque idoneâ, verè tamen ingenué-
que, dixit. Nam etsi Callicles, quem dicere hæc facit,
verae philosophiæ ignarus inhonesta et indigna in phil-
osophos confert; proinde tamen accipienda sunt quæ
dicuntur, ut nos sensim moveri intelligamus, ne ipsi
quoque culpationes hujusmodi mereamur, neve inerti
atque inani desidiâ, cultum et studium philosophiæ
mentiamur,” &c. though Gellius is certainly mistaken
in this, justly incurring the same censure, as those .
whom Quintilian mentions, L. 2. 16, yet thus far he
is right in saying, that Plato often put much truth and
good sense into the mouth of characters which he did
not approve. The Protagoras is a remarkable instance
150
NOTES ON PLATO.
of this, where Socrates is introduced in the beginning,
arguing against the very doctrine which naturally fol-
lows from those principles which he himself lays down
in the end, and of which he obliges the sophist to con-
fess the truth. Dacier, in his notes, has run into a
thousand mistakes, by imagining all which is advanced
by the characters opposed to Socrates in the disputa-
tion, to be absurd and ridiculous.
The character, which Callicles here pretends to
expose, is doubtless such as Plato thought worthy of
a true philosopher, των κορυφαιων τινος, και ου φαυλως
διατριβοντος εν φιλοσοφια. (Vid. Theaetetum, p. 173.)
Ρ. 484. Το του Ευριπιδου.] From that famous
scene in the Antiope (a drama now lost) between
Zethus and Amphion, Joshua Barnes reads,
Εν τουτω γαρ
Λαμπρος θ' έκαστος, καπι ταυτ' επειγεται.
To this scene Horace alludes Lib. 1. Epist. 18. to
Lollius “Gratia sic fratrum geminorum Amphionis
atque Zethi dissiluit," &c.
Ρ. 485. Και τας αγορας.] What passage of Homer
is here alluded to? or is it Hesiod in his Theogonia,
V. 90. Μετα δε πρεπει αγρομενοισι.
Ib. Προς τον αδελφον.] Alluding to the fragment
of Antiope : Eurip. Edit. Barnes. p. 453.
Ψυχης ώδε γενναιαν φυσιν
Γυναικομιμω διαπρεπεις μορφωματι.
Ουτ’ εν δίκης βουλαισιν ορθον αν ποτε
Λογον προθεί, η πιθανον· ουτ’ αλλων υπερ
Νεανικον βουλευμα βουλευσαιο τι.
GORGIAS.
151
voog
P. 486. Ato Davous av.] From this, and from many
other strokes against the people of Athens, which seem
to carry a strong air of indignation and concern in
them, it looks as if this dialogue had been written not
long after the death of Socrates, perhaps while Plato
was at Megara.
Ιb. Επι κορρης.] The Aτιμοι might be struck by a
citizen, without being able to call him to an account for it.
Ib. Al w ’yabe.] Another fragment of the An-
tiope :
All cuou midov,
Παυσαι δ' αοιδων, πραγματων δ' ευμουσιαν
Ασκει: τοιαυτ’ αειδε, και δoξεις φρονειν·-
Αλλοις τα κομψα ταυτ' αφεις σοφισματα,
Εξ ων κενοίσιν εγκατοικησεις δoμoις.
· Ib. The several kinds of Atquia are enumerated in
the oration of Andocides IIepi Mvotnplwv, p. 10.
P. 487. Tisander of Aphidnæ; who seems to be the
same mentioned by Socrates a year after this; (Xenoph.
Aponemon. L. 2. sect. 7.) Nausicydes of Cholargi,
Andro, the son of Androtion.
P. 488. First proof against Callicles (who had
advanced that by the law of nature the stronger had
à right to govern the weaker) that the many are
stronger than the few, and consequently ought to
govern them : so that the positive law of the common-
wealth is the result of the law of nature.
P. 492. Tus d' OldeV, El To Sîv.] Euripides in Poly-
eido, Fragm. p. 490. edit. Barnesii. The same senti-
ment is repeated again in other words in the Phryxus,
ibid. p. 503.
152
NOTES ON PLATO. -
P. 493. Hkovoa twv godwv.] In Cratylo, p. 400.
Σημα τινες φασιν αυτο ειναι της ψυχης, &c.
Ib. Koufos avnp, cows Elkedos tus m Italikos.]
This idea (whosesoever it be) is imitated by Lucretius,
L. 3. v. 949 and 1022 :
Omnia, pertusum congesta quasi in vas,
Commoda perfluxere, atque ingrata interiere.
I take this to be meant of Empedocles.
P.500. Texvikos.] The philosopher. Vid. Protagoram,
p. 357, and p. 509, 517, and 521 of this dialogue.
P. 501. Cinesias, the son of Meles, was a dithyram-
bick poet in some sort of vogue among the people at
this time. He was still a worse man than a writer,
and the depravity of his character made even his mis-
fortunes ridiculous; so that his poverty, his deformities,
and his distempers, were not only produced on the
stage, but frequently alluded to by the orators, and
exposed to the scorn of the multitude. Vid. Aristo-
phan. in Avibus, v. 1374, et Schol. in locum; et in
Lysistrata, in Ranis, v. 369. In Fragment. Gerytadis
ap. Athenaeum, L. 12. p. 551.) The comick poet,
Strattis, who lived at this time, made Cinesias the
subject of an entire drama. See Lysias Atoloyla
Awpodokcas, p. 381. Fragm. Orat. contra Phanium
ap. Athenaeum ut supra, and in Taylor's edition, p. 640.
Harpocration in voce Cinesias. Plutarch de gloria
Atheniens. Pherecrates apud Plutarchum de Musicâ.
See also the notes of Mr. Burette on that treatise, in
the Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscript. vol. 15. p. 340, and
Suidas in voce Cinesias.
GORGIAS.
153
P. 503. The bold attack, made in this place on some
of the greatest characters of antiquity, has drawn much
censure on Plato; but we are to consider that he is
here proving his favourite point, (which seems to me
the grand aim and intention of this dialogue) that
philosophy alone.is the parent of virtue, the discoverer
of those fixed and unerring principles, on which the
truly great and good man builds his whole scheme of
life, and by which he directs all his actions; and that
he, who practises this noblest art, and makes it his
whole endeavour to inspire his fellow citizens with a
love for true knowledge, (and this was the constant view
and the employment of Socrates) has infinitely the
superiority not only over the masters of those arts,
which the publick most admires, as musick, poetry,
and eloquence, but over the most celebrated names in
history, as heroes and statesmen; as the first have
generally applied their talents to flatter the ear, to
humour the prejudices, and to inflame the passions of
mankind; and the latter to soothe their vanity, to
irritate their ambition, and to cheat them with an
apparent, not a real, greatness.
P. 506. Tov Ajdlovos.] Of which tragedy some
few verses are still preserved to us; see Euripid.
Fragm. ed. Barnesii, p. 454:
Εγω μεν ουν αδοιμι, και λεγοιμι τι
Eopov, tapagow undev, úv modus vogel, &c.
P. 508. Tw aðIKOUVTU KAU kaklov.] This was not the
principle only, but the practice, of Socrates. See Diog.
Laert. L. 2. sect. 21.
154
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 510. 'OTTOV Tupavvos EOTIV apxwv ayplos.] A
severe reflection on the Athenian people.
P. 511. The price of a pilot from Ægina to Attica
was two oboli (about two-pence halfpenny); from Attica
to Pontus or to Egypt two drachmæ (fifteen-pence half-
penny).
P. 514. Ev TW TIOw Thu kepamelav pavdavelv.] Pro-
verb. To begin with a jar before we have made a
gallipot. Hor. Art. Poet.
Amphora cæpit
Institui, currente rotâ cur urceus exit ?
P. 515. Els ulobopopav.] The administration of
Pericles was the ruin of the Athenian constitution.
By abridging the power of the Areopagus, and by
impairing their authority, who were the superintend-
ents of education and the censors of publick manners,
he sapped the foundations of virtue among them; by
distributing the publick revenue among the courts of
justice, he made them mercenary and avaricious, negli-
gent of their private affairs, and ever meddling in those
of their neighbours; by the frequency and magnificence
of the publick spectacles, he inured them to luxury and
to idleness; and by engaging them in the Peloponnesian
war, he exposed them to be deserted by all their allies,
and left to the mercy of the braver and more virtuous
Lacedæmonians. Isocrates 1 looked upon the first of
these alterations only, as the ruin of his country.
(Orat. Areopagit. p. 147, &c.)
i Though he had no prejudice to the person of Pericles, and
does justice to his disinterestedness and honesty in the manage-
ment of the publick money. (See Isocrat. Orat. de Pace, p. 184.)
GORGIAS.
155
· P. 515. Els ulo lobopav.] The Milos AlkaoTIKOS
here spoken of by Socrates was three oboli a day paid
to 6000 citizens (for so many sat in the courts of
justice), which was to the state a yearly expense of
one hundred and fifty talents ; i.e. reckoning ten
months to the year, for two months were spent in
holidays, when the courts did not meet. A M oos
(appointed by Agyrrius about Ol. 96. 4, see Aristo-
phan. Ekkinolačovoai, v. 102, 185, 284, 292, 302, 380,
and also his Plutus, v. 330, which last passage is
wrongly interpreted by the Scholiast, by Spanheim,
and by Kuster ;) a Mão dos (I say) was given by every
Athenian citizen who came to the Erkinola, or assem-
bly of the people. The ill effect which this had upon
their manners is, painted by Aristophanes with much
humour in several of his dramas, and particularly in
thè Vespæ.
Ib. Twv Ta WTA katea yotwv.] From such as affected
to imitate the manners of the Lacedæmonians, and
constantly practised the roughest exercises of the
Palæstra, particularly boxing, the bruises and scars of
which were visible about their temples and ears : so in
the Protagoras, p. 342. Oi pev WTA TE KATA YVuvra.
uluovjevou avrovs (tovs Aakedaguovlovs) &c.
P. 516. EL TENEUTY TOV Blov.] See Plutarch in
Pericles, towards the end.
Ib. Oi ye SuKaLOL ňuepou.] Hom. Odys. 'Ooou
XaNETTOLTE, kai ayploi, ovde dukaloi. O. v. 575.
Ib. Eis to BapaOpov.] This is not related either by
Herodotus, or by Cornelius Nepos, or by Justin.
P. 517. Oute in almouvri, OUTE Tn Kodakikn.] This
156
NOTES ON PLATO.
shews that Plato meant only to distinguish between
the use of eloquence and its abuse; nor is he in earnest
when he says, Oudeva vuels louer avopa ayadov yeyovota
Ta Tolitika, (for he afterwards himself names Aristides,
as a man of uncommon probity) but only to shew that
he had puzzled Callicles, who could not produce one
example of a statesman who had abilities, or art, suffi-
cient to preserve him from the fury of the people.
P. 517. Ovd cyw yeyw.] Hence it appears that he
only means to shew how much superiour the character
of a real philosopher is to that of a statesman.
P. 518. Thearion, a famous baker, mentioned by
Aristophanes (ap. Atheneum L. 3. p. 112. see also
Casaubon. in locum) in Gerytade et Æolosicone, and
by Antiphanes, another comick poet, (who lived fifty or
sixty years afterwards) in his Omphale. We should
read here ApTOKOTOS, not ApTOTTOLOS. The OxapTUTIKA
of Mithæcus is a work often cited by Athenæus, L. 12.
:p. 516. The Sicilian and the Italian Greeks were
noted for the luxury of the table. See Plato Epist. 7.
p. 326 and 336.
P. 519. Eov de LWS ELNUOVTAL.] I do not find
what became of Callicles; but Alcibiades had already
fled from his country, for fear of falling into the hands
of the people.
P. 521. E. co. Mvoov.] Perhaps, Oukº El COL Mvcov
dov kaleco bat, ws el un, &c. i.e. Not; if you would
choose to fall into that helpless condition, (before de-
scribed by Callicles, p. 486,) which you must do, unless
you practise the art which I recommend. The Mysians
were proverbial, as objects of contempt. Mvoớv Aeld,
GORGIAS.
157
was said of any poor-spirited people, who tamely sub-
mitted to every injury. Aristot. Rhetor. L. 1.
P. 525. IIpoonkel de travtu.] See Aulus Gellius, L.
6. 14. on this passage.
P: 526. Els de kac Tavv.] Plutarch takes notice
that Aristides I was a favourite character with Plato.
Mr. Hardion, who has written a life of Gorgias (col-
lected with a good deal of industry from a variety of
authors) and has given us a sketch of this dialogue of
Plato, has yet been guilty of some mistakes, as where
he fixes 3 the time of it to Ol. 95. 1, which is at least
five years too late; and where he seems to say that
Gorgias took Thessaly in his way to Olympia, which
is a strange error in geography, &c. yet his performance,
and particularly the analysis, is well worth reading.
7, In Vitâ Aristid. towards the end.
2 Dissertations sur l'origine et les progrès de la Rhétorique
dans la Grèce : Mémoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, &c.
V. 15. p. 167, and 176.
3 Ib. p. 175.
MINOS.
H, ΠΕΡΙ ΝΟΜΟΥ.
This dialogue takes its name, (as also does the Hip-
parchus,) not from either of the persons introduced in
it, but from the Cretan Minos, whose character and
laws are mentioned pretty much at large. Socrates,
and another Athenian nearly of the same age (who is
not named), are considering the nature of laws in it;
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 313.
P. 315. Human sacrifice, and particularly of their children,
to Saturn was in use among the Carthaginians: the sacrifices of
the Lycians and of the descendants of Athamas, though people
of Greek origin, were barbarous; the ancient Attick custom is
mentioned of sacrificing victims near the bodies of dead persons,
before they were carried out to burial, and hiring EyxUTPLOT piat,
(Schol. ad Arist. Vesp. v. 288.) and the still more ancient one
of interring them in the houses where they died : both long
since disused.
318. Ex Kontms.] V. Herodot. and Plut. in Lycurgo, and
Strabo. L. 10. p. 477. .
Ib. Avkoupyov.] The time of this dialogue is no where
marked : but we see from p. 321 that Socrates was now ad-
vanced in years ; supposing him then to be only sixty, it is
three hundred and sixty-seven years from the first Olympiad of
Corcebus; but most criticks agree that Lycurgus lived one
MINOS.
159
and the intention of Plato is to shew, that there is a
law of nature and of truth, common to all men, to
which all truly legal institutions must be conformable,
and which is the real foundation of them all.
Unfortunately the dialogue remains imperfect: it is
indeed probable that it was never finished.
NOTES.
hundred and eight years before that time, and Eratosthenes,
with the most accurate chronologers, affirms, that he was still
more ancient. Plato therefore places him half a century later
than any one else has done. The computation of Thucydides,
who reckons it something more than 400 years to the end of
the Peloponnesian war, ad' ou dakedaluovuol 79 auty TOALTELY
xpwrtai, that is from the institution of Lycurgus's laws, comes
nearest to that of Plato. The war euded Ol. 94. 1. so that,
according to Thucydides, Lycurgus settled the constitution
about 27 years before the first Olympiad of Corcebus.
B. 320. 'Holodos.] Probably in his Heroick Genealogies, a
work now lost.
.
CHARMIDES.
H, ΠΕΡΙ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΗΣ.
01. 87. 2 or 3.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 153.'
THE subject of this dialogue is 'H Ewdpoouun: and
what was Plato's real opinion of that virtue, may be
seen, De Republ. L. 4. p. 430. and De Legibus, L. 3.
p. 696.
The dramatick part of it is very elegant.
P. 153. Tov mms Baollikns lepov.] It seems to be
the temple of Apollo in the Etoa. Baodeios. See
Pausanias in Attic. p. 8.
Ib. Mavikos wv.] Of a warm eager temper; see
the Symposium in the beginning of it.
Ib. Kpitlav.] It is extraordinary that Plato from
a partiality to his own family should so often introduce
into his writings the character of Critias, his cousin,
whose very name (one should imagine) must be held in
detestation at Athens even to remotest times, he being
a monster of injustice and cruelty. Plato seems to
have been not a little proud of his family. Vid. De
Republic: L. 2. p. 368.
Ib. Maxn eyeyovel.] I take the particular action
CHARMIDES.
161
here mentioned to be the attack made on the city, soon
after the arrival of Agno and Cleopompus with fresh
troops. Thucyd. L. 2. p. 116. If we consider the
purport of the narration, we shall find that these words,
Φορμιων δε και οι εξακοσιοι και χιλιοι ουκετι ησαν περι
Xałkideas, mean, that Phormio and his troops (among
which were Socrates and Alcibiades,) were returned
from their expedition into Chalcidice (mentioned
p. 36.) and had joined the army newly arrived from
Potidea.
P. 154. Aevky Otabur.] The line used by carpenters
and masons to mark out their dimensions with, after it
had been tinged with minium, or with some other
colour : it is used proverbially for a mind susceptible
of any impression which may be given to it. So
Philippus in Anthol. L. 6. cap. ult.
Midto upâte
Σχοινον, υπ' ακρονυχω ψαλλομενην κανονι.
P. 155. Aokel allocs te kai EaVtw.] Perhaps euavw,
or cuoi, for Critias was an excellent poet. Athenaus
has preserved several fine fragments of his writings.
Ib. Eolwvos.] Solon's poetry is well known. From
the birth of Solon to that of Plato was 210 years,
genes Laertius reckons six generations, making Glauco
(as it seems) the brother, and not the uncle of Critias.
Proclus, in his comment on the Timæus, observes that
Theon the Platonick had been guilty of the same
mistake, and corrects it on the authority of this very
dialogue.
VOL. IV.
M
162
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 155. Evlaſeco Dat.] This seems part of an hexa-
meter, and an iambick.
Ib. Tyv Emw8nv.] Horace alludes to these incanta-
P. 156. Atalavatičev.] Zamolxis, (Herodot. L. 4.
c. 94.) (by some said to have been a slave of Pytha-
goras, but affirmed by Herodotus to have been of much
greater antiquity) the king and prophet of the Getes,
afterwards, having passed the Danube, became a great
and powerful nation. It is very remarkable, that they
had a succession of these high priests, (Strabo, L. 7. p.
297.) who lived sequestered from mankind in a grotto,
and bad communication only with the king, in whose
power they had a great share from Zamolxis down to
the time of Augustus, and possibly long after.
P. 157. The family of Dropides, celebrated by
Anacreon.
P. 158. Pyrilampes, the great-uncle of Plato; am-
bassador in Persia, and elsewhere, admired as the tallest
and handsomest man of his time : he was a great friend
of Pericles, and father to Demus, a youth remarkable
for his beauty.
P. 173. Ala kepatwv.] See Hom. Odyss. T. 565.
The only reason of this fable, which has puzzled so many
people, seems to be a similitude of sounds between
Ελεφας end ελεφαιρεσθαι (to delude) and Κερας and
kpalvelu (to perform or accomplish), as one of the
Scholiasts has observed.
P. 167. To TPITOV TW Ewrnpr.] A proverbial expres-
sion frequent with Plato, as in the Philebus, p, 66.
CHARMIDES.
163
IO. de TO TPITOV TW Ewrnpi, &c. and" in Epist. 7, speak-
ing of his third voyage to Sicily, EXDwv TO TPITOV,
&c. I imagine it alludes to the Athenian custom (see
Athenæus from Philochorus, L. 2. p. 38.) which was to
serve round after supper a little pure wine, with these
words, Αγάθω Δαιμονι, and afterwards as much wine
and water as every one called for, with the form of
Alü Ewrnpi. See Erasmi Adag. Servatori, and Plato
de Republ. L. 9. p. 583.
CRATYLUS.
ΠΕΡΙ ΟΝΟΜΑΤΩΝ ΟΡΘΟΤΗΤΟΣ.
This long dialogue on the origin of words was probably
a performance of Plato when he was very young, and
is the least considerable of all his works.
Cratylus, 1 a disciple of Heraclitus, is said to have
1 Diog. Laert. in Platone, and Aristot. Metaphys. L. 1. p.
338. Εκ νεου τε γαρ συγγενομενος πρωτον Κρατυλω, και ταις
Ηρακλειτειοις δοξαις, κτλ.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 383.
P. 398. Ancient Attick words, danjwv, ELPELV : and p. 401,
Eola ; 410, Opal ; 418, 'Ipepa, vel 'Euepa. He remarks that the
ancient Attick abounded in the I and A, which in his time had
been often changed to the F or E and the Z, and that the
women preserved much of the old language among them.
399. Accents used in Plato's time, as now, Acü pilos, changed
into Al pilos.
401. IIpo TAVTWY OEWY TY'Eotią.] See Aristophan. Aves, v.
865, and Vespe, v. 840.
405. The Thessalians in their dialect called Apollo, 'Arlos.
407. Olo. Evou povos (TTTOL.] An allusion to Homer.
409. Much of the Greek language derived from the Bar-
barians : 'Towp, IIup, Kuwv, borrowed from the Phrygians.
425. The Barbarians acknowledged to be more ancient than
the Greeks.
CRATYLUS.
165
been the master of Plato after Socrates's death; but
the latter part of the dialogue is plainly written against
the opinions of that sect, and of Cratylus in particular.
NOTES.
P. 427. The powers of the several Greek letters, and the
manner of their formation : viz. the P expressive of motion,
being formed by a tremulous motion of the tongue; the I of
smallness and tenuity; the $. I. E. Z. of all noises made
by the air; the A and T of a cessation of motion; the A of
slipperiness and gliding, the same with a I prefixed, of the
adherence and tenacity of fluids; the N of any thing internal;
the A of largeness; the o of roundness; and the E expressive
of length.
428. Ev Altals.] The ancients called the ninth book of the
Iliad, Aitai. See v. 640.
429. Cratylus soems to have been the son of Smicrio.
434. The Eretrians for σκληροτης τιsed σκληροτηρ.
SYMPOSIUM.
Platon. Op. Serrani. Vol. 3. p. 172.
As to the time of this dialogue, Athenæus (L. 5. p.
217.) tells us, that Agatho first gained the prize when
Euphemus was Archon, which was Ol. 90. 4. What
he adds, namely, that Plato was then only 14 years
old, and consequently could not be at this entertain-
ment, is very true, but nothing to the purpose ; for it
is not Plato who uses those words which he cites, but
Apollodorus, who recounts the particulars of this ban-
quet, as he had them from Aristodemus, who was
present at it ten or twelve years before. -
Among the ancients, Cicero, Dionysius of Halicar-
nassus, Hermogenes, Athenæus, Gellius, and Ausonius,
and among the moderns, Jos. Scaliger, Petavius, Ger.
Vossius, Fraguier, Freret, and La Mothe le Vayer,
believed the Cyropædia of Xenophon to be a romance :
on the other side, are Usher, Marsham, Le Clerc,
Prideaux, Bossuet, Tournemine, Banier, Lenglet, Rollin,
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 172. 2 Flavkov.] Glauco was younger brother
to Plato. See Xenoph. Memorabil. L. 3. c. 6.
SYMPOSIUM.
167
P. 172. IIoldwv etûv Ayalwv.] He was in Mace-
donia at the court of Archelaus.
P. 173. Aristodemus, of Cydathenæ, called the
Little, mentioned by Xenophon as inclined to atheism,
(Memorabil. L. 1. c. 4.)
P. 175. The audience in the Athenian theatre con-
sisted of above 30,000 persons.
P. 177. Ouk euos ó uvdos, all euns untpos mapa.]
Euripid. ap Dion. Halicarnass. IIepi oxnuatwv, L. 2.
Ib. Allous Mev TIO TW Dewv.] No hymns, nor
temples, nor religious rites were offered to Love in
Greece. (See Sympos. p. 189.)
Ib. Kataloyadnv.] The discourse by Prodicus in
honour of Hercules, of which the beautiful fable in
Xenophon's Memorabil. L. 2. c. 1. made a part.
Ib. Bißliw avdpos oopov.] Mentioned also by Iso-
crates in Encom. Helena, p. 210, Twv Mev yap tous
βομβυλιους, και τους άλας, και τα τοιαυτα βουληθεντων
ETTALVELV, &c. and to this, and such like discourses, he
alludes in Panathenaic, p. 260. Eykwula govoi ta bav-
λοτατα των οντων, η τους παρανομωτατους των οντων.
P. 178. ETPATOTTEOOV Epactwv.] It is plain, that
Socrates, in Xenophon's Symposium, p. 898, is em-
ployed in refuting this very sentiment, which he attri-
butes to Pausanias, the lover of Agatho, and not to
Phædrus, in whose mouth it is here put: it seems
to me a stroke of Xenophon's enmity to Plato, and a
remarkable one, though it has not been taken notice of.1
1 See Athenæus, L. 5. p. 216., who conjectures that Xeno-
phon might have seen some copy of Plato's Symposium, where
these words were spoken by Pausanias. Casaubon tries to con-
fute him, but with weak arguments.
168
NOTES ON PLATO.
0
Parmenides and Acusilaus quoted in the genealogy of
the gods : and again in p. 195.
P. 180. So Hesiod describes the birth of Venus,
daughter of Colus without a mother, v. 191. Ty so
Epos Guaptnoe, &c. but he mentions nothing of the
second Venus, daughter of Jove and Dione, which is
the Venus of Homer. See also Tully de Naturâ
Deorum, L. 3.
P. 182. Ev Hled Kal Ev Bowtous.] This (which is
really spoken by Pausanias) convinces me that Xeno-
phon wrote his Symposium after that of Plato, and
meant to throw some reflections on this part of it.
P. 187. To yap év.] An expression of Heraclitus
cited and censured.
P. 190. KußuTWOL.] An action of the tumblers
described in Xenophon's Sympos. p. 876.
P. 191. AL Etatplotpia...] Ai Tpußades. See de
Legib. L. 1. p. 636.
P. 193. Kabarep Apkades.] See an instance of this
Lacedæmonian policy on the taking of Mantinea, Ol.
98. 3, in Xenoph. Græc. Hist. L. 5. 552 and 553.
P. 194. Eyw de On Bovdouar.] As the comick inven-
tion and expression of Aristophanes are perfectly well
supported throughout his discourse, and the character
of the man well painted in several little peculiarities,
which Plato. (who had himself undoubtedly a genius
for dramatick poetry) is never at a loss to choose ; so
the speech of Agatho is a just copyl of his kind of
eloquence, full of antitheses, concise, and musical even:
1 XlevašeL TE TA LOOkwla Tov Ayalwvos kal artideta. Athen-
æus, I. 5. p. 187.
SYMPOSIUM.
169
to affectation, in the manner of Gorgias, whose pupil
he seems to have been.
P.198. Topyelov.] Alluding to Hom. Odyss. A. v.634.
P. 199. H ylwtta ovv.] An allusion to the Hippo-
lytus of Euripides.
P. 201. Mavrikns.] It is plain from what follows,
that this is as good a reading as MavtiviKYS.
P. 202. Diotimia of Mantinea, a prophetess.
Ib. The middle nature of dæmons, which mediate
between gods and men.
P. 203. Ilopos.] The god, not of riches, but of
expedients and of contrivances.
P. 207. The following verses are attributed to Plato,
in the Anthologia, L. 1. c. 90:
Αιων παντα φερει· δολιχος χρονος οιδεν αμειβειν
Ουνομα, και μορφην, και γενος, ηδε τυχης:
which sentiment is finely-explained here.
P. 213. Yurtnpa.] See Athenæus, L. 11, p. 502, on
this kind of vessel.
P. 215. The figures of the Sileni in the shops of the
sculptors (ev Tous épuoylupelous) made hollow, which
opened and discovered within the statues of the gods.
Ib. ‘A yap Oluutos.] Such as were initiated
became possessed, as soon as they heard these airs.
P. 216. Ta 8 Aonvalwv mpattw] Alcibiades was
now very powerful in the state, in the thirty-fifth year
of his age.
P. 219. Hoidnpw ó Alas.] It should rather seem to
be Achilles.
Ib. Etputela.] They went thither with the supplies
170
NOTES ON PLATO.
under the command of Phormio, 01. 87. 1. Alcibiades
being then twenty years of age, and Socrates thirty-
nine. (See Thucyd. L. 1. s. 64.) The folly of Athenæus,
who would prove, against the authority of Plato and of
Antisthenes, that Socrates was not in any of these.
actions, is justly exposed by Casaubon : Annot. ad
Athenæum, L. 5. c. 15. We may add, that if the
silence of Thucydides could prove anything with regard
to Socrates, it would prove, at least as strongly, that
Alcibiades was not at Potidæa neither; but the con-
trary is certain from that very oration of Isocrates, to
which Athenæus refers, namely, that Ilepu Zevyolls,
p. 352, where he is said to have gained the Aplotela
(which were a crown and a complete suit of armour)
before that city; and if the orator had not totally sup-
pressed the name of Socrates, it would have been highly
injudicious in a discourse pronounced by the son of
Alcibiades, where he was to exalt the character of his
father, and by no means to lessen the merit of any of
his actions. He left that to his enemies, who (it is
likely) did not forget the generosity of Socrates on this
occasion. It is clear from the many oversights of
Athenæus here, that he either trusted to his memory,
or only quoted from his own excerpta, and not from
the originals. Plato mentions no second AplOTELA
gained at Delium, and only speaks of the coolness and
presence of mind shewn by Socrates in his retreat; as
he has done also in the Laches. Athenæus affirms,
that Alcibiades was not in the battle of Delium, but
he assigns no reasons. If he concludes it from the
silence of Thucydides, as before, this is nothing, as
SYMPOSIUM.
171
that historian mentions none but the commanders in
chief on any of these occasions, and often only one or
two of the principal of these : but probably Alcibiades
.and Laches might then only serve as private meň.
P. 221. Bρενθυομενος. Alluding to the Nubes of
Aristophanes.
Ib. “Οι λογοι αυτου.] Every one who would read the
Socratick dialogues of Plato, Xenophon, &c. should first
consider this passage : it is put below in a note.1
P. 222. Ευθυδημος.] Probably the same youth whom
Xenophon calls Ευθύδημος ο καλος (Memorabil. L. 4.
c. 1.), a different person from Euthydemus, the Chian.
This dialogue (particularly the end of it), the Prota-
goras, the Gorgias, the Euthydemus, &c. are strong
instances of Plato's genius for dramatick poetry in the
comick kind. Κωμωδειν γαρ ηθελε πλατων, says
Athenaeus, L. 5. p. 187, speaking of the character of
Aristophanes in this place. See also Olympiodor. in
Vitâ Platonis. The Phædo is an instance of Plato's
power in the tragick kind.
1 οι λογοι αυτου ομοιοτατοι εισι τοις Σειληνοις (see note above
on p. 215.) τοις διοιγομενοις. Ει γαρ εθελει τις των Σωκράτους
ακουειν λογων, φανελεν αν πανυ γελοιοι το πρωτον τοιαυτα και
ονοματα και ρηματα εξωθεν περιαμπεχονται Σατυρου αν τινα
υβριστου δοραν. Ονους γαρ καντηλιους λεγει, και χαλκεας τινας, και
σκυτοτομους, και βυρσοδεψας, και αει δια των αυτων τα αυτα φαι-
νεται λεγειν ώστε απειρος και ανοητος ανθρωπος πάς αν των λογων
καταγελασειε διοιγομενους δε ιδων αν τις, και εντος αυτων γιγνο-
μενος, πρωτον μεν νούν εχοντας ενδον μονους ευρησει των λογων,
επειτα θειοτατους, και πλειστα αγαλματα αρετης εν αυτοις εχοντας,
και επι πλειστον τεινοντας, μαλλον δε επι παν όσον προσήκει σκοπειν
τω μελλοντι καλω κάγαθω γενεσθαι. Ταυτ’ εστιν, α εγω Σωκρα-
τους επαινω. Sympos. p. 221.
EUTHYDEMUS.
About Ol. 89. 4.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 271.
THERE is a good deal of humour, and even of the vis
comica, in this dialogue. Its end is to expose the
vanity and weakness of two famous sophists, and to
shew, by way of contrast, the art of Socrates in leading
youth into the paths of virtue and of right reason.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 271. Ov Tolutitnu doklav.] See the Symposium
of Xenophon; Ovk ópâs OTU TOUTW tapa ta wta apti
Ιουλος καθερπει: Κλεινια δε προς το οπισθεν ηδη ανα-
Bauver; p. 515. From whence it appears, that the
time of this dialogue cannot be long after Ol. 89. 4.
Ib. Evtev ev ToDev ek Xcov.] The Chians being an
Ionian colony from Athens.
P. 272. Kovvw, tw Mntpoßiov.] Whether the same
with the Tibicen mentioned in the Equites of Aristo-
phanes, v. 531, called Connas, who lived at this time?
P. 273. KTNO LITTOS.] See the Lysis of Plato.
P. 275. Alcibiades, the elder, had two sons, Clinias
and Axiochus: the first (who was slain at the battle of
the elder, had is of Plato.
hus: the to
EUTHYDEMUS.
173
Artemisium, 0l. 75. 1.) left behind him two sons, the
famous Alcibiades, and Cleinias, his brother. The
latter had a son, also called Cleinias, who is the youth
here mentioned.
P. 277. “Οπερ δι εν τη τελετή.] The ceremony of
seating in a chair, and dancing round, a person who is
to be initiated in the mysteries of the Corybantes, called
θρονωσις.
P. 278. Αρα γε παντες ανθρωποι.] This example of
a Λογος προτρεπτικoς, or exhortation to philosophy, is
as noble as the moral it would convey, a truth which
Plato had always at heart. Των μεν αλλων ουδεν
ειναι ουτε αγαθον ουτε κακον: τουτοιν δε δυουν οντoιν, η
μεν Σοφια αγαθον, η δε Αμαθια κακον.
Ρ. 285. Εις ασκον.] The skin of Marsyas was said to
be preserved in the castle of Celana in the greater
Phrygia) even in Xenophon's time, Ol. 94. 4, (Cyri
Anab. L. 1. p. 146.) and hung there in a grotto, whence
the rivulet Marsyas took its rise. It was said to put
itself in motion at the sound of a flute.
Ib. Ως οντος του αντιλεγειν.] See Diog. Laert. L. 9.
s. 53, de Protagora. We see here that this sophism
was older than Protagoras.
Ρ. 287. Ουτως ει Κρονος.] Αρχαιοτροπος, simple
and old-fashioned. It is scarcely possible to see with
patience Plato seriously confuting? these childish
subtleties, as low as any logical quibbles, used by our
1 Plato himself shews, p. 278, that the perfectly understood
the just value of them. Παιδιαν δε λεγω δια ταύτα, οτι ει και
πολλα τις, η και παντα τα τοιαυτα, μαθοι, τα μεν πραγματα ουδεν
αν μαλλον ειδειη, πη εχει, προσπαιζειν δε οιος τ' αν ειη τους ανθρω-
ποις, δια την ονοματων διαφοραν υποσκελιδων και ανατρεπων.
174
NOTES ON PLATO.
scholastick divines in the days of monkery and of deep
ignorance. But he best knew the manners of his own
age, and doubtless saw these things in a graver light
than they of themselves deserve, by reflecting on the
bad effects which they had on the understandings and
on the morals of his countrymen, who not only spent
their wit and their time in playing with words, when
they might have employed them in inquiring into
things; but, by rendering every principle doubtful and
dark alike, must necessarily induce men to leave them-
selves to the guidance of chance and of the passions,
unassisted by reason. Whereas if, in reality, there be
no certain truth attainable by human knowledge, both
the means and the end of disputation are absolutely
most childish of all occupations.
P. 299. Euthydemus appears to have had a colossal
statue erected to him at Delphi.
P. 302. The Athenians, and their colonies, wor-
shipped not Jupiter under the name of IIatpộos in their
houses (as all other Greeks did), but Apollo. To
Jupiter they gave the name of “Ερκειος ειnd Φρατριος,
and to Minerva of patpia : and these three divinities
were the household gods of every Ionian. How then
could Dionysidorus, a Chian, be ignorant of this ?
P. 305. MeOopla pilooopov.] This seems to be
aimed at Lysias or at Antipho.
HIPPIAS MAJOR.
We learn from this dialogue in how poor a condition
the art of reasoning on moral and abstracted subjects
was, before the time of Socrates ; for it is impossible
that Plato should introducel a sophist of the first
reputation for eloquence and knowledge in several
kinds, talking in a manner below the absurdity and
weakness of a child; unless he had really drawn after
the life. No less than twenty-four pages are here spent
in vain, only to force it into the head of Hippias, that
i He always appeared at the Olympick games, and in the
temple of Jupiter discoursed on all subjects, and answered all
questious proposed to him. (V. Hipp. Min. p. 363.)
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Edit. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 281.
P. 281. IIittakov Te Kal Blavtos.] This is very extraordinary,
as Pittacus was continually busied in publick affairs, and both
Bias and Thales occasionally.
Ib. It was acknowledged therefore, that the sculptors,
painters, and architects of latter times, had far surpassed the
ancients.
P. 286. ETTELON Ý Tpoia.] The beginning of an oration, pro-
nounced at Sparta, by Hippias, in the character of Nestor,
addressed to the young Neoptolemus. It is remarkable, what
is here said of the Lacedæmonians, that the generality of them
did not even know common arithmetick.
176
NOTES ON PLATO.
we can dispute on any subject, we should give a defini-
tion of it.
The time of the conversation seems to be after 01.
89. 2, for the war had permitted no intercourse between
Athens and Elis before that year, and we see in the
Protagoras that Hippias was actually at Athens Ol. 90.
1, so that it seems to fall naturally between these two
years.
NOTES.
P. 289. Passages of Heraclitus : IIcOnKWV ó kalliotos Aloxpos
αλλω γενει συμβαλειν.-Ανθρωπων ο σοφωτατος προς θεον πιθηκος
paveitai. This latter passage is undoubtedly the original of
that famous thought in Pope's Essay on Man, B. 2;
“And shewed a Newton, as we shew an ape,"
which some persons have imagined that he borrowed from one
Palingenius,* an obscure author, who wrote a poem called
“ Zodiacus Vita."
290. Tns Aonyâs.] The colossal figure of Minerva in the
Acropolis at Athens, described by Plutarch in his life of
Pericles.
[* Pope, who was versed in the modern Latin poets, might have taken
it from Palingenius, and Palingenius from Plato.-MATHIAS.]
HIPPIAS MINOR.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 363.
The time of this dialogue is after the Hippias Major,
with which it may be ranked.
P. 363. Evdikos.] Mentioned in the Hippias Major,
p. 256, as an admirer of this sophist.
P. 368. Hippias appeared at Olympia in a dress of
his own weaving, buskins of his own cutting out and
sewing, with a ring on his finger, and a seal engraved
by himself, and a beautiful zone of his own embroidery.
He brought with him epick poems, dithyrambicks, tra-
gedies, and orations, all of his own composition.
Ib. Tny (wvnv.] The Greeks therefore girt their
under-garment (XLTWVL KOS) with a cincture.
VOL. IV.
PROTAGORAS.
H, CODISTAI.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 309.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE DATE OF THIS DIALOGUE.
PLATO, in this dialogue, one of the noblest he ever
wrote, has fallen, through negligence, into some ana-
chronisms, as Athenæus has remarked, (L. 5. p. 218.)
though some things in reality are only mistakes of his
own, and others he has omitted, which are real faults.
Dacier undertakes wholly to justify Plato. We shall
shew that neither of them are quite in the right.
There are two marks which fix the time of this con-
versation, as it is generally thought, and as Athenæus
has shewn. The one, that Callias is mentioned in it,
as then master of himself, and in possession of his
father Hipponicus's estate:1 now Hipponicus was
slain in the battle of Deli, 01. 89. 1, so that it must
be after that year.
Secondly, the Ayploi, a comedy of Pherecrates, is
said to have been played the year before; but that
play was brought upon the stage in the magistracy of
1 Εν οικηματι τινι, ώ προτου μεν ως ταμιειω εχρητο Ιππονικος,
νυν, υπο του πληθούς των καταλυοντων, ο Καλλιας και τουτο εκ-
Kevwo as gevols katalvol TETTOLNKY. Protag. p. 315.
PROTAGORAS.
179
Aristion, Ol. 89. 4, consequently this must happen Ol.
90. 1.
There is yet a third circumstance which may ascer-
tain the time of the dialogue. Athenæus produces it
as an instance of Plato's negligence, but has only dis-
covered his own by it. Hippias the Elean (he says)
and others of his countrymen are (Protag. p. 315.)
introduced, as then present at Athens, whereas it is
impossible they could be there during the Peloponnesian
war, while the Eleans were confederates with Sparta
against the Athenians; for though a truce was agreed
upon for one year, under Isarchus, (01. 89. 1,) yet it
was broken through presently, and no cessation of arms
ensued. But in reality Hippias might be at 1 Athens
any year after Isarchus's magistracy, since though the
war broke out afresh afterwards with Sparta, yet the
Allies of Sparta entered not into it, as at first, but
either continued neuter, or joined the Athenians, and
Elis particularly entered into a defensive league with
them this very year, (see Thucyd. L. 5. sect. 47) so that
when Athenæus says, un tas exexelplas autns Levovons,
it is plain that he did not know but that Sparta
entered the war again with all the confederates which
she had at first, and consequently had read 2 Thucy-
i Dacier, while he vindicates Plato on this head, has only
considered Athens with regard to Sparta : but the question
turns solely upon Elis, of which he takes no notice.
2 What is no less strange, Casaubon neither attempts to
justify Plato in this matter, nor did he know, that the Evlavolal
Etrovdac under Isarchus were mentioned, very much at large, by
Thucydides, L. 4. sect. 117. See Casaubon's Annotations ad
Athenæum, L. 5. C. 18.
180
NOTES ON PLATO.
dides very negligently. This very thing then may fix
it to Ol. 90. 1, at least it will prove that it could not
be earlier than 01. 89. 1.
Athenæus further remarks, that Eupolis in his
Kolakes, which was played Ol. 89. 3, speaks of Prota-
goras as then present at Athens, and that Ameipsias
in his Kovvos, acted two years before, has not intro-
duced him into his chorus of povtiotai, or philo-
sophers; so that it is probable that he arrived at Athens
in the interval between the representation of these two
dramas, which is three or four years earlier than the
dialogue, in which Plato nevertheless says that he had
not been three days come; and that after many years'
absence. Dacier attempts to answer this, but makes
little of it; and indeed it was impossible to do better,
since both the comedies are lost, and we do not know
to what parts of them Athenæus alludes, as he cites
nothing.
But in truth there are other circumstances incon-
sistent with the date of the dialogue, of which neither
Athenæus nor Dacier have taken any notice. 1. Alci-
biades is represented as just on the confines of youth
and manhood, whereas in Ol. 90. 1, he was turned of
thirty. 2dly. Criso of Himera, celebrated for gaining
three victories successively in the course at Olympia
(the first of which was 1 Ol. 83.) is here spoken of
(p. 335.) as in the height of his vigour. Now it is
scarcely possible, that one, who was a man grown at
the time I have mentioned, should continue in full
strength and agility twenty-nine years afterwards : but
1 Pausanias, L. 5. c. 23, and Diodorus.
PROTAGORAS.
181
•
spoken of 1 as yet living, though he died nine years
before; and what is worse, his two sons Xanthippus
and Paralus are both represented as present at this
conversation, though they certainly died 2 during the
plague sometime before their father.
ANALYSIS OF THE DIALOGUE.
Socrates is wakened before day-break with a hasty
kuocking at his door : it is Hippocrates, a young man,
who comes eagerly to acquaint him with the arrival of
Protagoras, the celebrated sophist, at Athens, and to
entreat him to go immediately and present him to that
great man; for he is determined to spare no pains nor
expense, so he may be but admitted to his conversation.
Socrates moderates his impatience a little, and while
they take a turn about the hall together, waiting for
sun-rise, inquires into his notions of a sophist, and what
he expected from him; and finding his ideas not very
i Protag. p. 320. 'A de autos Copos eoti, OUTE AUTOS TALDEVEL,
OUTE TW allw mapadidwol and again, p. 329, which Dacier
trics, but in vain, to elude.
2 Plutarch in Vit. Periclis.-Athenæus has taken notice of
this, L. 11. p. 505, and Macrobius, who seems to copy the
other, Saturnal. L. 1. c. 1.
NOTES ON THE GRIEK TEXT.
P. 309. Il. . v. 347.
Κουρω αισυητηρι εοικως,
Πρωτον υπηνητη, τουπερ χαριεστατη ήβη.
Ib. Bonowv Emol.] Vid. infra, p. 336 and 347.
310. Tou OKLUTTodos.] A low bedstead, or couch, on which
Socrates lay, for he was not yet risen.
182
NOTES ON PLATO.
clear upon that head, shews him the folly of putting
his soul into the hands of he knew not whom, to do
with it he knew not what. If his body had been
indisposed, and he had needed a physician, he would
certainly have taken the advice and recommendation of
his family and friends; but here, where his mind, a
thing of much greater importance, was concerned, he
was on the point of trusting it, unadvisedly and at
random, to the care of a person whom he had never
seen, nor spoken to. That a sophist was a kind of
merchant or rather a retailer of food for the soul, and,
like other shopkeepers, would exert his eloquence to
recommend his own goods. The misfortune was, we
could not carry them off, like corporeal viands, set
them by a while, and consider them at leisure, whether
they were wholesome or not, before we tasted them ;
that in this case we have no vessel, but the soul, to
receive them in, which will necessarily retain a tincture,
and perhaps much to its prejudice, of all which is
NOTES.
P. 310. EF Olvons.] There were two Anual of Attica so called,
the one near Marathon, the other near Eleutheræ on the con-
fines of Boeotia, which I take to be here meant. See Meursius
and Pausan. L. 1. C. 33 and c. 38.
Ib. IItoinois.] An eager desire of a thing, proceeding from
admiration.
Ib. NewTepos Elgi.] He was upwards of twenty-four years of
age; for he was a child when Protagoras first came to Athens,
which was Ol. 84. 1.
311. Tov Kwov.] Hippocrates, the Coan, was now about
forty years old.
Ib. DELOą.] Phidias was not now living. He died 01.
87. 1. Polycletus was younger, and might be still alive.
PROTAGORAS.
183
instilled into it. However, by way of trial only, they
agree to wait upon Protagoras, and accordingly they go
to the house of Callias, where both he and two other
principal sophists, Prodicus and Hippias, with all their
train of followers, were lodged and entertained.
The porter, an eunuch, wearied and pestered with
the crowd of sophists who resorted to the house, mis-
taking them for such, gives them a short answer, and
shuts the door in their face. At last they are admitted,
and find Protagoras with Callias, and more company,
walking in the porticos. The inotions of Protagoras's
followers are described with much humour; how at
every turn they divided and cast off, as in a dance, still
falling in, and moving in due subordination behind the
principal performer. Hippias is sitting in a great chair,
NOTES.
P. 312. Epuôplaças.] For the bad morals of the professors, (see
the Gorgias, p. 520, Eu de di' ayvolav, &c. and the Meno, p. 91,
Hpakleis, evønuel, &c.) had brought the name into general dis-
repute ; though it was once an honourable appellation, and
given afterwards to all such as called themselves Bidoo odol.
Solon was the person who first bore the name of ó Eoplotns.
(See Isocrat. IIepi AYTIDOGEWS, p. 344.) Socrates defines a sophist,
such as the character was in his time, Europos tis, n kannhos
Top aYaYuude, aº tp vvxn Tpeperat. Protag. p. 313.
314. Ou oxoan autw.] i.e. "My Lord is not at leisure to be
spoken with.”
Ib. Ev tw II pootow.] II pootwor (which is also written IIpor-
toos) is rendered by the lexicographers Vestibulum Porticûs,
that is, as I imagine, the Cavædium or open court, surrounded
with a peristyle or portico, opening upon the rooms of enter-
tainment; for all these rooms together composed the Avòpwv,
as Vitruvius describes it.
184
NOTES ON PLATO.
of natural philosophy to a circle, who are seated on
forms round him; while Prodicus, in a large inner
apartment, in bed and wrapped up in abundance of
warm clothes, lies discoursing with another company of
admirers. Socrates approaches Protagoras, and presents
the young Hippocrates to him. The sophist, having
premised something to give an idea of his own profes-
sion, its use and dignity, the rest of the company, being
summoned together from all quarters, seat themselves
about him ; and Socrates begins by entreating Prota-
goras to inform him, what was the tendency and usual
effect of his lessons, that Hippocrates might know what
professed to accomplish men for publick and private
NOTES.
P. 314. Adelpos óuountplos.] The widow of Hipponicus, and
mother to Callias, took to her second husband, Pericles, and
brought him a son called Paralus : they afterwards parted by
consent, and both married again. See Plutarch in his life of
Pericles, who says that she brought him two sons, Xanthippus
and Paralus ; but it seems to be a mistake, as he had Xanthippus
by a former marriage. This lady was related to Pericles by blood.
Ib. Adeluartw.] The son of Cepis and of Leucolophides.
This Adimantus was Etpatnyos with Alcibiades, against Andros,
Ol. 93. 2. See Xenoph. Hist. Græc. L. 1.
315. Xapucons.] Plato's uncle. — LALTILồns. ] Son of Philo-
melus. — Avtpolpos.] Of Mende. -Epušimaxos.] A physician.
Ib. Avopwv.] The son of Androtion ; probably the same
brought in the decree against Antipho, the Rhamnusian : (see
Harpocration) he is mentioned in the Gorgias (p. 487) as a
friend of Callicles, and a lover of eloquence rather than of true
philosophy.
PROTAGORAS.
185
life, to make them good and useful members of the
state, and of a family. Socrates admires the beauty of
his art, if indeed there be such an art, which, he con-
fesses, he has often doubted; for if virtue is a thing
which may be taught, what can his countrymen the
Athenians mean, who in their publick assemblies, if the
question turn on repairing the publick edifices, consult
the architect, and if on their fleet, the ship-builder, and
laughed at such as on pretence of their wit, of their
wealth, or of their nobility, should interfere in debates
which concern a kind of knowledge, in which they have
neither skill nor experience; but if the point to be con-
sidered relate to the laws, to the magistracy, to the ad-
ministration of peace and war, and to such subjects,
every merchant, every little tradesman and mechanick,
NOTES.
P. 315. Eon'Ounpos. ] An allusion to the Odyss. of Homer,
A. v. 600, as Dacier well observes.
Ib. Ilavoavias.] A lover of Agatho, the tragick poet, who
was now (he says) very young; he gained his first prize on the
stage Ol. 90. 4, four years after this. See Plato, Sympos. p.
193, and Athenæus, L. 5. p. 216.
316. Ikkos.] of Tarentum.-Hpodikos.] Of Selymbria, a sophist
and IIaidotpuns. See the Phædrus, p. 227.
316. IIudoklecdns.] Of Ceos; he taught Pericles musick. See
Ib. Ayabok.ns.] The Athenian musician and sophist; he
instructed the famous Damon. See Laches, p. 80.
317. Iolla ye etn.] He (Pythoclides, who taught musick)
was now about sixty-one years of age, and had taught it near
thirty-one years : but how he can call himself old enough to be
father to any one in the company, I do uot see; for Socrates
was near fiſty years of age.
186
NOTES ON PLATO.
the poor as well as the rich, the mean as well as the
noble, deliver their opinion with confidence, and are
heard with attention. Besides, those greatest states-
men, who have been esteemed the brightest examples
of political virtue, though they have given their children
every accomplishment of the body which education
could bestow, do not at all appear to have improved
their minds with those qualities for which they them-
selves were so eminent, and in which consequently they
were best able to instruct them, if instruction could
convey these virtues to the soul at all.
Protagoras answers by reciting a fable delivered in
very beautiful language; the substance of it is this :
Prometheus and Epimetheus, when the gods had formed
all kinds of animals within the bowels of the earth, and
the destined day approached for producing them into
light, were commissioned to distribute among them the
powers and qualifications which were allotted to them.
The younger brother prevailed upon the elder to let
NOTES.
P. 318. ZevēLTTOS.] Of Heraclea. I do not find this painter
mentioned any where else ; perhaps it should be read, Zeuxis,
who was of Heraclea, and now a young man.
Ib. Opoayopas.] The Theban, who taught Epaminondas on
the flute. See Aristoxenus, ap. Athenæum, L. 4. p. 184.
319. Oi TogotalKEAEVOVTV tw II putaveww.] See Aristo-
phanes in Acharnens. v. 239.
Ib. Apippovos.] Ariphron was the brother of Pericles ; they
were both (by their mother Agariste) first cousins to Dixonache,
the mother of Alcibiades, and Clinias, to whom they were
guardians: Clipias was mad. (See Alcibiad. 1. p. 118.)-
Prometheus and Epimetheus (Foresight and Aftersight) were
the sons of Iapetus, the Titan, and Clymene.
PROTAGORAS.
187
him perform this work, and Prometheus consented to
review afterwards and correct his disposition of things.
Epimetheus then began, and directed his care to the
preservation of the several species, that none might ever
be totally lost. To some he gave extreme swiftness,
but they were deficient in strength; and the strong he
made not equally swift: the little found their security
in the lightness of their bodies, in their airy wings, and
in their subterraneous retreats; while those of vast
magnitude had the superiority of their bulk for a de-
fence. Such as were formed to prey on others, he made
to produce but few young ones; while those, who were
to serve as their prey, brought forth a numerous progeny.
He armed them against the seasons with hoofs of horn
and callous feet, with hides of proof and soft warm furs,
their native bed and clothing all in one. But when
Prometheus came to review his brother's work, he found
that he had lavished all his art and all his materials
upon the brute creation, while mankind, whose turn it
NOTES.
P. 320. Apeto.] Every divinity had some such animals, which
fed at liberty within the sacred enclosures and pastures. Such
were the oxen of the Sun, (in Homer, Od. M.) the owls of Minerva
in the Acropolis at Athens, (Aristophan. Lysistrat.) the peacocks
of Juno at Samos, (Athenæus, L. 14. p. 655. ex Antiphane et
Menodoto Samio) the tame serpents of Æsculapius, at Epidaurus,
(Pausan. L. 2. c. 28. and at Athens, Aristoph. Plut. v. 733.) the
fishes of the Syrian goddess, &c. (Xenoph. Cyri Anabas. L. 1.
p. 254.)
321. Tulos.] This seems to be a gloss only, as an explana-
tion of Δερμασι στερεοις και αναιμoις, to which it is synonymous.
Insert in the end of the sentence, Tapoous ETTEOTEPEWTEV, for a
verb is wanting, equivalent to ekog uno e.
188
NOTES ON PLATO.
was next to be produced to light, was left a naked help-
less animal, exposed to the rigour of the seasons and to
the violence of every other creature round him. In
compassion therefore to his wants, Prometheus purloined .
the arts of Pallas and of Vulcan, and with them fire,
(without which they were impracticable and useless)
and bestowed them on this new race, to compensate
their natural defects. Men then, as allied to the divinity
and endowed with reason, were the only part of the
creation which acknowledged the being and the provi-
dence of the gods. They began to erect altars and
statues ; they formed articulate sounds, and invented
language; they built habitations, covered themselves
NOTES.
P. 321. Olcyovlav.] This is remarked by Herodotus, and by
Aristotle, and seems to be very true with regard to the larger
size of animals; but it does not appear in the lesser part of the
creation, as in spiders, and in other insects, which live on their
kind, the smaller rapacious fishes, snakes, &c. probably because
they themselves were to serve as food to larger creatures.
Ib. Ou tavu TOL Copos.] Hesiod calls him, 'Auaptivoov T'
Etunbea. Theogon. v. 511.
Ib. Evtopla MEV TOV Blov.] See the Prometheus of Æschylus.
325. Something is understood or lost after the words, éKwV
TELOntal, as, ev EXEL, or kalws.
327. Evpuſatw kai "puvwvda.] Phrynondas is mentioned by
Isocrates, as a name grown proverbial for a villain. Ila paypa-
OIKOS at pos Kallmaxov, p. 382. And Æschines in Ctesiphont:
Αλλ' οιμαι ουτε Φρυνωνδας, ουτε Ευρυβατος, ουτ' αλλος πωποτε των
malai zrovnpwv, TOO OUTOS uayos kal yons eyeveto. p. 73. See also
Aristophanes, Deouooop. Eurybatus was an Ephesian, who
being trusted by Cresus with a great sum to raise auxiliaries,
betrayed him, and went into the service of Cyrus. See Ephorus
ap. Harpocrat. and Diodorus, Excerpt. de Virt. et Vitiis, r. 240.
PROTAGORAS.
189
with clothing, and cultivated the ground. But still
they were lonely creatures, scattered here and there, for
Prometheus did not dare to enter the citadel of Jove,
where Policy, the mother and queen of social life, was
kept near the throne of the god himself; otherwise he
would have bestowed her too on his favourite mankind.
The arts, which they possessed, just supported them,
but could not defend them against the multitude and
fierceness of the wild beasts : they tried to assemble
and live together, but soon found that they were more
dangerous and mischievous to one another than the
savage creatures had been. In pity then to their condi-
tion Jove, lest the whole race should perish, sent Mer-
NOTES.
P. 328. Tns pažews TOU MLO Bov.] It is remarkable in what
general esteem and admiration Protagoras was held throughout
all Greece. If any scholar of his thought the price he exacted
was too high, he only obliged him to say upon his oath, what
he thought the precepts he had given him were worth, and
Protagoras was satisfied with that sum. Yet he got more
wealth by his profession than Phidias the statuary, and any
other ten the most celebrated artists of Greece, as Socrates (in
Menone, p. 91, and in Hipp. Maj. p. 282) tells us. Euathlus
(see Quintilian, L. 3. C. 1.) gave him 10,000 drachma (about
£300. sterling), for his art of rhetorick in writing. He was
the first sophist in Greece who professed himself a IIALDEVOEWS
και αρετης διδασκαλος, and such an one as could make men better
and better every time he conversed with them, p. 318 et infra,
p. 349.
329. El de etavepolto, tia.] See the Phaedrus, where he
uses the same thought, p. 275. Aelvov yap trov, w Palope, &c.
333. Ilaparetaxoa..] To be set against it, that is, to have an
aversion to it.
336. OUK ÔTL Taišel.] Perhaps we should read, KALTOL TALSEL.
190
NOTES ON PLATO.
cury to earth, with Shame and Justice; and when he
doubted how he should bestow them, and whether they
should be distributed, as the arts had been, this to one,
and that to another, or equally divided among the whole
kind; Jove approved the latter, and commanded, that
if any did not receive his share of that bounty, he should
be extirpated from the face of the earth, as the pest and
destruction of his fellow-creatures.
This then, continues Protagoras, is the cause why
the Athenians, and other nations, in debates, which
turn on the several arts, attend only to the advice of
the skilful ; but give ear in matters of government,
which are founded on ideas of common justice and
probity, to every citizen indifferently among them : and
that this is the common opinion of all men, may hence
appear. If a person totally ignorant of musick should
fancy himself an admirable performer, the world would
either laugh or be angry, and his friends would repri-
mand or treat him as a madman : but if a man should
have candour and plain-dealing enough to profess him-
self a villain and ignorant of common justice, what in
the other case would have been counted modesty, the
NOTES.
P. 339. Ilpos Ekotav.] The son of Creon and Echecratia, of
Cranon in Thessaly, a citizen of great riches and power, and a
principal patron of Simonides, who repaid him with immortality.
See also Theocritus Idyll. 16. v. 36. Hollol de 2komadaloi, &c.
Here is also a large fragment of one of the odes of Simonides to
him.
340. Oela Tls Elvai mala..] Perhaps, Kela TLs.
341. Kai ovdaļws Kelov.] Dacier corrects this to Ovdauws
θειον.
PROTAGORAS.
191
simple confession of truth and of his own ignorance,
would here be called impudence and madness. He that
will not dissemble here, will be by all regarded as an
idiot; for to own that one knows not what justice is,
is to own that one ought not to live among mankind.
He proceeds to shew, that no one thought our idea
of justice to be the gift of nature; but that it is ac-
quired by instruction and by experience : for with the
weak, the deformed, or the blind man, no one is angry;
no reprimands, no punishments attend the unfortunate,
nor are employed to correct our natural defects; but
they are the proper consequences of our voluntary
neglects or offences. Nor is the punishment, which
follows even these, intended to redress an evil already
past, (for that is impossible) but to prevent a future,
or at least to deter others from like offences; which
proves, that wickedness is by all regarded as a volun-
tary ignorance.
Next he shews, how this knowledge is acquired; it
is by education. Every one is interested in teaching
another the proper virtue of a man, on which alone all
his other acquisitions must be founded, and without
NOTES.
P. 341. Aco?.01.] The Lesbians then spoke a corrupt dialect;
yet that island produced Alcæus, Sappho, Theophrastus, &c."
342. This is a beautiful compliment to the Cretans and
Lacedæmonians.
Ib. Sta te kata yvuuta..] The rougher exercises of boxing
and of the cæstus. See Diog. Laertius in Menedemo, and the
Gorgias, p. 515.
350. IIE TAOTLKOL.] A light-armed militia, a Thracian inven-
tion, and borrowed from that nation by the Greek colonies on
192
NOTES ON PLATO.
which he cannot exist among his fellow-creatures. His
parents, as soon as understanding begins to dawn in
him, are employed in prescribing what he ought to do
and what he ought not to do; his masters, in filling his
mind with the precepts, and forming it to the example,
of the greatest men, or in fashioning his body to per-
form with ease and patience whatever his reason com-
rule, by which he is necessitated to direct his actions.
If then the sons of the greatest men do not appear to
be greater proficients in virtue than the ordinary sort,
it must not be ascribed to the parent's neglect; much
less must it be concluded, that virtue is not to be ac-
quired by instruction : it is the fault perhaps of genius
and of nature. Let us suppose, that to perform on a
certain instrument were a qualification required in every
man, and necessary to the existence of a city, ought we
to wonder, that the son of an admirable performer
fell infinitely short of his father in skill? Should we
attribute this to want of care, or say, that musick were
not attainable by any art? or should we not rather
ascribe it to defect of genius and to natural inability?
Yet every member of such a state would doubtless far
surpass all persons rude and unpractised in musick.
.
NOTLS.
their coast, whence it was afterwards introduced in Athens,
Sparta, and in the rest of Greece. They fought on foot armed
with a crescent-like shield, bow and arrows, long javelins, and
of shield was afterwards introduced by Iphicrates among the
heavy-armed foot also. (Diodorus. L. 15. C. 44.)
PROTAGORAS.
193
In like manner, the most worthless member of a society,
civilized by some sort of education and brought up under
the influence of laws and of policy, will be an amiable
man, if compared with a wild and uncultivated savage.
It is hard indeed to say, who is our particular
instructor in the social virtues; as, for the same reason,
it is hard to say, who taught us our native tongue; yet
no one will therefore deny that we learned it. The
publick is in these cases our master : and all the world
has a share in our instruction. Suffice it (continues the
sophist) to know, that some there are among us, elevated
a little above the ordinary sort, in the art of leading
mankind to honour and to virtue; and among these I
have the advantage to be distinguished.
Socrates continues astonished for a time and speech-
less, as though dazzled with the beauty of Protagoras's
discourse. At last, recovering himself, he ventures to
propound a little doubt which has arisen in his mind
(though perfectly satisfied, he says, with the main
question), whether temperance, fortitude, justice, and
the rest, which Protagoras has so often mentioned, and
NOTES.
P. 357. 'Oti Apaola.] This is the true key and great moral
of the dialogue, that knowledge alone is the source of virtue,
and ignorance the source of vice : it was Plato's own principle,
(see Plat. Epist. 7. p. 336. Auabia, e ºs marta kaka nãou
ερριζωται και βλαστανει, και ύστερον αποτελει καρπον τοις γεννη-
gaol Trikpotatov. See also Sophist. p. 228 and 229. and Euthy-
demus. from p. 278 to 281. and De Legib. L. 3. p. 688.) and
probably it was also the principle of Socrates : the consequence
of it is, that virtue may be taught, and may be acquired ; and
that philosophy alone can point us out the way to it.
VOL. IV.
O
194
NOTES ON PLATO.
seemed to comprehend under the general name of
virtue, are different things, and can subsist separately
in the same person; or whether they are all the same
quality of mind, only exerted on different occasions.
Protagoras readily agrees to the first of these; but is
insensibly betrayed by Socrates into the toils of his
logick, and makes such concessions, that he finds him-
self forced to conclude the direct contrary of what he
had first advanced. He is sensible of his disgrace, and
tries to evade this closer kind of reasoning by taking
refuge in that more diffuse eloquence, which used to
gain him such applause. But when he finds himself
cut short by Socrates, who pleads the weakness of his
own memory, unable to attend to long continued
discourses, and who intreats him to bring down the
greatness of his talents to the level of a mind so much
inferiour, he is forced to pick a frivolous quarrel with
Socrates, and break off the conversation in the middle.
Here Callias interposes, and Alcibiades, in his insolent
way, by supporting the request of Socrates and by
piquing the vanity of Protagoras, obliges him to accom-
modate himself to the interrogatory method of disputa-
tion, and renews the dialogue.1
To save the dignity of Protagoras, and to put him
in humour again, Socrates proposes that he shall con-
duct the debate, and state the questions, while he him-
self will only answer them; provided Protagoras will
i The episodical characters of Prodicus and Hippias, intro-
duced as mediating a reconciliation, are great ornaments to the
dialogue ; the affectation of eloquence and of an accurate choice
of words in the former, and the stately figurative diction of the
latter, being undoubtedly drawn from the life.
PROTAGORAS.
195
in his turn afterwards condescend to do the same for
him. The sophist begins by proposing a famous ode
of Simonides, which seems to carry in it an absolute
contradiction, which he desires Socrates to reconcile.
Socrates appears at first puzzled, and after he has
played awhile with Protagoras and with the other
sophists, (that he may have time to recollect himself)
he gives an explanation of that poem, and of its pre-
tended inconsistency, in a manner so new and so just
as to gain the applause of the whole company. He
then brings back Protagoras (in spite of his reluctance)
to his former subject, but without taking advantage of
his former concessions, and desires again his opinion on
the unity, or on the similitude, of the virtues. Prota-
goras now owns, that there is a near 1 affinity between
them all, except valour, which he affirms that a man
may possess, who is entirely destitute of all the rest.
Socrates proves to him, that this virtue also, like the
others, is founded on knowledge and is reducible to it;
that it is but to know what is really to be feared, and
what is not; that good and evil, or in other words,
pleasure and pain, being the great and the only movers
1 See Gorgias, p. 507.
2 Plato reasons on the principles of the most rational Epi-
curean in this place, and indeed on the only principles which
can be defended. (See Gorgias, p. 467 and 499. Telos ånaowv
των πραξεων το αγαθον.) As our sense of pleasure and of pain
is our earliest sentiment, and is the great instrument of self-
preservation, some philosophers have called these affections,
Ta mpwra kata puoly. See Aul. Gell. L. 12. c. 5. Ovdeuia ndovn
καθ' εαυτην κακον, αλλα τα τινων ηδονων ποιητικα πολλαπλασιους
CITLØEPEL tas oximo els TWY ñ òovwv. Epicurus in Kuplaus Aoğals.
apud Laert. L. 10. s. 141.
196
NOTES ON PLATO.
of the human mind, no one can reject pleasure, but
where it seems productive of a superior degree of pain,
or prefer pain, unless the consequence of it be a
superior pleasure. That to balance these one against
the other with accuracy, to judge rightly of them at a
distance, to calculate the overplus1 of each, is that,
science on which our happiness depends, and which is
the basis of every virtue. That, if our whole life's
welfare and the interests of it were as closely connected
with the judgment, which we should make on the real
magnitude of objects and on their true figure, (or with
our not being deceived by the appearance which they
exhibit at a distance,) who doubts but that geometry
and opticks would then be the means of happiness to
us, and would become the rule of virtue? That there
is a kind of knowledge no less necessary to us in our
present state, and no less a science; and that, when
we pretend to be misled by our passions, we ought to
blame our ignorance, which is the true source of all our
follies and vices. And now (continues Socrates) who
would not laugh at our inconsistency? You set out
with affirming that virtue might be taught, yet in the
course of our debate you have treated it as a thing
entirely distinct 2 from knowledge, and not reducible to
i Plato de Legib. L. 1. p. 644. and L. 2. p. 663. and L. 5. p. 733.
2 It was the opinion of Socrates, that all the virtues were
only prudence (or wisdom) exerted on different occasions.
Ilagas tas apetas opovnoELS ELVAL' kai Ewkparns (adds Aristotle)
τη μεν ορθως εζητει, τηδ' ήμαρτανεν ότι μεν γαρ φρονησεις ωετο
ειναι πασας τας αρετας ήμαρτανεν ότι δ' ουκ ανευ φρονησεως καλως
eleye. Ethic. ad Nichom. L. 6. C. 13. and Plato de Legib.
L. 3. p. 688. calls prudence, Evutaons äveuwy apetns, Opov nous
μετ' ερωτος και επιθυμιας ταυτη επομενης.
PROTAGORAS.
197
it : I, who advanced the contrary position, have shewn
that it is a science, and consequently that it may be
learned.
Protagoras, who has had no other share in the dis-
pute than to make (without perceiving the consequence)
such concessions as absolutely destroy what he set out
with affirming, tries to support the dignity of his own
age and reputation, by making an arrogant compliment
to Socrates, commending his parts (very considerable,
he says, and very promising for so young a man,) and
doing him the justice to say to all his acquaintance,
that he knows no one more likely, some time or other,
to make an extraordinary person; and he adds that
this is not a time to enter deeper into this subject, and
on any other day he shall be at his service.
IO.
H, ΠΕΡΙ ΠΟΙΗΤΙΚΗΣ ΕΡΜΗΝΕΙΑΣ.
ON THE IMPERFECTION OF POETRY AND OF CRITICISM
WITHOUT PHILOSOPHY.
As Serranus, and (I think) every commentator after
him, has read this dialogue with a grave counten-
ance, and understood it in a literal sense, though it is
throughout a very apparent and continued irony; it is
no wonder if such persons, as trust to their accounts of
it, find it a very silly and frivolous thing. Yet under
that irony, doubtless, there is concealed a serious
meaning, which makes a part of Plato's great design, a
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 530.
P. 530. AOKANTLELA.] Pausanias, in his description of the
temple of Æsculapius near Epidaurus, speaks of the adjoining
stadium and theatre, where these games were celebrated during
the festival of the deity. L. 2. p. 174.
Ib. Amos IIoLntals.] The Rhapsodi sung, in the theatres,
not only the poems of Homer, but those also (V. de Legib. L.
2. p. 658.) of Hesiod, Archilochus, Mimnermus, and Phocylides,
the Iambicks of Simonides, &c. (see Athenæus, L. 14. p. 620.)
and even the history of Herodotus.
IO.
199
design which runs through all his writings. He was
persuaded that virtuel must be built on knowledge,
not on that counterfeit 2 knowledge, which dwells only
on the surface of things and is guided by the imagina-
tion rather than by the judgment, (for this was the
peculiar foible of his countrymen, a light and desultory
people, easily seduced by their fancy wherever it led
them), but on the knowledge which is fixed and settled
on certain great and general truths, and on principles
as ancient and as unshaken as nature itself, or rather
as the author of nature. To this knowledge, and con-
i See Plato's seventh Epistle to the friends of Dion; as well
as his Protagoras, Meno, Laches, and Alcibiades.
2 Aogooodla, došaotLKN ETLOTIUN. (Vid. Sophist. p. 233.)
NOTES.
P. 530. Malcota ev 'Oumpw.] These were distinguished by
the name of Homeristæ, or Homeridæ. See Pindar Od. Nem.
2. and Plato de Republ. L. 10, p. 599.
Ib. El un guv in.] They were remarkable for their ignorance.
See Xenoph. Sympos. p. 513. Olola ouv Elvos ti no.wTepov
Pawwowy, &c. Metrodorus of Lampsacus here is not to be
confounded with the friend of Epicurus, who was also of
Lampsacus.
Ib. The first Metrodorus (mentioned in the preceding note)
was a disciple of Anaxagoras, and seems to have written on the
moral and natural philosophy of Homer. See Diog. Laert. L.
2, s. 11. Stesimbrotus of Thasuis was contemporary with
Socrates, but elder than he: he is often cited by Plutarch (in
Themistocle, in Cimone, in Pericle) having, as it seems, given
some account of these great men, with the two last of whom
he had lived : (see Athenæus, L. 13, p. 589.) he was a sophist
of reputation, and gave lessons to Niceratus the son of Nicias.
See Xenoph. Sympos. p. 513.
200
NOTES ON PLATO.
sequently to virtue, he thought that philosophy was
our only guide : and as to all those arts, which are
usually made merely subservient to the passions of -
mankind, as politicks, eloquence, and poetry, he
thought that they were no otherwise to be esteemed
than as they are grounded on philosophy, and are
1 See the Gorgias, Meno, Phædrus, and this dialogue.
NOTES.
P. 532. Polygnotus, son of Aglaophon, the painter.
533. Dædalus was the son of Palamaon, of that branch of
the royal family, called Metionidæ, being sprung from Metion,
the son of Erectheus : (See Pausan. L. 7. p. 531. and L. 1. p.
13.) there were statues of his workmanship still preserved in
several cities of Greece, at Thebes, Lebadea, Delos, Olus, and
Gnossus, even in the time of Pausanias, above six hundred
years after this. See Pausan. L. 9, p. 793. and Plato Hippias
Maj. p. 282. Epèus, the son of Panopeus, was the inventor
of the Trojan horse ; in the temple of the Lycian Apollo at
Argos, was preserved a wooden figure of Mercury made by him.
Theodorus, the Samian, son of Telecles, first discovered the
method of casting iron, and of forming it into figures : he also
(with his countryman Rhæcus the son of Philæus) was the first
who cast statues in bronze ; he worked likewise in gold, and
graved precious stones.
Ib. Olvurtov.] Olympus, the Phrygian, lived in the time
of Midas before the Trojan war, yet his compositions, or Nouoi,
as well the musick as the verses, were extant even in Plutarch's
days; see Burette on the Treatise de Musicâ, Mémoires de
l'Acad. des Inscript. Vol. 10, note 30, V. 13, note 104, V. 15,
note 228. and Aristotel. Politic. L. 8. c. 5. and Plato Sympos.
p. 215. Kal ETL VULL KNAEL tous avOpwarovs, ós av ta EKELVOU aulī.
(Marsyæ scilicet, qui Olympum edocuit) see also Plato in
Minoe, p. 318. hence also it seems that they had the musick
of Orpheus, of Thamyris, and of Phemius, then in being. (See
Hom. Odyss. A. 325, and X. 330.)
IO.
201
directed to the ends of virtue. They, who had best
succeeded in them before his time, owed (as he thought)
their success rather to a lucky hit, to some gleam 1 of
truth, as it were providentially, breaking in upon their
minds, than to those fixed and unerring? principles
which are not to be erased from a soul, which has once
1 Such as Plato calls Opon Aoča,—Almons Aoša. (This is
explained in the Meno, p. 97.) or in the language of irony,
Deia Auvajes, oela Molpa, KatakwX9. (Ibid. p. 99.) and De
Legib. L. 3. p. 682.
2 To which he gives the name of ♡povnous, ETLOTnun, ou
δραπετευουσα, αλλα δεδεμενη αιτιας λογισμω διαφερει γαρ δεσμω
CITLOTY Un opons 'dočms (Meno, ubi supra) and on this only he
bestows the name of Texvn. (Vid. Gorgiam, and in Sophista,
p. 253.) 'H TW elevőepwv ETLOTNun, and p. 267. Apetns
ioTopcon LLumets, opposed to m do£outuTucm. Vid, et Sympo-
sium, p. 202. De Republ. L. 5. p. 477. and L. 7. p. 534.
NOTES.
P. 533. The verses of Euripides are in his Oeneus, a drama
now lost;
Τας βροτων
Γνωμας σκοπησας, ώστε Μαγνητις λιθος,
Την δοξαν έλκει και μεθιστησιν παλιν:
he gave it the name probably from the city of Magnesia ad
Sipylum, where it was found. It is remarkable, that Mr.
Chishull tells us, as they were ascending the castle-hill of this
city, a compass, which they carried with them, pointed to dif-
ferent quarters, as it happened to be placed on different stones,
and that at last it entirely lost its virtue; which shews that hill
to be a mine of loadstone. Its power of attracting iron and of
communicating its virtue to that iron, we see, was a thing well-
known at that time, yet they suspected nothing of its polar
qualities.
534. Aputtovta..] Vid. Phædrum, p. 253, and Euripides in
Bacchis, v. 142. and 703.
202
NOTES ON PLATO.
been thoroughly convinced of them. Their conduct
therefore in their actions, and in their productions, has
been wavering between good and evil, and unable to
reach perfection. The inferiour tribe have caught some-
thing of their fire, merely by imitation, and form their
judgments, not from any real skill they have in these
NOTES.
P. 534. Oi Ilointai.] Such expressions are frequent in Pindar:
he calls his own poetry, Nektap Xutov, Moloâv doow, YA UKUV
Kaprov opevos, and he says of himself, Ečalpetov Xapetwv veuoual
kârtov, (Olymp. Od. 9) and Melti evavopa Troll Bpexw. (Olymp.
10.) &c. &c.
Ib. 'O de eykwula.] Of this kind are all the odes remaining
to us of Pindar, as the expressions in Olymp. Od. 4, Od. 8, 10,
and 13, and in many other places, clearly shew.
Ib. 'Tropxmuara.] Pindar was famous for this kind of com-
positions, though we have lost them, as well as his dithyram-
bicks. Xenodemus also, Bacchylides, and Pratinas the Phliasian,
excelled in them ; Athenæus has preserved a fine fragment of
this last poet. L. 14, p. 617. These compositions were full of
description, and were sung by a chorus who danced at the same
time, and represented the words by their movements and ges-
tures. Tynnichus of Chalcis, whose paan was famous, and
indeed the only good thing he ever wrote. .
535. Em TOV oudov.] See Hom. Odyss. X. v. 2. Alto Oy
ETTL Meyav ovdov, &c.
Ib. ATTO TOU Bnuatos.] The Rhapsodi, we find, were mounted
· on a sort of suggestum, with a crown of gold (See p. 530. and
541. of this dialogue) on their heads, and dressed in robes of
various colours, and after their performance was finished, a col-
lection seems to have been made for them among the audience.
536. 'OL KopuſavTcwTES.] This was a peculiar phrenzy sup-
posed to be inspired by some divinity, and attended with violent
motions and efforts of the body, like those of the Corybantes
attendant on Cybele : (Strabo, L. 10. p. 473.) they believed
that they heard the sound of loud musick continually in their
IO.
203
arts, but merely from (what La Bruyere calls) a gout
de comparaison. The general applause of men has
pointed out to them what is finest; and to that, as to
a principle, they refer their taste, without knowing or.
inquiring in what its excellence consists. Each Muse 1
(says Plato in this dialogue) inspires and holds sus-
1ο δε θεος δια παντων τουτων έλκει την ψυχην, όπου αν
βουληται, των ανθρωπων, ανακρεμαννυς εξ αλληλων την δυναμιν
και ώσπερ εκ της λιθου (της Ηρακλείας) ορμαθος παμπολυς εξηρτηται
χορευτωντε, και διδασκαλων, και υποδιδασκαλων εκ πλαγιου εξηρτη-
μενων, των της Μουσης εκκρεμαμενων δακτυλιων. p. 536.
NOTES.
ears, and seem, from this passage, to have been peculiarly
sensible to some certain airs, when really played, as it is re-
ported of those who are bitten by the tarantula. As these airs
were pieces of musick usually in honour of some deities, the
ancients judged thence by what deity these demoniacks were
possessed, whether it were by Ceres, Bacchus, the Nymphs, or by
Cybele, &c. who were looked upon as the causes of madness.
P. 541. 'H yap nuetepa modes.] The time therefore of this dia-
logue must be earlier than the revolt of the Ionian cities, which
happened 01. 91. 4, and it appears from what Ion says in the
beginning, that it must be later than 01. 89. 3, since before that
year the communication between Epidaurus and Athens was cut
off by the war. Apollodorus of Cyzicus, Phanosthenes of Andrus,
and Heraclides of Clazomenæ were elected by the Athenians into
the Etpatnylal, and other magistracies, though they were not
citizens. See Athenæus, L. 11. P. 506. It is plain that
Athenæus saw the irony of this dialogue, for, if it be literally
taken, there is nothing like abusc in it either on poets or on
statesmen.
542. OELOV Elvai kal un TeXvikov.] Hence we see the meaning
of Socrates, when he so frequently bestows the epithet of OELOS
on the sophists and poets, &c. &c. See also Plato's Meno, p.
99, which is the best comment on the Io which can be read.
204
NOTES ON PLATO.
pended her favourite poet in immediate contact, as the
magnet does a link of iron, and from him (through
whom the attractive virtue passes and is continued to
the rest) hangs a long chain of actors, and singers, and
criticks, and interpeters 1 of interpreters.
* 'Epunvewv Èpunyeîs. p. 535.
THEÆTETUS.
01. 95. 1.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 142.
TERPSION meeting Euclides at Megara, and inquiring
where he has been, is informed that he has been accom-
panying Theatetus, who is lately come on shore from
Corinth, in a weak and almost dying condition upon
his return to Athens. This reminds them of the high
opinion which Socrates had entertained of that young
man, who was presented to him (not long before his
death) by Theodorusl of Cyrene, the geometrician.
The conversation, which then passed between them,
was taken down in writing by Euclides who, at the
request of Terpsion, orders his servant to read it to
them.
The Abbé Sallier (Mém. de l'Academie des Inscrip-
tions, V. 13, p. 317.) has given an elegant translation
of the most shining part of this2 dialogue; and also in
vol. 16. p. 70. of the Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscript. he
1 Theodorus was celebrated also for his skill in arithmetick,
astronomy, and musick. (p. 145.) He had been a friend of
Protagoras, who was dead about ten years before the time of
this dialogue, and had left his writings in the hands of Callias,
the son of Hipponicus.
2 P. 172 of this dialogue. See also Gorgias, p. 484.
206
NOTES ON PLATO.
has translated all that part of the dialogue in which
Plato has explained the system of Protagoras, from
p. 151. to 168. The description of a truel philosopher
in this place, (though a little aggravated, and more in
the character of Plato than of Socrates,) has yet an
elevation in it which is admirable. The Abbé Sallier
has also given a sketch of the dialogue, which is a very
long one, and (as he rightly judges) would not be much
approved in a translation. It is of that kind called
Πειραστικος, in order to make trial of the capacity of
Theætetus, while Socrates (as he says) only plays the
midwife, and brings the conceptions of his mind to
light. The question is; what is knowledge ? and the
purpose of the dialogue is rather to refute the false
definitions of it, as established by? Protagoras in his
writings, and resulting from the tenets of Heraclitus,3
1 P. 172 of this dialogue. See also Gorgias, p. 484.
2 His fundamental tenet was this; viz: Ilavtwv xpnuatwV
μετρον Ανθρωπον ειναι των μεν οντων, ως εστιτων δε μη οντων
ÚS OUK EOTC that every man's own perceptions of things were (to
him) the measure and the test of truth and of falsehood.
3 Viz. That motion was the principle of being, and the only
cause of all its qualities. Mr. Hardion has given us a short
view of the arguments used by Protagoras in support of these
doctrines in his seventh Dissertation on the Rise and Progress
of Eloquence in Greece. See Mémoires de l'Academie des In-
scriptions, &c. V. 15. p. 152. This seems to be much the same
with the doctrine of the new Academy; "Omnes omnino res,
quæ sensus omnium movent twv mpos ti esse dicunt: id verbum
significat nihil esse quicquam quod ex se constet, nec quod
habeat vim propriam et naturam ; sed omnia prorsum ad aliquid
referri, taliaque videri esse, qualis sit eorum species, dum
videntur, qualiaque apud sensus nostros, quo pervenerunt,
creantur, non apud sese, unde profecta sunt.” Aul. Gell. L.
11. c. 5. Vid. Platon. Cratylum, p. 385.
THEÆTETUS.
207
of Empedocles, and of other philosophers, than to pro-
duce a better definition of his own. Yet there are
many fine and remarkable passages in it, such as the
observations of Theodorus on the faults of temper,
which usually attend on brighter parts, and on the
defects of genius often found in minds of a more sedate
and solid turn; Socrates's illustration of his own art by
the whimsical comparison between that and midwifery;
his opinion, that admiration 1 is the parent of philo-
sophy; the active and passive powers 2 of matter, aris-
ing from the perpetual flux and motion of all things,
(being the doctrine of Heraclitus and others,) ex-
plained; the reflections on philosophical leisure, and
on a liberal turn of mind opposed to the little cunning
and narrow thoughts of mere men of business; the
description of Heraclitus's followers, then very numer-
ous in Ionia, particularly at Ephesus; the account of
the tenets of Parmenides and of Melissus, directly
1 Δια το θαυμαζειν οι ανθρωποι, και νυν και πρωτον, ηρξαντο
pilogo delv, &c. Aristot. Metaphys. L. 1. p. 335. Ed. Sylburg.
2 There is a near affinity between this, and Mr. Locke's ac-
count in the beginning of his chapter on Power, L. 2. c. 21.
and in his reflections on our ideas of secondary qualities. B. 2.
C. 8. See also Cudworth's Intellectual System, B. 1. C. 1.
sect. 7.
3 They maintained, us £v ta avta coti, kai ÉOTNIEV AUTO EV
αυτω, ουκ εχον χωραν, εν ώ κινειται.
Socrates speaks with respect of these two philosophers, par-
ticularly of Parmenides : Ilapuercons de Mol Dalvetai (kata TO TOU
“Ομηρου) αιδοιος τε μου ειναι αμα δεινος τε συμπροσεμιξα γαρ τω
ανδρι πανυ νεος πανυ πρεσβυτη, και μου εφανη βαθος τι εχειν
mavtataOl yevvalov. (p. 183.) and in the Sophist, p. 217. Oiov
TOTE kac IIapueviOn Xpwlevw, &c. and ib. p. 237. IIapuercons de
ó meyas, &c.
208
NOTES ON PLATO.
contrary to those of the former; the distinction between
our senses, the instruments through which the mind
perceives external objects, and the mind itself, which
judges of their existence, their likeness and their differ-
ence, and founds? its knowledge on the ideas which it
abstracts from them ; to which we may add, the com-
parison of ideas fixed in the memory2 to impressions
made in wax, and the dwelling on this similitude in
order to shew the several imperfections of this faculty
in different constitutions.
1 P. 184, 5, and 6.] Compare this with Locke's Definition of
Knowledge, B. 4. c. 1.
2 P. 191 to 194.] Here also see Locke on retention, B. 2. C.
THE SOPHIST.
Ε, ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΟΝΤΟΣ.
ON THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN PHILOSOPHY AND
SOPHISTRY.
Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 216.
I AM convinced that this is a continuation of the Theæ-
tetus, which ends with these words, Εωθεν δε, ω θεοδωρα,
δευρο παλιν απαντωμεν, as this begins, Κατα την χθες
ομολογιαν, ω Σωκρατες, αυτοι τε κοσμιως ήκομεν, και
τονδε τινα ξενον αγομεν. The persons are the same,
except the philosopher of the Eleatick school, who is
here introduced, and who carries on the disputation
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 216. Ετερον τε των αμφι Παρμενιδην και Ζηνωνα εταιρων.]
Read for έτερον, έταιρον.
Ib. Οποσοι μετεχουσιν αιδούς.] Ηom. Odyss. P. τ. 485.
Ib. Καθορωντες υψοθεν.] Lucretius, L. 2. ν. 9.
217. Δι' ερωτησεων.] We see therefore that Parmenidles prae-
tised the dialectick method of reasoning, which his scholar Zeno
first reduced to an art, as Aristotle tells us, and also Laertius,
L. 9. 8 25.
218. Σωκρατη.] The younger Socrates about the same age
with Plato and Theatetus. (Vid. Plato Epist. 11.)
226. Οικετικων ονοματων.] Vulgar and trivial terms. Vide
Longinum, s. 43.
VOL. IV.
210
NOTES ON PLATO.
with Theatetus while both Theodorus and Socrates
continue silent. The apparent subject of it is the
character of a sophist, which is here at large displayed
in opposition to that of a philosopher; but here too he
occasionally attacks the opinions of Protagoras, Hera-
clitus, Empedocles, and others, on the incertitude of all
existence and on the perpetual flux of matter.
This dialogue, in a translation, would suit the taste
of the present age still less even than the Theatetus;
NOTES.
P.232. Ta IIpwrayopela.] Laertius (L. 9. sect. 52.) tells us that
the works of Protagoras were publickly burnt at Athens, yet he
reckons up a number of them as still extant in his time : and
we see, both here and in the Theatetus, that they were left by
the author, at his departure from Athens, in the hands of
Callias, and were known to every one there : dednjoo Wueva Trou
καταβεβληται.
Ib. Tns Avriloylans.] Protagoras had left a work in two
books entitled Artilorlal; whence Aristoxenus (Laert. L. 3. S.
37.) accuses Plato of borrowing a great part of his work De
Republica.
234. 'Ds eyyutaTaTw avev TWV Taonuarwv.] This is undoubt-
edly the true reading και ως εγγυτατω μαθηματων is very poor and
insipid.
235. OUKOUV do Ol Ye Twv Meyalwv.] Hence the Abbé Sallier
collects (Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, Vol. 8. p. 97.) that
the Ancients were no strangers to perspective, both lineal and
aerial. See Plato de Republ. L. 10. p. 606. on poetical imita-
tion, and Vitruvius, L. 7. c. 5. The words seem only to relate
to colossal figures, where the upper parts must be made larger,
as they are farther removed from the eye.
Ib. Tys Taldelas METEXovtwv.] Read, tms Tadas.
Ib. Ovde allo yevos ovdev.] Plato seems to triumph here in
his own method of division and distinction,
THE SOPHIST.
211
particularly that part which is intended to explain the
nature of existence, and of non-existence, which to me
is obscure beyond all comprehension, partly perhaps
from our ignorance of the opinions of those philoso-
phers, which are here refuted; and partly from the
abstracted nature of the subject, and not a little, I
doubt, from Plato's manner of treating it.
The most remarkable things in this dialogue appear
to be, his description of that disorder and want of sym-
metry in the soul, produced by ignorance, which puts
NOTES.
P. 237. IIappevidns de ô meyas.] A fragment of Parmenides's
Poem. See at large in Sextus Empiricus.
Ib. Αυτον τε καταχρησασθαι, used for χρησασθαι simply.
242. 'Is tpia ta ovta.] Perhaps Anaxagoras, who thought
the formation of animals was eg úypov, kai depuov, kai vewdolls.
Diog. Lacrt. L. 2. s. 9. See also Plutarch de Iside et Osiride.
Παντων εκ μαχης και αντιπαθειας την γενεσιν εχοντων.
Ib. Avw de eTepos ElTwv.] See Themistius in Physica Aris-
totelis, and D. Laert. L. 9. 22 and 29.
Ib. Ato Eevopavoûs KAL ETC TT poodev.] Xenophanes the Colo-
phonian, was master to Parmenides. We see there was an
Eleatick school, even before Xenophanes's time.
Ib. Evos OVTOS TWP Tartwr.] This was a tenet of Parmenides,
though far more ancient than he. See the Theatetus, p. 180.
'Olov AKLVNTOV TeleOel, &c. : these Plato calls ól tov 'Olov otact-
ωται, ειnd the opposite sect he calls oι δεοντες, the followers of
Heraclitus. (Theatetus, p. 181.) This tenet was continued
from himn to his scholars, Zeno and Melissus. D. Laert. L. 9.
s. 29.
Ib. Iades.] Which he calls al OUTOVwTepal twv Movoww• I
imagine that he speaks of Heraclitus : Σικελικαι αι μαλακωτεραι:
he means Empedocles; Allote Mev pilotnti, &c. ap. Plutarch.
244. Fragment of Parmenides : Ilavtodev EUKUK, &c. read
the last verse thus: OUTE 8e3a1OTcpop Telect Xpeup EST Th 7 TP.
212
NOTES ON PLATO.
it off its bias on its way to happiness, the great end
of human actions : the distinction he makes between
Αγνοια and Aμαθια ; the first of which, Αγνοια, is
ignorance which mistakes itself for knowledge, and
which (as long as this sentiment attends it) is without
hope of remedy: the explanation of the Socratick mode
of instruction (adapted to this peculiar kind of ignor-
ance) by drawing a person's errors gradually from his
own moutb, ranging them together, and exposing to his
own eyes their inconsistency and weakness: the com-
parison of that representation of things given us by the
sophists, and pieces of painting, which placed at a
NOTES.
P. 246. TiyavTouaxia.] Between those whom he calls óc ynye-
VELS, the materialists, and the spiritualists, among which was
Plato himself.
Ib. IIet pas kal Opus.] An allusion to the Giants' manner of
fighting, armed with mountains and rocks; and also to that
249. See the opinions of Heraclitus apud Sext. Empiricum,
and in Plato's Theatetus.
251. Tols ofiuab eo..] Either the sophists themselves, or such
as admired their contests.
252. Evtos útopOeyyouevov, 's tov atomov Evpuklea.) Eurycles
was an Eyyaotpijudos, who could fetch a voice from the belly
or the stomach, and set up for a prophet. Those who had the
same faculty were called after him Euryclita. See Aristophanes
Vespæ, v. 1014. et Scholia. For such as are possessed of this
faculty can manage their voice in so wonderful a manner, that
it shall seem to come from what part they please, not of them-
selves only, but of any other person in the company, or even
from the bottom of a well, down a chimney, from below stairs,
&c. of which I myself have been witness.
THE SOPHIST.
213
certain distance, deceive the young and inexperienced
into an opinion of their reality : and the total change
of ideas in young men when they come into the world,
and begin to be acquainted with it by their own sensa-
tions, and not by description. All these passages are
extremely good.
NOTES.
P. 265. We see here that it was the common opinion, that the
creation of things was the work of blind uuintelligent nature,
Την Φυσιν παντα γεννάν απο τινος αιτιας αυτοματης, και ανευ
davolas puovons: whereas the contrary was the result of philo-
sophical reflection and disquisition, believed by a few people
only,
268. Tautns ons yeveas.] See Hom. Il. Z et passim
POLITICUS.
H, IIEPI BAZIAEIAE.
THIS dialogue is a continuation of the Sophist, as the
Sophist is a continuation of the Theatetus; and they
are accordingly ranged together by Thrasyllus in that
order (Diog. Laert. in Platon, s. 58.); though Serranus
in his edition has separated them. The persons are
the same, only that here the younger Socrates is intro-
duced, instead of Theætetus, carrying on the conversa-
tion with the stranger from Elea. The principal heads
of it are the following:
P. 258. The division of the sciences into speculative
and practical.
P. 259. The master, the ceconomist, the politician,
the king; which are taken as different names for men
of the same profession.
NOTES ON THE GRELK TEXT.
Platon. Op. Serrani. Vol. 2. p. 257.
P. 257. Tov Ajuwva.] Theodorus was of Cyrene.
264. Tais ev tw Neilw TIDAD CELALS.] Probably in or near those
cities of Egypt where the Lepidotus, Oxyrinchus, and other fish
of the Nile were worshipped ; those fish, by being unmolested
and constantly fed, might be grown tame, as in the river Chalus
in Syria, mentioned by Xenophon (Cyri Anab. L. 1. p. 254. ed.
Leunclav.), where all fish were held sacred.
POLITICUS.
215
The private man, who can give lessons of govern-
ment to such as publickly exercise this art, deserves
the name of royal no less than they.
No difference between a great family and a small
commonwealth.
The politician must command on his own judgment,
and not by the suggestion of others. (avtET ITAKTOS.) 1
P. 262. The absurdity of the Greeks, who divided
all mankind into Greeks and barbarians. The folly of
all distinction and division without a difference.
P. 269. The fable of the contrary revolutions in the
universe at periodical times, with the alternate destruc-
tion and reproduction of all creatures.
P. 273. The disorder and the evil in the natural
it was yet a chaos.
The former revolution, in which the Divinity him-
self immediately conducted every thing, is called the
1 P. 261. Kav diapulagns to un orovdA SELV ETL TOLS ovouaol,
πλουσιωτερος εις το γηρας αναφανηση φρονησεως.
2 Plato, with the Pythagoreans, looked upon matter as co-
eternal with the Deity, but receiving its order and design entirely
from him. (See Timæus, the Locrian, de Animâ Mundi.)
NOTES.
P. 266. TWP at pos yelwra.] An allusion perhaps to the Aves of
Aristophanes, or to some other comick writer, for Plato (as well
as Socrates) had often been the subject of their ridicule.
Ib. Ev TY TEPL TOV OOPlotnv.] V. Sophistam, p. 227.
268. IIepi Toy Arpews.] See Euripid. Orest. v. 1001, and
269. Mnt' av duw tive Oew.] Alluding to the Persian doctrine
of a good and of an evil principle.
216
NOTES ON PLATO.
Saturnian age; the present revolution, when the world
goes the contrary way, being left to its own 1 conduct.
Mankind are now guided by their own free-will, and
are preserved by their own inventions.
P. 275. The nature of the monarch in this age is no
other than that of the people which he commands.
P. 276. His government must be with the consent
of the people.
Clear and certain knowledge is rare and in few
instances; we are forced to supply this defect by com-
parison and by analogy. Necessity of tracing things
up to their first principles. Examples of logical
division.
Greater, or less, with respect to our actions, are not
to be considered as mere relations only depending on
one another, but are to be referred to a certain - middle
term, which forms 2 the standard of morality.
P. 284. All the arts consist in measurement, and
are divided into two classes : 1st. those arts which
· compare dimensions, numbers, or motions, each with
its contrary, as greater with smaller, more with less,
i He here too, with Timæus, considers the universe as one
rast, animated, and intelligent body. Zwovov, kai Opovnou
ειληχος εκ του συναρμοσαντος αυτο κατ' αρχας. p. 269. Τελειον,
EuYuxov te kai loyikov, kal o palpoeldes owua. Timæus, p. 94.
2 This is the fundamental principle of Aristotle's ethicks,
L. 2. c. 7. et passim.
NOTE.
P. 272. Mubovs.] He seems to allude to the Æsopick (See
Aristot. Rhetor. L. 2. Sect. 21.) Libyan, and Sybaritick
fables. See Aristophan. Aves v. 471. 652. and 808. and Vespa
v. 1418.
POLITICUS.
217
swifter with slower; and 2dly, those, which compare
them by their distances from some middle point, seated
between two extremes, in which consists what is right,
fit, and becoming.
The design of these distinctions, and of the manner
used before in tracing out the idea of a sophist and a
politician, is to form the mind to a habit of logical
division.
The necessity of illustrating our contemplations,
on abstract and spiritual subjects, by sensible and
material images is stated.
P. 286. An apology for his prolixity.
Principal, and concurrent,3 or instrumental causes,
are named; the division of the latter, with their several
productions, is into seven classes of arts which are neces-
sary to society: viz.
1 See p. 286. Thus Mr. Locke, speaking of the institution
of language, observes, that “men to give names which might
make known to others any operations they felt in themselves,
or any other idea which came not under their senses, were fain
to borrow words from ordinary known ideas of sensation, by
that means to make others the more easily to conceive those
operations which they experimented in themselves, which made
no outward sensible appearances.”
? Athenæus has preserved a large fragment of Epicrates, a
comick poet, in which Plato's divisions are made the subject of
his ridicule. L. 2. p. 59.
3 Altlov Kal OUValtiov. Terms also used by the Pythagoreans.
Vid. Timæum Locrum in principio.
NOTE.
P. 283. Makpotepa TOU deovtos.] It is plain, that the length of
Plato's digressions had been censured and ridiculed by some
of his contemporaries (particularly his dialogue called “the
Sophist”), and that he here makes his own apology.
218
NOTES ON PLATO.
1. To mpwToyEVES ELDOS. That class which furnishes
materials for all the rest; it includes the arts of mining,
hewing, felling, &c.
2. Opyavov. The instruments employed in all
manufactures, with the arts which make them.
3. Ayyelov. The vessels to contain and preserve
our nutriment, and other moveables furnished by the
potter, joiner, brazier, &c.
4. Oxopa. Carriages, seats, vehicles for the land and
water, &c. by the coach-maker, ship and boat-builder, &c.
5. IIpoßinu... Shelter, covering, and defence, as
houses, clothing, tents, arms, &c. by the architect,
weaver, armourer, &c.
6. Ilacyvlov. Pleasure and amusement, as painting,
musick, sculpture, &c.
7. Opeupo.. Nourishment, supplied by agriculture,
hunting, cookery, &c. and regulated by the gymnastick
and medical arts.
NOTES.
P. 284. To un ov.] V. Sophist, p. 237.
290. The Egyptian kings were all of them priests, and if any
of another class usurped the throne, they too were obliged to
291. Ilaudulov tl yevos.] Vid. mox, p. 303.
299. Metewpoloyos.] Alluding to the fate of Socrates, and
to the Nubes of Aristophanes, as he frequently does. This is a
remarkable passage.
302. The corruption of the best form of government is the
worst and the most intolerable of all.
Ib. Inu Tou kai Aldous.] See the ancient manner of refining
gold, in Diodorus L. 2. or iu the Excerpta of Agatharchides de
Mari Erythræo.
303. Adapas.] Found in the gold-mines mixed with the ore.
POLITICUSLII
219
.
P. 289. None of these arts have any pretence to, or
competition with, the art1 of governing; no more than
the ÚTnpETIKOV kau diaKOVIKOV yevos, which voluntarily
exercise the employment of slaves, such as merchants,
bankers, and tradesmen : the priesthood too are in-
cluded under this bead, as interpreters between the
gods and men, not from their own judgment, but either
P. 291. There are three kinds of government, mon-
archy, oligarchy, and democracy: the two first are dis-
tinguished into four, royalty, tyranny, aristocracy, and
oligarchy-proper.
P. 294. The imperfection of all laws arises from the
impossibility of adapting them to the continual change
of circumstances, and to particular cases.
P. 296. Force may be employed by the wise and
just legislator to good ends.
P. 299. The supposition of a set of rules in physick,
in agriculture, or in navigation, drawn up by a majority
of the citizens, and not to be transgressed under pain
of death ; applied to the case of laws made by the
people.
P. 307. Some nations are destroyed by an excess of
spirit; others by their own inoffensiveness and love of
1 Aristotle in the same manner calls this great art, Kupiwtatn
και μαλιστα αρχιτεκτονικη των επιστημων και δυναμεων τινας γαρ
ειναι χρεων εν ταις πόλεσι και ποιας έκαστους μανθανειν, και μεχρι
τινος, αυτη διατασσει. “Ορωμεν δε τας εντιμοτατας των δυναμεων
υπο ταυτην ουσας οιον στρατηγικην, οικονομικην, ρητορικην, &c.
Aristot. Ethic. Nicom. L. 1. C. 2. See also p. 304. of this
dialogue.
220
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 308. The office of true policy is to temper courage
with moderation, and moderation with courage. Policy
presides over education.
This dialogue seems to be a very natural introduc-
tion to the books De Republica, and was doubtless so
intended. See particularly L. 3. p. 410. &c. and L. 4.
p. 442.
DE REPUBLICA.
ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΩΝ,
Η
ΠΕΡΙ ΔΙΚΑΙΟΥ.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 327.
THE scene of this dialogue lies at the house of Cephalus,
a rich old Syracusan, father to Lysias the orator, then
residing in the Piraeus, on the day of the Bendidea, a
festival, then first celebrated there with processions,
races, and illuminations in honour of the Thracian1
Diana. The persons engaged in the conversation, or
present at it, are Cephalus himself, Polemarchus, Lysias
and Euthydemus, his three sons; Glauco and Adiman-
tus, sons of Aristo and brothers to Plato; Niceratus,
son of Nicias ; Thrasymachus the sophist of Chalcedon ;
Clitophon, son of Aristonymus, and Charmantides of
Pæania, and Socrates.
As to the time of these dialogues, it is sure that
1 She had a temple in the Piræeus, called the Bendideum,
(Xenoph. Gr. Hist. L. 2. p. 472.) founded perhaps on this oc-
casion. See the Republ. p. 354. “ElotiaO OW EV TOLS BEVOLDELOLS :"
the festival was celebrated in the heat of summer, (see Strab. L.
10. p. 471. TW Bevdidiwy IIXatwv jeuvrtal.) on the 19th day of
Thargelion, as Proclus tells us, Comment. 1. ad Timæum.
? An admirer and scholar of Thrasymachus, (See Clitophont.
p. 406.) and friend of Lysias.
222
NOTES ON PLATO.
Cephalus died about 01. 84. 1, and that his son Lysias
was born fifteen years before Ol. 80. 2, consequently
they must fall between these two years, and probably
not long before Cephalus's death, when he was seventy
years old or more; and Lysias was a boy of ten or
twelve and upwards. Therefore I should place it in
the 83d Ol. (Vid. Fastos Atticos Edit. Corsini, V. 2.
Dissert. 13. p. 312.) but I must observe that this is not
easily reconcileable with the age of Adimantus and
Glauco, who are here introduced, as men grown up,
and consequently must be at least thirty-six years older
than their brother Plato. If this can be allowed, the
action at Megara there mentioned must be that which
happened Ol. 83. 2. under Pericles; and the institution
of the Bendidea must have been Ol. 83. 3 or 4. It is
observable also that Theages is mentioned in L. 6. p.
496 of this dialogue, as advanced in the study of philo-
sophy. He was very young, when his father Demodocus
put him under the care of Socrates, which was in Ol.
92. 3. and consequently thirty-five years after the time
which Corsini would assign to this conversation.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK I.
HEADS OF THE FIRST DIALOGUE.
The pleasures of old age and the advantages of wealth.
P. 335. The just man hurts no one, not even his
enemies.
P. 338. The sophist's definition of justice; namely,
that it is the advantage of our superiours, 1 to which the
laws of every government oblige the subjects to con-
form. Refuted.
P. 341. The proof, that the proper office of every art
is to act for the good of its inferiors.
P. 343. The sophist's attempt to shew, that justice
(stavu yevvaca eundela p. 348.) is not the good of those
who possess it, but of those who do not: and that
injustice is only blamed in such as have not the art to
carry it to its perfection. Refuted.
P. 347. In a state composed all of good men, no
one would be ambitious of governing.
1 Το του κρειττονος συμφερον-Τιθεται γε τους νομους έκαστη η
αρχη προς το αυτη συμφερον δημοκρατια μεν δημοκρατικους, τυραννις
δε τυραννικους, και αλλαι ουτω θεμεναι δε απεφηναν τουτο-δικαιον
TOLS apxoueVOLS ELVAL TO ODLoi ouppepov. Vid. Plat. de Legib. L.
4. p. 714.
224
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 349. The perfection of the arts consists in attain-
ing a certain rule of proportion. The musician does
not attempt to excel his fellows by straining or stopping
his chords higher or lower than they ; for that would
produce dissonance and not harmony: the physician
does not try to exceed his fellows by prescribing a
larger or less quantity of nourishment, or of medicines,
than conduces to health ; and so of the rest. The
unjust man therefore, who would surpass all the rest
of his fellow-creatures in the quantity of his pleasures
and powers, acts like one ignorant in the art of life, in
which only the just are skilled.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 327. Kateßnv xoes.] Vid. Dionys. Halicarnass. de Colloc.
Verborum.-Quintil. L. 8. C. ult. A remarkable instance of
Plato's nice and scrupulous attention to the sound and numbers
of his prose. “Nec aliud potest sermonem facere numerosum,
quam opportuna ordinis mutatio ; neque alio in ceris Platonis
inventa sunt quatuor illα υerύα, (Κατεβην χθες ες Πειραία) quibus
in ILLO PULCHERRIMO OPERUM in Piræeum se descendisse signi-
ficat, plurimis modis scripta, quam quod eum quoque maxime
facere experiretur.
Ib. Ty Oew.] To Diana, and not to Minerva, as Serranus
imagined. See De Republ. p. 354.
328. 'Notep Tiva odov.] V. Cicer. de Senect. C. 2. who here
and elsewhere has closely imitated these admirable dialogues.
331. Impotpogos.] A fine fragment of Pindar, and another of
Simonides. Tully (Epist. ad Attic. L. 4. E. 16.) has observed
the propriety of Cephalus leaving the company, as it was not
decent for a man of great age and character to enter into dispute
with boys and sophists on such a subject, nor to have continued
silent without any share in the conversation. Tully himself
had imitated the conduct of Plato, in his books de Republicâ :
the interlocutors were Scipio Almilianus, Lælius, Scayola, Philus,
DE REPUBLICA.
225
P. 351. The greatest and most signal injustices,
which one state and society can commit against
another, cannot be perpetrated without a strict adher-
ence to justice, among the particular members of such
a state and society: so that there is no force nor
strength without a degree of justice.
P. 352. Injustice even in one single mind must set
it at perpetual variance with itself, (De Republ. L. 8.
p. 554.) as well as with all others.
P. 353. Virtue is the proper office, the wisdom, the
strength, and the happiness of the human soul.
NOTES.
Manilius, and others. Philus there supported the cause of in-
justice, as Thrasymachus does here; and the whole concluded
with a discourse on the Soul's immortality, and the Dream of
Scipio, as this does with the Vision of Er, the Pamphylian.
Vid. Cicer. de Amicitiâ, C. 5 and 7. and Macrob. in Somn.
Scip. L. 1. c. 1.
P. 336. IIePOikkov.] The second of the name, often mentioned
by Thucydides.
Ib. Iounnlov.] This must probably be some ancestor of that
Ismenias, who betrayed Thebes to the Spartans about eighteen
years after the death of Socrates.
338. Polydamas a celebrated pancratiast, whose statue at
Olympia was looked upon as miraculous in after-ages, and was
believed to cure fevers. (Lucian. in Concil. Deor. Vol. 2.
p. 714.)
VOL. IV.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK II.
HEADS OF THE SECOND DIALOGUE.
P. 357. Good is of three kinds : the-Tirst we
embrace for 1 itself, without regard to its consequences;
such are all innocent delights and amusements.
The Second, both for itself and for its consequences,
as health, strength, sense, &c. ..
The Third, for its consequences only, as labour,
medicine, &c. The second of these is the most perfect :
the justice of this class. Objection : To consider it
i De Legib. L. 2. p. 667.
NOTES.
P. 358. 'Notep opus.] An allusion to the manner of charming
serpents, both by the power of certain plants and stones, and
by incantations, still practised, and pretended to be valid, in
the east, and described by many travellers.
360. ETALVOLEV av autov.] See Locke on the Human Under-
standing, C. 3. s. 6.
362. Avao Xivòllevonoeta..] Hesychius explains it, avaskol-
οπισθηναι, ανασταυρωθηναι.
363. Akpas ME TE pepelv.] Hesiod Epy. kai Huep. v. 233.
Ib. Ilaidas yap rraldwv.] The Oracle given to Glaucus. Vid.
Herodot. Erato, C. 86. see also the description of the Elysian
fields : kalliomos apetns ulodos, neon alwrlos. Musæus was of
:: DE REPUBLICA.
· 227
rightly we must separate it from honour and from
reward, and view it simply as it is in itself, viz:
P. 358. Injustice is a real good to its possessor,
and justice is an evil : but as men feel more pain in
suffering than inflicting injury, and as the greater part
are more exposed to suffer it than capable of inflicting
it, they have by compact agreed neither to do nor to
suffer injustice; which is a medium calculated for the
general benefit, between that which is best of all,
namely, to do injustice without fear of punishment,
and that which is worst, to suffer it without a possi-
bility of revenge. This is the origin of what we call
justice.
Such as practise the rules of justice do it from their
inability to do otherwise, and consequently against
their will. Story of 1 Gyges's ring, by which he could
1. V. Cic. de Offic. L. 3. C. 9. where he attributes to Gyges
himself what Plato relates of one of his ancestors.
NOTES.
Eleusis, and scholar to Orpheus; he addressed a poem which
bore the title of 'TToonkat, to his son Eumolpus: they were of
Thracian origin :
Ορφευς μεν γαρ τελετας θ' ημίν κατεδειξε, φονων τ' απεχεσθαι:
Movoalos, ♡ etaKEGELS TE VOOW, Kal xpnouous. Aristophan.
Rane. V. 1064 ;
where the Scholiast adds, speaking of Musæus ; IIaida Deanuns
και Ευμολπου Φιλοχορος φησιν παραλυσεις, και τελετας και καθαρ-
μους συντεθεικεν. Suidas nmakes him the Son of Antiphemus και
'Elevns (read Eelnums) yuvalkos. But it is apparent, that in
Plato's time he was understood to be the son, not of a woman,
but of the moon; and so the inscription on his tomb at Phalerus
represents him, which is cited by the Scholiast before-mentioned,
and in the Anthologia.
228
NOTES ON PLATO.
make himself invisible at pleasure. No person, who.
possessed such a ring, but would do wrong. .
P. 360. Life of the perfectly unjust man, who con-
ceals his true character from the world, and that of
the perfectly just man who seems the contrary in the
eye of the world, are compared : the happiness of the
former is contrasted with the misery of the latter.
P. 362. The advantages of probity are not there-
fore (according to this representation) in itself, but in
things exterior to it, in honours and rewards, and they
attend not on being, but on seeming, honest.
P. 363. Accordingly the praises bestowed on justice,
and the reproaches on injustice, by our parents and
governours, are employed not on the thing itself, but
on its consequences. The Elysian fields and the
punishments of Tartarus are painted in the strongest
colours by the poets; while they represent the practice
of virtue as difficult and laborious, and that of vice, as
easy and delightful. They add, that the gods often
NOTES,
P. 363. Els inlov.] See the Ranæ of Aristophanes.
Ib. Emaywyai kai katadeouoL twv Dewv.] Incantations and
magical rites, to hurt one's enemies, were practised in Greece
and taught by vagabond priests and prophets : a number of
books ascribed to Musæus and Orpheus were carried about
by such people, prescribing various expiatory ceremonies and
mysterious rites : so the chorus of Satyrs in the Cyclops of
Euripides ;
Αλλ' ουδ' επωδης Ορφεως αγαθην πανυ,
Ως αυτοματον τον δαλον εις το κρανιον
Στειχονθ' ύφαπτειν τον μονωπα παιδα γης.
V. 642. Cycl. Eurip.
DE REPUBLICA.
229
.
bestow misery on the former, and prosperity and suc-
cess on the latter; and, at the same time, they teach
us how to expiate our crimes, and even how to hurt our
enemies, by prayers, by sacrifices, and by incantations.
P. 366. The consequence is, (by this mode of argu-
ment) that to dissemble well with the world is the way
may buy the favour of the gods at a trifling expense.
P. 369. The nature of political justice. The image
of a society in its first formation : it is founded on our
natural imbecility, and on the mutual occasion we have
for each other's assistance. Our first and most press-
ing necessity, is that of food; the second, of habita-
tion; the third, of clothing. The first and most neces-
sary society must therefore consist of a ploughman, a
builder, a shoemaker, and a weaver : but, as they will
want instruments, a carpenter and a smith will be
requisite; and as cattle will be wanted, as well for their
skins and wool, as for tillage and carriage, they must
NOTES.
P. 364. Fragment of Pindar ; Ilotepov dikas teixos ixlov, &c.
and of Archilochus, Alwteka ÉRKTEOV, &c. All the ideas which
the Greeks had of the gods, were borrowed from the poets.
366. OI Avolol Deol.] These divinities were probably enumer-
ated in the Ilapalvoels of Musæus : there were mysterious rites
celebrated to Bacchus under the name of Avolol Teletal. See
Suidas.
368. Tyv Meyapôi maxnv.] This must, as I imagine, be the
happened Ol. 89. 1, and if so, both Glauco and Adimantus must
have been many years older than their brother Plato, who was
then but five years old.
230
NOTES ON PLATO.
take in shepherds and the herdsmen. As one country
produces not everything, they will have occasion for
some imported commodities, which cannot be procured
without exportations in return, so that a commerce must
be carried on by merchants; and if it be performed by
sea, there will be an occasion for mariners and pilots.
Further; as the employment of the shepherds, agricul-
tors, mechanics, merchants, and such persons will not
permit them to attend the markets, there must be re-
tailers and tradesmen, and money to purchase with; and
there must be servants to assist all these, that is, persons
who let out their strength for hire. Such an establish-
ment will not be long without a degree of luxury, which
will increase the city with a vast variety of artificers, and
require a greater extent of territory to support them :
they will then encroach on their neighbours. Hence
the origin of war. A militia will be required : but as
this is an art, which will engross the whole man, and
NOTES.
P. 368. 22 Taldes EKELVOU TOV av/pos.] So Socrates in the Phile-
bus, speaking of Callias.
372. Epeßiowy kal kvauwv.] This was a common dessert
among the Greeks, both eaten raw, when green and tender, or
when dry, parched in the fire. See Athenæus, L. 2. p. 54. So
Xenophanes of Colophon in Parodis:
Χειμωνος εν ώρα
Πινoντα γλυκυν οινον, υποτρωγοντ’ ερεβινθους.
And Theocritus, in describing a rustick entertainment,
Οινον απο κρατηρος αφυξω
Παρ πυρι κεκλιμενος" κυαμον δε τις εν πυρι φρυξει,
Xά στιβας εσσείται πεπυκασμενα εστ' επι πάχυν
Κνυσα τ', ασφοδελω τε, πολυγναμπτωτε σελινω. :
Theocr. Idyll. 7. v. 65..
DE REPUBLICA.
231
.
take up all his time, to acquire and exercise it, a dis-
tinct body will be formed of chosen men for the defence
of the state.
P. 374. The nature of a soldier : he must have quick-
ness of sense, agility, and strength, invincible spirit
tempered with gentleness and goodness of heart, and
an understanding apprehensive and desirous of know-
ledge.
P. 376. The education of such a person. Errors
and dangerous prejudices are instilled into young minds
by the Greek poets. The scandalous fables of Homer
and of Hesiod, who attribute injustice, enmity, anger and
deceit to the gods, are reprobated : and the immutable
goodness, truth, justice, mercy, and other attributes of
the Divinity are nobly asserted.
NOTES.
· P. 372. 'Twv Toliv.] So Crobylus (ap. Athenæum p. 54.) calls
this kind of eatables, IIcOnkou tpayuara, the monkey's dessert.
373. Eußwtal.] So he calls the OYOTOLOL Kal mayelpoi, allud-
ing to what Glauco had said before of the 'wv Tols : or perhaps,
because the flesh of logs was more generally eaten and esteemed
than any other in Greece, he mentions them principally.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK IΙI.
HEADS OF THE THIRD DIALOGUE.
P. 386. Wrong notions of a future state are instilled
into youth by the poets, whence arises an unmanly fear
of death.
P. 388. Excessive sorrow and excessive 1 laughter
are equally unbecoming a man of worth.
P. 389. Falsehood and 2 fiction are not permitted,
but where they are for the good of mankind; and con-
i V. Plato. de Legib. L. 5. p. 732.
2 Plato himself has given the example of such inventions in
his Phædo, in his Phædrus, in the De Republ. L. 10: and in
the Gorgias he follows the opinion of Timæus and of the Pytha-
goreans. Vid. de Animâ Mundi, p. 104. Vid. et de Legib. L.
2. p. 663. Nouooerns de ou Tl Kal Oulkpov opelos, &c.
NOTES.
P. 378. Ou xolpov.] The usual sacrifice before the Eleusinian
mysteries. See Aristoph. in Pace,
Ες χοιριδιον μοι νυν δανεισαν τρεις δραχμας,
Ael yap yunonval Me. V. 373.
381. IIeplepxovTAL VUKTwp.] The heroes were supposed to
walk in the night, (see Lucian de morte Peregrini, p. 579. Ed.
Grævii.) and to strike with blindness, or with some other mis-
chief, any who met them : they who passed by their fanes
DE REPUBLICA.
233
sequently they are not to be trusted but in skilful
hands.
P. 390. Examples of impiety and of bad morality
in the poets, 1 and in other ancient writers.
P. 392. Poetick eloquence is divided into narration
(in the writer's own person), and imitation (in some
assumed character). Dithyrambicks usually consist
wholly of the former, dramatick poesy of the latter, the
epick, &c. of both mixed.
P. 395. Early imitation becomes a second nature.
The soldier is not permitted to imitate any thing mis-
becoming his own character, and consequently he is
neither permitted to write, nor to play, any part which
he himself would not act in life.
P. 396. Imitative expression in oratory, or in ges-
ture, is restrained by the same principle.
Musick must be regulated. The Lydian, Syntono-
Lydian, and Ionian harmonies are banished, as accom-
modated to the soft enervate passions; but the Dorian
and the Phrygian harmonies are permitted, as manly,
See also de Republ. L. 8. p. 568.
NOTES.
always kept a profound silence : see the Aves of Aristophan.
v. 1485.
Ει γαρ εντυχοι τις ηρωϊ
Twv BpotWV VUKTWP-Kti. and the Schol. on the passage.
P. 387. Avtos avtw avtapkns.] V. Cicer. de Amicitiâ, c. 2,
who has imitated this passage.
389. Twv o SmucoepYou caou.] Hom. Odys. P. V. 383.
393. Mijeloba..] Tully says of himself: "Ipse mea legens,
sic interdum afficior, ut Catonem, non me, loqui existimem.”
(De Amicit. c. 1.)
234
NOTES ON PLATO.
decent, and persuasive. All instruments of great com-
pass and of luxuriant harmony, the lyra, the cythara,
and the fistula, are allowed; and the various rhythms
or movements are in like manner restrained.
NOTES.
P. 398. Μιξολυδιστι.] The Dorian harmony is thus described
by Heraclides Ponticus ap. Αthenaeum, L. 14. p. 624. Η μεν
ουν Δωριος αρμονια το ανδρωδες εμφαινει και το μεγαλοπρεπες, και
ου διακεχυμενον ουδ' ιλαρον, αλλα σκυθρωπον και σφοδρον, ουτε δε
ποικιλον, ουτε πολυτροπον. The Syntono-Lydian and Ionian are
mentioned by Pratinas; (Athenæus ib.)
Μη συντονον διωκε, μητ' ανείμενης
Ιαστι ουσαν" Athenaeus ut sup. (Platon. Lachet. p. 188.).
The Ionian was frequently used in the tragick chorus, as being
accommodated to sorrow, as was also the Mixo-Lydian, invented
by Sappho. See Burette on Plutarch de Musicâ, note 102. 103.
Vol. 10. and 13. of the Mém. de l'Acad. des Belles-Lettres.
399. Τριγωνων.] The Τριγωνος was a triangular lyre of many
strings, of Phrygian invention, used (as the IINKTIS) to accom-
pany a chorus of voices. The latter is said to have been first
used by Sappho:
Πολυς δε Φρυξ τριγωνος, αντισπαστα γε
Αυδης εφυμνει πηκτιδος συγχορδια.
Sophocles in Mysis, ap. Αthenaeum, L. 14. p. 635, where per-
haps we should read Avons for Avons ; for Pindar, cited in the
same place, calls the Πηκτις 8 Lydian instrument, and Aris-
toxenus makes it the same as the Mayads, which Anacreon
tells us had twenty strings; afterwards, according to Apollodorus,
it was called Ψαλτηριον.
400. Tρια ειδη, εξ ών αι βασεις πλεκονται.] Τετταρα, όθεν αι
πασαι αρμονιαι.
Ιb. Εις Δαμωνα.] (V. Lachotenm, p. 180.) These opinions
of Plato on the efficacy of harmony and rhythm seem borrowed
from Damon : Ου κακως λεγουσι οι περι Δαμωνα τον Αθηναιον,
ότι τας ωδας και τας ορχησεις αναγκη γινεσθαι κινουμενης πως της
ψυχης, και αι μεν ελευθεριοι και καλαι ποιoυσι τοιαυτας αι δ' εναν-
τιαι τας εναντιας. Αthenaeus, L. 14. p. 628.
DE REPUBLICA.
235
P. 401. The same 1 principle is extended to painting,
sculpture, architecture, and to the other arts.
P. 403. Love is permitted, but abstracted from
bodily enjoyment. Diet and exercises, plain and simple
· meats, are prescribed.
P. 405. Many judges and physicians are a sure sign
of a society ill-regulated both in mind and in body.
Ancient physicians knew no medicines but for wounds,
fractures, epidemical distempers, and other acute com-
plaints. The diætetick and gymnastick method of
1 Iνα μη εν κακιας εικοσι τρεφομενοι ημίν οι φυλακες, ώσπερ
εν κακη βοτανη, πολλα έκαστης ημερας κατα σμικρον απο πολλων
δρεπομενοι τε και νεμομενοι, έν τι ξυνισταντες λανθανωσι κακον
μεγα εν τη αυτων ψυχη. Αλλ' εκεινους ζητητεον τους δημιουργους,
τους ευφυως δυναμενους ιχνευειν την του καλου τε και ευσχημονος
φυσιν ιν, ώσπερ εν υγιεινω τοπω οικουντες, οι νεοι ωφελωνται απο
παντος, όπoθεν αν αυτοις απο των καλων εργων η προς οψιν η προς
ακοην τι προσβαλη, ώσπερ αυρα φερουσα απο χρηστων τοπων
υγιειαν, και ευθυς εκ παιδων λανθανη εις ομοιότητα τε και φιλιαν
και συμφωνιαν τω καλω λογω αγoυσα. Πολυ καλλιστα ούτω
τραφείεν. De Republ. 3. p. 400.
NOTES.
Ρ. 404. Υπνωδης αυτη.] Euripides describes them as great
eaters ; Γναθου τε δουλος νηδυος θ' ήσσημενος. Fragment. Aitolyci
(Dramatis Satyrici) ap. Athenæum, L. 10. p. 413, where
Athenæus gives many instances of extreme voracity in the
most famous athlete, and adds, παντες γαρ οι αθληται μετα των
γυμνασματων και εσθιειν πολλα διδασκονται.
Ib. Συρακουσιων τραπεζαν.] Vid. Plat. Epist. 7. p. 326.
327. and 336.
405. Φευγων και διωκων.] The image of the talents and turn
of the Athenians at that time.
437. Πιλιδια.] Siclk people went abroad in a cap, or little
hat.
236
NOTES ON PLATO.
cure, or rather of protracting diseases, was not known
before Herodicus introduced it.
P. 409. The temper and disposition of an old man
of probity, fit to judge of the crimes of others, is
described.
P. 410. The temper 1 of men, practised in the exer-
cises of the body, but unacquainted with musick and
with letters, is apt to run into an obstinate and brutal
fierceness; and that of the contrary sort, into indolence
and effeminacy. The gradual neglect of this, in both
cases, is here finely painted.
P. 412. Choice of such of the soldiery, as are to
rise to the magistracy; namely, of those, who through
their life, have been proof to pleasure and to pain.
P. 414. An example of a beneficial fiction. It is
difficult to fix in the minds of men a belief in fables,
originally; but it is very easy to deliver it down to
posterity, when once established.
P. 416. The habitation of the soldiery : all luxury
in building to be absolutely forbidden them : they are
to have no patrimony, nor possessions, but to be sup-
ported and furnished with necessaries from year to year
by the citizens; they are to live and eat in common,
and to use no plate, nor jewels, nor money.
i Vid. Platon. Politicum, p. 307 and 308.
NOTES.
P. 409. OUKOU Kal latplanv.] See the Gorgias, p. 587 and 588.
414. ÞOLVLKIKOV T.] He alludes to the Theban fable of the
carth-born race, which sprang from the dragon's teeth, and
which, in another place, he calls To Tov Eidwlov uvooloynua,
meaning Cadmus. See de Legibus, L. 2. p. 663.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK IV.
HEADS OF THE FOURTH DIALOGUE.
P. 419. Objection : that the ovlakes (or soldiery),
in whose hands the government is placed, will have less
happiness and enjoyment of life than any of the meanest
citizens.
. Answer: that it is not the intention of the legis-
lature to bestow superiour happiness on any one class
of men in the state ; but that each shall enjoy such a
measure of it, as is consistent with the preservation of
the whole.
P. 421. Opulence and poverty are equally destructive
of a state ;2 the one producing luxury, indolence, and
i See De. Republ. L. 5. p. 466. and L. 7. p. 519.
2 See De Legib. L. 5. p. 729 and 743.
NOTES ON THE GRELK TEXT.
P. 420. Avdplavras ypapoutas.] Avoplas seems used here for
a painting, and not for a statue.
Ib. Evoridas.] Evotis was a long variegated mantle, which
swept the ground, worn by the principal characters in tragedy,
and on great solemnities by the Greek women:
Βυσσοιο καλον συροισα χιτωνα,
Καμφιστειλαμενα ταν ξυστιδα ταν Κλεαριστας.
Theocrit. Id. 2. v. 73.
238
• NOTES ON PLATO.
a spirit of innovation; the other producing meanness,
cunning, and a like spirit of innovation.
The task of the magistracy is to keep both the one
and the other out of the republick.
P. 422. Can such a state, without a superfluity of
treasure, defend itself, when attacked by a rich and
powerful neighbour ?
As easily as a champion, exercised for the olympick
games, could defeat one or more rich fat men unused
to fatigue, who should fall upon him in a hot day.
The advantage of such a state, which neither needs
riches nor desires them, in forming alliances.
Every republick formed on another plan, though it
bear the name of a state, is in reality several states
included under one name; the rich making onel state,
the poor another, and so on; always at war among
themselves.
· P. 423. A body of a thousand men bred to war, and
united by such an education and government as this, is
superiour even in number to any thing that almost any
state in Greece could produce.
P. 424. No innovation is to be ever admitted in the
original plan of education. A change of 2 musick in a
country betokens a change in their morals.
i See De Republ. L. 8. p. 551.
2 This was an opinion of the famous Damon. See De Legib.
L. 2. p. 657. and L. 3. p. 700.
NOTES.
P. 420. Ootpelw.] The colour of the purple-fish used in
painting, and not only in dying; so in Plato's Cratylus : Evlote
μεν οστρεoν, ενιοτε δε ότιoύν αλλο φαρμακον επηνεγκαν.
427. EĚNynTM.] See Plato's Euthyphro.
.
239
DE REPUBLICA.
P. 425. Fine satire on the Athenians, and on their
demagogues.
P. 428. The political wisdom of the new-formed
state is seated in the magistracy.
P. 429. Its bravery is seated in the soldiery: in
what it consists.
P. 430. The nature of temperance: the expression 1
of subduing one's self, is explained; when reason, the
T
.
Y
inferiour, that is, over our passions and desires. The
temperance of the new republick, whose wisdom and
valour (in the hands of the soldiery) exercise a just
power over the inferiour people by their own consent,
is described.
P. 433. Political justice distributes to every one his
proper province of action, and prevents each from en-
croaching on the other.
P. 435. Justice in a private man: its similitude to
the former is stated. The three distinct 2 faculties of
1 See De Legib. L. 1. p. 626. 2 De Republ. L. 9. p. 580.
NOTES.
P. 427. Tov Oupalov.] See Pausan. Phocic.
429. 'Aloupya.] Cloths dyed purple would bear washing
with soap (ueta puupatwv), without losing their bloom, to avo os
430. Eti kallcov diïjev.] As he has done in the Laches.
433. Kal Tautn apa TONTOÙ OLKELOV TE KAL &AUTOU.] Perhaps we
should read, TOU TOLELY TO OLKELOV TE Kal to AUTOŮ, &c. i.e. ý
OLKELOTT Payla, as he afterwards calls it.
435. The Scythians, the Thracians, and other northern
nations (or kata Tov avw Tomov, and, as Virgil says, "Mundus ut
ad Scythiam Riphæasque arduus arces Assurgit, &c.) were dis-
tinguished by their ferocity, the Greeks by their curiosity and
240
NOTES ON PLATO.
the soul, namely, appetite, or desire, reason, and in-
dignation; or the concupiscible, the rational, and the
irascible, are described.
P. 441. The first made to obey the second, and the
third to assist and to strengthen it. Fortitude is the
proper virtue of the irascible, wisdom of the rational,
and temperance of the concupiscible, preserving a sort
of harmony and consent between the three.
P. 443. Justice is the result of this union, maintain-
ing each faculty in its proper office.
P. 444. The description 1 of injustice.
P. 445. The uniformity of virtue, and the infinite
variety of vice. Four more distinguished kinds of it
are enumerated, whence arise four 2 different kinds of
bad government.
I V. Plat. Sophist. p. 223. 2 Vid. Plat. Politicum, p. 291.
I
NOTES.
love of knowledge, and the Phoenicians and Egyptians by their
threefold distinction of men in these words; Elou avopwTWP
TPITTA yevnº pilooogov, pilovelkos, pilokepdes, p. 581.
· 439. The story of Leontius the son of Aglaïon.
Ib. Anuelw.] The place in which the bodies of malefactors
were exposed, so called.
Ib. To Bopelov.] See the Gorgias, p. 453.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK V.*
HEADS OF THE FIFTH DIALOGUE.
P. 451. On the education of the women. There is
no natural difference between the sexes, but in point of
strength; their exercises, therefore, both of body and
mind, are to be alike, as are their employments in the
state.
* It is probable that this (the 5th) book of the IloALTELAL
and perhaps the 3rd. were written when Plato was about thirty-
five years old, for he says in his 7th Epistle, (speaking of him-
self before his first voyage into Sicily) Λεγειν τε ηναγκάσθην,
ETTALVWV tnu opony piloooplav, &c. p. 326 ; and Aulus Gellius
says, “Quod Xenophon inclito illi operi Platonis, quod de
optimo statu reipublicæ civitatisque administrandæ scriptum
est, lectis ex eo duobus fere libris, qui primi in vulgus exierant,
opposuit contra, scripsitque diversum regiæ administrationis
genus, quod IIaldelas Kupov inscriptum est, &c. L. 14. C. 3. I
know not how ancient the division of this work into ten books
may be; but there is no reason at all for it, the whole being
one continued conversation.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 450. Xpuooxonoovtas Olel.] A proverbial expression used
of such as are idly employed, or sent (as we say) on a fool's
errand. See Erasmi Adagia, Aurifex.
VOL. IV.
242
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 452. Custom is forced in time to submit to reason.
The sight of men exercisingi naked, was once held in-
decent in Greece, till the Cretans first, and then the
Lacedæmonians, introduced it: it is still held scandalous
by the Persians, and by other barbarians.
P. 454. When the entire sexes are compared with
each other, the female is doubtless the inferior : but, in
individuals, the woman has often the advantage of the
man.
Ρ. 456. Choice of the female soldiery. (αι Φυλακειαι.)
P. 457. Wives in common to all men of the same
class. Their times of meeting to be regulated on
solemn days accompanied with solemn ceremonies and
sacrifices, by the magistracy, who are to contrive by lots
1 Eγυμνωθησαν τε πρωτοι οι Λακεδαιμονιοι, και ες το φανερον
αποδυντες, λιπα μετα του γυμναζεσθαι ηλειψαντο το δε παλαι εν τω
Ολυμπιακων αγωνι διαζωματα εχοντες περι τα αιδοια οι αθληται
ηγωνιζοντο, και ου πολλα ετη επειδη πεπαυται, &c. See Thucyd.
L. 1. C. 6. This change is said to have been made about the
32d Olymp. See also Etymolog. in Γυμνασιαι and Schol. ad
Hom. ΙΙ. Ψ.
NOTES.
Ρ. 452. Των χαριεντων σκωμματα.] Vid. Platon. Politicum.
p. 266.
454. The difficulty of avoiding disputes merely about words.
Η γενναια δυναμις της αντιλογικης τεχνης. Δοκoυσι γαρ μοι εις
αυτην και, ακοντες εμπιπτειν, και οιεσθαι ουκ εριζειν, αλλα δια-
λεγεσθαι, δια το μη δυνασθαι κατ' ειδη διαιρούμενοι το λεγομενον
επισκοπειν, αλλα, κατ' αυτο το ονομα, διωκειν του λεχθεντος την
εναντιωσιν, εριδι ου διαλεκτω προς αλληλους χρωμενοι.
457. Ατελη του γελοιου. ] An allusion to some passage of a
poet; and also to some comick writer, perhaps Aristophanes or
Epicrates, who had ridiculed this institution.
DE REPUBLICA.
243
(the secret management of which is known to them
alone) that the best and bravest of the men may be
paired with women of like qualities, and that those,
who are less fit to breed, may come together very
seldom.
P. 460. Neither fathers nor mothers are to know
their own children, which, when born, are to be con-
veyed to a separate part of the city, and there (so
many of them as the magistrate shall choose) to be
brought up by nurses appointed for that purpose.
The time of propagation to be limited, in the men
from thirty years of age to fifty-five, in the women
from twenty to forty. No children born of parents
NOTES.
P. 458. The following is so just a description of the usual con-
templations of indolent persons, especially if they have some
imagination, that I cannot but transcribe it. Eacov ue éoptagal,
ώσπερ οι αργοι την διανοιαν ειώθασιν εστιασθαι υφ' εαυτων, οταν
μονοι πορευωνται και γαρ οι τοιουτοι που, πριν εξευρειν τινα τροπον
εσται τι ών επιθυμούσι, τουτο παρεντες, ίνα μη καμνωσι βουλευομενοι
περι του δυνατου, και μη, θεντες ως υπαρχον ο βουλoνται, ηδη τα
λοιπα διαταττουσι, και χαιρoυσι διεξιοντες δια δρασoυσι γενομενου,
αργον και αλλως ψυχην ετι αργοτεραν ποιουντες.
460. This was actually the practice of Sparta, (See Plutarch
in Lycurgo) where the old men of each tribe sate in judgment
on the new-born infants, and, if they were weakly or deformed,
ordered them to be cast into a deep cavern, near mount Tay.
getus!!! Thence also are borrowed the prohibition of gold
and silver, the quooltia, or custom of eating together in publick,
the naked exercises of the women, the community of goods, the
general authority of the old men over the young, the simplicity
of musick and of diet, the exemption of the soldiery from all
other business, and most of the fundamental institutions in
Plato's republick, as Plutarch observes in his Lycurgus.
244
NOTES ON PLATO.
under or above this term to be brought up, but ex-
posed, and the parents severely censured; as are all
who meet without the usual solemnities, and without
the license of the magistrate.
P. 461. All children, born within seven or ten months
from the time any person was permitted to propagate,
are to be considered as their own children: all that are
born within the time, in which their parents are suffered
to breed, are to regard each other as brethren. Mar-
riage is to be prohibited between persons in these
circumstances.
P. 462. Partiality and dissension among the soldiery
are prevented by these appointments. A fellow-feeling
of pleasures and of pains is the strongest band of union
which can connect mankind.
P. 466. Children are to be carried out to war very
NOTES.
P. 473. 'Piyavras ta luatia.] It was the custom of the Greeks,
when they prepared themselves for sudden action, to throw off
their pallium : so the chorus in Aristophanes's Irene, v. 728.
Acharn. V. 626. Lysistrat. 663 and 687, and Thesmophor. v.
663, lay by their upper garment to dance the Parabasis.
474. Epwtikw.] Vid. p. 402 and 368. L. 3 and 2.
Ib. 'O MEV OTC Oluos.] This is imitated by Ovid. de Arte
Amandi L. 2. v. 657.
Nominibus mollire licet mala; fusca vocetur,
Nigrior Illyricâ cui pice sanguis erit, &c.
and by Lucretins, L. 4. v. 1150. “Nigra, merexpoos, est &c."
Whence H. Stephanus would correct this passage, and read for
Melayxłwpovs, Medex poov, but the true reading is jelexłwpov.
So Theocritus Idyll. 10. v. 26.
Συραν καλεοντι τυ παντες,
. Ioxvav, à LoKAVOTOV° cyw de novos Melcx\wpov..
DE REPUBLICA.
245
early, to see and to learn their intended profession, and
wait on their parents in the field.
P. 468. A soldier, who deserts his rank, or throws
away his arms, is to be reduced to the rank of a
mechanick: he, who is taken prisoner alive, is never to
be ransomed. The reward of the bravest.
P. 469. It is not permitted to reduce a Greek to
captivity, nor to strip the dead of any thing but of
their arms, which are forbidden to be dedicated in the
temples ; it is not permitted to ravage the country
farther than to destroy the year's crop, or to burn the
buildings.
P. 472. The reason, why a state, thus instituted,
NOTES.
P. 474. IIepco eoVOL TOLS ALOV VOLOLs.] The Dionysia were cele-
brated three times * a year at Athens, the Avdeotypia in the
month which took its name from them, and answers nearly to our
February; the Anvaca immediately afterwards in the same month,
anciently called Ληναιων ; and the Διονυσια εν Αστει, (particularly
so named) between the eighth and eighteenth of Elaphebolion
(or March), and once in the Piræeus. All these were accom-
panied with tragedies, comedies, and other musical entertain-
ments. There were also Ta kat'aypous solemnized in the country
in Posideon, or December. The Scholiast on Aristophanes, and
some other authors, confound these with the Lenæa, which were
undoubtedly held in the city.
Ib. Twv kara Kwuas.] We see therefore that chorusses were
performed in the villages on these festivals, as well as in the
city. Isocrates indeed tells us, that the city was divided into
Kwual, and the country into Anual. (Areopagit.)
* See the Fasti Attici Edw. Corsini V. 2. Diss. 13. and Spanheim. ad
Ranas Aristophan, in procmio, who imagines those in the Piraeus to be the
same with the Anthesteria.
246
NOTES ON PLATO..
1
seems an impossibility. No people will ever be rightly
governed, till kings shall be philosophers, or philo-
sophers be kings.
P. 474. The description of a genius truly philo-
sophick.
P. 476. The distinction of knowledge and opinion.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK VI.
HEADS OF THE SIXTH DIALOGUE.
PLATO is no where more admirable than in this book :
the thoughts are as just as they are new, and the elocu-
tion is as beautiful as it is expressive; it can never be
read too often : but towards the end it is excessively
obscure.
P. 485. The love of truth is the natural consequence
of a genius truly inclined to philosophy. Such a mind
will be little inclined to sensual pleasures, and conse-
quently will be temperate, and a stranger to avarice
and to illiberality.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
JEWS Kal poopas.] Our general abstracted ideas, as they exist in
the mind independent of matter which is subject to continual
changes, were regarded by Plato as the sole foundations of
knowledge, and emanations, as it were, from the divinity him-
self.
Ib. Of ideas independent of matter. To TW OKOTW KEKpa-
μενον, το γιγνομενον τε και απολλυμενον, ου το αισθητον, are put
calls pure speculative geometry, tov del ovTOS yowols. See Mr.
Locke on the reality of our knowledge with regard to mathe-
matical truths. L. 4. C. 4. s. 6. See also De Republ. L. 9. p. 585.
248.
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 486. Such a mind, being accustomed to the most
extensive views of things and to the sublimest contem-
plations, will contract an habitual greatness, and look
down, as it were, with disregard on human life and on
death, the end of it; and consequently will possess the
truest fortitude. Justice is the result of these virtues.
Apprehension and memory are two fundamental
qualities of a philosophick mind.
P. 487. Such a genius is made by nature to govern
mankind.
Objection from experience: that, such as have
devoted themselves to the study of philosophy, and
have made it the employment of their maturer age,
have turned out either very bad men, or entirely useless
to society.
· P. 488. Their inutility, with regard to government,
is allowed and accounted for. The comparison of a bad
government to a ship, where the mariners have agreed
to let their pilot have no hand in the steerage, but to
take that task upon themselves.
. NOTES.
P. 488. Meyedel je kai dwun.] Aristotle (Rhetor. L. 3. 121.)
speaking of similes, mentions this of Plato ; Ý ELS TOV Onuov,
Ómolos vaukimpw, co xupw Mev, Útrokwow de. The image seems
borrowed from the Equites of Aristophanes.
Ib. 'Oc ypa Dels tpayelabous.] The figures of mixed animals,
such as are seen in the grotesque ornaments of the ancients,
and imitated by the modern painters, &c.
Ib. Mnte exovta amodelta..] Vid. Menonem, et Protagoram,
p. 357.
Ib. Metewpoo Kotov.] Vid. Politicum, p. 299, and Xenoph.
Economic. p. 494. 496.
DE REPUBLICA.
249
P. 491. Those very endowments, before described as
necessary to the philosophick mind, are often the ruin
of it, especially when joined to the external advantages
of strength, beauty, nobility, and wealth, when they
light in a bad soil, and do not meet with their proper
nurture, which an excellent education only can bestow.
Extraordinary virtues and extraordinary vices are
equally the produce of a vigorous mind : little souls
are alike incapable of one or of the other.
The corruption of young minds is falsely attributed
to the sophists, who style themselves philosophers : it
is the publick example which depraves them; the
assemblies of the people, the courts of justice, the
camp, and the theatres, inspire them with false opinions,
elevate them with false applause, and fright them with
false infamy. The sophists do no more than confirm
the opinions of the publick, and teach how to humour
its passions and to flatter its vanities.
P. 495. As few great geniuses have strength to
resist the general contagion, but leave philosophy aban-
doned and forlorn, though it is their own peculiar pro-
NOTES.
P. 489. 'O TOUTO Kouyevo ajevos.] i.e. Simonides: who, when
his wife asked him, Ilotepov yeveo dal KPELTTOV, lovorov, n oopov;
answered, IIlovolov' TOUS yap oopous ópây el TALS TWw \ovolw
Oupaus diatpißovras. Aristot. Rhetor. L. 2. p. 92.
490. Anyou wdĉvos.] Vid. Sympos. p. 206.
493. H Aloundeal.] Vid. Erasmi Adagia.
494. Eav tis mpena.] The two conversations with Alcibiades
are an example of this.
495. EK TWV texvwv.] This seems to be aimed at Protagoras,
who was an ordinary countryman and a woodcutter.
250
NOTES ON PLATO.
vince, the sophists step into their vacant place, assume
their name and air, and cheat the people into an
opinion of them. They are compared to a little old
slave (worth money) dressed out like a bridegroom to
marry the beautiful, but poor, orphan daughter of his
deceased lord.
P. 495. A description of the few of true genius who
escape depravation, and devote themselves really to
some ill fortune, or from weakness of constitution.
The reason why they must necessarily be excluded
from publick affairs, unless in this imaginary republick.
P. 500. The application of these arguments to the
proof of his former proposition, namely, that until
princes shall be philosophers or philosophers shall be
princes, no state can be completely happy.
P. 503. The øvlakes, therefore, are to be real philo-
NOTES.
P. 496. 'TTo puuns.] This was the case with Pythagoras,
and other great men, particularly with Dion, Plato's favourite
scholar; though I rather imagine, that this part of the dialogue
was written before Dion's banishment.
Ib. Oeayer.] Theages died before Socrates, a very young
man.
497. 'Orav kai ÅTTOjevol.] This is a remarkable passage, as
it shews the manner in which the Athenians usually studied
philosophy, and Plato's judgment about it, which was directly
opposite to the common practice.
Ιb. Αποσβεννυνται πολυ μαλλον του Ηρακλειτειου ήλιου, όσον
avols OUK ečatovTAL.] P. 498. Eis EKELVOV TOV Blov. Does he
speak of some future state ?
499. 'Otav autn ♡ Movo a.] So in the Philebus; Twv ev Movon
φιλοσοφω μεμαντευμενων εκαστοτε λογων. p. 67.
...
251
TA
DE REPUBLICA.
sophers. The great difficulty is to find the requisite
qualifications of mind united in one person. Quick-
ness of apprehension and a retentive memory, vivacity
together.
P. 505. The idea of the supreme good is the founda-
tion of philosophy, without which all acquisitions are
useless. The cause of knowledge and of truth is com-
of reflecting light, or of becoming visible; and the
sovereign good itself is compared to the 1 sun, the lord
and father of light.
P. 509. The author of being is superiour to all being.
P. 510. There are different degrees of certainty in
the objects of our understanding 2
1 Ilarnp ka. Kupcos. Vid. Plat. Epist. 6. et Epist. 2. p. 312.
et Macrob. L. 1. C. 2.
2 See Aristot. Metaphys. on these opinions of Plato, L. 1.
p. 338. and L. 6. p. 365.
NOTES.
P. 499. Ev Bao.Nelais OUTWV ÜLEOLV, n autols.] I do not doubt,
but that this was meant'as a compliment and incitement to the
younger Dionysius (See Plato Epist. 7. p. 327), of whom both
Dion and Plato had once entertained great hopes ; and I under-
stand what follows, p. 502, Alla Mev Èus ikavos yevouevos, &c. in
the same manner. Hence it seems that this part of the dialogue
was written after his first voyage to Sicily, and probably not
long before his second, about Ol. 103, 1, when the elder Diony-
504. Tpitta Elon yuxns.] See Lib. 4. IIonit. p. 439. et
sequent.
505. Ouk exovol delęAL Tis ppornois.] Vid. Platonis Philebum,
passim.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK VII.
HEADS OF THE SEVENTH DIALOGUE.
of persons confined in a vast cavern from their birth,
with their legs fettered, and with their heads so placed
in a machine that they cannot turn them to the light,
which shines full in at the entrance of the cave, nor
can they see such bodies as are continually in motion,
passing and repassing behind them, but only the
shadows of them, as they fall on the sides of the grotto
directly before their eyes.
If any one should set them free from this confine-
ment, oblige them to walk, and drag them from their
cavern into open day, they would hang back or move
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 514. Ev deojocs.] The machine called Kuow or Klolov,
and the IIevteovply you gulov, which served at once as a pillory
and a pair of stocks, confining at the same time the head, arms,
and legs of the prisoner, was commonly used in Greece. See
Aristophan. Equites. v. 1046.
Ib. Ta tapa payuara.] A screen or fence of three or four
feet in height, still in use round the stages of mountebanks
and jugglers.
DE REPUBLICA.
253
with unwillingness or pain; their eyes would be dazzled
with the brightness of each new object, and comprehend
nothing distinctly; they would long for their shadows
and darkness again, till, being more habituated to
light, they would first be brought to gaze on the
images of things reflected in the water, or elsewhere;
then on the bodies themselves; then on the skies, on
the stars and the moon, and gradually on the sun him-
self, whom they would learn to be the source and the
author of all these beautiful appearances.
If any thing should induce one of these persons to
descend again into his native cavern, his eyes would
not for a long time be reconciled to darkness, his old
fellow-prisoners would treat him as stupid and blind,
would say that he had spoiled his eyes in those upper
regions, and grow angry with him, if he proposed to
set them at liberty. .
P. 519. An early good education is the only thing
which can turn the eyes of our mind from the darkness
and uncertainty of popular opinion to the clear light
of truth. It is the interest of the publick neither to
suffer unlettered and unphilosophick minds to meddle
with government, nor to allow men of knowledge to
give themselves up for their whole life to contemplation,
as the first will have no principle to act upon, and the
others no practice nor inclination to business.
. P. 522. The use of the mathematicks, 1 in education,
is principally to abstract the mind from sensible and
1 Arithmetick and geometry, to which studies astronomy,
and the mathematical musick, and lastly logick to crown the
whole, are to succeed. See also Phileb. p. -58 and 61.
254
NOTES ON PLATO.
material objects, and to turn it to contemplate certain
general and immutable truths whence it may aspire to
the knowledge of the supreme good, who is immutable,
and is the object only of the understanding.
The great improvement of a mind versed in these
sciences which quicken and enlarge the apprehension,
and inure us to intense application, and what are their
practical uses, particularly in military knowledge, is
eloquently described.
P. 537. The øvlakes are to be initiated in mathe-
matical knowledge and studies before seventeen, and
for three years more are to be confined to their con-
tinual and necessary 1 exercises of the body, that is,
till about twenty years of age; they are not to enter
upon logick till after thirty, in which they are to
continue five years.
Knowledge is not to be implanted in a free-born
mind by force and violence, but by gentleness accom-
panied with art and by every kind of 2 invitation.
The dangerous situation of the mind, when it is
quitting the first prejudices of education and has not
i When they are to be presented with a general view of the
sciences, of which they have hitherto tasted separately, and are
to compare them all together.
. 2 Among which honour is the most prevailing. See p. 551.
NOTES.
P. 531. Alasovelas Xopowv.] Terms of art used by the pro-
fessed musicians.
gular composition, called ó Nomos “Olun cantus est, et cithardi
pauca illa, quæ, antequam legitimum carmen inchoent, emerendi
favoris gratiâ canunt, proæmium vocaverunt." Quintil. L. 4.
DE REPUBLICA.
255
yet discovered the true principles of action, is here
admirably described. It is compared to a youth
brought up in affluence (and surrounded by flatterers)
by persons who have passed hitherto for his parents,
but are not really so; when he has found out the
imposition, he will neglect those whom he has hitherto
obeyed and honoured, and will naturally incline to the
advice of his flatterers, till he can discover those per-
sons to whom he owes his duty and his birth.
· The levity, the heat, and the vanity of our first
youth make it an improper time to be trusted with
reasoning and disputation, which is only fit for a mind
grown cooler and more settled by years; as old age
on the other hand weakens the apprehension, and
renders us incapable of application.
From thirty-five to fifty years of age the Dulakes
are to be obliged to administer the publick affairs, and
to act in the inferiour offices. of the magistracy; after
fifty they are to be admitted into the highest philosophy,
the doctrine of the supreme good, and are in their turn
to submit to bear the superiour offices of the state.
NOTES.
c. 7. Vid. et de Legibus, L. 3. p. 700. Nouous de (auTO TOÛTO
τ' ουνομα) εκαλούν, ωδην ως τινα ετεραν" επελεγον δε και κιθαρω-
Oikovs. And in L. 4. p. 722. Kai on TOU KLO apwoikns wons
λεγομενων Νομων, και πασης μουσης, προοιμια θαυμαστως εσπου-
P. 540. Aeketwv.] This is undoubtedly a false reading for
εξηκονταετων οι εβδομηκονταετων ; so that, till Some MSS.
inform us better, we must remain in the dark as to the age,
when Plato would permit his statesmen to retire wholly from
the world.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK VIII.
HEADS OF THE EIGHTH DIALOGUE.
Plato here resumes the subject which he had dropped
at the end of the fourth book. (p. 445.)
P. 544. Four distinct kinds of government are
enumerated, which deviate from the true form, and
gradually grow worse and worse : namely, l. the
timocracy, (so he calls the Lacedæmonian or Cretan
constitution,) 2. the oligarchy, 3. the democracy, and
4. tyranny: they are produced by as many different
corruptions of the mind and manners of the inhabitants.
P. 545. The change from the true aristocracy (or
constitution of Plato's republick) to a timocracy is
described. Every thing, which has had a beginning,
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 544. 'H KATTiKn.] Lycurgus borrowed his constitution
from that of the Cretans, as Herodotus, Strabo, Plutarch, and
other writers, allow; and it is plain, that Plato thought it the
best form of government that any where existed, which seems
indeed to have been the general opinion of the greatest men in
Greece : 7 UTO Tohat eTravouucvn.
546. XaletoV UEV kiunonval.] He here assumes a more concise
and figured diction, and lays aside the familiar air of conver-
sation.
DE REPUBLICA.
257
is subject to corruption. The introduction of property,
and the division of land among the Dudakes. The
encroachment on the liberty of the inferiour part of
the commonwealth. Secret avarice and love of plea-
sure are the consequence of private property. The
neglect of musick and of letters. The preference
given to the exercises of the body. The prevalence of
the irascible over the rational part of the soul.
The character of a citizen in such a state and the
origin of such a character are described.
P. 550. The mutation of a timocracy into an olig-
archy, where none are admitted to the honours and.
offices of the commonwealth, who do not possess a
certain proportion of property. The progress of avarice
P. 547. Spvooûv.] Vid. L. 3. p. 414. et Hesiod. Oper, et
Dies. v. 109.
Ib. IIeploLKOUS' Kal Olketas.] The Lacedæmonians gave the
name of IIEPLolKOL to their subjects, the inhabitants of Laconia,
who were not Spartans. As they were used, I imagine, hardly
enough by their superiours, and had no share in the govern-
ment, many authors do not distinguish them from the Heilotæ,
been on a distinct footing, being reckoned free men, and em-
ployed by the Spartan government to command such troops as
they often sent abroad, consisting of Heilotæ, to whom they
had given their liberty. The IIeplolkol likewise seem to have had
the property of lands, for when Lycurgus divided the country
into thirty thousand portions, and gave nine thousand of them
to the Spartans, to whom did the other twenty-one thousand
portions belong, unless to the IIEPLOLKOL ? who else should people
the hundred cities, besides villages, which were once in Laconia ?
heavy-armed foot, which the Heilota never did : see Thucy-
VOL. IV.
S
258
NOTES ON PLATO.
is the cause of this alteration. Such a state is always
divided into two (always at enmity among themselves)
the rich and the poor, which is the cause of its weak-
ness. The alienation of property, which is freely per-
mitted by the wealthy for their own interest, will still
increase the disproportion of fortune among the citizens.
The ill consequences of prodigality, and of its attendant
extreme poverty, in a state. The poor are compared
to drones in a bee-hive, some with stings and some
without.
P. 552. The gradual transition of the mind from the
love of honour to the love of money.
When a young man has seen the misfortunes which
ambition has brought upon his own family, as fines,
banishment, confiscation, and even death itself, adver-
sity and fear will break his spirit and humble his parts,
which he will now apply to raise a fortune by securer
NOTES.
dides, L. 4. p. 238. and in the battle of Platææ, Herodotus
says, there were ten thousand Lacedæmonians, of which five
thousand were Spartans; it follows, that the other five thou-
sand were IIepLoLKOL, for he mentions the Heilota by themselves,
as light-armed troops in number thirty-five thousand, that is,
seven to each Spartan, (L. 9. c. 29); and Xenophon plainly
distinguishes the 'TTOUELOVES (who were Spartans, but excluded
from the magistracy), the Neodanwdels (who were Heilota made
free), the Heilota, and the IIepLockol. (Xenoph. De Lacedæmon.
Republ. 289. and Græc. Hist. L. 1. p. 256.) See also Isocrates in
Panegyr. and in Panathenaic. p. 270. The Cretans called their
slaves, who cultivated the lands, IIepLoLKOL. See Plutarch. in
Lycurg. and Aristot. in Polit. L. 2. C. 10.
P. 548. IlavkwVOS TOUTOU.] Something of Glauco's spirit and
ambition may be seen in Xenophon's Memorabil. L. 3. c. 6.
DE REPUBLICA.
259
methods, by the slow and secret arts of gain : his
rational faculties and nobler passions will be subjected
to his desire of acquisition, and he will admire and
emulate others only in proportion as they possess the
great object of his wishes : his passion for wealth will
keep down and suppress in him the love of pleasure
and of extravagance, which yet, for want of philosophy
and of a right education, will continue alive in his
heart and exert itself, when he can find an opportunity
to satisfy it by some secret injustice at the expense of
others.
P. 555. The source of a democracy: namely, when
the meaner sort, increasing with a number of men of
spirit and abilities, reduced to poverty by extravagance
and by the love of pleasure, begin to feel their own
strength, and compare themselves to the few wealthy
persons who compose the government, whose body and
NOTES.
P. 553. Xamai evdev.] An allusion to those statues or bas-
reliefs, where some king, or conqueror, is represented with captive
nations in chains sitting at his feet; as in that erected to the
honour of Justinian in the Hippodrome at Constantinople. See
Antholog. L. 4. Tit. 4. Epigr. 2.
Ib. Tiapas te.] The usual dress of the king and nobility of
Persia. So Cyrus (in Xenoph. Anab. p. 147.) presents to Syen-
nesis king of Cilicia, (TTTOV Xpvo oxalivov, Kal OTPETTOV Xpvooûv,
και ψελλια, και ακινακης χρυσούν, και στολην Περσικην, δωρα α
vouišetal Tapa Bao llevol tilla. The tiara was a cap, like the
Phrygian bonnet (Herodot. Polymn. C. 61.) common to all the
Medes and Persians; the royal family (Xenoph. Cyropæd. L. 8.
p. 127.) alone wore a sash or diadem wreathed round it, which
formed a sort of turband; the king himself was distinguished
by the top or point of his tiara which was upright, whereas
all others had it bending down.
260
NOTES ON PLATO..
mind are weakened by their application to nothing but
to the sordid arts of lucre. The change of the consti-
tution. The way to the magistracy laid open to all,
and decided by balloting. A lively picture of the
Athenian commonwealth.
P. 558. The distinction between our necessary and
unnecessary desires, is stated; when the latter prevail
over the former by indulgence, and by keeping bad
company, they form a democratick mind. The descrip-
tion of such a soul, when years have somewhat allayed
the tumult and violence of its passions; it is the sport
of humour and of caprice, inconstant in any pursuit,
and incapable of any resolution.
P. 562. When liberty degenerates into extreme
license and anarchy, the democracy begins to tend
towards tyranny. The picture of the Athenian govern-
ment and manners is continued with great force and
severity : where youth assumes the authority and de-
cisiveness of age, and age mimicks the gaiety and
pleasures of youth; where women and slaves are upon
the same footing with their husbands and masters; and
where even the dogs and horses march directly onwards,
and refuse to give way to a citizen. The common
mutation of things from one extreme to another.
NOTES.
P.563. 'OLEWVnuevol.] Twv dovlwy d'av Kal TWV METOLKWV TRELOTN
εστιν Αθηνησιν ακολασια, και ουτε παταξαι εξεστιν αυτοθι, ουτε
ÚTTEKOTNOETAL COLÒ dolllos. (Xenoph. Athen. Respubl. p. 403.)
565. “Ως αληθως ολιγαρχικοι.] Εστι δε παση γη το βελτιστον
evavTLov om onuokpatiq. Xenoph. ut supra.
Ib. ALOS TOU Aukalov.] Pausanias speaks of this mysterious
solemnity performed on the most ancient altar in Greece.
DE REPUBLICA.
261
P. 564. The division of those who bear sway in a
democracy into three kinds : 1. the busy, bold, and
active poor, who are ready to undertake and execute
any thing; 2. the idle and insignificant poor, who
follow the former, and serve to make a number and a
noise in the popular assemblies; and 3. the middling
sort who earn their bread by their labour, and have
naturally little inclination to publick affairs, nor are
easily brought together, but when allured by the hopes
of some gain, yet, when collected, are the strongest
party of all. The conversion of a demagogue into a
tyrant, from necessity and from fear, the steps which
he takes to attain the supreme power, the policy of
tyrants, and the misery of their condition, are excel-
lently described.
P. 568. The accusation of the tragick poets, as in-
spiring a love of tyranny, and patronized by tyrants ;
they are encouraged also in democracies, and are little
esteemed in better governments.
NOTES.
P. 566. Tov. K pocow.] See Herodotus, L. 1. c. 55.
567. Ews av unge Dilwv.] Compare this description with the
Hiero of Xenophon ; it is, in almost every step, a picture of the
politicks and way of life of the elder Dionysius.
568. OUK ETOS ý te Tpaywdca.] This is spoken ironically.
Ib. Rogol Tupavvol.] A line from the Antigone of Euripides.
569. Meyas Meyalwori.] Alluding to Homer, Odyss. 1. v.
40. speaking of Achilles :
Συ δε στροφαλιγγι κονιης
Κεΐσο μεγας μεγαλωστι, λελασμενος ιπποσυναων.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK IX.
HEADS OF THE NINTH DIALOGUE,
P. 571. The worst and most lawless of our unneces-
sary desires are described, which are particularly active
in sleep, when we go to our repose after drinking
freely, or eating a full meal.
P. 572. The transition of the mind from a demo-
cratick to a tyrannical constitution. Debauchery and
(what is called) love are the great instruments of this
change. Lust and drunkenness, names for two different
sorts of madness, between them produce a tyrant.
· P. 573. Our desires from indulgence grow stronger
and more numerous. Extravagance naturally leads to
want, which will be supplied either by fraud or by
violence.
P. 575. In states, in which there are but a few persons
of this turn, and the body of the people are uncorrupted,
- NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 571. TYLELVWS TLS exn.] Cicero cites and translates this
whole passage, De Divinatione, L. 1. C. 30. these notions seem
borrowed from the Pythagoreans.
575. Mntpis.] A Cretan expression, meaning the country of
one's mother.
DE REPUBLICA.
263
they usually leave their own country, and enter into
the guards of some foreign prince, or serve him in his
wars : or, if they have not this opportunity, they stay
at home and turn informers, false evidences, highway-
men, and housebreakers, cut-purses, and such charac-
ters; but, if they are numerous and strong, they form
a party against the laws and liberties of the people, set
at their head commonly the worst among them, and
erect a despotick government.
The behaviour of a tyrannical nature in private
life; unacquainted with friendship, always domineering
over, or servilely flattering, his companions.
P. 577. The comparison between a state enslaved,
and the mind of a tyrant. The servitude, the poverty,
the fears, and the anguish of such a mind are described ;
and it is proved to be the most miserable of human
creatures..
P. 579. The condition of any private man of fortune,
who has fifty or more slaves. Such a man with his
effects, wife and family, supposed to be separated
from the state and his fellow-citizens (in which his
security consists), and placed in a desert country at
NOTES.
P. 577. 'Os av durntal Tn diavoia.] Plato himself is doubtless
the person; and qualified for the office by his intimate acquaint-
ance with the younger Dionysius.
578. 'Os av Tupavvekos wv.] Have a care of inserting any
negative particle here, as H. Stephanus would do, which would
totally destroy the sense. Plato's meaning is, that a tyrannical
mind, when it has attained to the height of power, must make
its possessor worse, and consequently more miserable, than while
he remained in a private condition.
264
NOTES ON PLATO.
0
some distance, surrounded with a people, who look
upon it as a crime to enslave one's fellow-creatures,
and are ready to favour any conspiracy of his servants
against him : how anxious and how intolerable would
be his condition! Such, and still worse, is that of a
tyrant.
P. 581. The pleasures of knowledge and of philo-
sophy are proved to be superiour to those which result
from honour or from gain, and from the satisfaction of
our appetites. The wise man, the ambitious man, the
man of wealth and pleasure, will each of them give the
preference to his favourite pursuit, and will undervalue
that of the others; but experience is the only proper
judge which can decide the question, and the wise man
alone possesses that experience; the necessity of his
nature must have acquainted him with the pleasure
which arises from satisfying our appetites. Honour
and the publick esteem will be the consequence of his
life and studies, as well as of the opulent or of the
NOTES.
P. 578. Avopaoda TEVTIKOVTA.] The more wealthy Greeks
had very large families of slaves. In Athens the number of slaves
was to that of citizens as 20 to 1: the latter being about 21,000,
the former, 400,000. Mnaso of Phocis, a friend of Aristotle,
had 1000 slaves, or more, as had likewise Nicias, the famous
Athenian. In Corinth, there were reckoned 460,000 slaves : at
Ægina, above 470,000: and many a Roman had in his own
service above 20,000 : this was a computation made Ol. 110. by
Demetrius Phalereus. See Athenæus from the Chronicle of
Ctesicles, L. 6. p. 272. and Xenophon tepi II pooooww. p. 540.
579. Acxvw.] Implies curiosity, and an eager love of novel-
ties; and is the same with regard to the eye, that liquorishness
is to the taste.
DE REPUBLICA.
265
ambitious man; so that he is equally qualified with
them to judge of their pleasures, but not they of his,
which they have never experienced.
P. 584. Most of our sensual joys are only a cessa-
tion from uneasiness and pain, as are the eager hopes
and expectations which attend them. A fine image is
drawn of the ordinary life of mankind, of their sordid
pursuits, and of their contemptible passions.
P: 588. The recapitulation, and conclusion, that the
height of injustice and of wickedness is the height of
misery.
P. 590. The intention of all education and laws is
to subject the brutal part of our nature to the rational.
A scheme of life, worthy of a philosophick mind, is
laid down.
NOTES.
P. 583. 'Hoovn TIS Coklaypadnuevn.] An expression borrowed
perhaps from Heraclitus or Parmenides.
592. Ey oupavw.] That is, in the idea of the divinity: see
the beginning of the following (the 10th) book. Diogenes
Laertius alludes to this passage in his epitaph on Plato :
Πολιν ηλυθεν, ήν ποθ' εαυτω
Εκτισε, και δαπεδω Ζηνος ενιδρυσατο.
DE REPUBLICA.
BOOK X.
HEADS OF THE TENTH DIALOGUE.
P. 595. Plato's apology for himself. His reasons
for banishing all imitative l poetry from his republick :
1. because it represents things not as they really are,
but as they appear; 2. the wisdom of the poets is not
equal to their reputation; 3. there is no example of a
state having been better regulated, or of a war better
conducted; or of an art improved, by any poet's instruc-
tions; and 4. there is no plan of education laid down,
no sect, nor school founded, even by Homer and the
most considerable of the poets, as by the philosophers.
1 V. L. 3. p. 392.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 595. Plato professes a great admiration, even from a
child, for Homer, but yet is forced to exclude him from his
commonwealth, ov yap apo ye ms aandelas ThunTeos armp. The
Greeks had carried their admiration for Homer to a high pitch
of enthusiasm in Plato's time : it was he (they said) who first
had formed Greece to knowledge and humanity ; ( TETALDEUKE
Tmv 'Emlada, p. 606.) and that in him were contained all the
arts, all morality, politicks, and divinity. p. 578.
599. Xapwvdav Mev.] Charondas was of Catana in Sicily,
and gave his laws to that city, and to others of Chalcidick
foundation in the island, and also to Rhegium in Italy; (sec
Bentley on Phalaris, p. 364, &c.) these laws were calculated for
an aristocracy.
DE REPUBLICA.
267
P. 602. Their art concurs with the senses to deceive
cites and increases the empire of the passions, enervates
example.
P. 604. The passions and vices are easy to imitate
by reason of their variety; but the cool, uniform, and
simple character of virtue is very difficult to draw, so
NOTES.
P. 600. Els texvas.] Thales is said to have discovered the
annual course of the sun in the ecliptick, and to have made
several improvements in astronomy and geometry. To Ana-
charsis is ascribed the invention of anchors, and of the potter's
wheel. See Diog. Laertius.
Ib. IIvô ayopelov.] The Pythagorean sect was in high repute
in Plato's time, while Archytas, Philolaus, Lysis, Echecrates,
and others, supported it; but it seems to have declined
soon after, for Aristoxenus mentions these latter, whom he re-
membered, as the last of any note. Vid. Diog. Laert. L. 8.
sect. 46.- Aristoxenus flourished about thirty years after Plato's
death.
Ib. Tou ovouatos.] The name signifies a lover of flesh-meat:
but Callimachus (Epig. 6.) and Strabo (L. 14.) and Eustathius
(ad Hom. Il. B. p. 250.) write it Creophğlus. He was a Samian,
who entertained Homer at his house; and wrote a poem, called
Olxalcas alwols, which some attributed to Homor himself.
607. 'H lakepuša, &c.] Fragments of poets against philosophy.
608. Εμβλεψας μου και θαυμασας ειπε, Μα Δι' ουκ εγωγε.] Is
it possible that the immortality of the soul should be a doctrine
so unusual, and so little known at Athens, as to cause this sur-
prise in Glauco ?-In the Phiædo too, Cebes treats this point in
the same manner: Ta de repl ons Yuxns to Any atlOTLAV Tapexel
τοις ανθρωποις, μη, επειδαν απαλλαγή του σωματος, ουδαμου ετι
ή &c. Ουκ ολιγης παραμυθιας δειται και πιστεως, ως εστι ψυχη
αποθανοντος του ανθρωπου, και τινα δυναμιν εχει και φρονησιν. p. 70.
268
NOTES ON PLATO.
as to touch or delight a theatre, or any other mixed
assembly of men.
P. 607. The power of numbers and of expression
over the soul is great, which renders poetry more par-
ticularly dangerous.
P. 608. Having shewn that virtue is most eligible
on its own account, even when destitute of all external
rewards, he now comes to explain the happiness which
NOTES.
P. 611. 'Notep oi Tov Balattlov Ilavkov &pwvtes.] He speaks
as if this divinity were sometimes actually visible to seafaring
men, all covered with sea-weed and shells.
Ib. Ilayti Malloy Onpww.] And so he is described by Ovid,
who says of Scylla,
Tuta loco, monstrumne, deusne,
Ille sit, ignorans, admiraturque colorem,
Cæsariemque humeros subjectaque terga tegentem,
Ultimaque excipiat quod tortilis inguina piscis.
Metam. L. 13. v. 913.
And he tells her ;
Non ego prodigium, non sum fera bellua, Virgo,
Sum Deus, inquit, aquæ.
613. Ato TWV Katw.] From the place of starting at the lower
end of the stadiuin : Ta arw, the upper end, whence they ran
back again.
Ib. Ta wta ETTI TWV wuwv.] A metaphor, taken from horses,
and other animals, which let their ears drop, when they are
tired, and over-driven.
614. The story of Er, the Pamphylian, who, when he had
lain twelve days dead in appearance on the field of battle, and
was placed on the funeral pile, came to life again, and related
all he had seen in the other world. The judgment of souls,
their progress of a thousand years through the regions of bliss
or of misery, the eternal punishment of tyrants, and of others
guilty of enormous crimes, in Tartarus, the spindle of Neces-
sity, which turns the eight spheres, and the employment of her
DE REPUBLICA.
269
waits upon it in another life, as well as in the present.
The immortality of the soul and a state of future re-
wards and of future punishments are asserted.
NOTES.
three daughters, the lates, are all described, with the allotment
and choice of lives (either in human bodies, or in those of brute
animals) permitted to those spirits, who are again to appear on
earth; as of Orpheus who chooses that of a stan, Ajax of a lion,
Thersites of a monkey, Ulysses that of an obscure private man,
&c. their passage over the river Lethe is also mentioned. The
whole fable is finely written.
Milton alludes to the spindle of Necessity in his entertain-
ment called the Arcades. Virgil has also imitated many parts
of the fable in his sixth Æneid, and Tully in the Somnium
Scipionis. See Macrob. L. 1. c. 1.
P. 614. Tov Apuercov.] It appears from Plutarch that the
right reading is 'Apuovlov, the son of Harmonius. Plut. Sympos.
L. 9. Probl. 7.
616. Hlakatny TE KAL To ayklot pov.] Vid. P. Bellonium Lat.
Reddit. a C. Clusio, L. 1. c. 46. where he describes the Greek
manner of spinning, which seems to be the same exactly that
it was of old. "Attractilis herba (quæ ex usu nomen habet)
fusi vicem illis præbet; ejus enim caulis rectus est et lævis,
tanquam arte expolitus esset. In ejus penuriâ bacillo minimi
digiti crassitiem non æquante, æqualis ubique crassitudinis,
utuntur, cui ferrum hamuli piscatorii modo efformatum infigunt,
ut filum comprehendat, e quo fusus dependeat. Verticilluun
(opovdulos) solummodo excogitatum est, ad fila commodius
ducenda, atque ut fuso pondus addat; dimidiato pyro in binas
partes per medium secto simile est, per medium perforatum est:
hoc superiori fusi parti inſigunt, inferiore ſusi parte deorsun
propendente."
621. Ileplayelpolevou.] Read, Tleplayouevot.
THE END OF THE TENTH AND LAST BOOK.
DE LEGIBUS.
wondo
ΠΕΡΙ ΝΟΜΩΝ.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 624.
THE persons of the dialogue are Clinias, a Cretan of
Gnossus, and two strangers, who are his guests, the one
a Lacedæmonian, called Megillus, the other an Athenian,
who is not named, but who appears by the character
and sentiments, to be Plato himself. (See Diog. Laert.
L. 3. sect. 52.) 1
They are, all three, men far advanced in years, and
as they walk 1 or repose themselves in the fields under
the shade of ancient cypress trees, which grew to a
1 As Cicero had taken Plato for his model in his books de
Republicâ, so he had also in those De Legibus. «Visne igitur,
ut ille Crete cum Cliniâ et cum Lacedæmonio Megillo æstivo,
quemadmodum describit, die in cupressetis Cnossiorum et spatiis
sylvestribus crebrò insistens, interdum acquiescens, de institutis
rerum publicarum et de optumis Legibus disputat: sic nos inter
has procerissimas populos in viridi opacâque ripâ inambulantes,
tum autem residentes, quæramus iisdem de rebus aliquid uberius
quam forensis usus desiderat.” L. 1. c. 5. (N. B. The Gnossians put
the cypress tree, which was a principal ornament of their country,
on the reverse of their silver coins. See Fulv. Ursinus.) Tully
also confines his discourse to the length of a summer's day, in
imitation of Plato. See De Legib. L. 2. c. 27. V. Platon, de
Legib. L. 3. p. 653. and L. 4. p. 722.
DE LEGIBUS.
271
great bulk and beauty in the way, that led from the
city of Gnossus to the temple and grotto of Jupiter,
(where Minos was believed to have received his laws
from the god himself) they enter into conversation on
the policy and constitution of the Cretans.
There is no procemium nor introduction to the dia-
logue, as there is to most of Plato's writings. I speak
of that kind of procemium usual with Plato, which
informs us often of the occasion and of the time of the
dialogue, and of the characters of the persons intro-
duced in it. In reality the entire four first books of
“the Laws” are but introductory to the main subject,
as he tells us himself in the end of the fourth book. p.
722.
DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK I.
HEADS OF THE FIRST DIALOGUE.
P. 625. The institutions of Minos were principally
directed to form the citizens to war. The great ad-
vantages of a people superiour in military skill over
the rest of mankind are stated.1 Every people is
naturally in a state of war with its neighbours 2 ; even
i Xenophon makes the following observation : Elevbepias
οργανα και ευδαιμονίας την πολεμικην επιστημης και μελετην οι θεοι
τους ανθρωπους απεδειξαν τοις αεί εγγυτατω των όπλων ουσι,
TOUTOLS KAL OLKELOTATA EOTlv å av Boulwvtal. Cyropæd. L. 7. p.
549. See also Ephorus ap. Strab. L. 10. p. 480.
2 Πασαις προς πάσας τας πολεις πολεμος ακηρυκτος κατα φυσιν
EOTI. These are the original expressions in this place.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 625. Ta tuooltia.] These assemblies were styled by the
Cretans Avopeia (or rather Avòpia, see Aristot. in Polit. L. 2. C.
10.) as they were also by the Lacedæmonians, who changed the
name to ØLÔLTLA. (Strabo L. 10. p. 488). The manner of con-
ducting them may be seen at large from Dosiadas's history of
that country in Athenæus, L. 4. p. 143.
Ib. Atollwva.] See Plutarch. in Lycurgo.
Ib. Al’evvatov eTolls.] See the Minos of Plato, and Strabo,
L. 10. p. 476. et L. 16. p. 762.
DE LEGIBUS.
273
particular cities, nay private families are in a like
situation within themselves, where the better and more
rational part are always contending for that superiority,
which is their due, over the lower and the less reason-
able. An internal war is maintained in the breast of
each particular man who labours to subdue himself by
establishing the empire of reason over his passions and
his desires.
P. 628. A legislator, who makes it the great end of
his constitution to form the nation to war, is shewn to
be inferiour to him who reconciles the members of it
among themselves, and prevents intestine tumults and
divisions.
P. 631. The view of the true lawgiver is to train
NOTES.
P. 625. 'H TWv Oettalwv.] Vid. Menonem, p. 70. et Hero-
dotum. L. 7. p. 268.
Ib. 'Hoe yap arwualos.] “Quoniam adeo frequentes in Cretâ
sunt montes, rara sunt istic campestria." P. Bellonius, L. 1.
C. 5. "Quoique la Candie soit un riche païs-les deux tiers de
ce royaume ne sont que des montagnes seches, pelées, desagré-
ables, escarpées, taillées a plomb, et plus propres pour des chévres
que pour des hommes.” Tournefort, Lett. 2. p. 109. vol. 1.
Ib. Twv de toţwv.] Vid. Ephorum ap. Strabonem fusè. L.
10. p. 480. “Cretenses etiam hodie (circ. A.D. 1550.) veterem
consuetudinem sequentes naturæ impulsu, Scythico arcu se
exercere solent. Quin et ipsi pueri in incunabulis si irascantur
et ejulent, ostenso illis arcu aut sagittâ in manus datâ, pla-
cantur ; propterea ipsos etiam Turcas arcus jaculatione super-
ant.” Bellonius, L. 1. c. 5. Which is confirmed by Tourne-
fort, who was there one hundred and fifty years after Belon.
See Lett. 2. p. 100. V. 1.
626. De Oeie.] Vid. Menonem, p. 99. et Aristot. Eth.
Nichom. L. 7. c. 1.
VOL. IV.
274
NOTES ON PLATO.
the mind and manners of his people to the virtues in
their order, that is, to wisdom, to temperance, and to
justice, and, in the fourth place, to valour. The
NOTES.
P. 629. II pos Tov Toleuov Malcota.] Yet this was Plato's
real judgment concerning the constitutions of Minos and of
Lycurgus, as may be seen by his description of a timocracy, in
the eighth book De Republ. p. 548.
Ib. Acabavtes de ev.] The Spartans, when they passed
the frontier of their own state to enter into the territory of an
enemy, always performed sacrifice, which was called ta ola-
Barnpla QUELV : and if the victims proved inauspicious, they
retired, and gave over their enterprise. This sense of the
word slaßnval seems peculiar to that people.
Ib. Twv Mio Bogopwy.] In Plato's time (about Ol. 106,) and
soon after, the intestine tumults in the Greek cities, joined to
a sort of fashion, which prevailed, of going to seek their fortune
in a foreign service, had so depopulated Greece, that Isocrates
tells Philip of Macedon, that he might form a better and
stronger army out of these mercenaries, than he could out of the
citizens themselves, who continued in their own country. The
strength of the Persian king's armies was entirely composed of
these Greeks, as was that of his enemies also the kings of
Egypt, and of Cyprus, and the revolted vice-roys in Asia
Minor. They were also employed by Athens, and by 'other
states of Greece, to save their own troops ; so that the Athenian
heavy-armed infantry now consisted of mercenaries, though the
citizens themselves served as rowers on board the fleet; just
contrary to what had been the ancient practice, when the ships
were manned by the evol, and slaves, and the Athenians then-
selves composed the 'Omletai.
· Ib. A fragment of Tyrtaus, Out' av uvno aluny, &c.
630. A fragment of Theognis, IIcotos avnp xpuo ov, &c.
631. OUK ELOL Marnv.] Vid. Plat. de Republ. p. 544.
Ib. ETIKOLVWVOVMevOvs.] There seems something defective in
the syntax in several parts of this period.
.
DE LEGIBUS.
275
method he ought to lay down in the disposition of his
laws is stated.
P. 634. The fault of the Cretan and of the Lacedæ-
monian laws is, that they do not fortify the soul as
well against pleasure as against pain. Youth is not
permitted to examine into the rectitude of those laws
by which they are governed, nor to dispute about them;
this is the privilege of age, and only to be practised in
private.
P. 635. The division of the citizens into companies,
(called Evoltia) which daily assembled to eat together
in publick, was apt to create seditions and conspiracies.
NOTES.
P. 633. Tpitov Tetaptov.] Does Plato here allude to the
order in which he has ranged the virtues, (which, however, is
not very clear, except that he ranges valour in the fourth
place)? or does he allude to the heads which he has laid down
for a legislator to proceed with method ? in which the laws
that are to fortify the mind against pleasure and pain, and the
passions which they produce, come under the third and fourth
head.
Ib. KPUTTELA TLs.] Vid. Plutarch. in Lycurgo.
Ib. I'vuromaidcals.] Plutarch, ibid. Propert. L. 3. Eleg. 13.
These exercises were performed during a solemn festival held in
honour of Apollo, at which strangers were permitted to be
present in Sparta.
635. Þvčelo O AL Tous.] The translation is very deficient here:
the sense is this; “They will fly before such as have been
fortified by exercise and habit against labour, pain, and terror,
and will become their slaves :" and afterwards, Aoulevo ovol de
TPOTOV ŠTepov, &c. " They will become slaves in a different,
but a more ignominious, manner both to those who have the
power of resisting pleasure, and to those who possess all the
arts of pleasing, who are often the worst of men.”
276
NOTES ON PLATO.
The regular naked exercises of the youth were often
the cause of an unnatural passion among them. Crete
and Lacedæmon are blamed particularly on this account.
P. 636. Pleasure and pain are the two great sources
NOTES.
Ρ. 636. Δηλουσι δε Μιλησιων.] The confusions at Miletus
were frequent, after that state had fallen into luxury and dis-
soluteness of manners : Heraclides Ponticus says of it; 'H
Μιλησιων πολις περιπεπτωκεν ατυχιαις δια τρυφης βιου και πολιτι-
κας εχθρας: οι το επιεικες ουκ αγαπώντες εκ ριζων ανειλον τους
Exopous : and he gives a remarkable instance of the implacable
cruelty which these parties shewed to each other. (Athenæus.
L. 12. p. 524.)
Ιb. Και δη και παλαιον.] Επιτηδευμα in this place seenms
to me to be the nominative, and Nouljov the accusative : thus,
Τουτο το επιτηδευμα (τα γυμνασια) δοκει μοι διεφθαρκεναι το
παλαιον και κατα φυσιν νομιμον, τας περι, &c. i.e. This practice
(of exercising constantly naked) appears to me to have weakened
greatly that ancient and natural law, by which the pleasures of
love, not only among human creatures, but even in the brute
creation, mutually belong to the two sexes.” This is a remark-
able passage: and Tully judges in the same manner of these
exercises. How far the Cretans indulged their passions in the
way here mentioned, may be seen in Ephorus, (ap. Strabonem
L. 10.) The purity of manners at Sparta is strongly asserted
by Xenophon, (De Lacedæmon. Republ. p. 395.) and by Plutarch
in his life of Lycurgus; but here is a testimony on the other
side at least of equal authority.
Ιb. Δηλoύσι δε Μιλησιων.] We learn from Polybius that
no such regulations, probably, as those of Crete and Lace-
dæmon), for speaking of that nation after the great victory
at Leuctra, O1. 102. 2. he says, Kατα μικρον ανεπεσον ταις
ψυχαις, και όρμησαντες επ' ευωχιας και μεθας, διεθεντο και κοινωνεια
τους φιλους πολλοι δε των εχοντων γενεας απεμεριζον τοις ξυσσιτιοις
δειλινα του μηνος πλειο των εις τον μηνα διατεταγμενων ημερων.
DE LEGIBUS.
277
of all human actions : the skill of a legislator consists
in managing and opposing one of them to the other.
P. 639. The use of wine, when under a proper.
direction, in the education of youth.
NOTES.
(Ap. Atheneum, L. 10. p. 418. et Casaub. Annotat. in locum.)
Many instances more may be observed in history of the intes-
tine divisions in the cities of Boeotia, (see Xenoph. Græc. Hist.
L. 5. p. 325.) and among the Thurians. (Thucyd. L. 7. c. 33.
and Aristot. Politic. L. 5. c. 7.)
P. 637. No assemblies for the sake of drinking were ever seen
in Lacedæmon, nor intemperate revels, nor frolicks, the conse-
quences of such entertainments.
Ib. 'Doep ey duagaus.] A sort of drunken farces performed
in the villages of Attica, during the Dionysia, which seem to
be the origin of the ancient comedy and tragedy. Hence the
proverb, Eð đuašns leyelv, and hence, too, Aristophanes gives
the name of Tpaywdla to comedy. Acharnenses, v. 498, 499,
and 627. They seem to have still continued in use in the
country.
Ib. Ev Tapavrı.] Vid. Plutarch. in Pyrrho, and Strabo, L.
6. p. 230. We see here the beginnings of those vices, which
some years afterwards were the ruin of Tarentum ; though as
yet the Pythagorean sect flourished there, and Archytas was
probably at the head of their affairs.
Ib. Tuvalkwv Tap yuLv aveow.] Aristotle finds the same fault
in this part of the Lacedæmonian constitution ; he says of their
women, Ζωσι μεν ακολαστως προς άπασαν ακολασιαν, και τρυφερως:
and he gives an instance of it in their behaviour, when the
Thebans invaded Laconia. Xonoimol Mev yap ovdev noav, co TEP
EV ŠTepals oleol Oopuſov de Tapetxov TELW TWV Toleulwv. (Polit.
L. 2. c. 9.)
Ib. 'NOTTEP kubai.] Herodot. L. 6. c. 84.-Ilepoa..] Xenoph.
Cyropæd. L. 8. p. 142.-Xapxndovloc.] Were the Carthaginians
remarkable for drinking ?-Keltol.] See Posidonius ap. Athen-
æum, L. 4. p. 152.
278
NOTES ON PLATO..
P. 642. An apology for his own garrulity and dif-
fuseness, which is the characteristick of an Athenian.
P. 643. The nature and intent of education.
P. 644. Mankind are compared to puppets : but
whether they are formed by the gods for their diversion,
or for some more serious purpose (he says) is uncertain.
Their pleasures and pains, their hopes and fears, are
NOTES.
P. 637. Opâkes.] Xenophon, describing an entertainment
given by Seuthes, a Thracian king, at which he himself was
present, says, Avaotas ó Levons OUVEČETTLE, kal ovykates kedade
το μετ' αυτου το κερας.
638. Aokpol.] The Locri Epizephyrii were governed by the
laws of Zalencus, and were an aristocracy, till the elder Diony-
sius marrying Doris, a Locrian lady, her relations grew power-
ful enough to bring that state into subjection to the Syracusans.
Ib. Ilolla.. yap on puyai.] This may possibly allude to the
unexpected defeat of the Spartans at Leuctra.
Ib. Slovs.] The wisdom of the Chian government appears
from what Thucydides says of them. Slol lovol Meta Aakedal-
μονιους, ών εγω ησθομην, ευδαιμονησαντες αμα και εσωφρονησαν,
και όσω επεδιδου η πολις αυτοις επι το μειζον, τoσω και εκοσμούντο
εχυρωτερον. L. 8. c. 24. ButIdoubt if Κειους be not the true
reading, for Chios revolted from the Athenians, Ol. 91. 4. when
Plato was but seventeen years old, and Plato's Nouoc were
written in the latter end of his life.
641. The character of Athens, 's Qiloloyos eOTI kal moduloyos,
that of Lacedæmon and Crete, is a Mev Bpaxudoyos, ņ de molu-
νοιαν μαλλον η πολυλογιαν ασκουσα.
642. 'H ÉOTLA TNS Tolews ovou únwy poševos. ] As each
private family had its Vesta, to whom the hearth was particu-
larly sacred, so that of the publick was seated in the Prytanèum,
(Pindar. Nem. Od. 11.) where in most cities a perpetual lamp
was kept burning in honour of this goddess : and as every
private family of rank had their Ilpoševol in several cities of
Greece, with whom they were connected by the ties of hospi-
DE LEGIBUS.
279
the springs which move them, and often draw contrary
ways at once. Reason is the master-spring which
ought to determine their motions; but as this draws
gently and never uses violence, some of the passions
must be called to its aid, which may give it strength
to resist the force of the others.
· P. 645. The effects of wine upon the soul : it
NOTES.
tality, and in whose houses they were lodged and entertained,
so cities themselves had a like connection with each other; and
there were publick IIpogevol nominated to receive and to defray
the expenses of such as came on business from other cities in
alliance with them. The character of the Athenians is thus
drawn : To ÚTO Tollwv deyouevov, ús òool Aonvalwv elolv ayabol,
διαφεροντως εισι τοιουτοι -μονοι γαρ ανευ αναγκης, αυτοφυως, θεια
μοιρα, αληθως και ουτι πλαστως εισιν αγαθοι.
P. 642. IIpo TWY IIepolkwv.] Epimenides, therefore, came to
Athens, Ol. 70. 1. ten years before the battle of Marathon.
This is not reconcileable with Plutarch (in Solone), Diogenes
Laertius, or any other author, who mentions Epimenides. It
is sure that he arrived at Athens ninety-six years earlier, and
was then extremely old. Plato must therefore mean some
other person of the same name, country, and family, perhaps
descended from the old Epimenides, and practising, like him,
the art of divination.
644. θαυμα μεν.] It is plain, that by θαυμα he means a
puppet, νευρoσπαστον, and I suppose, that the θαυματοποιοι, or
jugglers, used to carry such figures about to draw the crowd
together, as the mountebanks do at Venice. To this he alludes
also, L. 7. IIOÀtTeup IIan me the Teuxtop TopokohouTuet ov, BƠ Tep
τους θαυματοποιoις των ανθρωπων προκειται τα παραφραγματα,
Útep ta davuara dELkvūOL, &c. Puppet-shews were in such
request among the Greeks, that Pothinus, a famous man in that
way, performed before the whole Athenian people in the same
theatre (says Athenæus, L. 1. p. 19.), in which Euripides had
represented his tragedies.
280
NOTES ON PLATO.
heightens all our passions and diminishes our under-
standing, that is, in reality, it reduces us again to
childhood. As physicians, for the sake of our body,
give us certain potions, which for a time create sickness
and pain in us, and put our whole frame into disorder;
so possibly might the legislator (by a singular experi-
ment) make wine subservient to a good purpose in
education, and, without either pain or danger, put the
prudence, the modesty, and the temper of youth to the
trial, and see how far they could resist the disorder of
the mind which is naturally produced by this liquor.
P. 646. The fear of dishonour is opposed to the fear
of pain : the first is a great instrument in the hands of
a wise legislator to suppress and to conquer the latter.
P. 647. If there were any drug or composition
known that would inspire us with fear and with dejec-
tion of spirits, for the time its influence lasted, what
need would there be of fatiguing our youth with long
laborious exercises, or of exposing them in battle to
real danger, in order to fortify the soul against the
attacks of fear and of pain? This draught alone, pro-
perly applied, would be a sufficient trial of our valour
under the eye of the magistrate, who might confer
honour and disgrace on a youth, according to his
NOTE.
P. 647. Kalw ald@.] This is what we call honour, that is, the
fear of shame; and which is left to supply (as well as it can)
the place of all the virtues among us. Plato calls this senti-
ment in another place (p. 674. Lib. 2.) OELOS poßos. Montesquieu
makes it the grand principle of monarchical governments,
(L'Esprit des Loix, L. 1. C. 6.) and in France its effects are
most conspicuous.
DE LEGIBUS.
281
behaviour during the operation. Unluckily, there is
no such drug discovered ; but there is a potion which
exalts our spirits, and kindles in the mind insolence,
and imprudence, and lust, and every fiercer passion,
while it lays open to view our ignorance, our avarice,
and our cowardice. Why should we wait till these
vices exert themselves into real action, and produce
their several mischiefs in society; when, by a well-
regulated use of this liquor, we might, without danger,
discover them lurking in the disposition of youth, and
suppress them even in their infancy?
DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK II.
HEADS OF THE SECOND DIALOGUE.
P. 653. The great purpose of a right education is to
fix in the mind an early habit of associating its ideas
of pleasure and of desire with its ideas of virtue, and
those of pain and aversion with that of vice : so that
reason, when it comes to maturity, (and happy are they
with whom, even in their old age, it does come to
maturity !) may look back with satisfaction, and may
approve the useful prejudices instilled into the soul in
its infancy.
The early inclination of children to noise and motion
is noticed, which, when reduced to order and symmetry,
produce harmony and grace, which are two pleasures
known only to human kind. The origin of musick and
of the dance.
P. 655. In what kind of imitation their true beauty
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 655. 'Notep Ô Xopodidao kalo..] I take the word eux pous,
applied to harmony, to be an affected term of art, then used by
the musicians and connoisseurs, like those in the fifth book de
Republ. p. 531. namely, Etapynois, katnyopla, alašovela Xopowy.
DE LEGIBUS.
283
consists. Every sound, or movement, or attitude, which
naturally accompanies and expresses any virtue, or any
laudable endowment of mind and of body, is beautiful,
as the contrary is deformed and unpleasing. The error
of such as make pleasure the sole end of these arts.
Reasons for the diversity of men's taste and judg-
ment in them are assigned. Some from having been
early depraved, and little accustomed to what is lovely,
come to approve and take delight in deformity: others
applaud what is noble and graceful, but feel no pleasure
from it, either because their mind has a natural de-
pravity in it, though their education has been good, or
because their principles are right, but their habits and
practice have not been conformable to them. The
danger of this last defect is stated, when men delight
in what their judgment disapproves.
P. 657. The restraint, which ought to be laid on
poets in all well-disciplined states, is named. Musi-
cians in Egypt 1 were confined by law, even from the
remotest antiquity, to certain simple species of melody,
and the painters and sculptors to some peculiar stand-
1 Σκοπων δ' ευρησεις αυτοθι τα μυριοστον ετος γεγραμμενα η
τετυπωμενα, (ουκ, ώς επος ειπείν, μυριοστον ετος, αλλ' οντως) των
νυν δεδημιουργημεν ων ουτε καλλιονα, ουτε αισχιω, την αυτην δε
Texvnu atreLpyao meva. This will account for the little improve-
ment the Egyptians ever made in the fine arts, though they
were perhaps the inventors of them : for undoubtedly the ad-
vancement and perfection of these things, as well as their cor-
ruption, are entirely owing to liberty and innovation.
NOTE.
P. 655. Ta dev apet175 exoueva.] Vid. de Republ. L. 3.
opinion of Damon the musician.
The
284
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 658. A reflection on the usual wrong determina-
tions of the persons appointed to judge of their musical
and poetical entertainments at Athens, who (though
they took an oath to decide impartially) were biassed,
either through fear or from the affectation of popularity,
by the opinion of the crowd; whereas they ought to
the publick taste. From this weakness arose the cor-
ruption of their theatrical entertainments. In Italy
and in Sicily the victory was adjudged by the whole
audience to that poet, who had the greatest number of
hands held up for him.
P. 659. The manners, exhibited in a drama to the
people, ought always to be better than their own.
P. 661. The morality inculcated by the poets, even
in Sparta and in Crete, where all innovations were by
law forbidden, was defective enough. What sentiments
NOTES.
P. 658. It is here said, that puppet-shews and jugglers' tricks
are best accommodated to the taste of young children; as
comedy is to that of bigger boys, tragedy to that of the young
men, and of the women of the better sort, and of the bulk of
the people in general, and the rhapsodi to that of the older and
wiser sort.
Ib. Kivupa te.] The verses of Tyrtæus, here alluded to,
are these :
Ουδ' ει Τιθωνοιο φυην χαριεστερος ειη,
Πλουτοιη τε Μιδεω και Κινυραο πλεον.
See also Phædrum, p. 269.
661. Tylaivelv.] An allusion to an ancient song. See Gorgias,
P. 451.
DE LEGIBUS.
285
they ought to inspire. Plato's 1 great principles are
explained, namely, that happiness is inseparable from
virtue and misery from wickedness, and that the latter
is rather an error of the judgment than of the will.
P. 663. If these opinions were actually false, (as
they are immutably founded on truth) yet a wise law-
giver would think himself obliged to inculcate them, as
true, by every method possible.
It is easy to persuade men, even of the most absurd
fiction; how much more of an undoubted truth ?
P. 664. The institution of the three chorusses, which
are to repeat in verse (accompanied with musick and
with dances) these great principles of society, and to fix
them in the belief of the publick: the first chorus is
composed of boys under eighteen, and sacred to the
Muses; the second, from that age to thirty, and sacred
to Apollo; the third, to Bacchus, consisting of all from
thirty to sixty years of age.
1 V. Alcibiad. 2. p. 144. Aristotle looked upon this as the
distinguishing part of his master Plato's doctrine, as we see
from a fragment of his elegy to Eudemus, preserved in Olym-
piodorus's commentary on the Gorgias. See also de Legib. L.
5. p. 733 and 742.
NOTES.
P.663. To tou Eidwvlov.] This fable of Cadmus and the dragon's
teeth was firmly believed at Thebes : the principal families were
supposed to be descended from the five persons who survived
the fight: and bore on their bodies (as it was reported) the
(See Eurip. Hercules Furens, v. 794.
Eaptol, kai Inyevels.
and Barnes ad locum.)
286
NOTES ON PLATO.
allowed, but very moderately, to men under thirty;
after that age, with less restraint: the good effects of
it in old age are mentioned.
P. 667. The principles and qualifications which are
required in such as are fit to judge of poetry, and of
the other imitative arts.
P. 669. Instrumental musick by itself (which serves
not to accompany the voice) is condemned, as uncertain
and indefinite in its expression. The three arts of
poetry, of musick, and of the dance (or action), were
not made to be separated.
P. 671. The regulation of entertainments, with the
manner of presiding at them is enforced; without which
the drinking of wine ought not to be permitted at all,
or in a very small degree.'
NOTES.
P. 665. IIepwvao KNKOTES. ] The singers in these chorusses
were subjected to a course of abstinence and of physick, for a
considerable time before they put their voices to the trial.
(Vid. Antiphont. Orat. de cæde Choreutæ.)
669. An expression of Orpheus : Aaxelv upay tepylos.
672. 'Otav aTTOKTELVN TLS auto, or, akTalvwon è auto-a false
reading ; perhaps, órav avakin tis, or avakivn TL auto.
DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK III.
HEADS OF THE THIRD DIALOGUE.
P. 676. The immense antiquity of the earth, and
the innumerable changes it has undergone in the course
of ages. Mankind are generally believed to have been
often destroyed (a very small remnant excepted) by
inundation and by pestilence.
The supposition of a handful of men, probably
shepherds, who were feeding their cattle on the mount-
ains, and were there preserved with their families from
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Ρ. 677. Ο, τι μεν γαρ μυριακις.] Perhaps we should read ουτι
Mev yap. I imagine he means to say, as follows; “Tor (taking
the great antiquity of the carth for granted) without supposing
some such destruction as this, how can we account for all the
useful arts among mankind, invented as it were but yesterday,
or at farthest, not above two thousand years old ? It is impos-
sible that men in those times should have been utterly ignorant
of all which had passed so many thousand ages, unless all
records, and monuments, and remains of their improvements
and discoveries, had perished.”
" Quo tot facta virûm toties cecidere ? nec usquam
Æternis famæ monumentis insita florent ?"
Lucret. L. 5. v. 329.
288
NOTES ON PLATO.
a general deluge, which had overwhelmed all the cities
and inhabitants of the country below.
P. 677. The destruction of arts and sciences, with
their slow and gradual revival among this infant
society, is nobly described.
P. 680. The beginnings of government: the paternal
way first in use, which he calls the justest of all
monarchies. Assemblies of different families agree to
descend from the mountain tops, and to settle in the
hill-country (ev Tals Útwpelaus) below them; and as
each of them has a head or a prince of its own, and
customs in which it has been brought up, it will be
year of Plato's death, to the age of Marsyas (a contemporary of
Midas) is usually computed about thirteen hundred years, to
that of Amphion, eleven hundred, to that of Dædalus and
Orpheus, not quite one thousand, and to that of Palamedes, who
lived about the siege of Troy, nine hundred and sixty.
Ib. Ta de repi Movolánv.] Perhaps we should add, Auln-
TlKny.
Ib. Xoes te kal mpwnv.] See Gorgias, p. 471.
Ib. 'O loyw Mev 'Holodos.] I know not what lines in Hesiod
are here alluded to, unless it be these :
Ούτος μεν παναριστος, ος αυτος παντα νοησει,
Φρασσαμενος τα κ' επειτα και ες τελος εσσετ' αμεινω.
Oper. et Dies. v. 293.
nor do I clearly see, whether this is said seriously, or by way of
irony on Epimenides and on the art of divination.
680. Tos ÇEVLKOLS Trolmuao.] Homer was but little known or
read in Crete, even in Plato's time. The Cretans, as they
closely adhered to their ancient customs, did so likewise to the
compositions of their own countrymen.
DE LEGIBUS.
289
necessary to describe certain laws , in common, and to
settle a kind of senate, or of aristocracy.
P. 683. The causes of the increase and declension
of states, are exemplified in the history of Sparta,
Messene, and Argos. The original league between the
three kingdoms founded by the Heraclidæ, and the
mutual engagements entered into by the several kings
and by their people, are stated.
P. 684. The easiness of establishing an equality of
property in a new conquest, which is so difficult for a
NOTES.
P. 681. TPLTOV TOLVVV ELT WlEv.] See what Strabo (L. 13. p. 592.
3.) says on this subject : whence I should suspect that there
was something deficient here in the text of Plato concerning the
third migration of mankind, at which time Ilus is supposed to
have founded Ilium in the plain.
682. Tyv els Aakedaljova katolknow.]. This happened eighty
years after the taking of Troy. See the history in Pausanias.
Corinthiac. L. 2. p. 151. and Messeniac. p. 285.
683. 'H ek beplywv.] The time of the dialogue was one of
the longest days in the year, soon after the summer-solstice.
684. I'my te avaudioBnTnTws.] The equal distribution of
lands is, however, by all attributed to Lycurgus, who lived at
least two hundred and thirty years after the return of the
Heraclidae, nay Plato himself in the Minos, p. 318.) brings
him near four hundred years lower still. Erastosthenes and
Apollodorus (ap. Plutarch. in Lycurgo) place Lycurgus a little
earlier. Xenophon alone makes him a contemporary with
the Heraclidæ, who first settled in Peloponnesus : (Respubl.
Lacedæm. p. 399.) at least so Plutarch interprets the passage.
Ib. Baoilelal TPELS—WMooav.] This was performed at Sparta
every month. 'O de opkos EOTC TW Mev Baoilei, kata TOUS TYS
πολεως κειμενους νομους βασιλευσειν, τη δε πολει εμπεδορκουντος
EKELVOU AOTUDENLKTOV TOY Baoidelay Tapečelv. (Xenoph. Lacedæm.
Respubl. p. 402.)
VOL. IV,
290
NOTES ON PLATO.
legislator to accomplish, who would give a better form
to a government already established.
P. 688. States are destroyed, not so much for the
want of valour and of conduct, as for the want of virtue,
which only is true wisdom. The greatest and the most
pernicious of all ignorance is, when we do not love
what we approve.
P. 691. Absolute power, unaccountable to any and
uncontrolled, is not to be supported by any mortal man.
NOTES.
P. 685. Tns apxns yap Ekeluns nu uoplov.] This is a singular
passage. The kingdom of Troy (he says) was a part of the
great Assyrian empire, nu yap eti tms apxms EKELUNS ox nua to
owSouEvov ou ulkpov. According to Herodotus, the empire of
Assyria had continued five hundred and twenty years in Upper
Asia, when the Medes revolted from it; but this happened near
five hundred years after the fall of Troy, so that Troy was taken
about the twentieth year of the Assyrian dominion, and, if so,
the words of Plato, τη περι Νίνον γενομενη, might be talken
literally, as though Ninus were then on the throne. But, in
truth, Plato (from the words cited above, Hy yap eti, &c.)
appears to have given the Assyrian power à much longer dura-
tion, as Ctesias has done, who makes it seven hundred and
eighty-six years older than Herodotus. Diodorus, who follow's
the authority of Ctesias in these matters, says, that Troy
depended on the Assyrians, and that Teutamus, or Tautanes,
who then reigned over them, sent ten thousand men and two
hundred chariots to the assistance of Priam, under the com-
mand of Memnon son to the governor of Susiana :
Ib. To devtepov.] Troy had been taken by Hercules and
Telamon about a hundred years before its final destruction : but
perhaps to DEUTEPov may signify, afterwards, in process of time,
that is, in the reigns of Darius and of Xerxes.
689. Proverb, Mnte ypanjata, unte veiv, ETLO rao Cai, for a
person completely ignorant,
DE LEGIBUS.
291
The aiming at this was the destruction of the Argive
and Messenian monarchs. That which probably pre-
served the Lacedæmonian state, was the originally
lodging the regal power in the hands of two; then the
of the Ephori by Theopompus. Had the three king-
doms been united and governed in the Spartan manner,
the Persian king would never have dared to invade
Greece: his repulse was entirely due to the Athenians
and Lacedæmonians, and not to the common efforts of
the Greeks.
P. 690. Kai kata puoiv, ús ó onßacos.] See the passage of
Pindar at length, cited in the Gorgias, p. 484.
691. Tyv kata ympas.] The institution of the Tepovtes, or
senate of twenty-eight, by Lycurgus.
Ib. Looundov.] The two kings sat in the senate, and had
each a single vote, like the other citizens : they had only this
privilege, that they could give their vote by proxy, when
absent.
Ib. Aldruov.] Euristhenes and Procles were twins. (Herod.
L. 6. c. 52.)
Ib. Mco Bovdevol.] Vid. L. 1. p. 630.
692. OTPLTOS owTnp.] i.e. Theopompus, who, as it is gener-
ally agreed, instituted the Ephori. I look upon this passage
as one proof, that the eighth epistle of Plato is supposititious,
for in that epistle this institution is expressly attributed to
Lycurgus. Many sentiments in that letter seem borrowed from
this book of the Laws.
Ib. Iloleuovo a auty.] I do not know any war in which the
Spartans were engaged with the Messenians at the time of the
battle of Marathon (see also p. 698.); but this doubtless is a
better reason than that given by Herodotus (L. 6. c. 106.),
namely, that it was not agreeable to their customs to take the
field, before the moon was at the full.
292
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 693. The two great forms of government, from
which all the rest are derived, are monarchy and demo-
cracy: Persia is an example of the first carried to its
height, and Athens an example of the latter. The
best constitution is formed out of both.
P. 694. The reason of the variations observable in
the Persian power is given ; the different administra-
NOTES.
P. 692. 'H Tepl to Apyos.] Their pretence for refusing was a
point of honour: they insisted upon dividing the confederate
army with Sparta ; but it was believed, that they had secretly
promised the Persian to observe a neutrality. As to the rest of
Greece, the Thessalians had called in Xerxes, the Bootians
readily received him, the Cretans pretended an oracle which
obliged them to continue quiet, and the Corcyreans waited to
see the event of the first battle. After the action at Ther-
mopylæ, a great part of Peloponnesus had determined to fortify
the Isthmus, and to give up all the countries which lie north
of it; and what is worse, even after the great victory at Salamis,
they went on, Lacedæmoniaus and all, with the work, and gave
up Attica a second time to the barbarians. It was with great
difficulty that Themistocles could keep the fleet together at
Salamis, or prevent the several squadrons which composed it
from returning home; and, in the battle of Platææ, no one
scarcely had any share, except the Lacedæmonians, the Athen-
ians, and the Tegeætæ ; and particularly, the Mantineans and
the Eleans did not arrive till after the fight.
694. IIaldelas de opons.] This passage has been generally
looked upon as reflecting on the Cyropædia of Xenophon, and
taken for a mark of ill-will in Plato : but I do not see how the
words themselves carry in thein any such reflection. They are
plainly meant, not of the education which Cyrus himself
received, but, of the little care he took (busied as he was in
great affairs all his life long) of that of his two sons. There is
nothing in this at all contradictory to Xenophon who scarcely
mentions these princes any farther than to say, that they were
DE LEGIBUS.
293
tion of different princes, who succeeded one another,
and the cause of it is accounted for from their edu-
cation. The care of Cyrus's children, while he was
abroad in the field, was trusted entirely to the women,
who bred them up in high notions of that grandeur to
which they were to succeed, and in the effeminate and
luxurious manners of the Medes. Darius, who suc-
NOTES.
present and heard the excellent counsels which Cyrus gave
them on his death-bed, and which they forgot immediately.
Eπει μεντοι Κυρος ετελευτησεν, ευθυς μεν αυτου οι παιδες εστα-
olašov. — Tavta setu TO XELPov ETPETTETO. The great abilities
and virtues of Cyrus himself are represented alike in Plato and
in Xenophon.
P. 695. ALELNETO ÉTTA jepn.] I know not whether any historian
tells us, that Darius divided the empire into seven parts, or
great provinces, over which we are to suppose that he placed
the great men who had entered into the conspiracy with him,
and made these vice-royalties hereditary in their families. It
is natural to imagine, that such an appointment could not con-
tinue many years under a succession of kings so absolute as
those of Persia ; but yet Plato says, that some faint shadow of
this division was still left even in his days.
Ib. Tov Kupov daojov.] We see here, that the division of
the empire into twenty satrapiæ or governments, and the im-
position of a regular tax or tribute, were originally designed by
Cyrus, though they were never executed till Darius came to the
throne. The Persians, according to Herodotus, attributed it to
the avarice of Darius : Aca de TavTNU TOU EILTAŠIV Tov popov kal
παραπλησια ταυτη αλλα, λεγουσιν, ως Δαρειος μεν ην καπηλος
Καμβυσης δε δεσποτης: Κυρος δε πατηρ. Ο μεν γαρ, ότε εκαπη-
λευε παντα τα πραγματα και δε, ότι χαλεπος τε ην και ολιγωρος"
ο δε, ότι ηπιος ην και αγαθα σφι παντα εμηχανησατο.
Ib. IIoljeves.] Herodotus says, that four of the Persian
tribes, the Dai, Mardi, Tropici, and Sagartii, were Nouades,
L. 1. p. 54. c. 125.
294
NOTES ON PLATO.
ceeded them, had been bred as a private soldier, and
he restored the declining empire to its former greatness.
Xerxes, his son, brought up as great princes usually
are, by his folly weakened it again, and ever since it
has been growing worse and worse.
NOTES.
P. 695. Tpaxelas xwpas.] See Herodotus, L. 1. c. 71. and
L. 9. c. ult.
Ib. Tov deyouevOU TO Te Evrouxov.] The account of this fact,
which Plato had received, seems different from that given us
by Herodotus, or by Ctesias. The counterfeit Smerdis and the
Magus, his brother, were Medes, but neither of them eunuchs.
He may possibly mean the eunuch Bagapates, who (according
to Ctesias) was the favourite both of Cyrus and Cambyses, was
privy to the secret murder of Tanyoxarces, and contrived after
the death of Cambyses to place the Magus, or Mede, upon the
throne, and afterwards betrayed him to the conspirators.
Ib. Twv €TTA.] Ctesias calls them, Onophas, Idernes,
Norondabates, Mardonius, Barisses, Artaphernes, and Darius.
Ib. Baoilews OUK nu ÚLos.] Hystaspes, the father of Darius,
was of the same family with Cyrus, and, at the time of his
son's coming to the empire, was governor of Persia properly
so called. Darius was brought up in that country, he served
in Egypt among the guards of Cambyses, loyov ovdevos kW
Meyalov, says Herodotus, and came to the throne at about
twenty-eight years of age.
Ib. ALELNETO ÉTTA Mepn.] Herodotus tells us, that Otanes
(who first laid the plan of the conspiracy) gave up all preten-
sions to the crown, on condition that he and his family might
enjoy a perfect liberty ; and even now (adds he) the descendants
of Otanes are the only family in Persia which can be called free,
obeying the orders of the court no farther than they please, and
under no other restraint than that of the laws. The other six
agreed among themselves, that to whichever among them for-
tune should give the empire, he should engage to marry out of
no other family than theirs, and should never refuse them access
to his person, except he were in the apartment of the women.
DE LEGIBUS.
295
P. 696. Honour is the proper reward of virtue only;
in what manner it ought to be distributed in a well-
regulated state.
P. 697. The impossibility is stated of any govern-
ment's subsisting long, where the people are enemies
to the administration, which, where despotism in its
full extent prevails, must always be the case.
P. 698. A picture of the reverse of this, a complete
democracy, as at Athens. The constitution of that
NOTES.
P. 698. IIoMetela radaca.] See the admirable Areopagitick
oration of Isocrates, p. 147. and 150. for an account of the
ancient Athenian manners and education ; and the oration de
Pace, p. 176. and Panathenaic. p. 260.
Ib. Εκ τιμηματων τετταρων.] See this division instituted by
Solon in Plutarch's life of him. Aristides, after the victory at
Platææ, proposed a law, whereby every citizen of Athens, with-
out regard to rank or fortune, might be a competitor for the
archonship, or principal magistracy, which afterwards gave a
right to a seat in the senate of Areopagus.
Ib. Aatis.] This is all agreeable to Herodotus, L. 6. C. 98.
See also Plato's Menexenus, p. 240.
699. 'Hy aldw.] Vid. L. 1. p. 647.
700. H Movolkn] Vid. L. 2. p. 657 and 658. and de
Republ. L. 4. p. 424. The state of the Athenian musick before
the Persian invasion. Certain kinds of harmony and of move-
ment were appropriated to distinct species of poetry : prayers
and invocations to the gods formed one kind, called 'Tuvol;
lamentations for the dead formed a second, called Opnuou; the
Παιανες were a third sort; the Διθυραμβοι (the subject of which
was the birth of Bacchus) a fourth; and the Nouoc KidapwOikol,
a fifth, with other kinds : these were afterwards confused and
injudiciously mingled all together by the ignorance and by the
bad taste of the poets and of their audience.
Ib. Ou ovplyg mv.] The Athenians used this instrument, as
in modern theatres whistles and cat-calls.
296
NOTES ON PLATO.
state was different before the Persian invasion. The
reasons for their distinguished bravery on that occa-
sion. An account of the change introduced in their
musick, and the progress of liberty, or rather of license,
among them.
P. 701. The great aim of a legislator is to inspire
liberty, wisdom, and concord. Clinias, being appointed
with nine other citizens to superintend and to form a
body of laws for a new colony they are going to settle,
asks advice of the Athenian and Lacedæmonian strangers
on that head.
DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK IV.
HEADS OF THE FOURTH DIALOGUE.
P. 704. The advantages and disadvantages arising
from the situation of a city, and the great difficulty of
preserving the constitution and the morals of a mari-
time and trading state, are described.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 704. He is speaking of the difficulty of preserving the con-
stitution and morals of a maritime and trading state. Eutroplas
γαρ και χρηματισμου δια καπηλειας εμπιπλάσα εαυτην, ηθη παλιμ-
βολα και απιστα ταις ψυχαις εντικτουσα, αυτην τε προς αυτην την
πολιν απιστον και αφιλον ποιει, και προς τους αλλους ανθρωπους ωσαυ-
TWs. The great advantage of a maritime power with respect to
its influence, its commerce and riches, its politeness of manners
and language, and the enjoyment of every pleasure and con-
venience of life, are admirably explained by Xenophon (in
Athen. Republ. p. 204.), who considers it in every light, in
which Montesquieu and the best modern political writers would
do. But Plato extended his views farther : he says, OU TO
σωζεσθαι τε και ειναι, μονον ανθρωπους τιμιωτατον ηγουμενοι, καθαπερ
οι πολλοι, το δε ως βελτιστους γιγνεσθαι τε και ειναι, τοσουτον
Xpovov doov av wolv. (707. see also p. 714. and L. 5. p. 743.)
Plato never regards policy as the art of preserving mankind in
a certain form of society, or of securing their property or their
pleasures, or of enlarging their power, unless so far as all these
298
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 706. The manner of carrying on a war by sea is
unworthy of a brave and free people; it impairs their
valour, depends too much on the lower and more
mechanick arts, and is hardly ever decisive. The
battles of Artemisium and of Salamis could not have
preserved Greece (as it has been commonly thought),
from the Persians, had they not been defeated in the
action at Platææ.
P. 709. The difficulties, which attend new colonies,
if sent out by a single city, are stated : they will more
hardly submit to a new discipline, and to laws different
from those of their native country : but then they con-
cur more readily in one design, and act with more
strength and uniformity among themselves. If they
are collected from various states, they are weak and
disjointed, but more apt to receive such forms and im-
pressions as a legislator would give them.
The constitution of states and of their laws is owing
more to nature, or to chance, or to the concurrence of
NOTES.
are consistent with the preservation of their virtue and of that
happiness, which is the natural result of it. He had, undoubt-
edly, in what he says here, a view to his own country.
Isocrates (in his oration Panathenaic. p. 256.) is constrained
to own, that when Athens became a great naval power, she was
forced to sacrifice her good order and morals to her ambition,
though he justifies her for doing so from necessity: but (in the
orat. de Pace, p. 174.) he speaks his mind more freely, and he
shows at large that the dominion of the sea was every way the
ruin of the Athenians, and afterwards of the Lacedæmonians.
P. 704. Elamn.] We see here that the principal ship-timber
of the Greeks was fir, and pine and cypress for the outside work,
as the picea and plane-tree were for the inside.
DE LEGIBUS.
299
various accidents, than to human foresight: yet the
wise lawgiver will not therefore despair, but will ac-
commodate his art to the various circumstances and
opportunities of things. The mariner cannot command
the winds and the waves, yet he can watch his advan-
tages, and make the best use possible of both, for the
expedition and security of his voyage.
P. 710. The greatest advantage which a lawgiver
can ever meet with is, when he is supported by an
arbitrary prince, young, sober, and of good understand-
ing, generous and brave; the second lucky opportunity
is, when he can find a limited monarch of like disposi-
tion to concur in his designs; the third is, when he
can unite himself to the leading men in some popular
government; and the fourth and most difficult is, in an
oligarchy.
NOTES.
P. 706. Thu xwpay almon.] The Athenians brought their
timber chiefly from Macedonia, for Attica afforded but little
for these uses. (Xenoph. Hellenic. L. 6. p. 340.)
707. AMo@ev twv 'Elinywv.] According to Herodotus (L. 7.
C. 170.) the ill-success of the expedition of Minos against the
Sicilians, and the settlement of those troops which accompanied
him in Italy after his death, had left Crete in a manner desti-
tute of inhabitants; for he mentions only Præsus and Polichme,
as cities of the Eteocrétes (or original Cretans) remaining. This
happened about one hundred years before the Trojan war, and
accordingly Homer speaks of this island as peopled by various
nations, and most of them of Greek origin :
Αλλη δ' αλλων γλωσσα μεμιγμενη" εν μεν Αχαιοι,
Εν δ' Ετεοκρητες μεγαλητορες, εν δε Κυδωνες,
Δωριεες τε τριχαϊκες, διοι τε Πελασγοι.
Odyss. T. v. 175.
300
NOTES ON PLATO.
: P. 711. The character and manners of a whole
people, in a despotick government, are easily changed
by the encouragement and by the example of their
prince.
P. 712. The best governments are of a mixed kind,
and are not reducible to any of the common forms.
Thus those of Crete and of Sparta were neither tyranni-
cal, nor monarchical, nor aristocratical, nor democrati-
cal, but had something of all these.
P. 713. The fable of the Saturnian age is introduced,
when the gods or dæmons in person reigned over man-
kind. No mortal nature is fit to be trusted with an
absolute power of commanding its fellow-creatures : and
therefore the law, that is, pure reason, divested of all
NOTES.
P. 710. This great opportunity was Plato's inducement to go
twice into Sicily, and (when he found that nothing could be
made of the younger Dionysius) to support Dion in his expedi-
tion against him. Dion was of the royal family, possessed of
every qualification here required, and ready to concur with
Plato in all his designs, but he was cut off in the midst of them
by a base assassin, whom he had taken into his bosom and
712. This is also the opinion of Polybius (Excerpt. ex Lib.
6. p. 452. ed. Casaub.) who produces the Spartan and Roman
commonwealths as instances of it.
712. Isocrates calls the Lacedæmonian constitution a de-
Mariota onuokpatovuEVOL Tuyxavovoi. (Areopag. p. 152.) and in
another place he calls it a democracy mixed with an aristocracy.
(Panathen. p. 265.) His reason for naming it a democracy
was, doubtless, because the senate was elected by the people, as
were also the Ephori, in whose hands the supreme power was
DE LEGIBUS.
301
human passions and appetites, the part of man which
most resembles the divinity, ought alone to be implicitly
obeyed in a well-governed state.
P. 715. The first address to the citizens of the new
colony, is to inculcate the belief of providence and of
laws, and piety to the gods and to parents : this should
be by way of proæmium to the laws; for free men are
not to be treated like slaves; they are to be taught and
to be persuaded, before they are threatened and punished.
P. 721. The laws of marriage, and the reasons and
inducements to observe them, are stated.
P. 722. The necessity and the nature of general and
of particular introductions are stated.
NOTES.
adds, that by these means, Anuokpatia eß APLOTOK Patlas ouveßalve.
(Politic. L. 2. c. 9.)
P. 714. To ovupepov èautw.] See de Republ. L. 1. p. 338. This
was the doctrine of Thrasymachus, and it is in appearance that
of Montesquieu in his Esprit des Loix; but this great man did
not dare to speak his mind, in a country almost despotically
governed, without disguise. Let any one see the amiable pic-
ture which Montesquieu draws of freer governments, and, in
contrast to it, his idea of a court, and they will not be at a loss
to know his real sentiments. That constitution and policy which
is founded (as he says himself) on every virtue, must be the
only one worthy of human nature.
716. 'Ns paour avOpwros.] He alludes to a principle of Pro-
tagoras (V. Theät. p. 152.)
720. The method of practising physick in these times is
observable.
DE LEGIBUS.
BOOK V.
HEADS OF THE FIFTH. DIALOGUE.
P. 726. After he has shewed the reason of that duty
which men owe to the gods and to their parents, he
comes to that duty which we owe to ourselves; and
first, of the reverence due to our own1 soul; that it
consists not in flattering its vanity, nor indulging its
pleasures, nor in soothing its indolence, nor in satisfy-
ing its avarice.
P. 728. The second honours are due to our body,
whose perfection is not placed in excess of strength, of
bulk, of swiftness, of beauty, nor even of health, but in
a mediocrity of all these qualities; for a redundancy,2
or a deficiency; in any one of them is always prejudicial
to the mind.
The same holds with regard to fortune. The folly
1 Παντων των αυτου κτηματων μετα θεους ψυχη θειοτατον, οικειο-
τατον ον. p. 728.
2 Τα μεν γαρ χαυνους τας ψυχας και θρασειας ποιει, τα δε
ταπειναστε και ανελευθερους. p. 728.
3 Η μεν γαρ νεων ακολακευτος ουσια, των δε αναγκαίων μη
ενδεης, αυτη πασών μουσικωτατη τε και αριστη ξυμφωνουσα γαρ
ημίν και ξυναρμoττουσα εις άπαντα αλυπον τον βιον απεργαζεται.
p. 729.
DE LEGIBUS.
303
of heaping up riches for our children is exposed, as the
only valuable inheritance which we can leave them is a
respect for virtue. The reverence due to youth is incul-
cated. True education consists not in precept, but in
example.
The duty to relations and to friends : strict justice,
hospitality, and compassion, are due to strangers and
foreigners, but above all to suppliants.
What is that habit of the mind which best becomes
a man of honour and a good citizen. Veracity is the
prime virtue. Justice consists in this : not only to do
no injury, but to prevent others from doing any, and to
assist the magistrate in punishing those who commit
them. Temperance and wisdom: the persons who
possess these or any other virtues, deserve our praise ;
those, who impart them to others, and multiply their
influence, are worthy of double honours. The use of
emulation in a state : the hatefulness of envy and
detraction.
P. 731. Spirit and indignation are virtues, when
employed against crimes and vices, which admit of no
other cure than extreme severity:1 yet they are not
inconsistent with lenity and tender compassion, when
we consider that? no man is voluntarily wicked; and
that the fault is in his understanding, and not in his
intention. The blindness of what is called self-love.
Excessive joy and sorrow are equally condemned.
1 Χαλεπα, και δυσιατα, η και το παραπαν ανιατα, αδικηματα.
(See the Gorgias.)
2 Vid. Protagoram, p. 357.-H yap di auablav, n si arpa-
Telav, in di' augotepa tou owopovELV Evdens wv, Śn ó râs av@pw Tivos
oxlos. p. 734.
304
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 732. A life of virtue is preferable i to any other,
even with respect to its pleasures. (This passage is
admirable.)
P. 736. The method of purgation requisite in form-
ing a society, in order to clear it of its noxious parts,
either by punishments, or by sending out colonies.
P. 737. The number of citizens limited. Equal
division of lands among them. The institution of
temples and sacred rites, in which nothing of novelty
is to be permitted, nor the slightest alteration 2 made;
but ancient opinions and traditions are to be religiously
followed. Festivals and general assemblies serve to
familiarise the citizens to one another, and to bring the
whole people acquainted with the temper and character
of each particular man.
P. 739. The recommendation of his first scheme of
government laid down in the book de Republicâ, in
which all things are in common; and the whole state,
their possessions, their families, their passions, 3 are so
united as that they may all act together, like the facul-
ties of a single person. The present scheme comes next
to it in perfection.
The number of the shares allotted to the citizens is
never to be diminished nor increased. Each man is to .
choose one among his sons who is to succeed to his
portion; the rest to be given in adoption to those who
have none of their own. The supreme magistrate is to
1 Vid. de Republica, p. 581. L. 9. Philebum, p. 61. et
Protagoram.
2 Τουτων Νομοθετη, το σμικροτατον απαντων ουδεν κινητεον.
3 Vid. de Republ. L, 5. p. 462.
DE LEGIBUS.
305
preside over this equality, and to preserve it. If the
number of children exceed the number of shares, he
may send out a colony; if it fall short, he may (in
cases of great necessity) introduce the sons of foreigners.
No alienation of lands to be permitted.
P. 741. The increase of fortune by commerce is to
be prohibited, and the use of gold or silver small money,
of a species not valued, nor in request with other people,
only permitted for the ordinary uses of life. The com-
mon coin of Greece is to be in the hands of the publick,
or employed only on occasion of an embassy, or of an
expedition into foreign states. No private person may
go abroad without leave of the government; and if
he bring back with him any foreign money, he must
deposit it in the hands of the magistrate, or he, and all
who are privy to the concealment, shall forfeit twice
the value, and incur disgrace.
P. 742. No securities shall be given among citizens
in any case : no fortune paid on a marriage; no money
lent on interest.
The folly of a legislator who thinks of making a
great, a flourishing, a rich, and a happy state, without
regard to the virtue 1 of the inhabitants.
P. 743. The inconsistency of great wealth 2 and of
great virtue. The good men will never acquire any
thing by unjust means, nor ever refuse to be at any
expense on decent and honest occasions. He, there-
fore, who scruples 3 not to acquire by fair and by unfair
1 Vid. L. 4. p. 707.
2 V. de Republ. L. 4. p. 421. and L. 8. p. 552.
3 Η εκ δικαιου και αδικου κτησις πλεον η διπλασια εστι της εκ
του δικαιου μονον τα τε αναλωματα μητε καλως μητε αισχρως
VOL. IV.
306
NOTES ON PLATO.
means, and will be at no expense on any occasion, must
naturally be thrice as rich as the former. A good man
will not lavish all he has in idle pleasures and prodi-
gality; he will not therefore be very poor. Business
and 1 acquisition ought to employ no more of our time,
than may be spared from the improvement of our mind
and of our body.
P. 744. A colony cannot be formed of men perfectly
equal in point of fortune; it will be therefore necessary
to divide the citizens into classes according to their
circumstances, that they may pay impositions to the
publick service in proportion to them. The wealthier
members are also, cæteris paribus, to be preferred
before others to offices and dignities of expense; which
will bring every one's fortune gradually to a level.
Four such classes to be instituted: the first worth
the value of his land, the fourth, four times as much.
Above or below this proportion no one is to go, on pain
of forfeiture and disgrace: therefore, the substance of
every man is to be publickly enrolled, under the inspec-
tion of a magistracy.
P. 745. The division of the country. Every man's
lot is to consist of two half-shares, the one near the
city, the other near the frontier : every one also is to
have two houses, likewise within the city, the one near.
the midst of it, the other near the walls. The country
is to be divided into twelve tribes, and the city into as
εθελοντα αναλισκεσθαι των καλων, και εις καλα εθελοντων δαπα-
νάσθαι διπλασιως ελαττονα. --Ουκ εισιν οι παμπλουσιοι αγαθοι, ει
δε μη αγαθοι, ουδε ευδαιμονες.
πεφυκε τα χρηματα ταυτα δ' εστι ψυχη και σωμα.
DE LEGIBUS.
307
many regions; and each of them to be dedicated to its
several divinity.
P. 746. An apology for this scheme, which to some
will seem impracticable.
P. 747. The great difference of climates and of
situations, and the sensible effects which they produce
not on the bodies alone, but on the souls of men, are
stated.
THE END OF THE FIFTH BOOK.
*
*
*
*
*
It is matter of just but unavailing regret, that Mr.
Gray proceeded no further in his analysis and annota-
tions on the books of Plato De Legibus.—[MATHIAS.]
THE EPISTLES.
Ed. Serrani, H. Steph. 1578. Vol. 3. p. 309, &c.
DIOGENES LAERTIUS, who lived probably about the
time of Septimius Severus, in the catalogue he gives
us of Plato's works, counts thirteen epistles, and
enumerates their titles, by which they appear to be
the same as those which we now have. Yet we are
not thence to conclude them to be all genuine alike.
Fictions of this kind are far more ancient than that
author's time; and his judgment and accuracy were
not sufficient to distinguish the true from the false, as
plainly appears from those palpable forgeries, the
letters of the seven sages, which yet easily passed upon
him as genuine.
EPISTLE I. TO DIONYSIUS. 01. 103. 2.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 309.
This letter is not from Plato, but from his favourite
scholar, the famous Dion; nor is it possible that
the philosopher himself could have any hand in it,
he being with Dionysius at Syracuse (as he tells us
himself) when Dion was forced away, and continuing
there some time after. It is sent by Baccheus, who
THE EPISTLES.
309
had conducted Dion on his way, together with a sum
of money which Dionysius had ordered to be given to
him for his expenses, which he returns to the tyrant
with much contempt. The spirit of it and the senti-
mnents are not amiss; and yet it is not very consistent
with the indignation which Dion must have felt, and
with the suddenness of the occasion, to end his letter
with three scraps of poetry, though never so well
applied. To say the truth, I much doubt of this
epistle, and the more so, as it contradicts a fact in
Plutarch, who assures us, that at the same time when
Dion was hurried away, his friends were permitted to
load two ships with his wealth and furniture, and to
transport them to him in Peloponnesus, besides which 1
his revenues were regularly remitted to him, till Plato
went into Sicily for the last time, which was at least
six years after.
EPISTLE II. TO DIONYSIUS. 01. 105. 1.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 310.
This epistle appears to have been written soon after
the interview which he had with Dion at the olympick
games, which he himself mentions, Epist. 7. p. 350.
and in this place also. Archedemus, who brought the
letter from Dionysius, and returned with this answer,
i Ou Toluv xpovov dialıwv, &c. Plato, Ep. 7. p. 345.
2 The reasons for placing the voyages of Plato so early, and
Dion's banishment so different from the chronology of Diodorus,
will appear in the observations on Plato's seventh epistle.
310
NOTES ON PLATO.
was a friend and follower of Archỹtas, the Pythagorean
of Tarentum (Epist. 7. p. 339.), but was himself prob-
ably a Syracusan; at least he had a house in that
city where Plato was lodged, after he had been turned
out of the citadel. (Ibid. p. 349.) He was sent on
board a ship of war (with Dionysius's letters of invita-
tion to Plato, wherein he pressed him to come the
third time into Sicily), as a person well known and
much esteemed by the philosopher, and he is mentioned
as present in the gardens of the palace at an interview
which Plato had with Dionysius, about three weeks
before he returned home. again. (Ep. 3. sub fin.)
=
=
=
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 311. Aočav exWv tolv TWV EV pilooopige diape-
pelv.] It may be observed that Plato's reputation was
at the height before he went to the court of the younger
Dionysius, that is, before he was sixty-two years of age.
P. 312. Alla de comovdakas.] In the intervals
between Plato's two last voyages, Dionysius had been
philosophizing with Archytas and others, and perhaps
with Aristippus. See Ep. 7. 338.
Ib. Ø pacteov on oou di aiviyuwv.] Wel see here
that Plato, as well as the Pythagoreans whom he
imitated in many respects, made a mystery of his art :
for none but adepts were to understand him. It was
by conversation only that he cared to communicate
himself on these subjects. In the seventh epistle he
1 See Theodoret, Serm. 1. ad. Græcos.
? And in the end of this very epistle, p. 314. Ovo' eoTL OUY-
γραμμα Πλατωνος ουδεν, ουδ' εσται τα δε νυν λεγομενα Σωκράτους
THE EPISTLES.
311
professes never to have written any thing on philo-
sophy; and all that has been published in his name he
attributes to Socrates. As I am not initiated, it is no
wonder if this passage is still a riddle to me, as it was
designed to be. Thus much one may divine indeed;
namely, that it is a description of the Supreme Being,
who is the cause and end of all things, which is an
answer to Dionysius's first question ; the second seems
to be concerning the origin of evil, which Plato does
not explain, but refers to a conversation which they
had had before.
P. 314. DIALOTlv.] Philistio was a Syracusan,"
famous for his knowledge in physick : Eudoxus of
Gnidos, a person accomplished in various kinds of
learning, was his scholar in this art. Diog. Laert. L.
8. c. 86.
Ib. ETTEVOLTTW.] Speusippus had accompanied his
uncle Plato into Sicily, and continued there after him;
where (as Plutarcha says) he thoroughly acquainted him-
self with the temper and inclinations of the city, and
was a principal promoter of Dion's expedition.
Ib. Tov ek twv Autouwv.] This was some prisoner
of state, as it seems, who was confined in those horrid
EOTI, kalov kai veOu yeyovotos : which is a remarkable passage.
This is alluded to by Theodoret, Serm. 1. Vol. 4. ed. Simondi.
See Epist. 7. p. 341. OUKOU EMOV ye ztepi autWV Coti OvYypajina
Oude unTote yenTAI, &c. See also Athenaus, L. 15. p. 702.
1 Athenæus, who cites him L. 3. p. 115. calls him a Locrian,
as does Plutarch, Sympos. L. 7. Quæst. 1. Maptupwv tw IIXatwvi,
προσκαλούμαι Φιλιστιωνα τον Λοκρον, ευ μαλα παλαιον ανδρα, και
Taurpov ato TNS teXuns 'we yeyouevov. Sce also Rufus Ephe-
sius, p. 31. so that this seems the more probable.
Plutarch in Dione.
312
NOTES ON PLATO.
caverns, the Latomia, which was the publick dungeon
of the Syracusans, being a vast quarry in that part of
the city, called the Epipolæ. Thucydides L. 7. and
various other 1 authors speak of this place. Tully
particularly describes it in the fifth oration against
Verres. See Cluverii Sicilia Antiqua. L. 1. p. 149.
EPISTLE III. TO DIONYSIUS. 01. 105. 4.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 315.
This epistle, like those to the friends of Dion after-
wards, was apparently written to be made publick; and
is a justification of Plato's conduct, as well as an
invective against the cruelty and falsehood of Diony-
sius. The beginning of the letter is a reproach, the
more keen for being somewhat disguised ; and in the
rest of it, he observes no longer any measures with the
tyrant: whence I conclude, that it was written after
that Dion's expedition against him was professedly
begun, and perhaps after his entry into Syracuse, parti-
cularly from that expression, p. 315. Nûv de Alva
διδασκoιμι δραν αυτα ταυτα, και τους διανοημασι τοις
σους την σην αρχην αφαιρουμεθα σε, κτλ.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 315. Ev TpaTTELV.] This address of letters was
first used by Plato instead of Xalpelv, the common form
of salutation.
Ib. Tas de Elinvidas models OLKIŠELV.] The Greek
1 Ælian. Var. Hist. L. 12. C. 44.
THE EPISTLES.
313
mantled, and miserably oppressed by the Carthaginians
and by the elder Dionysius, were Himera, Agrigentum,
Gela, Camerina, Messana, Naxus, Catana, and Leontini.
P. 315. “Yto cotidov.] I doubt not but it should
daughter of Leptines, the king's uncle, and commanded
his fleet, was an inveterate enemy of Plato. He had
been recalled from his banishment in Italy, on purpose
to oppose Dion and his friends. (Plutarch in Dione.)
Ib. Xalpe kai ģdouevov.] The addresses to the
Delphick Apollo, as well as his answers, were often in
verse. This of Dionysius seems to have been sent on
account of Dion's first successes in Sicily.
P. 316. Nouwv poopia.] Syracuse had been
governed ever since Ol. 91. 4. by the laws of Diocles,
whose history and character Diodorus gives us. (L. 13.
c. 33. and 35.) Plato began to form a new body of
them, but his quarrel with Dionysius, and afterwards
the murder of Dion, and the tumults which followed,
hindered his system from being brought to any degree
of perfection. Timoleon was happier in his great
with the advice of Cephalus the Corinthian, supplied
and amended the laws of Diocles : and afterwards, in
the reign of Hiero, they were again revised or corrected
by Polylarus. Yet these were only looked on as
EÉNYNTAL TWv Nouwv; Diocles alone bore the title of
Νομοθετης, and had publicle honours paid to him as to
a hero. His laws were adopted by several other cities
in the island, and continued in use down to the times
314
NOTES ON PLATO.
of Julius Cæsar (which is about three hundred and
sixty-eight years) when the Sicilians received the Jus
Latii.
P. 316. Εν ηλικια δε οντος μεση και καθεστηκυία.]
Cornelius Nepos tells us that Dion was fifty-five years
old at his death, so that he must have been about forty-
one when Plato came the second time into Sicily. See
also Epist. 7. p. 328. 'Hlkias te non uerpuws exov.
Ib. Epodpa veov.] Dionysius was, I suppose, at
least twenty years younger than Dion.
Ib. II levo al Mev Olkade Eue.] I defer examining
into the time of Plato's voyages into Sicily, and his
stay there, that I may do it all at once when I come
to the seventh epistle.
P. 317. Tnv o rdekiav.] Plato was then about
sixty-seven years old.
P. 318. Evvexas.] Read, Evvexn TW vvv yevouevuu'
this is his apology to the first accusation ; he has said
in the beginning, tpos duw en pou dittas avaykalov
ποιησασθαι απολογιας.
P. 319. OUKOUV_Taidevdevta (ednoba) yewlet PELV;
n Tw;] I do not understand the meaning of this
insult at all : it relates, however, to the advice which
Plato had ventured to give him, that he should lighten
the load of the Syracusans, and voluntarily limit his
own power.
THE EPISTLES.
315
EPISTLE IV. To Dion. 01. 105. 4.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 320.
This was written probably the same year with the
former, or the beginning of the next, on account of those
differences which Dion had with Heraclides and his
uncle Theodotes, who at last drove him out of Syra-
cuse : their history may be seen in the seventh epistle,
and in Plutarch.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 320. Thv eunu mpo Ovulav.] Plato, after all his
ill usage from Dionysius, expressed some backwardness
to join in the expedition against him, as appears Ep.
which he retained for him, when he reflected on their
former familiarity ; and that the king amidst all his
anger and suspicions, had attempted on his life : how-
ever, when he saw Dion engaged, he joined in the cause
with great zeal, and assisted him with all his power..
Ib. Avalpedevtos.] This seems to fix the time to
01. 106. 1. for when Dionysius had sailed away to
Locri, and his son Apollocrates had surrendered the
citadel, it was natural to imagine that his empire was
at an end.
P. 320. Ενδεεστερως του προσηκοντος θεραπευτικος.]
Plutarch cites this passage in Dion's life; and another
in the same epistle.
Ib. To de vûv ůrapxov Tepl OE, &c. as above.
316
NOTES ON PLATO.
EPISTLE V. TO PERDIOCAS. 01. 103. 4.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 321.
Perdiccas, the second son of Amyntas, succeeded to
the crown of Macedon, after the death of his brother
in law, Ptolemy of Alorus, Ol. 103. 4. There seem
to have been ancient ties of hospitality and of friend-
ship between the royal family of Macedon, from
Archelaus's time, and the principal literati of Athens.
Plato here recommends his friend and scholar, Eu-
phræus, a native of Oreus in Euboea, to be of Perdiccas's
council, and his secretary. He grew into the highest
favour with Perdiccas, and was trusted with the entire
management of all his affairs. He used his power
arbitrarily enough. Caristius,1 of Pergamus, gives the
following instance of it; that, he would not suffer any
one to sit at the king's table, who was ignorant of
geometry or of philosophy. And yet to Plato and to
succession to the kingdom, (as 2 Speusippus writes
in a letter to Philip reproaching him with his
ingratitude,) for by them was his brother Perdiccas
persuaded to bestow on him some districts as an
appanage, where, after his death, Philip was enabled
to raise troops, and to recover the kingdom. Euphræus,
upon the death of his master, having rendered himself
hateful to the principal Macedonians, was obliged, as
it seems, to retire into his own country; where, soon
2 Ap. Athenæum, ut supra.
THE EPISTLES.
317
.
after Philip was settled on the throne, Parmenio was
ordered to murder him.
Ficinus and H. Stephanus, finding in the margin
of some manuscripts this fifth epistle ascribed to Dion,
and not to Plato, seem inclined to admit that correc-
tion, but without reason. Plato has in his other un-
doubted epistles spoken of himself, as he has done in
this, in the third person. He is here apologising for
his recommendation of a man, who was to have a share
in the administration of a kingdom. Some may object
(says he), “How should Plato be a competent judge,
he who has never meddled in the government of his
own country, nor thought himself fit to advise his own
citizens ?” He answers this by shewing his reasons for
such a conduct; but the last sentence, Tavtov on oluar
Opãoai, &c. is not at all clear. The thought is the
very same with that in the famous seventh epistle to
Dion's friends, (Eyw tov oyubovdevovta avopi kajvovti,
&c. p. 330.) but some principal word seems to be
omitted; perhaps after Spâoar av should be inserted
ιατρικον ανδρα, οι ιατρον αγαθον.
EPISTLE VI. TO HERMCIAS, ERASTUS, AND CORISCUS.
The date not settled.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 322.
This letter, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom.
L. 5.) and by Origen (contra Celsum, L. 6.), Menage 1
tells us is no longer extant among the epistles of Plato,
1 Ad. Diog. Laertium, L. 3. c. 57. See also Card. Quirini
Decas Epistolarum Romæ 1743. 4to. p. 23.
S
318
NOTES ON PLATO.
and is supposed to be a fiction of the Christians.
Bentley 1 had reason to wonder at the negligence of
that critick, who did not know that the epistle was
still preserved : and he adds, that there is no cause to
believe the letter not to be genuine, as there are pass-
ages in the Dialogues themselves as favourable to the
Christian opinions, as any thing in this epistle. The
passage, which those Fathers cite, is at the end of the
letter, and has indeed much the air of a forgery. I do
not know any passages in the Dialogues 2 equally sus-
picious; nor do I see why it might not be tacked to
the end of an undoubtedly original letter : there is
nothing else here but what seems genuine.
Erastus and Coriscus were followers of Plato, and
born at Scepsis,: a city of Troas, seated on mount Ida,
not far from the sources of the Scamander and of the
Æsepus : they seem to have attained a principal autho-
i Bentley in Phileleuthero Lipsiensi.
2 Vid. de Republ. L. 6. p. 506. Ekyovos te tov Aya@ou, kai
ÖMOLOTATOS EKELW . . . Ó TOKOS. By which he means the idea of
Himself, which the Sovereign Good has bestowed on us, and
which is the cause of knowledge and of truth. Tbe Supreme
Good itself he calls 'O IIarnp, and compares him to the sun,
• KupLOS TOU Owtos. Vid. et ibid. L. 7. p. 516.
3 Vid. Strabonem, L. 13. p. 602. and 607. The Coriscus
here mentioned had a son called Neleus, a follower of Aristotle
and a particular friend of Theophrastus, who left his library
(in which was contained all that Aristotle had ever written, in
the original manuscript) to him, when he died. It continued
in the possession of his family at Scepsis, about one hundred
and fifty years, when Apellicon of Teos purchased and trans-
ferred it to Athens, whence, soon after, Sylla carried it to
Rome. (Strabo, L. 13. p. 602. and 607; Plutarch in Sylla,
and Diog. Laert. in Theophrasto.)
THE EPISTLES.
319
rity in their little state, and Plato recommends to them
here to cultivate the friendship of Hermias their neigh-
bour, and sovereign of Assus and Atarneus, two strong
towns on the coast of the Sinus Adramyttenus near the
foot of Ida. Coriscus had also been scholar to Plato,
though an eunuch, and slave to Eubulus, a Bythynian
and a banker. His master having found means to erect
a little principality in the places before mentioned, made
Hermias his heir. He gave his niece Pythias in mar-
riage to Aristotle, who lived with him near three years,
till 01. 107. 4. about which time Memnon2 the Rho-
dian, general to the Persian king, by a base treachery 3
was there hanged. (Strabo, L. 13. p. 610. and Suidas.)
hymn in honour to his memory, which are still 6 extant.
1 So Strabo tells us ; but Plato himself says, that he had
never conversed with him. 'Ora untw guyyeyovori, &c. infra.
2 Or Mentor, his brother, according to Diodorus, L. 16.
C. 52. which is right. See Aristot. Economic. ap. Leon.
Aretinum, L. 2. c. 38.
• 3 Probably he had taken part in the grand rebellion of the
Satrapæ against the Persian king (which caused their indigna-
tion), and had shaken off his dependency.
4 See Antholog. Gr. p. 526. Ed. H. Stephani. It was in-
scribed on a cenotaph erected to him and Eubulus jointly by
Aristotle ; for which piece of gratitude Theocritus of Chios has
abused him in a satirical epigram : Antholog. ib. p. 523.
Ερμειου ευνουχου ηδ' Ευβουλου άμα δουλου
Σημα κενον κενοφρων τευξεν Αριστοτελης.
6 Vid. Athenæum, L. 15. p. 696. and Diog. Laert. L. 5. in
Aristotele.
6 After the words, waliota Mev a poovs. el de un, insert kata
ovo kolvñ, from the Vatican MSS. (See Montfaucon Bibl.
Bibliothecarum, p. 2.)
320
NOTES ON PLATO.
.
.
NOTE ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 323. 'O EOTC dikalov.] There I take the true
epistle to end; as what follows is very extraordinary
as to the sense and the expression : Του τε ηγεμονος
και αιτιου Πατερα Κυριον, ον– εισομεθα σαφως, εις
δυναμιν ανθρωπων ευδαιμονων.
EPISTLE VII. TO THE FRIENDS AND RELATIONS OF DION.
Ol. 105. 4.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 323.
Callippus, after the treacherous murder of Dion, was
attacked in Syracuse by the friends of that great man,
but they were worsted by him and his party; and,
being driven out, they fled to the Leontini, and he
maintained his power in the city for thirteen months,
(Diodor. Sic. L. 16. c. 36.) till 1 Hipparinus, nephew
to Dion, and half-brother to Dionysius, found means to
.assemble troops; and while Callippus was engaged in
the siege of Catana, he, at the head of Dion's party,
re-entered Syracuse, and kept possession of it for two
years. At the end of which time Hipparinus, in a
drunken debauch, was assassinated, but by whom I do
not find ; and his younger brother, Nysæus, succeeded
to his power, and made the most arbitrary use of it for
1 See Theopompus ap. Athenæum, L. 10. p. 435. and 436.
where we should correct the mistake of Athenæus, and of Ælian,
who call Apollocrates son to the elder Dionysius; for he was
(as Plutarch often repeats) the eldest son of the younger
Dionysius.
THE EPISTLES.
321
near five years; when Dionysius, returning from Locri,
(see Plutarch in the life of Timoleon,) became once
more master of Syracuse, and, as it seems, put Nysæus
to death.
Who were the friends of Dion to whom Plato writes,
is hard to enumerate : the principal were his son 1
Hipparinus, and his sister's son, likewise called Hip-
parinus, and his brother, Megacles, if living, though I
rather imagine he had been killed in the course of the
war before the death of Dion; and Hicetas, who after-
wards was tyrant of the Leontines.
Plato was about forty years of age, when first he
came to Syracuse. His fortieth year was Ol. 97. 4.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 323. Exedov ETY TETTapakovta yeyovws.] Plato
was about forty years of age, when he first came to
Syracuse : his fortieth year was Olymp. 97. 4. Archonte
Antipatro. Diodorus mentions the same fact three
years later, but does not expressly say when it hap-
pened ; and Dion was then in his twentieth year : con-
sequently Hipparinus was now about twenty. But
whether the son of Dion, or his nephew, be here
meant, is hard to distinguish ; if it could be proved to
be the former, Plutarch would be convicted of a mis-
take. (See the next Epistle.) We must read here,
ovubwvov TOLNOele, as Serranus observes.
1 I call him by the name of Hipparinus, because Timonides
the Leucadian, a principal friend of Dion, assures us of it (ap.
Plutarch.), and his testimony must doubtless be preferred to
that of Timæus, who gives this youth the name of Aretæus.
See Plato's eighth Epistle.
VOL. IV.
322
NOTES ON PLATO.
P. 324. Metaßoin ycyvetav.] This great change in
the Athenian constitution took place, when Plato was
in his twenty-fifth year.
Ib. 'Evdeka jev ev Aotel, dera dº ev IIeipalee.] The
‘Evdeka were a magistracy, to whom persons condemned
to death were consigned, and who presided over the
prisons and executions. Those who bore this office
under the Thirty were their creatures, and at the head
of them was Satyrus, whom Xenophon calls, ó Opaov-
TATOS AVTWV kal avaideotoTOS. (See Xen. Hist. Græc.
L. 2. p. 470. Ed. Leunclavii. 1625.) He seems upon
some vacancy (possibly on the death of Theramenes)
to have been afterwards elected one of the Thirty.
(See Lysias in Nichomachum, p. 476. Ed. Taylori, and
Palmerius ad locum.) The Ten, who commanded in
the Piræeus, were appointed by the authority of the
Thirty, and were probably the accomplices of their
guilt, (Xenoph. Hist. Græc. L. 2. p. 474 and 478.)
being with them and the Eleven, were excepted out of
the general amnesty.
Ib. OLKELOu kau yvopipol.] Critias, a man as re-
markable for the brightness of his parts as for the
depravity of his manners and for the hardness of his
heart, was Plato's second cousin by the mother's side;
and Charmides, the son of Glauco, was his uncle,
brother to his mother, Perictione. The first was one
of the Thirty, the latter one of the Ten, and both were
slain in the same action. Plato's family were deeply
engaged in the oligarchy; for Callæschrus, (See Lysias
in Eratosthenem, p. 215.) his great-uncle, had been a
principal man in the Council of Four hundred. (Ol.
THE EPISTLES.
323
92. 1.) It is a strong proof of Plato's honesty and
resolution, that his nearest relations could not seduce
him to share in their power, or in their crimes at that
age. (Xenoph. Apomnemon. L. 3. c. 6 and 7, and in
Symposio.) His uncle, though a great friend of
Socrates and of a very amiable character, had not the
same strength of mind.
P. 324. Eti TIVA TW TO Litwv.] The Thirty, during
the short time of their magistracy, which was less than
a year, put fifteen hundred persons to death, (Isocr.
Orat. Areopagitic. Ed. A. Steph. 1593, p. 153.) most
of whom were innocent, and they obliged about five
thousand more to fly. The prisoner here meant was
P. 326. Neyelv TE nvaykao onv.] These are the
sentiments which he has explained at large in his
IIO ATELAI, (L. 5. p. 472, &c.) and one would thence
imagine that he had written, and perhaps published
that celebrated work before his first voyage to Sicily,
and consequently before he was forty years old. It is
certain, that there are some scenes in the Ekkinoia-
Covoal of Aristophanes, (ver. 568 &c. Ed. Kusteri.)
which seem intended to ridicule the system of Plato,
and the Scholia affirm that it was written with that
view. If so, he must have finished it, when he was
thirty-five years of age, or earlier, for that comedy was
played Ol. 96. 4.
P. 327. Eis Eupakovoas &To taxcota Eddel Eje.]
Hence, and from Plutarch, it is certain that Plato was
invited into Sicily immediately after the death of the
elder Dionysius, which happened 01. 103. 1, so that
324
NOTES ON PLATO.
we must necessarily place his second voyage to Syracuse
that very year, or the next at farthest; and it is as
sure, that, four months after his arrival, happened the
quarrel between Dionysius and Dion, and the banish-
ment of the latter. I cannot but observe the inaccuracy
of Diodorus, who says that this last event happened
Ol. 105. 3. which is a mistake of at least ten years.
See also Aulus Gellius, L. 17. c. 21. who is likewise
mistaken in placing this voyage of Plato after the
year 400 of Rome, and after the birth of Alexander.
Hence we see the folly of trusting to compilers where
we might recur to original authors.
most severely reflected upon for passing his time at
the court of Dionysius. Athenæus (a very contempt-
numberless fragments of excellent authors, now lost, of
which it is composed) has taken care to preserve
abundance of scandal on this head. L. 11. p. 507. and
see Laertius in his life. This and the third Epistle
are his justification of himself, and are written with a
design to clear his character.
Ib. Eldou tap ipas gevywv.] Read trap quâs..
P. 330. Meta de TOUTO OneOnunoa.] We are not
informed how long Plato staid, after Dion was sent away,
but probably many months; the preceding account of
Dionysius's treatment of him implies as much.
P. 331. IIarepa de ouk oolov.] Cicero alludes to
this sentiment, and to that of the same in the 5th
Epistle, in his Letter to Lentulus, L. 1. ad Familiares,
Ep. 1. "Id enim jubet idem ille Plato, quem ego
THE EPISTLES.
325
i
vehementer auctorem sequor,” &c., where he expresses
the thought, but not the words.
P. 331. IIoditelas ueraßoins.] Insert tepi, or éveka.
P. 332. Adelpwv, óvs Opeye.] Leptines and
Thearides.
Ib. Tov Mndov kau Evvoyxov.] He follows some
history, in this transaction, seemingly different from
Herodotus and Ctesias. The Mede is Smerdis, one of
the Magi, which was an order of men instituted in
Media; and to carry on so strange a cheat as that
usurpation, it is sure that the concurrence of the
eunuchs of the palace must have been necessary; but
what particular eunuch he means is hard to say.
· Ctesias says, that the counterfeit Tanyoxarces was
betrayed to the conspirators by his eunuchs.
P. 333. O tarnp avtov popov etaļaTO DEPELV TOLS
Bapßapocs.] The elder Dionysius being defeated by
the Carthaginians at Cronium, in a great battle, Ol.
99. 2. was forced to make peace on their terms, and
engaged to pay them one thousand talents. Fifteen
years afterwards he engaged with them in another war,
and lost one hundred and thirty of his best ships, which
they surprised, and took or destroyed in the bay of
Eryx or Drepanum: he died the same year, and left
his son with this war upon his hands. Thus far Dio-
dorus, L. 15, c. 17 and 73. Whether the Carthaginians
had offered peace on condition of a new tribute, or had
never been paid the old one, we can only guess from this
expression of Plato; yet I am inclined to think, both
from the third Epistle and from this, that Dionysius
the father had agreed to a peace before his death, and
326
NOTES ON PLATO.
consented to pay a tribute to Carthage; and that his
son entered not again into the war till two or three
years afterwards, which lasted probably not three years.
We must not wonder if we find little account of this in
Diodorus, as he has said nothing at all of the eight first
years of Dionysius the younger ; only in the ninth year
(which is Ol. 105. 2.) he tells us that he made peace
with Carthage and the Lucanians : but it does not, by
the narration, appear to be a transaction of that year,
but rather makes part of a summary account of what
had passed since his father's death. That peace was
certainly made about four years earlier than Diodorus
seems to have placed it.
P. 333. ATEdwkev avtos dis mnv moliv.] Have a
care of correcting this passage, as Serranus has done,
who reads instead of dus, Alwv. It is again repeated in
the next, or eighth Epistle, p. 355. Eyw de amo
Tupavvwv vuv os. He twice preserved Syracuse, first
by driving out Dionysius, and afterwards by beating
Nypsius, the Neapolitan. See Plutarch.
Ib. Adelou dvw.] They were Callippus and Philo-
crates, or (as some MSS. of Cornelius Nepos have it)
Philostratus.
P. 336. 'AUTY TTAVTA TO Devtepov.] ‘Avtn seems to
agree with opala. Either a word is lost, or the sentence
is an example of that avakolovola, which is not uncom-
mon with Attick writers.
P. 338. ‘Otu yepwv Te einv.] Plato was then about
sixty-six years old.
P. 339. Ta voulua.] The usual salutations and
compliments at the beginning of a letter.
THE EPISTLES.
327
P. 340. Tous Twv Ilapakovo patwV JEOTOLS.] This
word (IIapakovoua) means a transitory application to
any science, sufficient to give a superficial tincture of
knowledge, but neither deep, nor lasting. Such pro-
ficients Plato calls, do facS ET LKEXPwo Mevol.
P. 342. I know not what to say to this very un-
common opinion of Plato, that no philosopher should
put either his system, or the method of attaining to
a knowledge of it, into writing. The arguments he
brings in support of it are obscure beyond my compre-
hension. All I conceive is, that he means to shew,
how inadequate words are to express our ideas, and
how poor a representation even our ideas are of the
essence of things. What he says, on the bad effects
which a half-strained and superficial knowledge pro-
duces in ordinary minds, is certainly very just and very
fine. See the Phædrus, p. 274 to p. 276, where he
compares all written arts to the gardens of Adonis,
which look gay and verdant, but, having no depth of
earth, soon wither away. Lord Bacon expresses him-
self strongly on this head. “Homines per sermones
sociantur; at verba ex captu vulgi imponuntur : itaque
mala et inepta verborum impositio miris modis intel-
lectum obsidet. Neque definitiones aut explicationes,
quibus homines docti se munire et vindicare in nonnullis
consueverunt, rem ullo modo restituunt, sed verba planè
vim faciunt intellectui, et omnia turbant, et homines
ad inanes et innumeras controversias deducunt.” (Nov.
Organ. L. 1. aphorism 43 and 59.)
P. 342. Ovoua.] Is the name of a thing; Aoyos is
the definition, or verbal description of its properties;
328
NOTES ON PLATO.
Ecdwlov, its representation by a figure to our senses ;
ETlotnun, the mental comprehension, or the complete
and just idea of it: what the TO TTEUTTOV is, I do not
as it exists in the mind of the Divinity.
P. 343. I put a comma after και ταύτα εις αμετα-
KLVntov, and read, ó Te on TAOXEL &c.
P. 344. We here learn that Dionysius had written
a treatise on philosophy.
P. 345. Adenoidov avtov.] Arete, Dion's wife, was
half-sister to Dionysius, consequently, Hipparinus, her
son, was his nephew.
P. 345. ITTW Zevs, onol ó OnBalos.] That is
Pindar, as I imagine; though I find not the expres-
sion in any of his odes extant. It was a common
phrase with the Baotians, ITTW 'Hpakins, LTTW Zevs.
See Aristophan. Acharn. v. 911. the French use "Dieu
sçait," and we say, “God knows," in the same manner.
P. 346. Kaprovoow de Alv.] Let him receive the
rents, or interest, but let him not touch the principal.
Ib. Eis de úpas.] The next summer, when the
season returns for sailing.
P. 348. Theodotes was uncle to Heraclides, as
Plutarch says: and I imagine that Euribius was his
brother. See the life of Dion.
P. 349. Els tnv KopxndoviWV ettikpatelav.] Sicily
was then divided between the Carthaginians and the
Syracusans.
P. 350. Twv ÚTnpeoiwv.] Athenians that served on
board the fleet of Dionysius for hire.
Ib. IIEUTTOVOU Tplakovtopov.] The Tarentine de-
THE THE .
EPISTLESEPISTLES. : 329
puties were Lamiscus and Photidas. The original
letter in the Dorick dialect is preserved by Diogenes
Laertius in his life of Plato. .
Hence we may settle pretty exactly the time of Plato's
third voyage. It is plain that he landed (on his
return) in Peloponnesus, and immediately went to
Olympia, where the games were then celebrating, to
acquaint Dion with what so nearly concerned him.
This must be Ol. 105. 1. It could not be earlier,
because there is not time from the death of Dionysius
the elder for all that happened, according to Plato's
own account, in his two voyages and in the interval
between them. He went not to Syracuse at soonest
before Ol. 103. 1. and probably not till the year fol-
lowing: he staid there at least a year, and came back
because of the war which broke out in Sicily. When
that was over (and it could not well be determined in less
than one campaign) Dionysius invited him back again.
He hesitated a full year, and then went; and he spent
a year and upwards at Syracuse, before he returned :
all which must be, on the least computation, above five
years. Besides the improbability that Dion, after he
lost his revenues, and was deprived of his wife, should
be near seven years before he attempted to right him-
self. As I have placed it, he was near three years in
preparing for his design, which he executed Ol. 105. 4.
as Diodorus tells us, and which Plutarch confirms,
reckoning forty-eight years from the establishment of
Dionysius the elder's tyranny to Dion's entry into
330
· NOTES ON PLATO.
to Ol. 105. 4. is just forty-eight years. See Xenoph.
Græc. Hist. L. 2. p. 460. and Dodwell's Annals. It
was in the beginning of the year, for Plutarch tells us
that it was the midst of summer, the Etesian winds
then blowing; and the olympick year began after the
summer solstice. If then Plato came to Olympia,
Ol. 105. 1. he must have gone to Syracuse towards the
end of Ol. 104. 3. for, from his own account, he must
have passed a year or more there.
EPISTLE VIII. TO THE FRIENDS OF Dion. 01. 106. 4.
From a passage in this epistle (p. 354. TOV TWV
Epopwv saopov.) it appears that Plato, as well as
Herodotus, makes Lycurgus the author of the institu-
tion of the Ephori, and not Theopompus, as late writers
do. See Aristot. Politic. L. 5. c. 11.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
means those engaged in the murder of Dion, Callippus
and his brother, and their party.
P. 353. Kuvduvos EYEVETO EO Xatos.] When they had
sacked the rich and powerful city of Agrigentum, and
demolished it. (Diodorus, L. 13.).
Ib. Ortikwv.] The ancient inhabitants of Campania,
particularly that country which lies round the Bay of
Naples. (Aristot. Politic. L. 8. c. 10.) In a passage
cited from Aristotle by Dionysius Halicarnassensis (L.
1. p. 57. ed. Huds. Oxon. 1704.), he seems to extend
THE EPISTLES.
331
the name to all the inhabitants of that coast to the
south of the Tuscans. Aristotle mentions the Opici as
the same people with the Ausones; but Polybius
judged them to be a distinct people. (See Strabo, L.
5. p. 242.) The Siculi probably might speak the same
tongue, having been driven out of Italy (Thucyd. L. 6.
p. 349.) by these Opici some years after the Trojan
war, and settling in a part of this Island. This name
grew into a term of reproach, which the more polished
Greeks bestowed upon the Romans, as Cato the censor
complains in Pliny, L. 29. C. 1. “Nos quoque dictant
barbaros, et spurciùs nos quam alios Opicos appellatione
foedant ;” and in time it became a Latin word to
signify barbarous and illiterate. (See Tullius Tyro ap.
Aul. Gell. L. 13. c. 9. “Ita ut nostri Opici putaverunt,
&c.)
P. 354. Tous deka otpatnyovs katedevo av.] This
fact is contrary to Diodorus, who only tells us, that
the generals were deposed; (L. 13. c. 92.) and that
afterwards, Daphnæus, the chief of them, and Demar-
chus (who were both enemies to Dionysius) were put
to death (Ib. C. 96.); neither does he inform us of
what we are here told, that Hipparinus, the father of
Dion, was joined in commission with Dionysius, both
being elected Στρατηγοι αυτοκρατορες, and both called
Tupavvou. (See Aristot. Politic. L. 5. c. 6.)
P. 355. Tov euov úlov.] This directly contradicts
both Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos, who particularly
describe the tragical end of Hipparinus, Dion's son,
IP pacious, bons son;
when just arrived at man's estate. All that story, and
the apparition which preceded it, must be false, if this
332
NOTES ON PLATO.
epistle be genuine, which I see no reason, but this, for
doubting. The only way to reconcile the matter is, by
supposing that Plato might here mean the infant son
of Dion, who was born after his father's death; and
who was not yet destroyed by Hicetas, for Plutarch
intimates, that he continued to treat both the child
and its mother well for a considerable time after the
expulsion of Callippus. What makes against this sup-
position is, that in the end of this letter, p. 357. he
speaks of Dion's son, as of a person fit to judge of, and
to approve, the scheme of government which he has
proposed to all parties.
P. 356. 'Ekwy TNV Toliv elevdepoi.] Here we see
that Hipparinus, the son of Dionysius the elder by
Aristomache, had put himself at the head of Dion's
party, and supported the war against his brother.
EPISTLE IX. TO ARCHYTAS.
The date not settled.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 317.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 357. Ov duvao al mns TEPI TO Kolva ao xodias atolv-
θηναι.] Archytes was seven times elected Στρατηγος of
Tarentum, which was then a democracy.
αυτω μονον γεγονεν, αλλα της γενεσεως ήμων το μεν τι
η πατρις μεριζεται, το δε τι, οι γεννησαντες: το δε, οι
λοιποι φιλοι πολλα δε τους καιροις διδoται τους τον βιον
THE EPISTLESTY
333
.
nuwv katadaußavoûol. KT..] This fine sentiment is
quoted by Cicero De Officiis, L. 1. c. 7. and again, De
Finibus, L. 2. so that the seventh, the fourth, and this
epistle, are of an authority not to be called in question.
P. 357. IIpos TNV Toliv.] They were to negociate
something with the Athenians.
Ib. Exekparous.] Echecrates, the son of Phrynio,
now a youth, was born at Phlius, and instructed in the
Pythagorean principles by Archytas. Aristoxenus, a
disciple of Aristotle (see Diog. Laert. L. 8. c. 46.),
speaks of him as of a person whom he could remember,
and one of the last of that sect who were considerable.
Iamblichus also mentions him, c. 35. et ultim. de Vitâ
Pythagoræ; and Plato introduces him as desiring to
hear the manner of Socrates's death from Phædo.
.
.
EPISTLE X. TO ARISTODORUS,
or, as Laertius writes, To ARISTODEMUS.
The date not settled.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 358.
AND
The date not settled.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 358.
Laodamas of Thasus was a great geometrician and
scholar to Plato, who first taught him the method of
analytick investigation. (See Laertius, L. 3. c. 24. and
Proclus in Euclidem, L. 3. Prob. 1. and L. 2. P. 19.).
334
NOTES ON PLATO.
He seems from this letter to have been principally con-
cerned in founding some colony.
-
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 358. H Ewkparn.] This cannot possibly be the
great Socrates, for he died when Plato was in his
twenty-ninth year; and we see that in this passage he
excuses himself from travelling on account of his age :
it must, therefore, be the younger Socrates whom Plato
introduces in his IIolitikos (and in the Theatetus, p.
147. and in Sophista, p. 218. and 268.) and who is
mentioned by Aristotle in his Metaphysicks. (L. 6. p.
370. edit. Sylburgii.)
P. 358. Ilavta Kuvduwv.] The most considerable
settlements which happened in Plato's time, were those
at Messenia and at Megalopolis, 01. 102. and we are
told that he was actually applied to by this last city to
form for them a body of laws; but he excused himself.
Whether Laodamas had any share in that foundation,
I cannot tell; if he had, it is no wonder that Plato
should object the danger of his journey into the Pelo-
ponnesus that year, when every thing was in the utmost
confusion.
EPISTLE XII. TO AROHYTAS.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 359.
This fragment (for such it is) is preserved by Laertius,
together with the letter from Archytas, to which it is
an answer.
THE EPISTLES.
335
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 359. 'Youvnuata.] He alludes to the comment-
aries of Ocellus, the Lucanian, which Archytas had
procured from the descendants of that philosopher.
The subjects of them were IIepi Noja, kau baollnias,
Kai Oo LOTATOS, kai tâs tw Tavtos yeveolos ; the last of
which is still in being.
Ib. Mupiou.] Read Mupalot, of Myra, a city in
Lycia. Homer speaks of another Lycia between mount
Ida and the Æsepus, subject to Troy: the Lycians, on
the south coast of Asia Minor, were probably a colony
from thence. (Strabo, L. 12. p. 565. and L. 14. p.
665.) The family of Ocellus might be originally of
Myra ; but the Lucanians in general were of Italian
origin, being sprung from the Samnites, who were a
colony of the Sabines.
P. 359. Tns. Þvlakns.] The work of Plato was
undoubtedly his IIoliteld, of which he sent a copy to
Archytas, who, he says, was of his own opinion as to
the institution of the Budakes : what they were see in
the IIolitela itself. None of the commentators on
Laertius have understood this passage.
This epistle is marked in the first editions of Plato
as spurious : (AvrideyeraÚs ov II latwvos. MSS.
Vatican. cod. 1460. and Serranus sees mysteries here,
where there are none; the same is said also of the
thirteenth epistle :) but there seems no reason for it,
336
NOTES ON PLATO.
EPISTLE XIII. TO DIONYSIUS. 01. 103. 3 or 4.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 360.
In the order of time this is the second epistle in the
collection. It is marked in the MSS. as spurious, and,
I must own, it does little honour to Plato's memory;
yet it is sure that Plutarch esteemed it genuine. He
cites (in Vit. Dion.) a passage from it relating to Arete,
the wife of Dion; and in his discourse Trepu AvowTlas;
he mentions the character of Helico the Cyzicenian,
which is to be found here. I know not what to deter-
mine; unless we suppose some parts of it to be inserted
afterwards by some idle sophist who was an enemy to
Plato's character. It is observable, that Plutarch in
the place last mentioned says, ειτα προσεγραψε τη Επισ-
τολη τελευτωση, Γραφω δε σοι ταυτα περι ανθρωπου,
&c. whereas the words are here not far from the begin-
ning. Possibly some fragments of the true epistle
might remain, which were patched together and sup-
plied by some trifler.
Helico, the astronomer, is mentioned by Plutarch
as in the court of Dionysius, when Plato was there for
the last time; (and this letter was written four years
before, soon after Plato's return from his first voyage
to Syracuse) but we do not find elsewhere that he had
been a disciple of Eudoxus and of Polyxenus.
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
P. 360. Elep nkel mapa de Apxutns.] Plato in his
first voyage made a league of amity between Archytas
THE EPISTLES.
337
and Dionysius; and after his return to Athens, Archytas
came to Syracuse, as Plato himself tells us in his seventh
epistle.
P. 360. IIOVEEVW, TWv Bpvo wVOS TIVI Talpwv.]
Polyxenus, the sophist, is mentioned by Laertius in
the life of Aristippus, sect. 76. Bryso, his master, had
also the famous Theban cynick, Crates, for his scholar,
as Laertius says L. 6. s. 85. who calls him Bryso, the
Achæan. But Theopompus (ap. Athenæum, L. 11.
p. 509.) informs us that he was of Heracleæ, and
accuses Plato of borrowing many things of him, which
he inserted in his dialogues. There is an elegant frag-
ment from a comedy of Ephippus, where he reflects
alike on the scholars of Plato and of this Bryso (to
whom he gives the epithet of o θρασυμαχειοληψικερ-
Matwv), for their sordid desire of gain, and for the
studied neatness of their dress and person.
Ib. Elaopos kal evnOns:] Words here used in their
best sense, 1 “easy and well-natured.” Plutarch inter-
prets them ETT LELKNS Kat MeTplos.
P. 361. Tote ỘT' out' cyw ecteDavoûunv.] What is
meant by this date, I cannot divine. His brother's, or
sister's, daughters died at the time when Dionysius
ordered him to be crowned, though he was not. How-
ever, we learn that Plato had four great nieces, the
eldest then marriageable, the second, eight years old,
the third, above three, and the fourth, not one year
old; and that he intended to marry the eldest to
i Plato in Republicâ. L. 3. p. 400. Eunbeld, Ouk ņu avocar
ούσαν υποκοριζομενοι καλούμεν ως ευηθειαν, αλλα την ως αληθώς ευ
τε και καλώς το ηθος κατεσκευασμενην διανοιαν.
VOL. IV.
2
338
NOTES ON PLATO.
his nephew, Speusippus; but how she could be the
daughter of that Speusippus's sister, I do not compre-
hend; so that I take it, we must either read Adelbou
here, Or αποθανόντων before.
P. 362. IIepyas Epactov.] Hence we see that
Erastus was still with Plato, and consequently the
sixth epistle was written after this time.
P. 362. Kpatiw.] Here we find that Timotheus
had a brother called Cratinus. This cannot, I think,
be the great Timotheus, for his father, Conon, in his
will (the substance of which is preserved in Lysias's
oration in de Bonis Aristophanis, p. 345.) makes no
mention of any other son he had, but this one.
P. 362. Twv Tolutelw Twv Ajopy.vwv.] The fine
women, was transparent. See the Lysistrata of Aristo-
phanes, v. 46. and 150. and 736. where the Scholia call
the plant, of which the thread was made ή λινoκαλαμη,
and say, that it was in fneness υπερ την βυσσον, η την
KOPITACov: they were dyed of a bright red colour.
APPENDIX.
WHEN the fourth of these volumes was passing through
the press, I was enabled, by the courtesy of Mr. John
Morris, of' 13 Park Street, Grosvenor Square, to examine
the very curious and valuable collection of Graiana now in
his possession. Of this collection, which has never been
described, I will here give a brief account. It consists of
five folio volumes, based upon a copy of Mathias's quarto
edition of the Worlds, printed in 1814. This copy was
presented by Mathias to Dawson Turner, who divided, en-
larged, and rebound it. It was further again enlarged by
Mr. John Dillon, from whom it passed, in its present
condition, into the hands of Mr. J. Morris.
It is not necessary to describe all the portraits, illustra-
tions, letters from persons interested in Gray, or other
curious additions which have swelled this remarkable col-
lection to its present bulk. I will here mention only what
is of original interest. In the first place, certain memo-
randa of Gray's family, mostly in his own handwriting,
including the draft, in pencil, which is almost obliterated,
of the epitaph of his mother, which runs thus :-
in the same pious confidence
beside her sister and faithful friend
sleep the remains of
DOROTHY GRAY
Widow, the careſul tender Mother
of many children, of whom one
only had the misſortune to
survive her
She died March 11, 1753, aged 67.
340
It may be observed that this reading differs in several
Horace Walpole's copy of the Six Poems of 1753 has
been let into the volumes. It contains notes in his hand-
writing, but none of any importance.
There are thirty-four autograph letters of Gray, but
all of these have been published already, and are found
in their proper places in the present edition. They con-
sist mainly of the letters to Norton Nicholls. I have
collated them all, and find no variations worthy of record.
The original of the Essay to Walpole on his Lives of the
Painters appears here in Gray's handwriting. It is cor-
rectly printed in this edition (vol. i. pp. 303-321) in all
but the most inconsiderable particulars.
The sheets yet unprinted are copious, but rather dry
and impersonal notes of the journey in France in 1739,
up to the point where the journal printed here (vol. i. pp.
235-246) begins. Of more general interest is an account,
in Gray's handwriting, of his stay at Naples with Walpole
in 1740, and of the excursions they took in various direc-
tions. Had this reached me before the completion of my
work, I should have thought it my duty to print these
notes, although they have little personal importance. As
a specimen of their character I transcribe the following
passage :-
“We made a little journey also on the other side of the
Bay of Naples to Portici, where the King has a Villa
about 4 Miles out of town, the way thither is thro' a
number of small towns, and seats of the nobility close by
the Sea, for Mount Vesuvius has not ever been able to
deter people from inhabiting this lovely coast, and as soon
as ever an eruption is well over, tho' perhaps it has
damaged or destroy'd the whole country for leagues round
*
127
APPENDIX.
341
it, in some months every thing resumes its former face, and
goes on in the old channel. That mountain lies a little
distance from Portici towards the left, divided into 2
Summits, that farthest from the Sea is rather the largest,
& highest, called Monte di Somma. This has hitherto
been very innocent; the lesser one, which is properly
Vesuvius, is that so terrible for it's fires ; it is better than
3 Miles to ascend, and those extremely laborious. 'Twas
extremely quiet at the time I saw it; some days one could
not perceive it smoke at all, others one saw it riseing like
a white Column from it, but in no great quantity. About
a mile beyond Portici we saw the Stream of combustible
Matter, which run from it in the last eruption ; within 1
of a mile, or less, from the Sea is a small church of Our
Lady, belonging to a certain Zoccolanti, into this church
it enter'd thro’ one of the side-doors without otherwise
damageing the fabrick, run cross it, and was stop'd, I
away that part of it, and left it whole riseing in a great
rough mass at the door where it enter'd, as if the miraculous
power of Our Lady had forbid it to advance further : this
is well-contrived, and carries some appearance with it.
That part of the Stream which comes along thro' the
fields at a distance resembles plough'd Land, but rougher,
and in huge Clods ; they are hard and heavy, like the
dross of some metals; the people pile the pieces up, and
make an enclosure to their fields with them. This place
is call’d Torre del Greco ; it is about 4 Years since the
Eruption happen'd. I imagine the river of fire, or Lava,
as they call it, may be 20 Yards, or more, in breadth. It
is not above a year since they discover'd under a part of
the town of Portici a little way from the Shore an ancient
342
APPENDIX.
as they were digging to lay the foundations of a house for
the Prince d'Elbeuf, they found a statue or two with
some other ancient remains which comeing to the King's
knowledge he order'd them to work on at his expence, and
continuing to do so they came to what one may call a
whole city under ground; it is supposed, and with great
probability to be the Greek settlement callid Herculaneum,
which in that furious Eruption, that happen'd under Titus
(the same in which the elder Pliny perish’d) was utterly
overwhelmed, and lost with several other on the same
coast. Statius, who wrote as it were on the spot, and
soon after the accident had happen'd, makes a very poet-
ical explanation on the subject, which this discovery sets
in its full light :-
“Haec ego Chalcidicis ad te, Marcelle, sonabam,' etc.
The work is unhappily under the direction of Spaniards,
people of no taste or erudition, so that the workmen dig,
as chance directs them, wherever they find the ground
easiest to work without any certain view.”
From the biographical point of view the most interest-
ing addition to our knowledge of Gray, presented by Mr.
John Morris's collections, is a short paper of notes on a
journey in Scotland, of which no previous biographer or
editor of Gray has given any account. It has not hitherto
been known how the poet occupied his leisure between
his recovery from the severe surgical operation of July
1764, and what he called his “Lilliputian Travels” in
the south of England in October of the same year. It
now appears, from Mr. Morris's MS., that in August 1764
he went to Netherby, on the Scotch border, to visit the
Rev. Mr. Graham, the horticulturist, and from his house
set out in a tour in Scotland. His route took him by
APPENDIX.
343
Annan and Dumfries to the Falls of Clyde and Lanark.
At Glasgow he called on Foulis, the publisher, from whom
he afterwards received many courtesies. He admired
Foulis' academy of painting and sculpture, and lamented
that the Cathedral of Glasgow was so miserably out of
repair. He passed on to Loch Lomond, sailed on the
loch, and returned to Glasgow by Dumbarton. At Stir-
ling he enjoyed the view from the castle, and went on
by Falkirk and the coast to Edinburgh. He took excur-
sions to Hawthornden and Roslin, and then to Melrose.
He was next at Kelso, Tweedmouth, and Norham Castle.
He made an excursion at low tide to Holy Island, and
the itinerary closes at Bamborough Castle, from which
place he went, no doubt, to his customary haunt, Dr.
Wharton's house at Old Park, in the county of Durham.
This was Gray's first visit to Scotland.
Mr. John Morris also possesses the original MS. of
Norton Nicholls's Recollections of Gray, and many other
papers of a minor interest. For his kindness in placing
the whole of this beautiful and valuable collection in my
hands I owe him my most sincere thanks. There is now
but a very small portion of Gray's writings remaining
of which I have not been able to examine the original
manuscript.—[ED.]
GENERAL INDEX.-
1.
38.
Abbies, Mitred, by Willis, reference to, | Aislaby, Mr., with Rev. Norton
ii. 377.
Nicholls at Studley, iii. 240.
Aberdeen, Marischal College of, de- Akenside, Dr., his erroneous conjec-
sires to confer the degree of LL.D. ;/ tures in Architecture, ii. 255.
this Gray declines, iii. 220.
criticism of his Pleasures of Imagina-
Gray proud of his connection with tion, ii. 120-121.
its University, iii. 221.
Dr. Wharton asks Hurd to be lenient
Achilles, The death of, by Beding
with, ii. 299.
ii. 338.
erroneously criticises an expression
Adam Bell, reference to the old ro of Gray's, ii. 331.
nance of, i. 338.
his contribution to Dodsley's Collec-
Adami, Patricia, Italian actress, ii. 76. | tion of Poems, ii. 364.
Ad Amicos, a Latin elegy, by R. West, reference to, ii. 389.
ii. 8.
Albemarle, Lord, one of Lord George
Adams, Dr., reference to, i. 138.
Sackville's judges, iii. 31.
Addison, Joseph, his quotations from Alcaic Fragment, i. 176.
the Classics, ii, 240.
reference to, ii. 96.
his endeavour to suppress the rail- Ode, written in the album of the
lery on the clergy, i. 406.
Grande Chartreuse, ii. 182.
Addison, Mr., sends a friendly admoni- editorial note, ii. 182.
tion' to o. Smart, ii. 161.
Alderson, Rev. Christopher, shows
his friendship for Smart, ii. 179.
Mason's library to Mitford, ii. 299.
Lord Walpole, of Wolterton, and curate to Mason, subsequently rector
Keene, Bishop of Chester, his of Aston, ii. 282.
patrons, ii. 287.
invited to Old Park, iii. 348.
Adversity, Hymn to, i. 23-26.
Alderson, Mrs., portrait of Dr. Delap
editorial note, i. 24.
in her possession, ii. 309.
Agis, a tragedy, by John Home, ii. 360. Aldovrandi, Cardinal Pompeo, note on,
Agrippina, a fragment of a tragedy, i. ii. 93.
101-111.
Algarotti, Count Francesco, friend of
first published in 1775, i. 100.
Frederick the Great, of Voltaire,
editorial note, i. 101.
and of Augustus III. of Poland,
the argunent written by Mason, i. iii. 147.
101-103.
distinguished as one of the best
Gray subinits a speech in, to the literary judges in Europe, iii. 148.
criticism of West, ii. 106.
sends panegyrics to Gray and Mason,
previously dramatised by May, ii. 106. iii. 151.
Gray lays it aside, ii. 110.
his Dissertation on Painting and
sends it to Horace Walpole, ii. 167. Music, with dedication to Pitt
Horace Walpole requested not to (Larl of Chatham), ii. 151, 159.
mention it, ii. 171.
Gray compliments him on his literary
Gray sends Walpole the first scene effort, iii. 155.
in, ii. 227.
Gray reads his works with increasing
Ailesbury, Lady, declaration that Gray, satisfaction, iii. 159.
during a long afternoon in her worthy to be the "Arbiter Eleganti-
company, only spoke once, iii. 42.' arum" of inankind, iii, 160.
346
INDEX.
Algarotti, his works, iii. 162.
| Anecdotes of Painting, Walpole's, iii.
Gray's opinion of his Saggio sopra 125.
l'opera in musica, iii. 162.
Anglesey, Marquis, his disputed peer-
account of his Il Congresso di Citerci, age, ii. 374.
iii. 162.
Anguish, Mr., interested in Smart, iii.
Gray sees no objection to T. Howe 163.
publishing his works; gives advice Ansel, Mr., Fellow of Trinity, his re-
as to the preparation, iii. 165.
cent death, iii, 254, 255.
Gray cannot advise an English trans- Anstey, Christopher, translated Gray's
lation of, iii. 298-299.
Elegy into Latin, i. 72, 227..
thinks of visiting England, iii. 166. his New Bath Guide, ii. 240.
his works, in 8 vols., swarm with Anthologia Graeca, Gray's paraphrases
errors of the press, iii. 298. I from, i. 195-198.
his works printed at Leghorn, iii. 307. Anti-gallican, Gray an, ii. 226.
Gray's opinion of his merit, iii. 299. " Antiquities, Houses, etc., in England
liis verse above mediocrity, iii. 300. and Wales," catalogued by Gray
employed by King of Poland to buy and printed
mously by
pictures, iii, 307.
Mason, ii. 360.
prūchases a famous Holbein, “The Gray pursues the study of, ii. 359-
consul Meyer and his family," iii. 360.
307.
Antrobus, Robert, Gray's maternal
Allegory, Gray no friend of, iii. 166.
uncle, ii. 9.
Allen, Ralph, of Prior Park, recom- Antrobus, Mrs. Mary, Gray's aunt,
mends Mr. Hud for a sinecure, iii. death of, i. 72; ii. 208.
139.
Antrobus, Miss Dorothy,Gray's cousin,
Allin, Sir A., reference to his death, postinistress of Cambridge, jii. 130,
iii. 386.
184, 283, 319.
Allin, Miss, inclined to part with the Gray informs her of his appointment
estates, iii. 388.
as Professor of Modern History, iii.
Allon, triumphs and illuminations of, 318.
iii. 383.
Apothecary's, Gray calls a country,
Alps, description of a journey across shop a terrible thing, iii. 265.
e, ii. 40-42, 45.
Archimage, Mr., visits Gray, iii. 191.
near Lanslebourg, ii. 41.
Archimedes, his speculum discovered
Alren, Dr., iii. 62.
by Buffon, ii. 230.
Altieri, Cardinal Giambattista, illness Architecture, Issay on Norman (or',
of, ii. 63, 84.
according to Wren, the Saxon), i.
Altieri, Cardinals, ii. 63.
294-302.
Alvis, Andrew, Fellow of St. John's, better suited for military than for
note on, candidate for the Master domestic purposes, i. 294.
ship of St. John's, iii. 190.
its distinctive character (1) semi-
Amatory Lines. Paraphrase of an epi. circular arches, examples at Ely
grain of " Ad Caroluin," i. 137. and Peterborough, i, 296.
editorial note, i. 137.
(2) massy piers or pillars, i, 297.
Amherst, General, speech in commenc examples at Durham, Peterborougli,
ation of, iii, 18.
and Ely, and in views of Old St.
Amusemens sur le langage des Bêtes, by Paul's, i. 298.
Bougeant, reference to, ii. 27. (3) variety of the capitals of the piers,
Ancaster, Duke of, at the trial of Lord i. 298.
Ferrers, iii. 35.
examples at Ely and Peterborough,
Ancient authors, Gray's Catalogue of,
i. 209.
ii. 148-154.
(4) wider ceilings, of timber only,
chronological table of their works examples at Lly and Peterborough,
compiling at Cambridge, ii. 156. i. 299.
Ancients, Gray's reading from the, ii. (5) its ornaments, i. 299-300.
112-113..
examples at Hereford, Peterborough,
Ancram, Lord, to take part in a secret and views of Old St. Paul's, i. 300.
military expedition, ii. 320.
reference to ancient statues on Crow-
Andrews, Dr., gives an opinion on the land Bridge, Worcester, and Glou-
Cambridge statutes, ii, 138.
cester, i. 300.
INDEX.
347
i
4S.
Architecture, remarks on the Essay, Athelstan, by Dr. Brown, ii. 261.
ampneys, i. 301. Garrick wrote the Epilogue of, ii. 261.
Gray's opinion of the source of Atheism is a vile dish, ii. 378.
Gothic, ii. 255.
Athens, antiquities of, J. Stuart's,
reason of the beauty of Gothic, ii. ii. 283.
110.
Autumn of 1753, ii. 247-249.
beauty of Gothic, began to appear in Avison, Charles, his Essay on Musical
reign of Henry III., üi. 146.
Expression as Tvis Friend, ii. 242.
rise of Gothic, iii. 146.
reference to, ii, 250.
Gothic perfection, i. 317.
Avon, a poem, printed by Baskerville,
nothing finer than the nave of York, ii. 372.
i. 317.
Axton, Mr., Fellow of Pembroke Col-
Lady chapel (Trinity Church, Ely), lege, ii. 288.
i. 317.
| Ayscough, Dr. Francis, candidate for
chapel of Bishop West at Ely, i. 317. Bishopric of St. David's, iii. 78.
had introduced itself in the reign of Ayscough, Mr., instrument maker on
Charles I., iii. 158.
Ludgate Hul, iii. 244.
criticisms on James Bentham's Essay,
iii. 228-231.
the Saxon, had no niches or canopies, BACH, Carlo, his lessons for the piano-
and escutcheons of arms are hardly forte, iii. 164.
ever seen, iii. 229.
Gray thinks them charming, though
Billeted-moulding, examples of, iii. others disagree, iii. 164.
229.
Baiardi, Ottavo Antonio, Parmesan
nail-head, examples of, iii. 230.
antiquary, ii, 277.
nebule, exanuples of, iii. 230.
Gray's criticism of his work on Her-
rise of the pointed arch, example culaneum, ii. 277-278.
of, iii. 230.
Baif, French poet, reference to, ii. 341.
spirit of Gray's time little less de Balbi, Constantino, Doge of Genoa, ii.
structive than tlie civil wars, iii.
lguy, Dr. Thomas, of St. John's.
Aristophanes, notes on, iv.
Gray accompanies hiin to town,
Aristotle, Gray's opinion of his writ ii. 291.
ings, ii. 147.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
Arlington Street, residence of Walpole, ii. 320.
ii. 139.
takes his doctor's degree and
Armstrong, Dr. John, his poem on preaches the commencement ser-
Fealth, ii. 121.
mon, ii. 368, 371.
his pseudonym of Lancelot Temple, returns to his prebendary of Win-
ii. 372.
chester, ii. 371.
Arthur, King, popular superstition in friend of Rev. Mr. Ludham, iii. 144.
Lydgate's time concerning, i. 389. Gray visits him at Winchester, iii.
Asheton, Thomas, friend of Gray and 178.
West, ii. 71.
his action at Winchester, iii. 178.
publishes a book against Dr. Middlc- || says Mrs. Mason is very handsome,
ton, ii. 210.
iii. 224.
Horace Walpole's Epistle to, ii, 221, Balmerino, Lord, his trial for rebellion,
225.
ii. 141.
reference to, ji. 227.
his last action on the scaffold, ii. 146.
Ashton, Dr., an Epistle by Horace Balmerino, Lady Margaret, ii. 142.
Walpole to, ii. 90.
Barbarossa, A play by Dr. Brown, ii. 261.
his prospect of marriage, ii. 14.4. Bard, The, i. 39-50.
his marriage, iii. 87.
cditorial note, i. 40.
visits Gray at Stoke, ii, 148.
portion submitted to Dr. Wharton,
reference to, ii. 147.
ii. 267.
preacher of Lincoln's Inn, iii. $7. fragment of, as sent to Dr. Wharton,
reference to, and Eton, iii. S6, 107, 111. ii. 268-271.
Askew, Dr., ii. 117.
no further progress of, ii. 273, 294,
Aston, Rev. Dr. Delap's portrait in no further progress of (old Caradoc),
Mason's diuing-rooin at, ii. 309.
ii. 276.
231.

348
INDEX.
o
Bard, The, sends a fraginent to Stone- Beattie, Gray's reasons for the notes
hewer, ii, 279.
to his Pindaric Odes, iii. 290.
further fragment sent to Mason, ii. thanked for the edition of Gray's
312.
poems, iii. 325; its success, iii.
the Moses of Parmegiano and Rap 346.
hael's figure of God in the vision informed of the appointment of Gray
of Ezekiel furnished models for, to the Chair of Modern History,
ii. 313.
and its value, iii. 326.
Gray comments on Mason's critic sends Gray in MS. the first book of
ism, ii. 314-315.
the Minstrel ; Gray's criticism, iii.
Gray does not likc notes, yet will 376.
give one or two, ii. 319.
his Essay on Truth, iii. 377.
Gray comments to H. Walpole on, ii. Gray's criticism of the Minstrel, with
318-319.
Beattie's comments, ii. 395-400.
criticised by Mr. J. Butler anony obliged to Gray for his freedom of
mously, ii. 344-346.
criticism, iii. 400.
references to, ii. 284-286.
Beauchamp, Earls of Warwick, their
Barnard, Dr., his quarrel at the Com monuments, ii. 257.
mons, iii, 63.
Beauclerk, Lady Harry, receives a
Barnard, Lord, reference to, ii. 238. pension of £400 a year, iii. 78.
Barnwell, Dr., of Trompington, his Beauvau, Marshall, Prince, son of
daughter marries Dr. Chapman, ii. Prince Craon, ii, 85.
193.
Beckford, Alderman, reference to his
Barrett, Mr., of Lee Priory, offers Rev. manner whilst delivering a speech,
N. Nicholls £100 a year as travel. iii. 18.
ling companion, iii. 324.
at the coronation ban iii. 116.
Barrington, Lord, Secretary for War, Bedford, Duke of, brings his son
ii. 292.
Francis to Trinity College, ii. 309.
Barrington, Daines (one of the Welsh and Duchess likely to be of the new
ges), Gray wishes a copy of his Ministry, iii. 153.
poeins to be sent to, ii. 344. Bedford, Mr., Follow of Pembroke, ii.
Bartholomew Fair, reference to, iii.
Mr. Buller of Cornwall his patron,
Baskerville, beauty of his type, iii. 165. ii. 289.
Bath, Lord, death of, iii. 172.
Bedingfield,i Mr., makes the acquaint-
conduct of his lady during
ance of, ii. 276.
339.
The Death of Achilles, a poem by, ii.
Bathurst, Mr., reference to, iii. 69.
338.
Battey-Langley manner of architecture, relates opinions expressed respecting
ii. 253.
Gray's Odes, ii. 340.
Battle of the Sumner Islands, quotation Mason's attitude towards, iii. 163.
from Waller's, ji. 49.
references, ii. 338; iii. 329.
Beacon, Richard, Bishop of Gloucester, Bedlam, tragedy by Nat. Lee, ii. 106.
executor of Dr. Newcome, iii. 189. Beecon, Mr., reference to, iii. 97.
Bcattie, Dr. James, note on, iii. 219. Bell, Mr., his taste for Gothic, iii, 29.
invites Gray to Aberdeen, iii. 210. Belleisle, news of its surrender daily
Gray would be glad to see him at expected, iii. 105.
Glamis, iii. 220.
Sir William Williarus kill
visits Glamis, iii. 221.
109.
sends Gray two books on popular Bellers visits Maltham'and engraves a
superstition, iii. 222.
view of Gordale, i. 278.
Gray criticises his poetry, iii. 279. Bellingham, extinct family of, i. 269.
Gray thanks him for bis many Bencdict XIV., his election as Pope, i.
friendly offers, iii. 285.
93.
receives permission to issue a Scotch Bentham, James, Prebendary of Lly,
edition of Gray's poems, and to Gray returns his Essay on Gothic
entrust its publication to Foulis Architecture with criticisins, iij.
of Glasgow, iii. 285-286.
228-231.
criticism of his One on Lord Hay's Bentinck, Lady Anne, and Sir Conyers
birthday, iii. 287.
d'Arcy, i. 367.
288.
77.
INDEX.
349
Bentley, Mr. Richard, Stanzas to, i. | Bonſoy, Nicholas, resided at Abbot's
121-122.
Ripton, ii. 378.
editorial note to Stanzas, i. 121.
his marriage and family, ii. 379.
the Stanzas first published in 1775, visits Gray at Cainbridge, ii. 320.
i. 100.
his belief that everything turns out
assists in preparing the Chronologi- for the best, ii. 321.
cal table of ancient authors, ii. 155. dines with Gray, iii. 21.
his designs for Gray's Elegy, 'ii. 234; Bonfoy, Mrs. Elizabeth, references to,
their publication, ii. 237; a second ii. 378 ; iii. 32.
edition, i. 227.
who taught Gray to pray, is doad,
sale at London in 1882 of his Araw-
iii. 152.
ings for the six poems, ii. 237. . her fortitude, iii. 152.
reference to, ii. 218.
Bonfoy, Mr. and Mrs., Gray sends them
Berger, a disciple of Linnæus, iii. 98. a copy of The Odes, ii. 320.
Bernardi, Francesco, reference to, ii.65. Bonstetten, Charles von, Baillie of
Bevis, Earl of Southampton, The Re Nion, Switzerland, letter to Norton
portes of, i. 338.
Nicholls, with footnote of Gray's
his residence at Duncton, i. 338.
opinion of the writer, iii. 355-356.
his sword one of the relics at Arun proceeds to London with Gray, iii.
del Castle, i. 338.
357.
Bibliographical statement of Gray's retuuned to France, iii. 358.
writings, i. ix-xiii.
note on, iii. 360.
Bickham, James, Fellow of Emmanuel, Gray laments the loss of his prcs-
ii. 320.
ence, iii. 360-362, 369.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, Gray's expression of warın regard,
ii. 320.
warns him against vice, iii, 371.
laments Mason's indolence, ii. 394. sends Gray views of Switzerland, iii.
reference to, iii. 98.
389.
Bickhain, Rev. Jereniy, obtains a liv- is disordered in his intellect, or has
ing, iii. 108.
exasperated his friends, iii. 401.
Biographic, Dr. Nicholls wrote the Borneil, Girard de, his invention of the
latter articles of, ii. 244.
Canzone, i, 352.
Birch, Dr. Thomas, his State Papers, ii. Boscawen, Admiral, his victory over
194.
the French, iji. 14.
his State Papers of Sir T. Edmondes, Boswell, James, tells Mitford that
ii. 281.
Gray received forty guineas for
Birds, Couplet about, i. 139.
The Odes, ii. 330.
editorial note on, i. 139.
his account of Corsica and Memoir of
Birds in Norfolk, table of their noises Paoli, iii. 310.
being first heard during 1755, iii. / Gray's light estimate of his abilities,
95-96.
iii. 310-311.
Birkctt, Rev. George, asked by Gray Botanical Calendar for 1755, iii. 92-94.
to pay his Italian master, ii. 3. Bougcant, Guillauine Elyacinthe, ii. 27.
Blacowe, Rev. Mr., Canon of Windsor, bis Langage des Bétes, ii. 27, 96.
his death, iii, 40, 63.
Epistle to, by Gresset, ii. 184.
Blue-Coat or Man-in-Blew, an attend- Bourbon, Duke of, Governor of Bur-
ant on the Vice-Chancellor of gundy, ii. 31."
Cambridge University, ii. 117. Bourne, Mír., a friend of Mason's, ii.
Boaden's Life of Kemble, extract rela 349.
tive to Mason, ii. 242.
Bower, Archibald, his career and pro-
Boadiceci, Glover's play of, ii. 134.
posals for a History of the Pope, ii.
Boar, the silver, badge of Richard III. iso.
i. 47.
| Bowes, George, of Streatham Castle,
Boccaccio, introduced the Ottava Rima his daughter married to the ninth
measure, i. 347.
Earl of Strathmore, ii. 369 ; iii.
his de Cassibus Illustrium Virorum, 276.
i. 391.
Boycot, Mr., may be of assistance to
Bolby, Mr., reference to, ii. 187.
Rev. N. Nicholls, iii. 342.
Bolton, Duke of, his duel with Mr. Bradshaw, Mr., secretary to the Duke
Stuart, iii. 34.
of Grafton, 'ii. 241.
350
INDEX.
1SS.
Braidalbane, Lord, his Scottish do- Brown, Rev. James, of Pembroke
inain or “ policy," iii. 216.
College, note on, ii. 138.
Brainston, Rev. Jaines, reference to his fortitude, ii. 138.
his poetry, ii. 220.
supports the case of Tuthill, ii. 161,
Brandenburg, Frederick the Great's
Memoirs of the House of, ii. 229. interests himself on behalf of C.
reviewed in the Mercure Historique, Smart, ii. 178.
ii. 229.
successful in his endeavour to elect
Brawn, collars of, stuck with rosemary, Tuthill and others Tellows of Pem-
ii. 118.
broke, ii. 1SS.
Brian, King of Dublin, death of, i. 54.. |
presented to the living of Tilney, ii.
Bridgewater, Duke of, accompanied by 189.
P. Wood through Italy, ii. 328. contributes to Dodsley's Miscellane-
Bristol Cathedral, elegiac verses to ous Poems, ii. 221.
Mrs. Mason in, i. 141.
visits Gray at Stoke, ii, 259.
Gray canvasses on liis behalf for an
oflice in the University, il. 287-
Britannicus, tragedy by Racine, ii. 167. 289.
performed in Paris, ji. 27.
asked to distribute copies of Gray's
British Museum, a treasure, ii. 396. Odes, ii. 320.
its excess of expenditure over in Gray enquires if the parcel of Odes
have reached hiin, and asks that
Gray expects to see the collection he will send any criticisms he may
ofl'ered for sale, iii. 4.
hear, ii. 322.
very crowded, ü. 396.
if he has paid any of Gray's Cam-
Gray's chief amusement, iii. 1.
bridge bills, Gray wishes to be
persons attending the reading-room, informed, ii. 384.
iii. 2.
laments Mason's indolence, ii. 394.
dissension of its officers, iii. 6.
invited to Gray's lodgings in South-
Gray's researches in the Ledger-Book ampton Row, iii. 6.
of the Signet preserved in, iii. 11. requested to prepare Gray's Cam-
Gray's further researches, iii. 29.
bridge apartments, iii. 61, 63.
Gray's MSS. in, i. xiv. 73, 113, 140. his opinion requested of young Pon-
Brivio, Signor, singing instructor, ii. sonby, iii. 67.
284.
favourable opinion of young Pon-
Brockett, Lawrence, Professor of sonby, jii. 77.
Modern History, iii. 136, 140. his pictures of Warc Park, near Hert-
tutor to Sir James Lowther, iii. 137. ford, iii. 69.
agent for Earl of Sandwich at Cam inclined to suffer from sciatica, iii. 86.
proposition that he should visit Lady
his death, and Gray's succession to Strathmore, iii. 86.
his Chair, iii. 318.
pot at all well, iii, 125.
his.evening prayer to the congrcga-
Bromwick, dealer in wall-papers, iii. tion, iii. 152.
83, 118, 120.
called familiarly by Gray “Petit
Brook, Dr. Zachary, of St. John's, Bon," iii. 164.
note on, iii. 189.
preparing some grafts for Dr.
elected Margaret Professor, iii. 189. Wharton, iii. 169.
candidate for the Mastership of St. invincibly attach'd to his duties, iii.
John's, iii, 190.
200.
reference to, iii. 168.
deep in Quintilian and Livy, iii. 205.
Broschi, Carlos, sopranist, ii. 22, 57; visits his brother near Margate, iii.
245.
Brown, Sir Anthony, supposed por Gray has been nursing him,iii. 259,262.
trait in St. John's College, i. 311. will he accompany Gray to Mason's?
Brown, Mr. (one of the six clerks in iii. 267-268.
Chancery), his house on banks of visits Mason, iii. 272.
Eden, i. 250.
visits Lord Strathmore at Gibside,
Brown, H., a contributor to Dodley's and accompanies him to Scotland,
Miscellaneous Pocms, ii. 220.
iii. 282.
Bronii. so, Carlos
INDEX.
351
Brown, Rev. James, and the livings of Bussy, Pitt's contempt for his pro-
Framlingham and Oddington, iii. posals on behalf of France, iii.
328.
122.
accompanies Gray to York, iii. 347. Bute, Earl of, Groom of the Stole, ii.
receives the Mastership of Pembroke
290
and the living of Streath-ham, Isle a botanist, iii. 89.
of Ely, iii. 388.
his new system of botany, iii. 89.
joint executor with Mason of Gray's his favouritism, iii. 123.
will, ii. 138.
refuses an application on behalf of
references to, ii. 155, 203, 230, 231, Gray for the Professorship of
287, 346 ; iii. 58.
Modern History, iii, 136-137.
Brown, Rev. John, his Estimate of the ill of an ague in his eye, iii. 269.
Manners and Principles of the Times, Bute, Lady, bequests from her father,
ii. 310.
Wortley Montagu, iii, 91.
his praise of Gray, ii. 328, 330.
her second son to take the name of
reference to, iii. 42.
Wortley, iii. 91.
Brown, Dr., suicide of, iii. 250, 251. Butler, Dr. Joseph, Bishop of Durhain,
Brydges, Sir Egerton, his account of ii. 241.
Gray's feelings on kissing hands | Butler, J., of Andover, criticises Gray's
for the Professorship, iii. 323.
Bard, ii. 344, 346.
Buchanan, Mrs., Gray dines with her description of his residence, ii. 349.
at Penrith, i. 250.
Byron, Lord, kills Mr. Chaworth in a
Buffon, his Histoire du Cabinet du Roi, duel, iii. 203.
commended by Gray, ii. 199.
discovers the Speculum of Archi-
medes, ii. 230.
CADWALLADER, his device, i. 70.
arrival in England of the 9th and Caius, Dr., an original portrait of, i.
10th volumes of his history, iji. 85; 306-307.
11th and 12th volumes, iii. 172; date of his death, i. 308.
13th volume, iii. 235 ; 14th volume, his tomb, i. 309.
iii. 245.
| Caius College, old portrait in, believed
Buller, Mr., of Cornwall, patron of Mr. to be Theodore Haveus of Cleves,
Bedford, ii. 289.
i. 307-309.
Buondelmonte, Guiseppe Maria, Calas, Voltaire's good action on behalf
littérateur of Tuscany, ii. 103. of the family of, iii. 173.
Sonnet by, with Gray's imitation, ii. Calendar (Botanical), of Upsal (Sw.),
103.
Stratton, and Cambridge, for 1755,
Burg, Elizabeth de, Countess Clare, i. 1 iii. 92-94.
95.
Cambis, Marquis de, sce Velleron, ii. 27.
Burgundy, Dukes of, tombs of, ii. 31. Cambridge, Richard Owen, purchases
Burke, Edmund, reference to, iii. 126. Mr. Zolman's library, ii. 373.
Burleigh, Lord Treasurer, Chancellor presented H. Walpole with Lord
of Cambridge, i. 97.
Whitworth's MS. of Account of
Papers, refereuce to, ii. 128.
Russia in 1710, ii. 373.
House, Lord Exeter refurnishing, iii. I his powers of conversation, iii. 2.
his account of the Life of Edward,
Burlesque account of Gray's travels in Earl of Clarendon, prior to its pub-
France and Italy, ii. 55-61.
lication, iii. 2-3
Burney, Dr., and The Installation Ode, Cambridge,' Ode on the death of a
ii. 92.
favourite Cat, written at, i. 10.
his opinion of Il Ciro Riconosciuto, ii. Progress of Pocsy, written át, i. 28.
391.
The Descent of Odin, written at, i. 60.
Burnham Beeches, description of, ii. 9. portion of the Elegy, written at, i. 72.
Burroughs, Vice-Chancellor and Master The Alliance of Education and Govern-
of Caius College, i. 307.
ment, written at, i. 113.
Burton, Dr. John, M.D., author of Couplet on Birds, coinposed near, i.139.
Monasticon Eboracense, iii. 2. views of the colleges, by Loggan, i.
Business, the great art of life is to find 309.
oneself, iii. 32.
Satire upon the heads (of colleges), i.
Bussy, setting out for France, iii. 116. | 134.
11.
352
INDEX.
settled by the Margaret Prott. 189. Carey, derson's company, 1.trair of, iii.
Cambridge, Gray unacquainted with Caradoc, a Welsh fragment, i. 130.
the younger tutors of, iii. 58. probably written in 1764, i. 129.
likened to a desolation and a solitude, Caradoc, see Bard.
ii. 5.
Caradoc, Caer, mountain in Shropsbire,
election of a High Steward (Lord . ii. 270.
Hardwick and Earl of Sandwich Cardale or Cardell, Mr., aclmitted a
the candidates) will take place in I Fellow of Pembroke College, ii.
Westminster Hall, iii. 163, 171; 203, 288.
Lord Hardwick to come in quietly, Cardinals, frugality of the Roman, ii. 98.
iii. 183; appeal to the King's Bench, Carew, Sir George, writer of the State
iii. 200; Lord Hardwick judicially Papers of Sir T. Edmondes, ii. 281. -
declared elected, iii. 200; points Carey, Henry, his poein of The
settled by Lord Mansfield, iii. 201. Moderator between the Free Maisons
and Gorinogons, ii. 166.
ship of St. John's College, iii. 189. Carey, General, reference to his being
great contest for the Mastership of in Mason's company, iii. 348.
St. John's College, iii. 190. Carlisle, reference to the affair of, iii.
St. John's Lodge, old picture in, 203.
considered to be Sir Anthony Carlisle, Lady, her altered circun-
Denny, iii. 227.
stances, ii. 389-390.
Mr. Lyon's chambers destroyed by Carlyon, Mr., reference to, ii. 176.
fire, iii. 301.
Carnival at Turin, ii. 44.
as soon as ceremonies are over, Gray Casley's Catalogue of the King's Lib.
: will start for Skiddaw, iii. 342.
zary, i. 306, 312.
list of distinguished visitors expected Castle of Otranto, by H. Walpole, Gray's
to attend at the installation of the account of its reception at Cam-
Duke of Grafton as Chancellor, bridge, iii. 191.
• iii. 343, 344.
Castlecomér, Lady, her death, ii. 402;
expensiveness of lodgings in antici- ' iii. 3.
pation of the installation, iii. 344. Cat, Ode on the death of a favourite, i. 9.
Camden, Lord, "will soon be Chan-| editorial note on, i. 10.
cellor," iii. 237.
sent to Dr. Wharton, ii. 164.
Camelford, Lord Thomas Pitt), ii., Catalina, Crebillon's tragedy of, its
338.
i success in Paris, i. 193.
Candidate, The, a poem by Churchill, 1 Brindley's edition of, i. 194.
quotation from, ii, 299.
Vaillant's edition of, i. 194.
Canterbury Cathedral, its choir built Cavaillac's, Marquise de,' Conversa-
by William of Sens, i. 316.
zione, ii. 44.
Canterbury, Gray sets out for, iii. 237. Cavendish, Lord George, attends the
Canzone, its invention, i. 352.
university, iii. 385.
esteenied by Dante the noblest the last survivor of those who had
specimen of poetry, i. 352.
known Gray, iii. 385.
Capel, Lady M., atteinpted suicide of, Cavendish, Lord John, Chancellor of
ii. 274.
the Exchequer, ii. 287.
Captives, The, a play by Rev. Dr. Delap, visits Gray at Cambridge, ii. 309.
ii. 309.
reference to his visit, ii. 311.
Caractacus, Gray's influence on Rev. W. Gray's criticism of Mason's Elegy on,
Mason's, i. 262.
ii. 356.
Gray's criticism of, ii. 297, 300-307, consults Gray as to the tutorship of
317-315, 332-338, 351-353, 386-387, his nephew Ponsonby, iii. 57.
391.
recovering from pleurisy, iii. 108-109.
Walpole's opinion of, ii. 332.
reference to, iii. 67.
Gray receives the first act, ii. 384. Cavendish, Lord Richard, reference to,
Mason issues, and has a fit of affec iii. 297.
tation, iii. 20.
description of, iii. 331, 385.
Gray sends a copy to Rev. J. Brown, Watson, his tutor, iii. 331.
iii. 20.
Winstanley, his private tutor, iii. 331.
the work of a man, Elfrida only that Caviche, Gray's receipt for, iii. 81.
of a boy, iii. 148.
Celtic mythology, ii. 351.
references to, ii. 341, 371, 379. Cenci, Cardinal, death of, ii. 84.
.
INDEX.
353

12.
Cephalo and Procri, opera of, ii. 133. Chaucer, the King's library referred to
Chairs, Gray describes some to H. as possessing Occleve's portrait of,
Walpole, ii. 217.
i. 306.
Chaise, post-, description of a French, 'article in Bibliotheca by Bishop
: prior to their introduction to Eng Tanner on, i. 306.
land, ii. 17.
alludes to the diversity of writing
Chalice of St. Remi, ii. 28.
our language, i. 326.
Chalotais, Louis René de, Gray cannot examples of his metre, i. 335, 336, 339.
find the Mémoires of, iii. 258. Chạworth, Mr., killed in a duel 'with
Chambers, Mr., reference to, iii. 70,160. Lord Byron, iii. 203.
Champneys, Mr. Basil, his remarks on Chenevix, Bishop of Waterford, in-
Gray's Norman Architecture, i. 301. sulted in an Irish riot, iii. 26.
Chandos, Duke of, at Southampton, Chenevix, Madame, reference to, ii. 124.
. iii. 179.
Chesterfield, Earl of, purchased the
Chapel of St. George at Windsor, i. 315. lanthorn from Houghton Hall, ii.
Chapman, Dr. Thomas, Master of Mag-
dalen, ii. 162
| his friendship for Mr. Dayrolles, ii.
his Essay on the Roman Senate, ii.
..163.
Chevalier de St. George, references to,
his marriage to Miss Barnwell, ii. 193. ii. 68, 76, $4, 94
his reception of the Duke of New Child, Epitaph on ai, i. 126.
castle at Cambridge, ii. 196.
editorial note on, i. 126.
pamulet by, ii. 204.
Chinese possess the art of landscape
visits Gray at Studley, ii. 241.
gardening, iji. 160.
his death, iii. 50:-
Cholmondeley, General, one of the
cause of his death, iii. 56, 61, 64,
judges on the trial of Lord G.
his estate, iii, 56.
Sackville, iii, 31.
references to, ii. 228, 327.
Christ College, Cambridge, founded by
Character, Sketch of his own, i. 127. I the Countess of Richmond, i. 96.
Characters of the Christ-Cross-Row, i. Christ-Cross-Row, Characters of the, i.
210-213,
210, 213.
editorial note on, i. 210.
editorial note on, i. 210.
Charles I., his love and taste for the Christmas dinner in the Duke of
beautiful, iii. 158.
Norfolk's establishment in (?) six-
Charles III. of Naples and the excava teenth century, ii. 296.
tions of Herculaneum, ii. 277. Christopher, Mr., reference to, ji. 165.
Charms of Sylvia, The, by Frederick, Chronological table of the works of
Prince of Wales, iií. 73.
ancient poets and orator's being
Charteris, Hon. Mír., his castle at compiled at Cambridge, ii. 158,
Hornby, i. 275.
164.
and at Haddington, i. 275.
Chudleigh, Miss (Duchess of Kingston),
Chartreuse Grande, Gray writes an gives a ball to the Conde de
Alcaic Ode in the albuin of the Fuentes, i. 40.
mnonks of the, i. 182.
Madame de Mora present at, i. 62.
Chartreuse, La, a poem by Gresset, ii. Churchill, Charles, death of, iii. 187.
182.
Churchill, quotation from his Candia
Chatsworth House, description of, iii. date, ii. 289.
134, 135.
Chute, John, Gray asks him to obtain
Mr. Brown's improvements, iij. 135. Marivaux' Mariare, i. 213.
stateliness of its apartments, iii. 135. at Casa Ambrosio, ii. 126.
Chaucer, old print by Speed from Gray's regard for, ii. 136.
Occleve's portrait of, i. 305.
his return to England, ji. 204.
family airns of, at bottom of prin visited by. Gray at "The Vine" in
i. 306.
Hampshire, ii. 264.
his portrait in possession of George Cibber, Caius Gabriel (Danish sculp-
Greenwood, Esq., i. 306.
tor), his work at Chatsworth, iii.
MS. of his Troilus and Cressida in 135.
St. John's library, i. 305.
Cibber, Colley, his Character and Con-
his portrait liy Occleve pot in St. duct of Cicero, criticised by Gray,
John's library, i. 305.
ii. 169.
VOL. IV.
2 A
354
INDEX.
Cibber's, Mrs., canary-bird, ii. 360. Cobham, Viscountess, Gray attends
Cicero, by Dr. Middleton, ii. 128.
her from Stoke to Hanover Square,
by Colley Cibber, ii. 169.
iii. 17.
Ad Familiares, by Rev. J. Ross, ii. dying of dropsy, iii. 17.
193.
her death, leaves £30,000 to Miss
Cinque Ports, Barons of the, their Speed, iii. 37.
treatment at the coronation of leaves Gray £20 for a ring, iii. 65.
George III., iii. 116.
Cocchi, Dr., his opera of Il Ciro Rico-
Circumstance the life of oratory and nosciuto, ii. 391, 396.
poetry, i. 393.
reference to, and his music, ii. 127;
Homer the father of, i. 393.
iii. 157.
Ciro Riconosciuto, Il, opera by Cocchi, Cogitandi, De Principiis, i. 185-193.
ii. 391, 396.
fragment sent to Richard West, ii. 104.
Dr. Burney's opinion of, ii. 391. familiarly called "Master Tominy
Clare College, founded by Elizabeth de Lucretius" by Gray, ii. 121.
Burg, Countess Clare, i. 95.
editorial note, i. 185.
Clare, Gilbert de, i. 42, 95.
fragment of the fourth Book sent to
Clarendon, Edward, Darl of, incorrect orace Walpole, ii. 172.
edition published of the last seven Coke, Lady Mary, reference to and note
years of his life, ii. 372.
on, iii. 73.
Life of, announced by the Duchess Coke, Sir Edmund, his residence at
of Queensberry from his MS., ii. 372. stoke, i. $3.
reference to the Life of, iii, 2, 5. Colin and Lucy, ballad by T. Tickell,
Mr. Cambridge's premature criticism ii. 219.
of, iii. 2.
Colin's Complaint, by Rowe, its origin,
Clarke, Dr. John, M.D., of Epsom, I ii. 367.
friend of Gray, ii. 63.
Colleger, vicissitudes of a, jii. 87.
Gray writes hiin of his return to Collins, William, his Odes on several
Descriptive and Allegoric Subjects,
iii. 159.
Clarke, Mrs. Jane, Epitaph on, i. 125. Colmau, George, his Ode against Gray
first published, 1775, i. 100.
and Mason, iii. 41, 53.
Clarke, Captain,'his Military Institu friend of Garrick's, iii. 41.
tions of Vezetius; iii. 357.
his interest in the estate of Lord
Cleone, Dodsley's play of, ii. 391.
Batlı, iii. 172.
Clergy, satire on the. Its prevalence, Comédie Françoise, account of the, ii.
i. 406.
22.
Addison unable to suppress it, i. 406. Comic Lines, i. 138.
Clerke, Dr. John, Dean of Salisbury, editorial note on, i. 138.
ii, 317.
Commerce changes nations, i, 120.
Cleveland, Duke of, his patronage of Commines, Philip de, ii. 128.
C. Smart, ii, 179.
Common sense thrives better in prox-
story of an attempt to inveigle him - imity to nonsense, ii. 339.
in marriage, iii. 33.
Conan, i. 130.
Clifford, Hon. "Mr., his park on the probably written in 1764, i. 129.
Conclave of Cardinals at Rome, and
Climate, its effect on nations, i. 118-119. I election of Pope Benedict XIII., ii.
Coalheavers at Shadwell, affray of, iii. Condé, Princess of, Eenri IV. and the,
39.
ii. 281.
Cobden, Rev. Dr., court chaplain, re- Congresso di Citéra of Algarotti, Gray
ference to, ii. 327.
Cobham, Viscountess, her house at' Congreve, Pindaric form first intro-
Stoke, i. 83.
duced by, ii. 263.
entertains Garrick at Stoke, ii. 323, Contades' army entirely defeated, iii. 5.
324.
Conti, the singer, reference to, ii. 125.
Gray visits her at Hampton for two Conversazione, defnition of a,'ii. 64.
days, ii. 369.
Conway, Francis, second Lord Conway
dying at Stoke, iii. 14.
biographical note, iii. 16,
note, ii. 19.
INDEX.
355
Conway, Francis, Walpole visits him in Cowley, comparison of his talents with
Paris, ii. 19.
Dryden's, i. 32.
visits Gray in Paris, ii. 20.
irregular stanzas introduced by, ii.
at Rheinis, ii. 29.
262.
in Geneva, ii. 37.
Cowper, Mr., residentiary at York, con-
Conway, General, to take part in a gratulates Gray, iii. 329.
secret military expedition, ii. 321. Cradock, Joseph, reports statement of
Duke of Devonshire gives him a John, Earl of Sandwich, relative to
· legacy of £500, iii. 183.
Gray, i. 131.
Conway, Hon. Henry Seymour, Gray refers to Gray's use of the mountain
visits him at Henley, 'iii. 60, 64. I of Caer Caradoc, ii. 270.
Conway Papers, Gray engaged in de Cranmer, Archbishop, his portrait in
ciphering a heap of, iii. 12.
Emanuel College, i. 310.
returned to Walpole's house in Craon, Priuce of, entertains Gray, ii. 52.
Arlington Street, iii. 43.
visits Rome, ii. 85.
Cook, Mr. (joint paymaster), iii. 293. Crebillon, Prosper Jolyot de, his Lettres
Cookery, Verral's Boolc of, enriched by de la Marquise, ii. 27.
: Gray, iii. 81.
Gray recommends the romances of,
Corphill, destruction by fire of Gray's ii. 107
house in, ii. 181-182.
his Le Sopha, ii. 128.
rebuilding of Gray's house in, ii. 228. his tragedy of Catalina, ii. 193.
asks Dr. Wharton to pay his fire Crescimbeni, Comentari del, references
policy, ii. 263.
to, i. 325, 327, 337, 365, 372, 374.
Mr. Ramsay, Gray's tenant in, iii. Creswick, Mr. (the Duke of Cleveland's
208.
managing man), iii. 33.
Cornwallis, Sir William, his Essayes of Critical Reviews, article on Gray's Bard
certaine Paradoxes, 1617, account in, ii. 327, 331.
of, iii. 312.
Crofts, Mr., á candidate for the Uni.
Correggio, his works in the churches of versity, iii. 390.
Parma, ii. 49.
Croma, one of the poems of Ossian, iii.
his picture of Venus in the collection 48.
of Sir William Hamilton, iii. 195. Cromartie, Earl of, his trial for re-
his picture of Sigismonda in the col bellion, ii. 140.'
lection of Sir Luke Schaub, iii. 195. Cromartie, Lady, supplicates her hus-
Cors, Lambert li, his poem of the I band's life, ii. 140.
Roman d' Alecandre, i. 357.
Crowland Abbey visited by Gray, iï.
Corsini, Lorenzo (Pope Clement XII.), 366.
ii. 63.
Crowley, Robert, printer of Peirce
Corsola, Bishop of, Claudio Tolomei, i. Plowman's Vision, i. 370.
Crusades, History of the, reference to,
Coscia, Cardinal Niccolo, Archbishop
i ii. 229.
of Benevento, biographical note, Cumberland, Duke of, his entry into
ii. 94.
Edinburgh, i. 143.
Costume, Gray's Parisian, ii. 57.
his popularity, i. 145.
Cotes, Humphrey, friend of Charles his illness, ii. 321.
Churchill, iii. 187.
attended by the surgeons of Marshall
Couplet about Birds, i. 139.
d'Etrées, ii. 321.
Couplet on Dining, i. 141.
his resignation after Closter-Seven,
Covent Garden, Gray obtains nosegays . ii. 343.
from, ii. 399.
recovered of his paralytic attack, iii.
Coventry, Francis, Gray's friendship
with, ii. 163.
appears at Newmarket in his chaise,
his comedy of Pompey the Little, ii.
*iii, 66.
214.
King George II.'s bequests to, iii. 70-
Coventry, Lady, Elegy on her death 71.
about to appear, iii. 65.
“in a very good way, 'tis strange it
Gray's criticisin of Mason's Elegy on, he recover's," iii. 183.
ii. 358 ; iii. 73-75.
his illness at Newmarket and story
Cowley unisquoted by Gray in the Pro concerning it, iii. 185.
gress of Poesy, and by Mitford, i. 32. date of his death, iii. 1$5.
342.
66.
356
INDEX.
Cumberland, R., his verses on the Dayrolles, Mr., his daughter elopes
death of Frederick, Prince of Wales, with Leonidas Glover's son, ii. 354.
ii. 119.
his relation with Mr. Stanhope at the
Curtall, Mr., reference to, iii. 138.
Hague, ii. 354.
Curzon, Dr., late of Brazenose, and the De Grey, Lord Chief Justice of Common
Poetical Rondeau, i. 208.
Pleas, iii. 390.
Cyrus, see Ciro.
De Guerchy and the Chevalier D'Eon,
iii. 181.
D'AFFRAY, Count, French Aubas-1 Nonius, ii. 113.
sador at the Hague, iii. 50.
De la Lande's Voyage through Italy, 8
D'Alembert, M., Gray comments on vols., pretty good to read, iii. 344.
bis Mélanges de Littérature et de Delap, Dr., referred to by Gray, ii. 309.
Philosophie, iii. 46.
author of Hecuba and The Captives,
Dalston's, Sir W., house at Acorn ii. 309.
Bank, i. 250.
biographical note, ii. 309.
Daniel, Arnauld, his decasyllabic verse, Gray proposes, through Mason, that
i. 334.
a coinment should be written on
his invention of the Sestine, i. 350. The Odes by, ii. 329..
Daniskiold, Count, hereditary Admiral did he write " Melpomene' ? ii. 338.
of Denmark, ii. 194.
leaves Mason's curacy, ii. 368.
Dante, Translation of Canto 33,
returned to Trinity, iii, 128, 131.
Inferno, i. viii. 157-160.
now first printed from MS. belong. and Kitty Hunter, unfounded report
ing to Lord Houghton, i. 157.
of their marriage, iii. 186.
his esteem of the Canzone species of references to, ii. 311, 318.
poetry, i, 352.
· Delaval, Edward, his tnition, ii. 155.
ascribes the origin of the old prose his disgrace at Cambridge, ii. 159.
romances to the French, i. 365. a Fellow-Commoner, ii. 203.
D'Arcy, Right Hon. Sir Conyers, re. / Fellow of Pembroke and of the Royal
ference to, and biographical note, Society, iii. 137.
ii. 367.
his skill in playing water-glasses, iii.
Mason visits, ii. 373.
31, 124.
the Sonnet, i. 349.
iii, 39.
Darlington, Laily, reference to, iii. 33. visits Gray in Jermyn Street, iii. 182.
Darradar Liod, an Icelandic poem ; see bis frankness, iii. 320.
The Fatal Sisters, i. 52.
his illness, iii. 335.
Darwin, Erasmus, his verses on death
of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii, references to, iii. 122, 137, 186.
119.
Delaval, Sir Francis Blake, asks the
D'Aubenton, his Histoire du Cabinet du 1. post of Modern History for E.
Roi, commended by Gray, ü. 199. Delaval, iii. 140.-
D'Auvergne, Cardinal, attends a con- Delaval, Sir T., reference to a love
clave at Rome, ii. 67.
affair, iii. 256.
Davanzati, his translation of Tacitus, Demofoonte, a drama in which Mingotti
ii. 111.
excelled, ii. 282.
Davenport, Mr., friend of Rousseau Denbigh, Lady, at Stoke House, ii. 382.
and Dr. T. Wharlon, iii. 243. . Denmark, Mallet's Introduction to the
David, C. Smart's Song to, ii. 161.
History of, ii. 352.
Davie, Mr., reference to, ii. 146, 147. Denmark, King of, visits Cambridge,
Davis, Mrs., an English nun in Calais, his personal appearance, iii. 329.
ii. 17.
references to, iii. 327, 330.
Dawson - Turner, his collection of Denny, Sir Anthony, old picture sup-
Graiana, the gift of Mr. Mathias, posed to be his portrait, iii. 227.
and now owned by Mr. John D'Eon, Chevalier, and Mons. Du Vergy
Morris, iv. 339.
and De Guerchy, iii. 181.
Dayrolles, Mr., intimate friend of Lord De Principiis Cogitandi, a didactic
Chesterfield's, ii. 353.
poem of Gray's, see "Cogitandi, ii.
Mason christens his child, ü. 353. L 104.
INDEX.
357
De Quincey's invective against Gras | Doncaster, aspect of the country near,
mere coach road, i. 266.
ii. 247.
De Regimine Principum, Chaucer's por-Doria, Andrea, reference to, ii. 48.
trait by Occleve in the book, i. 305. Dorset, Ann, Countess of, Gray's ex-
Destouches, Néricault, French drama tempore Epitaph on, see Pem-
tist, his comedy of Philosophe Marić, broke, i. 140.
ii. 23.
MS. sketch of her life by Mr. Sedg-
note on, ii. 23.
wick, i. 279. .
Devil, History of the lost fragment of Dorset, Duke of, his distress on the
Gray's, i. 142.
misfortunes of Lord G. Sackville,
Devonshire, Duke of, Head of the iii. 34.
Treasury, ii. 292.
Douaniers, dragons of Turin, ii. 43.
appoints Rev. W. Mason Chaplain in | Douglas, a tragedy by John Lone, ii.
Ordinary to George II., ii. 326. I 360.
gives a dinner to gentlemen attend- Douglas, Bishop, reference to his Pro-
ing coronation of George Ill., iii. logue to the sth Æneid, i. 341.
114.
Dovedale and the Peak, visited by Gray
his seat at Chatsworth, iii. 134-136. and Dr. Brown, iii. 273.
death of William, 4th Duke, and the Doyly, Thomas, Fellow of St. John's,
cause, iii. 176, 184.
iii. 190.
value of his estate and his bequests, Dragon, the red, device of Cadwal-
iii. 183, 184.
lader, i. 70.
Diamantina, La, violinist, ii. 76. Druidical mythology, iii. 351.
Dickens, Dr., reference to, ii. 118. Druidicarum, Historici Vettm. Acade-
Dillon, Mr. John, possessed and added marium Gallae, reference to, ii. 294.
to the Dawson - Tuner MSS. of Druidis, Commentatio de, by Frickius,
Gray, iv. 339.
ii. 293.
Dining, couplet on, i. 141.
Drummond, appointed Archbishop of
Doctor of Laws, Gray's attachment to York, iii. 105.
Cambridge induces him to decline, Drury Lane Theatre, Dr. Johnson's
from the University of Aberdeen, prologue for the opening of, ii. 220.
the honorary degree of, ii. 219-220. Dryden, John, compared with Cowley,
Dodsley, Robert, prints the Elegy as a writer of sublime Odes, i. 36.
written in a Country Clurchyard, his license of language in poetry, in-
ii. 211.
stances of, ii. 108.
the printing of Gray's Odes, ii. 218. his character disgraceful to the post
prints a collection of Miscellaneous of poet laureate, ii. 345.
Poems, including Gray, ii. 219. his poeins recommended by Gray to
Gray offers to Horace Walpole some Dr. Beattie, iii. 222.
Odes for insertion in the Miscel Duclos's Memoires, reference to, ii, 291.
laneous Poems, ii. 226, 364.
Dufresne, Abraham Alexis Quinault, a
prints the Elegy with Bentley's de- ncmber of the Comedie Françoise,
signs, ii. 234.
ii. 23.
references to, ii. 235, 339.
Dunbar, Lord, in attendance on The
his conscience settled by Soame Pretender at Rome, ii. 85.
Jenyns work on Evil, ii. 310. Dunciad, The New, Gray's opinion of,
how many copies of the Odes has he ii. 105.
disposed of, out of the 2000 ? ii.) Duncombe, Harry, friend of Rey. Nor-
329.
ton Nicholls, iii. 240.
directed to distribute Gray's poems Dupplin, Thomas Henry Viscount,
to certain persons, ii. 344.
Chancellor of the Exchequer, ii. 354.
his play of Cleone, ii. 391.
Durham, Dr. Richard Trevor, Bishop
printing an edition of Gray contem of, ii. 241.
porary with the Glasgow edition Dr. Joseph Butler, Bishop of, ii. 241.
of Foulis, iii. 286-287, 290.
fever in, ii. 245.
· glutted the town with two editions, Durell, Commodore, reference to, iii. I.
one of 1500 copies and one of 750, D'Urry's edition of Chaucer's works, i.
iii. 325.
306, 325.
Dodwell, assists in the Chronological describes a portrait of Chaucer at
table of ancient authors, ii. 158. Chastleton, i. 306.
358
INDEX.

281.
Dutch, probable settlement with, and Elegy, text of the first edition, i. 219-223.
no war, ii. 392.
Pembroke text, i. 227-232.
Du Vergy, the adventurer, in jail for editorial note on, i. 72.
debt, iii. 191.
satirical criticism by Professor
Dyce, Rev. A., MS. copy of Gray's Young, i. 208.
Epitaph on a Child, i. 126.
advertisement to Dodsley's first
MS. note as to the destruction of the edition, i. 217.
autograph of The Characters of the bibliographical note by Gray, i. 227.
Christ-Cross-Row, i. 210.
subinitted to H. Walpole, ii. 209.
note on the cause of Richard West's H. Walpole requested to ask Dodsley
death, ii. 113.
to print it, ii. 210.
Dyer, John, author of Grongar Hill, Magazine of Magazines and its pub-
reference to, ii. 220.
lication, ii. 210-211.
author of The Fleece, ii. 345.
printed by Dodsley, with a preface
by H. Walpole, ii. 211.
errors of the text, ii. 213.
EAGLES on Snowdon, i. 43.
design by Bentley for, ii. 234; en-
Lase, the mother of fine art, i. 119.
graved by J. S. Müller and Charles
Eckardt, J. G., H. Walpole's Epistle Grignion, ii. 231; the original
to, ii. 221.
drawings offered for sale in 1882,
his portrait of Gray, ii. 234.
ii. 234.
Edmondes, Sir T., State Papers of, ii. Robert Lloyd publishes a Latin
translation, iii. 128.
Edouard III., Gresset's tragedy of, ii. Elfrida, a drama by Mason, ii. 212,
186.
213; iii. 148.
Education, thoughts on, i. 120.
Elisi, singer and actor, illness of, iii. 77.
Education and Government, The Alliance excellence of his singing, and his
of, a fragment, i. 113-117.
personal appearance, iii. 80.
editorial note on, i. 113.
Elizabeth, Queen, her deportment on
first published, 1775, i. 100.
receiving Dzialinski of Poland, i. 49.
cominentary by Gray, i. 117-119. Elizabethan State Papers, by William
its duties, i. 119.
Murdin, ii. 396.
Gray sends a copy to T. Wharton, ii. Ely visited by Gray, ii. 366.
187.
Emanuel College, portraits in, i. 309-
Edward VI., his restrictions on dress, 310.
i. 318.
Emile, Rousseau's, Gray's praise of, iii.
Effingham, Thomas Harcourt, Earl of, 151-152. .
his part in the coronation of George Encyclopedia, see French.
III., iii. 115.
English language too diffuse, ii. 111.
Egmont, Lord, rumour that he will be Engravings, recommends their produc-
Secretary of State, iii. 237.
tion in Italy and France, those of
Egremont, Lord, his hanging woods England are woeful, iii. 165.
near Ulleswater, i. 254.
Entail, The, a fable by H. Walpole, ii.
Egypt, Travels in, by Captain Norden, 214.
ii. 194.
Enthusiast, The, by J. Warton, ii. 121.
translated by Templeman, iii. 1. Epicurus, ruinous effect of his doc-
Egyptian architecture, Dr.' Pococke's trine to society, i. 120.
prints on, ii. 255.
Epigram on the company at Cambridge
Ekkehardus, monk of St. Gall, early University, 1768, iii. 296. :
authority on Latin rhyme, i. 379. Epitapi on a Child, i. viii. 126.
Election time, letters apt to be opened Errol, Earl of, his appearance at the
at the offices during, ii. 249.
coronation of George III., iii, 113.
Electress Palatine, Dowager, receives Erse Poems, publication of the, i. 311.
EI. Walpole at Florence, ii. 54. testimony in favour of their authen-
Elegy in the Garden of a Triend, by ticity, i. 311.
Mason. Gray requests it for criti- Gray charmed with two specimens of,
cism, ii. 339.
iii. 45.
Gray's criticisin, ii. 357.
enquires of Walpole if the authors
Elegy written in a Country Church-yard, are known, and whether any more
text of the edition of 1768, i. 71-80. are to be had, iii. 45.
INDEX.
359
Erse Poems, Gray' obtains from Scot- Exhibition of pictures for the first
land, and reviews a third speci- time, ii. 65.
men, iii. 47-48.
Eyres, Mr., reference to, ii. 319.
said to be translated by Macpherson,
but Gray is much exercised as to
their authenticity, iii. 51-52. FABIAN, Alderman, extract from the
publication of, iii. 56-57.
Prologue to his Chronicle, i. 330.
David Hume's opinion as to their Fairfax, Thomas, Lord, monument of,
genuineness, cites persons who be- in Ottley Church, i. 280.
lieve in their antiquity, iii. 59, 65. Fall of Princes, see Lydgate.
subscription on foot to enable Mac- Farinelli (Carlo Broschi), sopranist, ii.
plierson to recover further frag 22, 57 ; iii. SO.
ments, iii. 59, 65.
Farnham, "Lord, insulted by an Irish
Gray more puzzled than ever about mob, iii. 26.
their antiquity, iii. 61.
Fashion of the country, the custom
second edition published, iii, 65, 69. and dress of the previous genera-
admires nothing but“ Fingal,” iii. 84. tion of the town, i. 404.
Hurd writing against, iii. 129. Fatal Sisters, The, an ode, i. 51-58.
Gray's scepticism apparently re editorial note on, i. 52.
moved, iii. 148.
paraphrase of“ Darradar Liod," i. 52.
Erskine, Sir Henry, surveyor of roads, Fauchet, President, reference to his
iii. 72.
Catalogue of Poets, i. 364.
unsuccessfully endeavours to obtain his opinion that the rhyme of the
an appointment for Gray, iii. 72, Franks was largely borrowed by
136.
other nations, i. 368.
his marriage, iii. 104.
Favonius, see West, Richard.
Escalopier, Peter L', Theologia Vettm. Fawkes, Mr., his residence at, i: 280.
Gallorum by, ii. 294.
Fellow-Commoners of Cambridge, their
Esher, Cardinal Wolsey's villa at, ii. 253. riotous conduct, ii. 164.
Essex, Lacy, death of the gay, ii. 401. Female sex, satire on, its gradual ex-
dies in childbirth, iii. 3.
tinction, i. 405.
Essex, Lord, atteinpted suicide of Lady Fen country visited by Gray, ii. 367.
M. Capel, his sister, ii. 274.
no
Trénel, Abbé, his Religion and Opinions
Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Gauls, ii. 362-363.
of the Times, by Rev. J. Brown, its Ferdinand, Prince, preparing for a
popularity, ii. 310.
battle in Westphalia, ii. 402.
Istrées, Mad. d', and Henri IV., ii. 281. his victory at Minden, ii. 7, 8.
Eton College, fever among the boys of, his conduct in Germany, iii. 27.
ii. 340.
his reward for Minden, iii. 27.
Elon College, Ode on the distant prospect treatment of Lord George Sackville,
: of, i. 15-21.
iii. 28.
editorial note on, i. 16.
Terguson, Adam, his Essay on the His-
Itough, Rev. Henry, i. 139.
tory of Civil Society, Gray's opinion
Etrées, Marshal al', sends his surgeons of it, iii. 279.
to attend the Duke of Cumberland, Terrers, Lord, his trial, iii. 35.
ii. 321.
Mason and Stonehewer present, iii.
Ettrick, Mrs., sister to Dr. Wharton, 35.
references to, iii. 199, 200, 245, burning of his cell during his trial,
320, 404.
iii. 35.
Eusden, Rev. Laurence, poet laureate, Field, Mr., friend of Dr. Wharton and
ii. 345.
of Gray, iii. 49.
Evans, Dr., Gray's opinion of, ii. 220. Gray obtains some soap from him as
Evelyn's work on Forest Trees ; quota- a remedy for gout, etc., ii. 277.
tion from relative to locality of the Fielding, Henry, Gray's opinion of
Elm, ii. 247.
Joseph Andrews, ii. 107.
Evil, The Origin of, by Soame. Jenyns, and a paper on Message Cards, ii. 143.
ii. 310.
Finch, E., appointed surveyor of roads,
Dr. Johnson reviews it, ii. 310.
iii. 72.
settled Mr. Dodsley's conscience, Fine Arts, see Paintings.
ii. 310.
Fischer's concert, and Gugnani, ii. 317.
•
360
INDEX.
.
Fisher, Bishop, supposed portrait.in ( Foulis, Glasgow publisher of Gray's
St. John's College of, i. 311.
Poems, iii. 255-287.
Fitzherbert, Thos., his second son dies Gray's appreciation of him as a pub-
from amputation of his leg, iii. 272. lisher, iii. 290, 325.
Fitzmaurice, Lord William, his rapid offers to present Gray with his Homer
military promotion, iii. 76.
or the Greek Historians, iii. 346.
Fitz-Osborne's, Sir Thomas, Letters on new edition of Milton to which
: various Subjects, by William Mel Gray wishes to subscribe, iii. 346.
moth, iii. 222.
visited by Gray in Glasgow, iv. 343.
Fitzroy, Mr., reference to, iii. 76. Gray admired his acacleiny of paint-
Flaubert, liis temperament akin to ing, iv. 343.
Gray's, ii. S.
Fountayne, Dean, reference to, iii. 82,
Fleece, The, by John Dyer, ii. 345.
10S.
Fleming, Sir Michael, his seat of Ri- Fox, Mr., unhappily criticises The Bard,
dale-hall, i. 266.
ii. 328, 331.
Floods, great, in the country (1770), Tramlingham rectory in the gift of Pem-
iii. 387.
broke College, iii. 328.
Florence, A Tarewell to, i. 181.
Frampton, Thomas, Tellow of St.
Floyer, Governor, death of, iii. 249.
John's, candidate for the Master-
Floyer, Miss (cousin to Rev. Norton ship of St. John's with support of
· Nicholls), reference to, iii. 317.
the Earl of Sandwich, iii. 190.
"Tobus," see Duke of Newcastle, refer note on, iii. 190.
: ences to, ii. 353, 370, 371; iii. 45, 50, France, Abrégé Chronologique de l'Hist.
63, 76, 105.
de, by President Henault, ii. 201.
Folcacchio de Folcacchieri, early on the brink of a general bankruptcy,
Italian poet, i. 352,
iii. 341.
Foljambe, Francis F. H., note on, iii. people of the provinces starving on
335.
the highways, iii. 384.
has given Gray a specimen of natural Etat de lci, Gray commends it, ii. 128.
history, which is a "jewell of a Gray's Journal in, i. ix. 237-246.
pismire," iii. 383.
Gray gives detailed aclvice to the Rev.
his disappearance, iii. 384.
Mr. Palgrave as to the places ho
Tolk-lore, vision seen in Caithness on de should visit in, iii. 193.
feat of Sigurd, Earl of Orkney, i. 54. Account of Gray's journey through,
Fontenelle, Gray's opinion of his man ii. 16-35.
ner of style, iii. 166.
references by Gray to towns, etc.,
Ford, Miss, a performer on musical in :-
glasses, iii. 124. .
Abbeville, its description, ii. 1.8.
Foreigners, natural aversion to, iii. 156. Abbey of Carthusians, Dijon, ii. 31.
Forrester, Rev. Richard, Fellow of Abbey of Cistercians, Dijon, ii. 32.
Pembroke, ii. 288.
Annecy, the residence of the exiled
death of his sister, ii. 318.
Bishop of Geneva, i, 245.
vacates his fellowship and goes to Ballet de la Paix, description of,
Ash well, Herts, ii. 346.
ii. 21-22.
his patron, Lord Maynard, promotes Beaune and Nuys, fertility of the
hiin from Easton, iii. 140.
country round, i. 242.
mortal foe of his brother "Poulter," Burgundy, clescription of the coun-
iii. 140.
try, ii. 31.
reference to, iii. 63.
united to crown of France, ii. 32.
Forster, Mrs. (née Pattinson, Gray's Calais, description of, ii. 16.
cousin), returns from India, ii. 201. Cenis, Mount, description of, ii.
to accommodate some of Gray's lup-
41-42, 46, 59.
ber, ii. 385.
Châlons-sur-Marne, i. 239.
Gray has kissed her at Dr. Wharton's Chartreuse, Monastery of the
instance, and forgot old quarrels,
Grande, its picturesque situa-
iii. 322.
. tion on a mountain near Echel-
Fortescue, Miss Lucy, afterwards Lady
les, i. 24:1.
Lyttelton, ii. 180.
reference to, ii. 36-37.
Fothergill, Dr., reference to, ii. 252, 259. ascent of the mountain, ii. 35-36,
Fotheringay visited by Gray, ii. 366.
45, 58.
INDEX.
361
35.
France, references by Gray to towns, France, references by Gray to towns,
etc., in :-
etc., in :-
Dijon, road approaching, i. 240. Sillery, house of the Marquis de
a beautiful city, i. 241; ii. 31-32,
Puisieux at, i. 239.
Versailles, description of, ii. 24-25. .
Abbey of St. Benigne, i. 241. Vitry le François, description of,
Chartreuse, The, their chapel and
1. 240.
its tombs, i. 242.
Franck or Francken, Jerome, Flemish
Church of the Bernardines, i. 241. painter, Dr. Wharton purchases a
Church of the Cordeliers, i. 241. picture probably by, ii. 384.
Church of St. Michael, i. 241. Francklyn, Thomas, of Trinity College,
Palais des Etats, i. 241 ; ii. 35.
ii. 311.
du Roi, i. 241.
Franklin, Mrs. Joyce, her portrait in
Parc, The, i. 242.
Emanuel College, i. 320.
Place, The, i. 241.
Franklin, Professor, supposed writer
Inns, French, description of, in of an article, in The Critical Review,
1739, ji. 17.
on Gray's Two Odes, ii. 327, 331.
Joinville, its fine appearance from Fraser, H. Walpole asked to influ-
the road, i. 240.
ence him on behalf of Dr. Brown,
Langres, description, i. 240.
ii. 289.
Langres, the Bishop of, a Duke Gray enquires if he has recovered, ii.
and Peer of France, i. 240.
300.
the Cathedral of St. Mammet, i. Gray tells Mason he will send a
240.
of The Odes for, ii. 322.
Lugdunum (the modern Lyons), reference to, iii. 41.
. ii. 33.
his industry, iii. 224.
Lyons, description of, ii. 33-35. Fraser, Sir Wiliam, owner of Mason's
view to be obtained of, i. 243. I copy of the Llegy, i. 72.
its situation at the confluence of Frasini, an opera singer, ii, 284.
the Rhône and Saône, i. 243. Frederick the Great of Prussia, his
Mount Fourvière, near Lyons, Memoirs of the House of Branden-
antiquities on, ii. 34.
burg, ii. 229.
Nuys and Beaune, fertility of the Gray's opinion of, ii. 290.
couutry round, i. 242.
and the King of Poland, ii, 291.
Paris visited by Gray, ii. 20-24. . writes to George II. explaining his
Paris, burlesque account of, ii. difficulties (first year of seven years'
56-57.
war), ii. 320.
Parisian costume, ii. 57.
Gray's opinion centred in, ii. 339.
Rheims, description of, i. 237; ii. his contest with Austria, and capture
28-30.
of Silesia, ii. 350.
Cathedral of Nôtre Dame, i. 237; his account of the campaign, ii. 372.
ii. 28.
reduced to the defence of his Marquis-
Church of St. Nicaise, i. 237.
ate, ii. 376.
Church of St. Pierre-aux-Dames, victory over the Russians at Zorn-
i. 237.
dorf, ii. 378.
Church of St. Remi, i. 237.
defeat by the Austrians at Hoch-
its ramparts and ancient triuna kirchen, ii. 385.
phal arches, i. 238.
his poetry, iii. 36.
its society, ii. 29.
Frederick, Prince of Wales, his Charms
residents known to Gray, i. 239. Of Sylvici, iii. 73.
Rheims to Dijon, description of Free-thinking, its altered form, ii. 375.
road, ii. 31.
French clergy, Lettres by General
St. Denis, its monuments and Fleury on the, ii. 230.
treasures, ii. 20.
influence on English poetry, i. 33.
Saône, fine view from Mount Encyclopedie, Gray purchases the
Tornus of the river, i. 242.
great, ii. 323; criticism of its
Savoy contrasted with Geneva, articles, ii. 331 ; iii, 235; termina-
i. 245.
tion of, in 17 vols., iii. 235.
Savoy, description of the vale of French, Mrs., her opinion of Gray's Long
the, i. 245.
Story, and H. Walpole's reply, ii. 228.
362
INDEX.
10,1.. 135.
Frenchinen, their atheism, iii. 226. Gaskarths, their mansion of Hill-top,
I'reret, Mons., his Dissertation on the i. 253.
Religion and Opinions of the Gauls, Gaskyn, Mr., reference to, ii. 295.
ii. 363.
Gauls, Religion of the Ancient, referred
Frickius, Albertus, ii. 294.
to, ii. 294.
Frickius, Joannes Georgius, his Com- Religion and Opinions of the, Disserta-
mentatio de Druidis, ii. 293.
tion on, by Fénel and Freret, ii.
Frishy's in Jermyn Street, Gray's 362, 363.
occasional place of lodging, ii. 251. Gaurus, Fragment of a Latin Poem on
Troissart, a favourite author of Gray, the, i. 179-181.
iii. 24.
Gaussein, Jeanne Catherine (La Gaus-
his history, iii. 392, 393.
sin), actress at the Comédie Fran-
the Herodotus of a barbarous age, çais, note on, ii. 23.
iii. 389.
Gautier de Châtillon, a poem of Flanders,
Fruits, ripening of, at Stoke during i. 357.
1755, iii. 96.
Gay, John, the Duchess of Queensberry
Fuentes, Conde de, reference to, iii. 40, lis patroness and protector, ii. 372.
71.
Genileman's Magazine, Impromptu on
Tuentes, Dadame de, and her twelve Lord Holland's house, published
ladies, iii. 62.
in, i. 135.
Geoffrey Plantagenet, his part in the
construction of York Minster, iii.
GALUPPI, Baldassaro, his operas, ii.
145.
. 133.
George II., his deportinent, ii. 154.
Gardening, Landscape, the only proof and Lord Holdernesse, ii. 321.
of our original talent in matters account of his sudden death, iii. 69.
of pleasure, iii. 160.
his testamentary bequests, iii. 70-71.
not forty years old, iii. 160.
George 111., his probable marriage, iii.
nothing like it before in Europe,
70.
although Chinese excel, iii. 160. his reproof to the Court Chaplains,
the only honour our country has in iii. 75.
matters of taste, iii. 166.
refuses to expend money on the gene-
Italy or France unable to compre ral elections, iji. 76.
hend it, iii. 166.
illness of his Queen, iii. 86. .
Gardens, Gray's, are in the window, his favourable impression, iii. 89.
like those of a lodger in Petticoat description of his Queen, iii. 105-106.
Lane or Camomile Street, iii. 343. Gray expects to see the coronation
Garrick, David, his popularity, ii. 133. procession, iii. 106.
his farce of The Lying Valet, ii. 213. marriage of, iii. 111.
William Whitehead's verses to, ii, 220. account of his coronation and the
Epilogue to Athelstan, ii. 261.
banquet in Westminster Hall, iji.
his verses in praise of Gray's Odes, 110-116.
ii. 325.
paid £9000 for hire of jewellery at
opinion of Gray's Odes, ii. 330, 341. coronation, iii. 113.
bis dispute with Arthur Murphy, ii. and his Queen ate like farmers, iii.
364.
115.
and Mason, Gray endeavours to allay said to esteem and understand the
their quarrel, ii. 376.
fine arts, iii. 158.
his farce of The Guardian acted on Ghirlandaio, Ridolpho, painter, refer-
behalf of Smart, ii. 391; taken from L ence to, i. 320.
Pupille of Fagan, ii. 391.
Gibhon, his praise of Education anul
Mr. and Mrs., visit Lady Cobham at Government, i. 113.
Stoke, ii. 323, 324, 376.
Gibbons, Grinling, his work at Chats-
Gaskarth, Josepli, treasurer and Fellow worth, ii. 135.
of Pembroke College, reference to, Gibside, a seal of Lord Strathmore, iii.
ii. 283, 288.
277.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, Gil Blas, Edward Moore's comedy of,
ii. 320.
ii. 213.
quarrels with Sir M. Lamb, ii. 346. Gilmour, Sir Arthur, his conduct in a
at Aston with Mason, iii. 9.
riot, iii, 339.
INDEX.
363
Gilpin, his Observations on the River | Gormogons, note on the, ii. 166.
Wye, iii. 380.
Gotti, Cardinal Vincenzo Luigi, note
Gisborne, Dr., President of the College relative to, ii. 93.
of Physicians, biographical note, Goud, T. V., Fellow of New Hall,
iii. 67.
his neglect of the offer of Conservator Gout, prescription for the, ii. 267..
of Elunter's Museum, iii. 67. Grafton, Augustus Henry Fitzroy,
Gray sends a production of Mason's Duke of, Chancellor of Cambridge
to, iii. 246-247.
University, i. 92.
references to, iii. 150, 334.
Installation Ode, i. 92.
Glasgow edition of Gray's poems; Gray his descent, i. 96.
agrees to Dr. Beattie's proposal of| Mr. Stonehewer and Mr. Bradshaw,
publishing a, iii. 285-287.
Secretaries to, ii. 241.
Gray's praise of it, iii. 325.
Mr. Stonehewer, tutor to, ii, 277.
its success, sold off in a short time, Gray thanks him for the Professor-
iii. 346.
ship of Modern History, iji. 319.
Glasgow press, beauty of its type, iii. Gray's praise of, iji. 342.
165.
Installation as Chancellor of Uni-
Glass, green, not classical, iii. 17. · Tersity, iii. 343-4.
organist, reference to the death of a, Giay bound in gratitude to write his
iii. 22.
Installation Ode, iii. 346.
painted, manufactured at York, iji, Graham, Rev. Mr., the horticulturist,
17 ; exhibits at Society of Arts, iii. Gray visits hiin at Netherby, iv. 342.
102 ; made also at Worcester, and Graham, Sir Bellingham, dines with
sold by weight, iii. 17; failure of Gray, i. 275.
the factory there, iii. 102 ; Gray's Granby, Marquis of, injured whilst
advice for procuring, iii. 102-103.1 with the troops in Hanover, ii. 378.
Glasses, water, Delaval's skill on, iii. Grand Magazine of Magazines, Gray's
31, 124.
Elegy published by the, i. 72.
description of, iii. 124.
Grandval, Racot de, comedian, ii, 23.
reference to various players on, iü. Grantley, Lord, see Sir F. Norton, ii.
124.
176.
delights Gray, iii. 125.
Gray, Mrs. Dorothy (the poet's mother),
Gray knows Mason will be weary of:
| Gray consoles her ou the death of
him, because he cannot play them, his aunt, Mrs. Antrobus, ii, 208.
iii. 147.
her illness, ii. 233.
Gloucester music-meeting, reference death of, ii. 237, 250.
to, iii. 343.
Gray's deep aflection for, iii. 239.
Gloucester Street, Gray enquires of transcript of her epitaph from the
Dr. Wharton if he can stay for a MS. in pencil of Gray, iv. 339.
week in, ii. 366.
Gray, Lord, his belief that he was re-
Glover, Richard ("Leonidas "), his lated to the poet, iii. 280.
youngest son elopes with Mr. Day-| Gray desires a copy of the Glasgow
rolles' daughter, ii. 354.
edition of the poems to be sent to,
biographical note, ii. 134.
iii. 290.
Gluck, a German player on water- Gray, Sir James, may be appointed to
glasses, iii. 124.
Spain, iii. 256.
Glynn, Dr., Gray's Cambridge physician, Greathead, Mr., his residence near
iii. 296.
“God - willing," Archbishop Potter's Greaves, William, his Pamphlet on
Libels, Warrants, etc., iii. 192.
Golding, Mr., reference to his death, i. Greece, its early influence on English
212.
poetry, i. 33.
Gondolfo, Castel, a house of the Pope's, Greek inscription for a Wood, by Gray,
ii. 78.
ii. 115.
Goodman's Fields, Garrick at, ii. 133. religion, the foundation of the Ro-
Gordon, Lady Catherine (Mis. Char man, ii. 173.
teris), i. 275.
Green, John, Master of Ben'et, Gray
Gordon, Mr., interested in Smart, iii. sends him a copy of The Odes, ii.
163.
320.

Gold roviso, ii. 240.chbishop Potter's la, Warwick
364
INDEX.
Green, John, requests Dr. Balguy to HABIT, definition of what we call, ii.
preach a commencement sermon, 374.
ii. 369.
Hadden, Ephraim, reference to as a
Green, Matthew, Gray's opinion of his . vendor of rope-ladders, ii. 277.
poetry, ii, 219.
Hadley, Dr. J., of Queen's College, ii.
note on, ii. 219.
320:
.
ii. 223, 224.
ii. 320.
Green, Dr. Thomas, Dean of Salisbury, Halfpenny, Williain, his popularity and
, 44*.
ii. 317.
Greene, Dr. John, Bishop of Lincoln, Halicarnassus, Dio, his knowledge of
reference to, iii. 56, 97, 105. I the Roman mythology, ii. 173.
Greenwood, George, of Chastleton, Halifax, Lord, appoints Eusden poet
Gloucester, portrait of Chaucer in laureate, ii. 345.
the possession of, i. 306.
his boyish days, ii. 115.
Grenville, G., Paymaster-General, ii. Hallifax, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester,
292.
note on, iii. 254.
disinherited by his brother Lord references to, iii. 208, 259, 331, 359.
Fall, Dr., Bishop of Exeter, portrait in
his candid refutation of the charges Emanuel College, i. 310.
brought against the present min Fall, Joseph, Bishop of Norwich,
isters, iii. 256.
Gray's opinion of his Satyres, ii.
Gresset, Jean Baptiste Louis, his Epitre 233.
à ma Sæur gave Gray the idea for / Virgidemiarium written at Cam-
The Ode on Vicissitude, i. 123.
bridge, ii. 233.
his writings and their influence on Hall, Williain, of King's Walden, his
Gray, ii. 182.
daughter Elizabeth marries Mr.
comedy of Le Méchant, ii. 183.
Bonfoy, ii. 378.
his works enumerated, ii. 184. Elamilton, Mr., Gray recommends Dr.
tragedy of Edouard III., ii. 186.
Wharton to visit at Cobham the
Le Lutrin Vivant, ii. 186.
house of, ii. 254.
Grey, Walter, Archbishop of York,
ure-
part in the building of York inin grounds, ii. 254.
ster, iii. 145.
| Hampton, Gray stays with the Cob-
Grey, Dr. Zachary, reference to, iii. hams at, ii. 369.
55.
Hardicanute, poem by Lady Wardlaw,
Grignion, Charles, engraved the figures iii. 45; second part by Mr. Pinker-
for the design to Gray's Elegy, ii. ton, iii. 46.
234.
Hardwicke, Philip, second Lord, his
Grongar Hill, written by John Dyer, election as Seneschal of Cambridge
ii. 220.
University, i. 131.
Grotto, The, a poem by M. Green, ii. 219. reference to, iii. 6.
Guardian, The, a falce by Garrick, ii. | probably will support the Whigs, iii.
. 391.
author of the King's Speech, iii.
iji. 317.
123.
Gunning, Stuart, Fellow of St. John's, his recovery from illness and election
and candidate for Mastership of St. as High Steward of Cambridge, iii.
John's, iii. 190.
168, 200.
Guthrie, William, of Brechin, author' probability of his becoming Secretary
of the General History of Scotland, of State, iii. 238.
criticises Walpole's Historic Doubts Hardwick Hall, description of thc'
in the Critical Review, iii. 313, 314. | Duke of Devonshire's seat at, iii.
Guy Cliff, Warwick, the residence of 136.
Mr. Greathead, ii. 257.
Harmonica, sce glasses, water.
its natural beauties, ji. 257.
Harpe, Jean François de la, his works
the cell of Guy, Earl of Warwick, ii. not to be had in England, note on,
258.
iii. 295.
Harris, Samuel, Professor of Modern
History, iii. 136.
76.
INDEX.
365
Flaylwanslatei. 125.no's poem
Hartlepool, Gray visits. Its waters | Hens, Supper of, by Francis I., ii.
. and other attractions, iii. 206, 207. .
sturdiness of its inhabitants, iii. 207. Herbert of Cherbury, Life of Lord, 200
Harvest, progress of, in 1759, iii. 12. copies printed at Strawberry Hill,
Hasel or Hassle, Mr., bis residence of iii. 173.
Delmaine, i. 251.
Hervey, Ashton, fable in Dodsley's
Hattield, death of Richard Westat, i. 2. Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 222.
church, burial-place of West, ii. 113. Hervey, Frederick, Bishop of Cloyne,
Hatton family, their house at Stoke, i. Gray laments the loss of his ac-
83.
quaintance, jii. 77.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, i. $3.
eats raspberry-puffs with Gray in
Hauberk, The, definition of, i. 41.
Cranbourn Alley, iii. 270.
Haveus, Theodore, of Cleves, architect, at Durham, his popularity with the
his portrait at Caius College, i. 309. ladies, iii. 278.
Havre-de-Grace, bombardment by Fervey, Lord, and Dr. Middleton, dis-
Admiral Rodney, ii. 402.
pute as to the Roman Senate, ii.
Fawke, Admiral Sir Edward, his un 175.
successful expedition to Roche- his admiration of animals, ii. 221.
fort, i. 342.
Hervey, Lady, visited by Madame de :
his great victory, iii. 22, 23.
Fuentes, iii, 62.
Hawley, General, his defeat at Falkirk, the “Mary Lepell” of Pope, iii. 62.
ii. 129.
Heskin, J., verses on the death of
Hayes, Dr., Gray's medical adviser, ii. 1 Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.
1207.
Hexham, Gray and Dr. Wharton visit,
attends Mrs. Rogers, ii. 382.
iii. 281.
Hayes, Mr., reference to, ii. 165. Hickes, Dr., reference to his Anglo-
Hayter, Thomas, Bishop of Norwich, Saxon Grammar, i. 362
translated to London, ii. 105.
reference to his Grammar Franco-
death of, ii. 125.
Theotische, i. 363, 364.
Health, J. Armstrong's poem on, ii. 121. his statement that the Franco-Theo-
Hearse-day, appearance of the hearse, tische and the Anglo-Saxon were
iii. 339.
originally the same language, i.
Heberden, Dr., reference to, i. 252, 280. 364.
attends Mrs. Charles York, i. 401. Hill, Aaron, his play of Merope acted
marries Miss Wollaston, iii. 29.
on behalf of Sinart, ii. 391.
reference to, and his good dinners, Hill, Dr. John (the inspector), ap-
iii. 66.
pointed Master Gardener at Ken-
his son entered as a pensioner of St. sington, iii, $9.
John's College, iii. 385.
Fill-top, the mansion of the Gaskarths,
Hecuba, Rev. Dr. Delap's tragedy of, i. 253,
ii. 309.
Himers family, i, 262.
Heere, Lucas de, his arrival in England, Hinchinbroke, seat of Lord Sandwich,
i. 314.
iii. 322.. .
Helias of Barhain, Canon of Salisbury, Hinchliffe, Dr., likely to succeed Smith
i. 316.
of Trinity, iii. 303, and
TIeloise, Nouvelle, Gray's opinion of the Dr. Marriot, reference to, iii. 331.
6 vols, of, iii. 79, 83.
History of English poetry, contem-
Hénault, Charles Jean François, Presi plated by Gray, i. 53.
dent, Histoire de France, ii. 158. History of Hell, A, facetious verses by
Abrégé Chronologique de l'Hist. de Gray believed to be lost, i. 142.
Trance, ii. 201.
Foadley, Chancellor, Master of St.
Henley, Rev. John (Orator Henley), Cross, iii. 178.
allusion to, ii. 15.
es, his contribution to Dodsley's
Henri IV. of France, effect of his
Collection of Poems, ii. 364.
riage proposals, ii. 281.
Hoel, The Death of, an ode, i. 129.
character of his court, ii, 281.
Hogarth's satire on farinelli, ii. 22.
Henry VI., founder of King's College, caricature of Simon Lord Lovat, ii.
Cambridge, i. 95.
146.
Henry VIII., benefactor of Trinity Col his print on The Mystery of Masonry,
lege, Cambridge, i. 95.
etc., ii. 166.
111.
366
INDEX.
Hogarth and Paul Sandby, iii. 65. Houghton, Lord, his rich collection of
exhibition of his pictures in Spring | holographs, i. xvii.
Gardens, ii. 123.
possessor of the MS. of Satire upon
his periwigs, iii. 123.
the Heads, i. 134.
introduces Queen Charlotte into one possessor of Mitford's MS. of Gray's
of bis pictures, iii. 123.
Dante, i. 157.
Holdernesse, Robert D'Arcy, fourth Hounslow, residence of Walpole near,
Earl of, Gray visits him in Paris, iii. 15.
ii. 20-21.
Housekeeping in the Duke of Norfolk's
his interest at Cambridge, ii. 288. establishment (16th century ?), ii.
reference to his return to office, ii. 295-297.
321.
Howe, William Taylor, Fellow of Pem-
and Mason, ii. 383, 395 ; iii. 9, 50 broke, Gray proud of his friend-
l'eference to, ii. 353.
ship, iii. 144.
returning from Italy, iii. 148.
publication of General Yorke's channel of intercourse between Gray,
letters, iii. 9.
Mason, and Algarotti, iii. 155..
his residence of Syon Hill, iii. 15. his friendship for Count Algarotti,
correspondence with Lord G. Sack iii. 155.
ville, iii. 28.
thanked for his testimonies of es-
obtains a precentorship for Mason, teem, iii. 159.
iii. 82.
urged not to despair of his health,
named as likely to proceed to Ire-
land, iii. 91.
iii. 160.
going to Yorkshire, iii. 104.
Howlett, Dr. Zachary, see Grey.
his ghastly smile, iii. 199.
Huddleston, Mr., his mansion of
"his ugly face" at York, iii. 283.
Hutton St. John, i. 251.
Holdernesse, Lady, and Mason, ii. 395. Hune, David (historian), believes in
nd, Lord, Impromptu on his the authenticity of the Erse Poems,
house at Kingsgate, i. 135.
i. 311; iii. 59.
editorial note on Impromptu, i. 135. History of the Tudors, ii. 396.
Gray complains of its publicity, Gray considers him a pernicious
iii. 334.
writer, iii. 377.
his estimate of the character of the Humorous pieces, recovery of, i. viii.
Duke of Newcastle, iii. 42.
Hunter, Dr. John, how the College of
his regret of public affairs, iii. 153. Surgeons acquired his Museum,
is alive and written three poems, iii. 67.
one entitled Lord Holland's Return Hunter, Kitty, her escapade with
Henry, Earl of Pembroke, iii. 132.
Hollar, neglect of his style, iii. 110. and Dr. Delap, iii. 186.
Hollis, Thomas, presents Gray with a Huntingdon, the “Wheat Shcaf” Inn
beautiful set of engravings, iii, 160. at, iii. 375. .
sends Gray Coserellci, iii. 198. Huntingdon, Earls of, their house at
| Stoke, i. 83.
Hurd, Richard, description of, ii. 314.
Homer, the father of Circumstance, i. | Gray sends him a copy of the Odes,
393.
ii. 320.
Essay on, by Rev. John Wood, ii. 395. Gray accompanies him to town, ii.
291.
of the Expedition against Mar Dr. T. Wharton asks him to be
tinique, ii. 385.
lenient to Dr. Akenside, ii. 299.
Horace, his house at Tivoli, ii. 74. Gray tells him few people admire the
Commentary of, by Mr. Hurd, ii, 349. Odes, ii. 325.
Imitations of, by Thomas Neville, ii. at Thurcaston, ii. 326.
314.
allusion to his Moral and Political
Hornsby, Thomas, his gout lozenges, Dialogues, ii. 325.
iii. 129.
letter on the Marks of Imitation, ii.
Houghton Hall, Seat of Sir Robert | 339.
Walpole, ii. 11.
his remarks on Hume's Naturcil
its Lanthorn of copper gilt, ii. 12. History of Religion, ii. 349.
castle, iii. 471. 153.
st. 67.
INDEX.
367
Hurd, Richard, reference to his Com- Installation Ode, The, Gray says his
mentary of Horace, ii. 349.
worst employment is to write some-
Gray enquires of Mason whether he thing against the Duke of Grafton's
should transmit the MS. of Carac coming to Cambridge, iii. 340.
tacus to, ii. 386.
anecdote relative to Gray's com-
obliged by Dr. Wharton, ii. 389.
mencement of, iji. 341.
and Warburton's criticism of Caracta has been rehearsed again and again,
cus called that of Prior Park, ii.393.
iii. 343.
attacking the Erse fragınents, iii. 129. set to music by Dr. John Randall,
obtains the sinecure rectory of Folk iii. 343.
ton on recommendation of Mr. sung by Mr. Norris, Rev. Mr. Clarke,
Allen, iii. 139.
Mr. Reinholt, and Miss Thomas,
“grown pure and plump," visits iii. 343.
Gray, iii. 224.
Gray does not publish it, but Alma
undergoes a painful operation for Mater prints 500 or 600 for the com-
something akin to fistula, iii. 335. pany, iii. 345...
reported serious illness of, iii. 353. a work of gratitude, iii. 346.
is now well, and takes an hour's Invasion, fear of a French, ii. 401;
walk with Gray, iii. 354.
iii. 3.
references to, ii, 371 ; iii. 108.
King's tent and equipage ready at
Hutcheson, the disciple of Shaftes an hour's warning, ii. 402.
bury, ii. 107.
Ireland, Lords Justices offer to resign,
Hutton, Archbishop of York, gives a ii. 78.
prebend's stall in York Cathedral Gray does not know who will go to,
to Mason, ii. 250.
ii. 78.
· Hutton, John, reference to, ii. S2. Lord Holdernesse named for, ii. 91.
his interest with his cousin (the Irish disturbances in anticipation of a
Archbishop) on behalf of Mason, supposed Union and suppression
ii. 250.
of the Irish Parliament, ii. 25-27. :
leaves Mason an estate, ii. 250.
disgraceful scenes in the Irish Par-
Hymereal on the marriage of Frederick, liainent, ii. 26,
Prince of Wales, i. 168.
Dignitaries of State insulted by the
rabble, ii. 26.
tranquillity of the castle authorities
ICELANDIC LAYS, reference to Darradar and a ball given same niglit, ii. 26.
Liod, i. 52.
riot suppressed by the military, ii.
Vegtans Icvica or Balcrs draumar,
26.
i. 60.
warning of riot given in England six
Ignorance, Hymn to, i. 111.
weeks before, ii. 26.
editorial note on, i. 111.
very intractable, even Lords Justices,
first publication, i. 100.
ii. 91.
Imagination, works of, decline, i. 393. Isocrates should be read wit
Imitation, Hurd, on the marics of, ii. nent, iii. 363.
339.
Italian orthography co-temporary with
Impatience, the forerunner of the de Chancer, i. 325.
cline of works of imagination, i.|| language easily acquired by one
393.
proficient in Latin and French,
Impromptus, i. 140-141.
ii. 7.
Ingram, Mr., Groom of the Bed-/ language copious and expressive,
chamber, ii. 290.
ii. 8.
Ink-fish, iii. 12.
Italians, their magnificent reception
Inscription for a Wooc in cl Parl, i. of strangers, ii. 97-98.
193.
parsimony of their private life, ii. 97.
Insects, Generick characters of the Italy, its influence on English poetry
Orders of, in verse, i. 198-202.
during Tudor period, i. 33.
Installation of Knights du Saint Esprit Gray would rejoice to exchange
at Chapel Royal, Versailles, ii. 26, tongues with, iii. 158.
57.
Gray gives detailed advice to Pal-
Installation Ode, The, i. 91.
grave as to the places he should
editorial note on, i. 92.
visit in, iii. 194-196.
368
INDEX.
Italy, description of Gray's visitoto, ii. | Italy, references by Gray to towns, etc.,
40-55, 59-103.
in :-
references by Gray'to towns, etc.,in:-|| Reggio, a fair or carnival at, ii.
Albano, description of, ii. 78.
102,
Annonciata, church of the,atGenoa, Rome, view from Mount Viterbo,
ii. 45.
ii. 66.
Appennines, description of cross description of, ii, 67-71, 84.
ing the, ii. 51.
St. Peter's, ji. 67, 68, 70, 71; its
Appian way, description of, ii. 78.
construction, ii. 79.
Bologna, description of, ii. 50.
description of a ball in, ii. 76,
Buchetto, a mountain of green
84.95.
description of an Italian evening
Coliseum at Rome, ii. 70.
in, ii. 79.
Doria, Palazzo, Genoa, ii. 48.
inscriptions from, ii. 79.
Florence, description of, ii. 53-55.
St. Longinus's spear and St.
manner of keeping Leot ill, 11.
Veronica's handkerchief ex-
64.
posed to view in St. Peter's,
manner of its society, ii. 91. .
ii. 70.
a gay season in, ii. 97.
Sienna, account of, ii. 64-65.
stative of the Virgin Madonna Tivoli, Duke of Modena's palace
dell' Inipruneto) brought into,
at, ii. 72-74.
and devotions paid, ii. 99.
Torre del Greco, description of its
Genoa, description of, ii. 47-48.
appearance, iv. 341.
Herculaneum, description of, ii. Turin, visited by Gray and Wal-
83.
pole, ii. 40.
discovery of its site at Portici,
iv. 341-342.
its palace, ii. 44.
excavations at, ii. 277 ; iv. 342. Tuscany, description of the coun.
Lanslebourg or Lanebourg, de-
try, ii. 65.
scription of, ii. 41.
Venerie, La, country palace of
Lombardy, description of, ii. 50.
Turin, ii. 44.
Modena, its appearance, ii. 50. .. Venus de Medicis of Florence, ii.
Mount Giogo, description of, in
... 55, 61.
the Appennines, ii. 52.
Mount Radicofani, description of
country round, ii. 65.
JACOBITES, their victory at Falkirk, ii.
hunting seat of a Grand Duke 129.
on, ii. 66.
slight effect of their successes on
Mount Vesuvius, its position, and the rural population of eastern
appearance of the lava, iv. 341. England, ii. 130.
Mount Viterbo, view of Rome from, James the First, 2 lyttel Boolcs tocheing,
ii. 66.
ii. 128.
Naples, description of, ii. 51-82. James's, Dr., powders recommended
Feast of Corpus Christi cele by Gray, ii. 244.
brated at, ii. $5.
MS. of his excursions, in the col- Jebb, Mr. (physician), hero of dissent
lection of Mr. Morris, iv. 340. at Cambridge, iii. 325.
Neapolitan dominions, cultivation Jenyns, Soame, The Fremcile Rcke, or the
of, contrasted with Pupal, ii.SI. Modern Fine Lacly, a play by
214.
Papal dominions, contrasted with his Origin of Evil, ii. 310.
Neapolitai), ii, 81.
Gray's opinion of his poetical abili-
Parma, paintings of Correggio in, ties, ii. 222.
ii, 49.
Jerinyn Street, Gray's place of lodging
Piacenza, ii. 49.
either at Roberts's or Frisby's in,
Portici, description of the adjacent ii. 237, 251.
coast, iv. 3.10.
discovery of Herculaneum be-Jodelle, Etienne, style of his verse, i.
341.
INDEX.
369
John of Padua, architect of Somerset | Kent, William, the architect, his de-
House, i. 307.
sigu at Esher, ii. 253.
built Longleat, i. 307.
Kent, Gray's description of the county.
reference to, i. 317.
Visited Ramsgate, Margate, Sand-
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, his poein of wich, Deal, Dover, Folkestone,
London, ii. 220.
and Hythe, iii. 240, 241-2.
prologue for the opening of Drury contrasts its coast with Hartlepool,
Lane theatre, ii. 220.
iii. 242.
reviews in the Literary Magazine Gray has passed a deal of the sum-
Jenyns's work on Evil, ii. 310.
mer (1768) in, iii. 320.
not a judge of art, iii. S1.
Keys, see Caius.
Gray's repugnance to, iii. 371. Keysler, Johann Georg, his descrip-
Gray calls him the great bear, Ursa tion of Celtic and other antiquities
Major, iii. 371.
in his Travels thror!gh Germany,
Johnson, Miss, trial of Lord Ferrers for Hungary, etc., iii. 351.
the murder of her father, iii. 35-36. Killaloe, Bishop of, insulted by the
Yohnston Dorothy her marriage with
Trish rabble j 26
Néricault Destouches, ii. 23. Kilmarnock, Lord, his trial, ii. 139. '
Jonathan, Mr., friend of Dr. Wharton, King, Dr., Gray's opinion of his poetry,
references to, iii. 17, S3, S7, 173, ii. 220.
219, 237.
King's College, Cambridge, founded by
Jonathan, Mrs., references to, üi. 152, Henry VI., i. 195.
173, 219, 354.
Kingston's Light Horse refused ad-
Jones, Inigo, his skill in architecture, I mittance into Edinburgh, ii. 143.
ii. 158.
Kinnoul, see Viscount Dupplin.
Joseph Andrews, Gray's criticism of Kinnoul, Lord, his journey to Lisbon
Fielding's, ii. 107.
and Genoa, iii. 27.
July, 1754 and 1759, records of the description of his voyage to Lisbon,
weather and condition of the crops iii. 30.
in, ii. 398-401.
Kirke, Miss, executrix of Dr. New-
Juvenal and Persius, Imitations of, by come, iii. 189.
Thomas Neville, ii. 314.
Knight, Dr. Gowin, M.D., principal
librarian of British Museuin, iii,
6.
KCENE, Dr. Edmund, Bishop of Ches. Knights du Saint Esprit, installation
ter, lines on, i. 140, 141.
of, ii. 26, 57.
at Cambridge; ii. 178.
Knowles, Mr., elected Fellow of Pem-
his interest sought on behalf of broke College, ii. 188.
Stonehewer, ii. 193, 195.
Gray's acquaintance with, ii. 201.
Master of St. Peter's College, note Lady, The Modern fine, a play by S.
on, ii. 287.
private ambassador of the Earl of Laguerre, Louis (Old Laguerre), his
work at Chatsworth, iii. 136.
interview with Mr. Charles Yorke, Lakes, Dr. Wharton obliged through
iii. 201.
asthma to part from Gray, when
refused the Archbishopric of Ar- about to set out for the, iii. 349.
maghi, iji. 201.
Lales, Gilpin's Tour to the, i. 279.
his son leaves Eton for Peterhouse Lakes, Gray's reason for writing the
College, iii. 385.
Journal, iii, 350.
, references to, ii. 189, 190, 192; iii. 55. Lakes, Journal in the, i. 249-281.
Keene, Mrs., Couplet on, i. 141.
references to places mentioned by
Keith, Marshall, death of, ii. 385.
Gray in :-
Kemble, Boaden's Life of, quotation Ambleside, road from, to Kendal, i.
relative to Mason, ii. 242.
267.
Kennicott, B., his verses on the death Appleby, description of the country
of I'rederick, Prince of Wales, ii.
e river Eden, i. 250.
119.
reference to, i. 140.
Kennington, harvest justover (1759) in, Armathwaite-house, residence of Mr.
iii. 12.
Spedding, i. 262.
VOL. IV.
2 B
in Sandwich, iii. 207 of the Earl of La Jenyns, ii. 214. Jine, a play by S.
INDEX.
Lales, Journal in the references to Lales, Journal in the, references to
places mentioned by Gray in :-
places mentioned by Gray in :-
Bassenth waite-water, description of Kendal, its church, with tombs of the
i. 261, 262.
Parrs, Stricklands, and Belling.
Bolton Hill, view of Cartmell-sands hams, i. 269.
and Lancaster from, i, 270, 27). Keswick, botany might be studied
Borrodale, description of, i. 253, 256.
to perfection around, i. 263.
and Wordsworth's Yow - Trees, visited by Gray and Dr. Wharton,
i. 254.
Botany, excellent ground for, i. 263. Kirkstall Abbey,description of, i. 2$1.
Lancaster, description of, i. 271.
at, i. 249.
its Gothic gateway, i. 271.
Buttermere, charr taken in, i. 263. Leathes-water, see Thirlmere.
Carlisle, Gray and Dr. Wharton visit, Leeds, aspect of, i. 281.
iii. 281.
Levens, the seat of Lord Suffolk, i.
Cartnell sands, i. 270.
270.
Castle-Crag, description of, i. 257.
Castle Hill, view of Derwentwater and Wordsworth's Evening Wallc,
from, i. 259.
i. 255.
Castle-Rigg, fine view from, i. 264. Lodore-bank Crags, description of,
Cockermouth, visited by Gray and i. 255.
Dr. Wharton, i. 281.
Lune, valley of, i. 274.
Cockshut-hill, account of, i. 259. Maltham, i. 275.
Craven, description of the district of, Milthrop, iron forges near, i. 270.
i. 278.
Ottley, description of, i. 280.
Crow-park, i. 259.
Fairfax monuments in the church
Dalenaine or Delmaine, residence of ot, i. 280.
Mr. Hasel, i. 251.
Penigant, view of, i. 278.
Derwentwater, view of, i. 260.
Penrith, view from the Beacon-hill
yale of, called the Devil's Chamber
Pot, i. 262.
visited by Gray and Dr. Wharton,
Druid Circle at Castle-Rigg, i. 261.
iii. 281.
Dunnallert, view of Ulles water from Place Fell, view of, from Dunmallert
the hill of, i. 251. .
Hill, i. 251.
Lagle's-eirie, plundering an, i. 258. Poulton, i. 272. . . .
Eimot, description of the vale of Ridale Hall, seat of Sir M. Fleming,
the, i. 250, 252.
i. 266.
Elysium, the vale of, i. 253.
Ridale-head, i. 267.
Evening at Derwentwater, i. 258-259. Ridale-watcr, description of, i. 266.
Gardies and Lowside, valley of, i. 253. St. John's, valley of, i. 253.
Gordale-scar, description of, i. 276 Saddleback, effect of clouds on, i. 253.
277.
Sea Whaite, i. 257.
Gowder crag, description of, i. 256. Settle, road between Lancaster and,
Grange, situation of the village of, i. i. 274-276.
256.
Seven Mile Sands, near Lancaster, i.
Grasmere, description of, i. 265.
272.
coach road, i. 266.
their danger and story of a fatal
Hill-top, a mansion of the Gaskarth's, attempt to cross them, i. 273.
i. 253.
Holm-crag, i. 265.
Shode-bank Hill, steep road over, i.
Hornby Castle, i. 274.
279.
Hutton or Hatton St. Jolin, the re Skipton, description of, i. 278-279.
sidence of Mr. Huddleston, i. 251. Thirlmere, called also Leathes Water
Ilkeley, i. 250.
or Wythburn-Water, description
Ingleborough, view of, i. 275, 278. of, i. 264, 265.
Ingletoi), i. 275.
acquired by Manchester as a reser-
Kent, falls of the river, i. 269.
voir, i. 264
Kendal, its appearance by night, i. ! Ulleswater, description of, from the
• 26S.
bill of Dunmallert, i. 251.
general description, i. 268, 269. I general description of, i. 134..
INDEX.
371
Lales, Journal in the, references to Leicester House, the political arrange-
places mentioned by Gray in :- ments of, ii. 290.
Wadd-inines, near Sea Whaite, i. Leicester, Lord, buried in Warwick
257, 263.
Church, ii. 257.
Walla-crag, view froin, i. 254. Leicester, Lettice, Countess of, also
Water-Mallock, village of, i. 252.
buried there, ii. 257.
Wentworth Castle, description of, Leighton, Mr. and Mrs., reference to,
iii. 134.
iii. 237.
Wharfdale, description of, i. 279-280. Leman, Rev. Thomas, Countess de Viry
Widhope-brows and the view of Der presents him with Gray's MS, of
wentwater, i. 261.
the Amatory Lines, i. 137.
· Windermere, description of, i. 267. I presents in turn, Gray's MS. to
Wythburn Water, see Thirlmere.
Joseph Wharton, i. 137.
Lamb, Sir Matthew, quarrels with J. Lennox, Lord, reference to, jii. 76.
Gaskarth, ii. 346.
Lenox-love or Lithinton, seat of Lord
father of the first Lord Melbourne, Blantyre, note on, iii. 209.
ii. 346.
Lent, account of a Florentine, ii. 64.
Lambertini, Cardinal Prospero, ii. 93. Leonidas, Richard Glover's epic of, ii.
Landscape Gardening, see Gardening.
Langland, Robert, metre of, i. 370. Leonius, Canon of St. Benedict, his
his birthplace, i. 370.
Latin verse, i. 373.
Langley, Battey, his style of archi-} his origin of Leonine verse discussed,
tecture, ii. 253.
i. 373-375.
biographical note on, ii. 253.
Lepell, Mary, see Lady Hervey, jii. 62.
Langley, Thomas, his work on archi- Letters apt to be opened at the offices
tecture, ii. 253.
at election-times, ii. 249.
Lansdowne, Marquis of, his waterfall Lettres de la Marquise M*** ari Comte
at Bow-wood, ii. 254.
de R***, by Crébillon fils, ii. 27.
Lansdowne, Marquis, William Vis- Liberty of Genius, suppositious Ode
count Fitzinaurice created, iii. 76. on, i. viii.
Latin verses, i. viii., xvii.
Life, Gray's references to his health,
Latini, Sur 'Brunetto, his poem of Il mode and condition of :-
Patafio, i. 348.
confined at Florence with inflam-
Lauderdale, Richard Maitland, Earl of, mation of his eyes, ii. 367.
his bouse of Lithinton or Lenox | in a good easy sort of state but oc-
Love, iii. 209.
casionally depressed, ii. 113-114.
Laurel, iinported into Europe by Clu doubts if he should find much clif-
sius, ii. 174.
ference between living in this
Law, Dr. Edmund, Master of St. world and t'otlier, ii. 135.
Peter's College, Cambridge, in suc calls himself a solitary of six years'
cession to Dr. Keene, ii. 287.
standing, ii. 154.
made Bishop of Carlisle, iii. 337. the spirit of laziness begins to pos-
gives up £800 a-year to enjoy it, iii. sess him, ij. 192.
337.
his mind unable to keep him cheer-
Lay of Darts, see The Fatal Sisters, i. 53. ful or easy, and the spiritual part
Laziness, figurative description of, ii. is the inost infirm, ii. 199.
119.
is listless, old, vexed, and perplexed,
facetious account of the effect of, on ii. 206.
Gray, ii. 192.
diverting himself for a month in
Lee, Dr., his knowledge of college London among his gay acquaint-
matters, ii. 180.
ances, then returns to his cell, ii.
Lee, Nathaniel, his Bedlam Tragedy, i. 229.
106.
suffers from gout or rheumatism, ii.
Lee, Sir George, Secretary at War, ii.293. 267, 272, 283, 392.
Leeds, turnpike riots at, ii. 240.
uses soap prescribed by Dr. Whar-
Legge, Right Hon. Henry, Chancellor ton for his complaint, ii. 275.
of Exchequer, ii. 273, 292.
depressed in mind, ii. 285, 321, 371.
Leghorn, chaplainship of, forinerly ill of a cold and fever, ii. 329.
held by young Mr. Byron, now is better and more capable of amuse-
suggested for Mr. Temple, iii. 402. ment, ii. 330.
372
INDEX.
| Life, Gray's references to his :.-
can look back on many bitter mo lacks health and spirits all the win-
ments, partly with satisfaction, ter, jii. 401.
and partly with patience, and for travel he must, or cease to exist, iii.
ward, although not promising,
405.
" the gout is gone," but "spirits
almost blind with a great cold, ii. 354. much oppressed," God knows what
believes that people take notice of will be the end of it, iii. 405.
his dulness, ii. 376.
Lighting of the chandeliers at George
weary and disagreeable in mind III.'s coronation, iji. 114.
only, ii. 377.
Lincoln, Lord, Gray visits him near
thinks that he inspires everything Twickenham, and describes his
around him with enrui and des newly inade plantations, ii. 370.
jection, ii. 379.
Lisbon, Voltaire's poem on the earth-
solitary and dispirited, but not quake at, ii. 285.
wholly unpleasant to himself, iii. 1. Lisburne, Lord, l'eference to, iii. 241.
the British Museum his favourite Rev. Norton Nicholls acts as medi-
ator between hiin and Mr. Temple,
envies Dr. Wharton his country iii. 287, 289, 332-333, 402-403.
abode, whilst he will never have | Gray's opinion of the disagreement,
even a thatched roof of his own, iii. 302-303.
Lloyd, Robert, published a Latin trans-
iii. 49.
night” wears out his spirits, iii. 128.
60-64.
author with G. Colinan of two Odes
concerts every night at Cambridge, in ridicule of Gray and Mason, iii.
shall stay this month or two,iii. 124.
128.
has had two slight attacks of gout his praise of Gray in the Epistle to
after three years' intermission, iii. Churchill, iii. 128.
130.
Lloyd, Miss, player on musical glasses,
long taciturnity owing to the noth- iii. 124.
ingness of my history, iii. 150. Lloyd's Evening Post, G. Colman con-
"neglected all my duties iu hopes of tributes to, iii. 42.
finding pleasure," which after all reference to, iii. 123.
one never finds, iii. 161,
Locke, John, his Essay on the Human
"nobody contented but you and I,"
iii. 161.
cipiis Cogitandi, i. 185, 193.
the music of Carlo Bach serves "to | Loggan's views of the Cambridge Col-
deceive my solitary days," iii 164. leges, i. 309.
suffered a good deal from a complaint Loix, L'Esprit des, by Montesquieu, ii.
wrich has now grown alınost con- 191, 199.
stant, iji. 167.
Lok, the evil being, i. 65.
undergoes an operation for the piles, Lomellini, Genoese family of, ii. 48.
iii. 170.
London, Dr. Samuel Johnson's poena
travelling through Hampshire,iii.175. of, ii. 220.
health much improved by the sea, London Magazine, Gray's Elegy pub-
iii. 179.
lished by the, i. 72.
a complaint in his eyes that may London, that tiresome dull place where
possibly end in blindness, iii. 186. all persons under thirty find amuse-
neither happy nor miserable, iii. 232. ment, iii. 181.
so fat that he suffered more from Londonderry, Bishop of, his tronage
heat in 1769 than ever he did in in Ireland, iii. 403.
Long, Dr. Roger, Master of Pembroko
passed six days in Keswic
College, ii. 14.
Elysium, iii. 349.
his verses on the death of Frederick,
walked about 300 iniles through the Prince of Wales, ii. 118.
lake districts in seventeen days, iii. takes Mr. Delaval under his tuition,
350.
ji. 155.
have had a cough for above three settlement of his dispute with the
months, iii. 392.
Rev, J. Brown, ii, 158.
INDEX.
373
Long, Dr. Roger, introduces Mr. Bed-Lyon, Thomas, biographical note on,.
ingfield to Gray, ii. 276.
iii. 122.
illness, and recovery from, ii. 289. goes to Scotland with Gray, üi. 208.
referred to in Carey's Candidate, ii. his chambers at Pembroke College
289.
destroyed by fire, iii. 301.
an authority on astronomy, ii. 298. lost one of his causes in the House of
Gray sends him a copy of the Odes, Lords against Lord Panmure,iii.317.
ii. 320.
Gray breakfasts with him and Lady
his audience at Buckingham Palace Maria, iii. 374.
to present a lyricord and a glass references to, iii. 101, 238.
sphere to the king, iii. 152-153. Lyon, references to the story of the, ii.
his mechanical faculty, iii. 152.
290.
agent for the Darl of Sandwich at the Lyttleton, Dean, satire on, i. 316.
election for high steward, ii. 168. Lyttleton, Mr., Gray's opinion of, ii.220.
purchases a zumpe, iii. 267.
refers to an Elegy by, ii. 225.
his funeral, iii. 337.
Lyttleton, Lord George, his Monody on
reference to his harpischords in the death, ii. 180,
sold lodge,” iii. 391.
his Monody parodied in Peregrine
references to, ii. 138, 228, 280.
Picicle, and his character portrayed
Long Story, see Story.
as " Gosling Scrag," ii. 214.
Lort, Mr., a candidate for Professor- admires The Odes of Gray, ii. 327,3
ship of Modern History, and a his dialogues of the dead, iii. 42.
worthy man, iii. 320.
Lyttleton, Sir Richard, reference to,
note on, iii. 324.
iii. 98.
gone to Bath, iii. 335.
Lottery ticket, Gray asks Dr. Wharton
to purchase him one, ii. 370, 376. MACAULAY, Mrs., Mr. Pitt made her à
wins a £20 prize, iii. 337.
panegyric in the House, iii. 238.
Louth, R., his verses on death of Machiavel, Gray's opinion of, iii. 299.
Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119. Mackay, Major, testimony in favour of
Loyat, Lord, his continement at Edin the Erse poems, iii. 311.
burgh, ii. 142.
Mackenzie, Mrs., grossly insults Mr.
his execution on Tower Hill, i. 142. 1 , iii. 87.
Hogarth's caricature of, ii. 146. Mackfarline, the Laird of, testimony in
Love-a-la-Mode, Macklin's fa
support of the Erse poems, iii. 311.
28.
Macklin, his farce of Love-a-la-Mode,
Lowth, Dr., his wife's recovery, iii. 83. iii. 28.
contributes to Dodsley's Miscellane-l gratifies the king, who sends for a
ous Poems, ii. 221.
copy, iii. 29.
Gray's opinion of his Grammar, iii. Macleod, the Laird of, testimony in
129.
support of the Erse poems, iii. 311.
his pamphlet against Warburton, iü. MacPherson, Rev. James, his transla-
224.
tion of Ossian's Poems, their publi-
Ludlam, Reys. Thomas and William, cation, iii. 56-57, see also Erse.
: Fellows of St. John's College, bi Magazine of Magazines, its editor re-
graphical vote on, iii. 144.
fused permission to publish Gray's
Ludlow's Memoirs, ii. 128.
Elegy, i. 72.
Luna est Habitabilis, i. 171-174.
publishes the Elegy, i. 72.
theme for college verses, ii. 8.
references to its publication of the
Luttrel, Colonel, insulted at cloor of | Elegy, ii. 210, 211, 213.
the House of Commons, iii. 338. Maggett, Captain, and Lord Lovat, ii.142.
Lydgate, John, remarks on the poems Mahomet, Life of, ii. 128.
of, i. 387-409.
Mahomet Second, a tragedy, ii. 22.
Lynch, Dr., Dean of Canterbury, his Maine, Duchess of, Madame de Stael
death, iji. 40.
her confidante, ii. 291.
Lyne, Mr., reference to, ii. 144. Maintenon's, Madame de, Letters, Gray's
Lyon, Jaines Philip, reference to, iii. account of, ii. 232.
122, 173.
reference to, ii. 287.
Lyon, Thomas, liellow of Pembroke Mallet, David, supposed to have writ-
College, iii. 122.
ten Earl Nugent's Odo, ii. 220.

e of, iii.
374
INDEX.
Mallet's, Mons., Introduction to the His- | Mary, Queen of Scots, furniture used
tory of Denmark, reference to, ii. | by her at Wingfield religiously pre-
I served at Hardwick, iii. 136. -
Man-at-arms, Gray's description of a, Masinissa and Sophonisba, story by, ii.
iii. 394.
115-116.
Manchester, Duke of, reported to have Mason, Rev. William, his inordinate
an ancient genealogy of the English vanity, i. xv.
kings, with portrait of Richard III., his capacity for writing sublime
iii. 309.
Odes, i. 36.
Manduit, Mr., pamphlet against the opinion of Gray's Education and
German war, iii. 91.
Government, i. 121.
Mann, Horace,' eutertains Gray at|| gives the origin of Gray's Ode on
Florence, ii. 52.
Vicissitude, i. 123.
description of his residence, ii. 86. Shakespeare verses sent to, i. 133.
Gray sends him a parcel of books, ii. Gray sends him some comic lines, i.
128.
138.
reference to his sufferings, ii. 132. I elegiacal Epitaph on his wife, im-
Manning of Brun, Robert, his octo proved by Gray, i. 141.
syllabic rhyme, i. 353.
his opinion of the picturesque point
translator of Peter Langtoft's chron in landscape, i. 260.
icle, i. 353, 356.
The Progress of Poetry delayed by a
Mapletoft, John, Fellow of Pembroke, remark of, ii. lll.
reference to, ii. 288; ü. 69, 183. Ode to a Water Nymph by, ii. 184.
note on, iii. 69.
Gray's opinion of him, ii. 184, 196-
Marcello, see Delaval, ii. 155.
197, 212.
Ode on the Installation of the Dulce of
Queen's College, i, 95.
Newcastle, ii. 1.96.
Margaret, Laily, Countess of Rich Gray's comment on Elfrida, ii. 212;
mond, foundress of St. John's iii. 148.
College, portrait of, i. 310. . Gray sends a copy of Elfrida to Wal-
Margate, like Bartholomew fair, flown
pole, ii. 213.
down into Kent, iii, 240.
elected a Fellow of Pembroke College,
Mari, Huon de, Tournoyement d'Anti - ii. 188.
. christ of, i. 337.
contributes an Ode to Dodsley's Mis-
Maria Theresa, Queen of Hungary, cellaneous Poems, ii. 222.
Gray's sympathy with, ii. 129, 134. Essays on church music, ii. 241.
Marivaux, Gray recoinmends the ro his attainments in the composition
mances of, ii. 107.
of music, ii. 242.
his novel of Marianne, ii. 128.
Gray comments on the death of the
father of, ii, 242, 243.
rel with Duchess of Queensberry, | his loss of fortune, ii, 243.
ii. 133.
death of his friend Dr. Pricket, ii. 244.
Marriage, the Fatal, tragedy by South-
erne, ii. 11.
246.
Marriott, Sir James, Master of Trinity, presented to the prebend of Holme
visits Gray, iii. 1$2.
through John Hutton, ii. 250,
notes relative to, iii. 192, 296.
261.
competitor with Gray for the Chair on the use of the strophe, etc. ii. 263.
of Modern History, iii. 320, 324. Gray influences the style of Carac-
raises a subscription for a inusical
amphitheatre, iii. 331.
gives Gray's reason for changing his
reference to, iii. 331.
college, ii. 279.
Marsham, Mr., assists in the compila publication of four new Odes, ii. 280.
tion of the Catalogue of ancient suffering from his eyes, ii. 299, 306,
authors, ii. 158.
387, 392 ; iii. 205, 206, 207.
Martin, Jaques, Religion of the Ancient promised Irish preferment, ii. 287.
Gauls cited by, ii. 294.
his interest sought on behalf of Dr.
Martinique, command of the expedi- | Brown for Mastership of Peter-
tion refused by seven generals, i. house, ii. 288.
385.
resides in Arlington Street, ii. 289.
conthlaneovis litch musie.com postu
INDEX.
375

Mason, Rev. William, his chair given by Mason, Rey, William, acquires the
Mitford to a poet laureate, ii, 299. friendship of Tred. Hervey, iii. 77.
Gray sends a fragment of The Bard, mnade & Residentiary of York and
ii. 312-313.
Precentor, iii. S2, 108.
Chaplain in ordinary to George II., established at York, iii. 125.
ii. 326.
Letters to Lord D. in Royal or Lady's
his proposition to write a comment Magazine, iii. 131.
on Gray's Odes, ii. 329.
his reflections on Kitty Hunter, üi.
in waiting, ii. 332.
131.
christens Mr. Dayrolles's child and Gray, staying with him at York, iii.
Lady Yarmouth's son, ii. 353-354. 132.
criticism of his Elegies, ii. 354-358. his position as Precentor, iii. 132-133.
and the Duchess of Norfolk, ii. 367. Gray's criticism of Elegy V. on the
and Sir Conyers d'Arcy, ii. 367.
Death of a Lady, iii. 139.
his poetical exertion attributed by Count Algarotti sends him a pane-
Gray to rivalry, ii. 368.
gyric on his Odes, iji. 151.
his uncle Dr. Balguy, ii. 368.
repining at his twenty-four weeks'
Dr. Warburton sends his New Lega residence at York, iii. 161.
tion to, ii, 369.
makes a collection for C. Smart, iii.
Gray tries to quell his quarrel with 162.
Garrick, ii. 376.
his acquaintance with Bedingfield,
goes to Aston for the winter and iii. 163.
saves a curate, ii. 383.
Gray's criticism of one of his Sonnets,
and Lord Holdernesse, ii. 383.
iii. 163, 199.
his poetical indolence, ii. 394.
Gray recommends the music of Carlo
plants soine roses for Furd at Bach to, iii. 164.
Thurcaston, ii. 397.
tendency to marry, iii. 168.
boasts of his skill in planting, ii. 397. modelling antique vases in clay, iii.
entertains Gaskarth at Aston, iii. 9.
171.
Lord Holdernesse seuds bim much reference to “future bride," jii. 183..
news, iii. 9.
reference to his betrothment and note
Syon Hill his place of residence, iii. on date of his marriage, iii, 198, 202,
15.
207.
sitting for his picture, iii. 31.
Gray's Sonnet to his servant Mrs.
present at the trial of Lord Ferrers, Anne, iii. 205-206.
iii. 35.
Gray's reasons for not visiting him at
ridiculed by G. Colman and R. Lloyd, York, but sends his blessing to
iii. 41.
both, iii. 223.
rebuilds his rectory at Aston, and Mrs., said to be very handsome, iii.
improves its grounds, iii. 44, 368.
Gray doubts if he will succeed Chap 232, 244; Dr. Heberden thinks her
mani, iii, 50.
irretrievably gone in consumption,
caricature of some proininent Can iii. 244.
tabs, iii. 55.
grown extremely fat and his wife
referred to by the Monthly Review, lean, iii. 244.
iii. 57.
Gray sends in disguise his wickedness
consulted as to a private tutor for
Lord John Cavendish, iii. 58.
opportunity of his obtaining other
preparing with Paul Sandby a pic preferment than York, iii. 253. .
ture of Snowdon, iii. 66, 68.
Mrs., anxiety concerning, iii. 252 ;
etches Gray's head. Etching pre Gray's description of, iii. 259 : Gray
served at Pembroke, ii. 68.
• enquires after her health, iji, 261 ;.
walks in the j'oyal procession, and Lord Holdernesse offers the use of
at the coronation of George III. Walmer Castle for Mr. and, iii. 262;
ii. 70, 106.
Gray advises Ramsgate for, iii. 263;
reproved by Gray for prematurely Gray's letter of sympathy on death
showing the Elegy on Lady Coven of, iii. 265. .
try, iji. 73.
his esteem of Gray's letter, 266...
Gray's criticisin of the Coventry Elegy, Gray writes part of Mrs. Mason's
iii. 73-75.
Epitaph, iii. 206.
376
INDEX.
musical instrument called a date of his death, iii. 164.
"zum pe"or" celestinette,"ii. 267. May, Thomas, precedes Gray as a
his derivation of " zunape," iii. 267. dramatiser of Agrippina, ii, 106.
Dr. Brown and Gray the guests of, Maynard, Lord, his seat near Dunmow,
iii. 272.
iii. 139.
Gray criticises an Epitaph written at patron of Richard Forrester, iii. 139,
the Archbishop's request, iii. 274- Mead, Dr. Richard, his corpulence, ii.
275, 278.
remonstrated with upon withdrawal Méchant, Le, comedy by Gresset, ii. 183.
of the Epitaph, iii. 276.
Villemain's praise of, ii. 183.
reference to another Epitaph that Gray recommends it, ii. 184.
moved Dr. Wharton to tears, iii. 276. Mediocrity, Gresset's Ode on, ii, 184.
Canıbridge society anxious to see Melara, a favourite of Benedict XIV.,
him, iii. 296-297.
ii. 93.
with Stonehewer at Queen Street in Melbourne, first Lord, a son of Sir
London, iii. 317.
informed of Gray's appointment as Melmoth, William, author of Sir Thos.
Professor of Modern Languages, | Fitzosborne's Letters, ii. 222.
iii. 322-323.
Melpomene, an de, Gray enquires who
rectory of Oddington in his gift, üi. wrote it, ii. 338.
328.
Gray thanks Mason for the histo
reported to be married, iii. 331.
ii. 338.
complaint of his circulation of Gray's Melton, Archbishop of York, built the
lines on Lord Holland's seat, iii. 334. Minster nave, iii. 147.
Gray cannot visit him from Old Park Memoires, Duclos's, ii. 291.
owing to difficulty of road to de la Porte, ii, 291.
York, iii. 348. .
de Madame Staël, ii. 291.
Gray tells hin of his travels in the Memoirs, Ludlow's, ji 128.
western counties, iii. 381.
Meinoirs of cu celebrated Literary and
passes the winter in Curzon Street, Political Charcctcr, ii. 293.
iii. 404.
Memory, half a word written on or
references to, ii, 251, 260, 261, 262, near the spot worth a cartload of
283, 285 ; iii. 1, 15, 50, 63, 65, 97, recollection, ii. 380.
131, 149, 150, 282, 296, 297, 303. ] Merope, by Aaron Hill, acted on behalf
see also Caractacus.
of C. Smart, ii. 391.
Materialism, discourse on, ii. 373-375. Merveille, Arnauld de, his inetre, i, 334.
Mathematics, Gray's aversion to, ii. 5. Message-cards, paper in Museum on, by
Mathias, T.J., first publishes the Essay H. Walpole, ii. 143.
on Norman Architecture, i. 294. Metaphysics, Gray's dislike of, ii. 5.
observations on English metre, i. 324. Methodism, Pembroke College owes
his 4tc edition of Gray forms the its preservation from fire to, iii. 301.
basis of Mr. Morris's Graiana, iv. Methodist singing-man, reference to a,
339.
iii. 297.
Mattei, Colomba, her success as a Metre, observations on English, i. 323-
singer, iii. SO.
409; editorial note, i. 324.
Maty, Matthew, M.D., librarian of use of the Anglo-Saxon prefixes, i.
British Museum, iii. 6.
326.
Maurus, Rhabanus, Archbishop of| use of final syllable of verbs, i. 326-
Mentz in 847, his Glossary of the 327.
Bible, i. 363.
termination of "an" or "con" omit-
May, Odé on, Gray praises Richard
West's, ii. 112.
insertion or omission of initial or
May 29th, Latin poem on thie, i. 166. final letters intended to perfect
May, N., quarrels with Dr. Long, ii. the measure, i. 327.
use of the Cæsuire, i. 329-330, 332, 333.
interests himself on behalf of C. example from Milton, i. 332.
Smart, ii. 178.
example from Lord Surrey, i. 333.
May, Dr. Samuel, Fellow of Pembroke, Ryme Dogrell, i. 330, 339.
ii. 288.
examples froin Fabian, i. 330.
155.
INDEX.
377
Metre Alexandrines, i. 331, 357.
Miller, Philip, gardener and botanist,
the decosyllabic measure, i. 333.
iii. 363.
example from Wyatt, i. 334. Milton, best example of an exquisite
example from Surrey, i. 334.
ear, i. 332.
example froin Spenser, i. 341.
his versification, i. 333.
heroic measure of the Italian, i. 334. creator of poetic language, ii. 108.
Riding Rhyme, i. 335, 336, 339.
his use of the relative pronous, ii.
example from Chaucer, i. 335.
355.
example from Spenser, i. 339. Minden, French storm, ii. 402.
atteinpt to introduce the hexameter, | victory at, iii. 8.
sapphic, etc., in the reign of Eliza- Mingotti, famous singer, ii. 282, 305 ;
beth, i. 341. .
iii. 20, 21.
Measures of Verse, i. 343-360.
Ministry, probable change of, iii, 153.
Rime Plate of the French, i. 343.
their narrow majorities, iii. 168.
Versi Sciolti of the Italians, i. 343. I altogether by the ears, so are the
Ottava Rimc of the Italians, i. 347. Opposition, jii. 181.
Terzetti, or Terza Rima, its invention, subversion of, on its last legs, iii.
i. 348.
204.
Sonnet, its invention, i. 349.
position of, in Dec. 1767, iii. 293, 294.
Sestiné, i. 350.
Minorca, reference to its loss by
Canzoni of the Italians, i. 351.
Admiral Byng, ii. 284.
Octosyllabic, i. 353.
Miraculous Powers in the Church, Iree
Couwe, i. 354.
Inquiry into the, by Dr. C. Mid-
of the Vision of Pierce Plowman, i. dleton, ii. 164.
369.
Miraculous Powers, Warburton on, ii.
Metre of Lydgate's time uniform to 128.
the ear, if not to the eye, i. 393. Mirepoix, Madame de, daughter of
Michell, Mr., an acquaintance of Dr. Prince Craon, ii. 85.
Wharton, i. 262.
Mirror of Magistrates, a supplement to
Middleton, Mr., his residence near 1 The Fall of Princes, i. 409.
Burnley, i. 280.
Mitford relates the cause of R. West's
Middleton, Dr. Conyers, his Cicero, death, ii. 113.
ii. 128.
Mob Grammar, The Lost piece by
his work on the Roman Senato, ii. Gray, i. 142.
163, 175.
Modena, Duke of, his collection of
presented with a sinecure by Sir J. I paintings at, ii. 50.
Frederick, ii. 163.
Modern Fistory and Languages, Gray
his Inquiry into the Miraculous Power appointed to the Chair of, iii. 318.
of the Church, ii. 163.
Professorship, unsolicited by Gray,
his income, ii. 164.
iii. 319.
Giay laments his death, and the loss of his competitors for, iii. 320.
an old acquaintance, ii. 199; iii. 151. Gray's feelings on kissing hands for,
his writings analysed by Mr. Leslie iii. 323.
Stephen, ii. 199.
worth $400 a year, iii. 326.
Thomas Asheton writes against, ii. Money, its effect, ii. 155.
210.
Mongon, Abbe de, Memoires of, ii. 200.
opposes Dr. Waterland's Doctrine of Monosyllables, tlieir prevalent use in
the Trinity, ii. 215, 216.
rhyme, i. 396.
his Miscellaneous Works, ii. 215. Montagu, Duke of, his preservation of
his influence on the Essay on the Kirkstall, i, 281.
Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke, i. Montagu, Frederick, Gray in town with,
286.
ii. 284.
Midridate, Prince, reference to, ii. 227. Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
Milbourné, Mr., Kellow of Pembroke, ii. 320.
ii. 288.
proposed visit with Gray to Cam-
Mildmay, Sir Anthony, his portrait in bridge, iii. 104.
Emanuel College, i. 310.
obtains the Residentiary of York for
Mildmay, Sir Walter, founder of Mason, iii. S2.
Emanuel, his portrait in that Col. appointed an executor to Sir William
lege, i. 310.
Williams, iii, 104.

378
INDEX,
242.
I
Montagu, Frederick, induces Gray to | Musgrave, J., his verses on the death
write an Epitaph on Sir William of Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii.
Williams, i. 128; iii. 109.
119.
Montagu, Frederick, of Paplewick. | Music, Mason's Essays on Church, ii. 242.
Did he write Melpomene? ii. 338. Music, MS., enumeration of the valu-
Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley, public able collection made by Gray in
opinion of her poems, ii. 222.
Italy, and sold at Mitford's sale,
story of her fictitious gift to Com iii. 164.
modore Barnet, iii. 91, 100. Musical composition, English language
story related by Lord Camelford as not adapted to, iii. 158.
to her parsimony, iii. 99-100.
Expression, Avison's Essay on, iii.
her Dialogues of the Dead, iii. 42.
Montagu, Wortley, his death, iii. 90. glasses, see Glasses, water, iii. 125.
his wealth and testamentary be-
quests, iii. 90-91, 99.
Montesquieu's L'Esprit des Lois, its NARES, Archdeacon, his opinion of
effect on Gray, i. 113; ii. 191, 193, Lady Hervey, iii. 62.
199.
Natural history, Gray's keen observa-
his Voix du Sage et du Peuple, ii. tions in, ii. 383.
229.
Needham, Mr., tutor to Lord Gormans-
Monthly Review, matter relative to G. town, his discovery and interpreta-
Colman, Mason, and Gray, ii. 57. tion ofan ancientinscription, iii. 85.
Moore, Edward, his comedy of Gil Netley Abbey, references to and de-
Blas, ii. 213.
scription of, ii. 266 ; iii. 177-178,
Moorfields, penny literature sold on
the rails of, ii. 258.
180.
Nevelois, Jean li, his poem of La Vie
Mora, Madame de, at Miss Chudleigh's d'Alexandre, i. 357.
ball, iii. 62
Neville, F., his verses on the death of
Moral and Political Dialogues, by Hurd, Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119.
ii. 325.
Neville, Thomas, of Jesus College,
Morceur, first part of Gray's Bard, ii. Gray shows him the Bard, ii. 314.
266.
biographical note on, ii. 314.
Mordaunt, Sir John, to take part in a Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
secret military expedition, ii. 320. ii. 320.
his part in the attack on Rochefort, ho and the old musicians do not
ii. 342.
appreciate Carlo Bach, iii, 164.
Morley, his proposed marriage, ii. 155. New Bath Guide, by C. Anstey, iii. 240,
Morrice, Gil, or Child Maurice, the old 245.
ballad of, ii, 316.
Newcastle, Gray and Dr. Wharton visit,
Morris, Mr. John, description of his iii. 281.
fine collection of Graiana from the Newcastle, Duke of, his journal going
Dawson-Turner and Dillon collec to Hanover, one of the lost pieces
tions, iv. 339-343.
of Gray, i. 142.
Morris, Lewis, on ancient British installation as Chancellor of Cam-
poetry, i. 382.
bridge University, ii. 195.
Mortimer, Edmond de, i. 42.
1 laying a foundation-stone at Cam-
Morton, Dr. Charles, of British Museum, bridge, and Gray's desire to avoid
reference to, and note on, iii. 117.' him, ii. 259.
Muffs worn by the countrymen in probable interest on behalf of Mr.
France (1739), ii. 19.
Addison, ii, 288.
Mugherino tree, reference to a, ii. 126. called by Gray the ſizzling Duke, and
Müller, J. S., engraver of the initial by Dr. Warner Hubble-bubble, ii.
letters in Gray's Elegy, ji. 234.
368.
Murdin's, William, Collection of Eliza-l probable visit to Cambridge to open
bethan State Papers, ii. 396.
a new library, ii. 368.
Murray, Mr. John, possessor of the Gray does not stay to receive him at
MS. of Gray's Journal in France, i, Cambridge, ii. 370.
xvii., 236.
his remark tó Bishop Yonge, ii. 371.
Murray, William, Solicitor-General, and effect of his sister's death upon the,
Lord Balmerino, ii. 142.
ii. 402.
INDEX.
379
Qra
Newcastle, Duke of, attends divine ser- Nicholls, Rev. Norton, Gray congratu-
vice since the death of his sister, lates him on his rectory, iii. 284.
Lady Castlecomer, iii. 3.
Gray advises him as the mediator
his foar of spirits, iii. 3.
between Lord Lisburne and Mr.
Lord Holland's character of, iii. 42. Temple, iii. 287-289, 332-333.
Gray calls Cambridge “old Fobus's Gray's opinion of the dispute, iii.
Owl's nest," iii. 45.
302-303.
reference to, as Fobus, ii.
offered a travelling companionship
63, 76, 105.
by Mr. Barrett, iii. 324.
talks of resigning, iii. 76.
invitation and acceptance to visit
references to, ü. 193, 204.
Cambridge, iii. 330, 337, 382-383.
Newcombe, Dr. John, Master of St. congratulated by Gray on having a
John's College and Dean of garden, ii. 342.
Rochester, his death and bio agrees to visit Wales with Gray in
graphical note, iii. 189.
the suinmer of 1770, üi. 363.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, invited by Gray to go a tour in mid-
ii. 320.
land counties, iii. 375.
Miss Kirke and Richard Beadon h accompanies Gray thither, iii. 380.
executors, iii. 189.
Gray advises him of the French
New Legation, by Dr. Warburton, ii. classics, iii. 389.
369.
intention to visit Bonstetten in
Newmarket, tapestry of the marriage Switzerland, iii. 394.
of Henry VÌ. in the Red Lion Inn urged to curb Bonstetten by his
at, iii. 307.
counsel, iii. 401.
Gray and the King of Denmark at, Gray asks for minute details of his
iii. 330.
travels, iii, 406.
Duke of Cumberland at, iii. 66.
his MS. Recollections of Gray, in the
Newnham, Lord, in ill health, iii. 224 ; | possession of Mr. John Morris, iv.
see also Nuneham.
343.
Newspapers in London of 1761, iii. 123. Mr. John Morris possesses Gray's
Newton appointed Bishop of Bristol MS. letters to, iv. 340.
and residentiary of St. Paul's, iii. Niflheimr, the hell of Gothic nations,
105.
i. 61.
offered the Archbishopric of Armagh, Niphausen mentions that the King of
iii. 201.
Prussia will issue an account of
Niccolina (opera singer), her justness his campaign, ii. 372.
of ear, vivacity and variety of ges- Noble, Mr., reference to, ii. 294.
ture, iii. 157.
Nonius, Marcellus, his couplet on a
her victory over a prejudiced audi 1 dimple, ii. 113.
ence, iii. 157.
Noontide, an Ode (Ode on the Spring),
Nicholls, Dr., expelled from Cambridge i. 3.
for stealing books, iii. 245. Norden, Frederick Ludvig, his Voyage
Nicholls's, Rev. Norton, verses on birds
composed in his hearing, i. 139. I tutor to Count Daniskiold, ii. 194.
thanks Gray for Mason's hospitality Norfollo, History of, reference to Blome-
at York, iii. 191.
field's, ii. 377.
illness and recovery of his mother, Norman architecture, sce Architecture.
iii. 238.
Norris, Thomas, soprano, took part in
at Studley, iii. 240.
the Installation Ode, iii. 343.
Gray's letter of sympathy on loss of Northamptonshire, crops later than
his uncle, Governor Floyer, iii. 248. in Buckinghamshire, ii, 258.
his probable succession of Dr. Rid- Northington, Earl of (Lord Chancellor),
lington, iii. 254.
gives a sinecure to Mason, iii. 139.
and his interim acceptance of a political opponents shrink under
curacy, iii. 254.
his brazen hand, iii, 172.
presented by his uncles to the anecdote of his parsimony, iii. 176.
rectories of Sound and Bradwell, Notredame, Jean de, reference to his
Suffolk, iii. 260.
Lives of the Provençal Poets, i.
rents a seat at Blundeston, iii. 260.1 367.
380
INDEX.
Nourse, Peter, of St. John's College, Onley, Charles, agrees to become tutor
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes, to young Ponsonby, iii. 67.
ii. 320.
Novre Acta Eruditorum, reference to, ii. of the Bedchamber, ii. 290.
294.
Opera house, popularity in 1761, iii. 80.
November 5th, Latin poem on, i. 167. success maintained by a few par-
Nugent, Robert Craggs, Earl, his
elegiac verse, ü. 180.
genuine love for Italian music, iii.
his Ode to Pulteney, ii. 220.
157.
Nineham, Lord, Gray's opinion of, ii. ' opens with Manzuoli, iii. 181.
309.
Opera in Paris (1739), account of, ii.
sent by Stonehewer to Gray, ii. 310.1 * 21-22, 56.
his appearance and conversation, i. Oroonolco, tragedy by T. Southerne, ii.
310.
11.
reference to, ii. 328.
Orthography of the text, i. xvi.
Nunziata, Zoto del, painter, i. 320. Osborn, reference to, iii. 69.
Ossian, Poems of, sée Erse and Mac-
Pherson.
Obscurity and Oblivion, two Odes in Otfrid of Weisenburgh, his paraphrase
ridicule of Gray and Mason, iii. 41, of the Gospels in rhyme, i. 363.
53.
quotation from, i. 363.
Occleve, his portrait of Chaucer, i. Ottava Rima Measure, its introduc-
305-306.
tion, i. 347.
Ode in the Greek manner, see Progress Ottoboni, Cardinal Pietro, death of, ii.
of Poetry, i. 28.
63.
Ode (to his embryo muse), i. 205-207. Owen, The Triumphs of, a fragment, i. 67.
editorial note on, 205.
Owl. Gray keeps one, and compares
Odes, the Pindaric (The Fatal Sister's it to himself, ii. 369.
and The Descent of Odin), reason
for the notes to, iii. 289-290.
Odes, printed by Walpole and pub. PAGANINI, Signora, her appearance in
lished by Dodsley, ii. 319, 321, 322. Þurlettas, iii. 77.
public opinion on, ii. 323-326. | Gray delighted with her excellence,
admired by Garrick and Warburton, ii. $1.
Painted glass, see Glass.
330.
Lives of the, i. 303-321.
slow sale of, iii. 53.
MS. of the Essay possessed by Mr.
meant to be vocal to the intelligent Morris, iv. 340.
cilone, iii. 148.
Painting and sculpture ; hard to say
Odikle, Gray's nickname for The Bard, why they have made no advance
i. 40.
in England, iii. 158.
Odin, The Descent of, an Ode, i. 59. Paintings, Gray's table of subjects,
suitable for the style of various old
Ogden, Dr., his quarrel at the Com- }; masters, iii. 194-197.
mons, iii. 63.
Palgrave, Rev. William, at Scar-
his estimation of the Rev. Mr. Lud borough, ii. 378.
lam, iii. 144.
Fellow of Pembroke College, and
candidate for Mastership of St. rector of Palgrave and Thrande-
John's, iii. 190.
ston, ii. 379.
Oliffe, Mrs., Gray's aunt, ii. 383.
Gray writes bim a facetious letter
joint executor with Gray to Mrs. enquiring about his Scotch tour,
Rogers, ii. 384.
ii. 379.
reference to, iii. 375.
entertains Rev. J. Brow, iii. 38.
Olympiade, the opera of, ii. 133.
his MS. diaries, iii. 70.
Ombre, a game played in Turin, ii. 44. at Geneva, and travelling through
Onley, Charles, Fellow of Pembroke Switzerland, iii. 174.
College, Gray suggests him as tutor Gray gives him detailed advice of the
to the nephew of Lord John Caven places he should visit in France
dish, iii. 58.
and Italy, iii. 193-196.
INDEX.
381
UTC
Palgrave, Rev. William, his return, iii. Pattinson, see Mrs. Forster.
208.
Pausanias, a tragedy, hy R. West, ii. 103.
visits Glamis and Newby, iii. 256- Payne, Mrs., a friend of Dr. T. Whar-
257, 258.
ton's, ii. 359.
going to Ranelagh and the opera, iii. Pearce, tachary, Bishop of Rochester,
269.
his confusion at coronation of
connections of his family, iii. 284. George III., iii. 113.
his elder brother, who took the name note on, iii. 113.
of Sayer, dangerously ill, iii. 284. Peck, Fellow of Trinity College, iii. 324.
the strange casualties of his house-Peele, Theophilus, of Cambridge, refer-
hold, iii. 382.
ence to, ii. 155.
Palma, old, remarks on bis skill as al interests bimself on bebalf of C.
painter, ii. 389.
Smart, ii. 178.
Pamfilio, Prince, his palace at Rome,' settlement of his dispute with Dr.
ii. 97.
Long, ii. 188.
Pandore, description of its representa- Pembroke and Montgomery, Epitaplı
tion, ii. 21.
on Anne, Countess of, i. 278.
Panmure, Lord, reference to, and Tom MS. sketch of her life by her Secre-
Lyon, iii. 257.
tary, i. 279.
Paoli, P., Gray's high opinion of, iii. Pembroke College, founded by Mary
310.
de Valentia, i. 95 ; ii. 280.
Paper from silk rags, iii. 40.
possesses MS. of Ode on the Spring,
Paraphrases from Petrarca, by Gray, i. i. 2; Ode on the death of a favourite
194; from Anthologia Græcci,' i. Cat, i. 10; Distant Prospect of Eton
195-202.
College, i. 16; Hymn to Adversity, i.
· Paris, Alexandre de, his poein of the 24; The Fatal Sisters, i. 52; Elegy
Roman d'Alexandre, i. 357.
writter in a Churchyard, i. 72; A
Paris, Dr. Ayrton, relates the manner Long Story, i. S2: Sonnet on the
in which the College of Surgeons death of Richard West, i. 110; by
obtained Hunter's Museum, ij. 68. Stonehewer of Gray's Pleasures
Park Place, near Henley, residence of from Vicissitude, i. 133; A Song, i.
General Conway and Lady Ailes-
bury, ii. 42.
The Bard, finished at, i. 40.
Parker, Mr., lord of the manor of| comic lines written at, i. 138.
Ingleton, i. 275.
facetious description of the settle-
Parmegiano's picture of Moses fur ment of a dispute at, ii. 188.
nisbes a model for Gray's Bard, ii. Gray becomes a resident of, ii. 279.
313.
Gray's description of, iii. 150.
Parnell Remains, the dunghill of Irish | Pembroke, Henry, Earl' of, deserts his
Grub Street, ii. 372.
wife and elopes with Kitty Hunter,
Parody on an epitap), i. 140.
iii. 132.
editorial note on, i. 140.
Penn, Mr., his residence at Stoke, i. $3.
Parrs, chapel of the, in Kendal church, Perch, receipt to dress, i. 263-264.
i. 269.
Peregrine Pickle, Smollett's, ii. 214.
Parry, John, blind harper, his concert Pergolesé, Giambattista, his songs, ii.
inspired Gray to finish the Bard, 133.
i. 40.
Ricciarelli sings his Stabat Mater, ii.
visits Cambridge, ii. 312.
282.
father of John Parry, A.R.A., ii. 312. reference to his airs, iii. 157.
Parthenay, Des Roches de, his trans Gray has a mass of his compositions,
lation of Norden's Travels in all divipity, iii. 163.
Egypt, ii. 194.
Gray's admiration of his composi-
Pasquier, reference to his Recherches, i. tions, iii. 164.
332, 341.
his Salve Regina performed at the
Passerat, French poet, reference to, i. Haymarket, 1740, iii. 164.
341.'
Walpole's error that Gray introduced
· Patrizii, Count, great ball given at his works, iii. 164.
Rome by, ii. 84.
Perrot, Lord, and the Assizes, iii. 281.
Patterson, Mrs., friend of Dr. T. Whar- Peru, natural history of, in Spanish,
ton's, ii. 359.
ii. 195.
138.
382
INDEX.
Peteroser, ii. 133.ista, operatic con
Pescetti, Giambattista, operatic com-| Pitt, the elder, complains of the in-
glorious peace, iii. 137.
Peterborough, visited by Gray, ii. 366. styled by Count Algarotti “Resitu-
Peterborough, Lord, story of his bar tor d'Inghilterre," iii. 151.
gaining for a canary in Pall Mall, inclination to injure his fame, iii. 167.
ii. 200-101.
report that he lies dangerously ill,
Peterhouse College, The Bard com iii. 203.
menced at, i. 40.
"When he is gone, all is gone," jji.203.
Hymn to Ignorance, written at, i. 111. speaks for three and a half hours on
use of iron bar in Gray's window at, the rights of the colonies, iii. 234.
• ii. 277.
Gray laments his acceptance of a
Gray quits it for Pembroke College, peerage, iii. 243. .
ii. 279.
breach with Lord Temple, iii. 243.
humorous description of its quad his restored popularity, iii. 246.
Petrarch, L'Abbé de Sade Mémoires breast, iii. 255.
pour la vie de François Petrarque, mending slowly in health, iii. 270.
Gray has been reading, iii, 236. | Pitt, J. (Lord Camelford), his story
Peyriere, Baronne de la, iii. 127.
"Ministress at London," iii. 236.
99-100.
become a Catholic, iii. 236.
Pitt, Thomas, afterwards Lord Cainel-
her pets, iii. 236.
Phelps, Mi., about to issue an account ii. 338.
of Sicily, iii. $5.
proposes to meet Mr. Palgrave at
Philips and Smith, reference to, ap Glamis, ii. 378.
pearing in the same volume, i. 212. about to marry Miss Wilkinson and
Philosophe Marić, the comedy of, i. 23. £30,000, iii. 406.
Philosopher, endowments necessary to Pitt, Mi. (the little), goes with Lord
form a, iii. 361.
Kinnoul by sea round Spain to
Philosophic Dictionary of Voltaire, Italy, iii. 27.
reference to, iii. 187.
bis return, iji. $5.
Philosophy, Gray's vindication of, ii. his letter to Gray on his travels, iii. 98.
167.
| Pitt, Mrs. Anne, receives a pension of
Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke, Essay £500 a year, iii. 78.
on the, i. 286.
Plato, notes on, iv.
published on Mason's authority, i. Play exercise at Elon, i. 163-165.
286.
printed from Stonehewer collection,
influence of Conyers Middleton ap-|
i. 163.
parent in, i. 286.
Pleasures of Imagination, criticisin of,
Piazza, Hieronimo Bartolomeo, Gray's ii. 120-121.
Italian master, ii. 3.
Plummer, Mr., reference to, ii. 239.
Pictures, first exhibition of, iii. 65. Plumptre, Dr. Robert, sits for his por-
Pilkington, Mrs. Lætitia, and Cibber, trait to Benj. Wilson, iii. 16.
ii. 169.
biographical note, iii. 16.
her memoirs, ii. 169.
Pocock, Dr. Richard, Bishop of Ossory
Pinkerton, John, lis forgery of the and Meath, reference to, iii, 2.
second part of Hardicante, con- Poems, statement of the source of the
fessed in the Maitlan.cl Poems, iii. 46. I present text, i. xiii.-xiv.
Pitt, the elder, afterwards Earl of Gray agrees to the Glasgow edition
Chatham, paymaster of the forces, in deference to Dr. Beattie, iii. 285-
his dismissal, ii. 273.
287.
Secretary of State, ii. 292.
Poésies, Gresset's, ii. 186.
ill of the gout, ii. 292.
Poetic license, Gray advocates, i. 397.
sold his inestiinable diamond for a Poeticcil Rondeari attributed to Gray,
peerage, iii. 84.
i. 208.
his popularity tottering, iji. 91.
and the Spanish quarrel, iii. 116.
office, ii. 344-345.
publication of his negotiations with hitherto humbled the professor, ii.345.
the French, iji. 122.
Poets, a fig for those who have not
his resignation, iji. 123.
been among the mountains, iii. 223.
INDEX.
383
Poetry, reference to Puttenham's Art | Porto Bello, capitulation of, ii. 70.
of, i. 329, 330, 331.
Portraits, Gray considers it strange
reference to Ronsard's Art of, i. 332. that they should be preferred to
Poetry, the language of the age never contemporary descriptions, iii. 24.
the language of, ii, 108.
Portsdown Hills, description of the
possesses a language peculiar to it-1 view froin the, ii. 265.
self, ii. 108.
Portugal, King of, seizes conspirators
use of the Strophe and Anti-strophe, at Lisbon, ji. 392.
ii. 263.
and Tavora family, ii. 392-396.
Epic, ii. 304-305.
(1739), ii. 17.
nature of the Lyric, ii, 352-353. Posthumous Poems, i. 99-142.
Gray's faculty by no means volun- | editorial note on, i. 100.
tary, but the result of a certain note on, i. 142.
disposition of mind, ii. 366. Potter, Archbishop, his proviso, ii. 240.
Gray does not know a Scotchman of Pottinger, Richard, reference to, iii.
his own period who could read, 41.
much less write, iii. 56.
Pouilly, Mons. Levesque de, i. 239.
what its production implies, iii. 156. Powell, William Samuel, Master of St.
Gray once contemplated a history of John's College, his candidature,
English; sketch of his design, iii. iii. 190.
365-367.
has the Duke of Newcastle's support,
Poland, King of, and the King of iii. 191.
Prussia, ii. 291.
note on, iii. 190.
commissions Count Algarotti to pur- Powis, Lord, has 100 copies of the Life
chase pictures, iii. 307.
of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, iii.
Political affairs, Gray ashamed of bis 173.
country, iii. 166.
Prayer, Treatise on, ii. 217.
nation in the same hands as the uni. Prendergast, Sir Thomas, insulted by
versity, iii. 172.
an Irish mob, iii. 26.
resembles first years of Charles I.'s Pretender, The, 'James Edward (Le
time, iii. 172.
Chevalier St. George), ii. 68.
reference to, iii. 204.
English correspondence pass through
condition of, in March, 1766, iii. 233-1 his hands before leaving Rome, ii.
234.
6S.
Polymetis, by Joseph Spence, ii. 170. and his family present at a ball
Pompey's villa, ii. 78.
given by Count Patrizii, ii. 76-95.
Pompey the Liille, history of; or, The and the Grand Chancellorship at
Life and adventures of a Lap Dog, Rone, ii, 94.
ji. 214.
his relations with English society in
Pond, Mr., frontispieces supplied by, Rome, ii. 187.
i. 212.
Prevost Abbé, Antoine François,
Ponsonby, William, Lord, his son, iii.57. d'Exiles, ii. 21.
Pope, Alexander, his Ode on St. Cecilia's biographical note on, ii. 21.
Day compared with Dryden's, i. 36. Price, Mr., glass painter of Hatton
, his license of language in poetry, ii. Garderi, iii. 102.
108.
worked at the windows of West-
his defence by Warburton, ii. 131. minster Abbey, iii. 102.
Odyssey, Essay on, by J. Spence, ii. 170. Pricket, Dr. Marmaduke, death of, ii.
Duchess of Queensberry his friend, 244.
ii. 372.
Pride a sign of folly, ii. 246.
Pope Benedict XIV., his election, de- Prince of Wales to have
o a
*scription of his person, ii. 93, 98. 1 year (1756), ii. 290.
Pope Clement XII., death of, i. 63. Prince Edward £5000 a year, ii. 290.
Porte, Memoires de M. de las Gray re- Pringle, Dr. Sir J., medical adviser
commends, ii. 291.
of É. Walpole and Dr. J. Brown,
.
,00
Portland, William, second Duke of, his attends the Prince of Wales, iii. 256.
eldest daughter marries Lord Wey. Pritchard, Mrs., and Delap's Hecuba,
mouth, ii. 395.
iii. 128.
384
INDEX.
rmitage, The, of Matthew
Professorship of Modern Elistory, Queen's College, founded by Margaret
would not ask for it, not choosing of Anjou, i. 95.
to be refused, iji. 21.
I added to by Elizabeth, Queen of
Gray's name suggested to Lord Bute Edward IV., i. 95.
but refused, iii. 136-137.
conferred on Lawrence Brockett, in Green, ii. 222.
succession to Shallet Turner, 'iii. Queensberry, Duchess of, her quarrel
136.
with Duchess of Marlborough, ii.
MS. note of Gray relative to Dela-1 133.
val's candidature, iii. 140.
condeinns by advertisement a spuri-
Gray succeeds Brockett, iii. 318.
Progress of Poesy, The, i, 27.
years of Earl Clarendon's Life,
editorial note on, i. 28.
and notifies her early issue of his
its composition delayed by a remark biography, ii. 372.
of Mason, ii. 111.
friend of Pope and protector of Gay,
submitted to Dr. Wharton, ii. 260.
ii. 372.
aversion to its separate publication, her eccentricities, ii. 372.
Quinault, Jeanne Françoise, French
Pronunciation, variation between the actress, ii. 23.
time of Gray and of Lydgate, i. 393. Quintilius Varus, his Piscina at
Propertius, translations from, i. viii., Tivoli, ii, 74.
151-157.
printed from original MS., i. 144.
sent by Gray to R. West, ii. 111. RABY CASTLE, Leland's Account of, iii.
ii. 112.
Prophecy (see The Bard), fragment sent
to Stonehewer, ii. 268.
Racine's Britannicus, quotation from,
ii. 167.
and reference to, ii. 233.
rhythm, i. 314.
to see the house of, ii. 253.
Prose, Gray's posthumous, i. xiv. Ramsay, Mr., Gray's tenant in Corn.
Provençal poetry, i. 367.
hill, iii. 208.
Prowse, Mi., refused the post office, Ramsden, Mr., optician, iii. 373.
iii. 256.
Ramsgate, account of, and Sir. E.
Prussia, King of, see Frederick.
Brydges's anecdote of Gray at, ii.
Public life, obligations incumbent on 263.
one desiring to attain position in, Ranby, Mr. (King's Surgeon), Duke of
.. ii. SS.
Cumberland sends for and then
Puisieux, Marquis de, his house at countermands the attendance of,
Sillery, i. 239.
ii. 321.
Pulpit, Gray's opinion of oratory in, Randall, Dr. John, and the Installation
since the Revolution, iii. 81.
Ode, i. 92.
Pulteney, Earl Nugent's Ode to, ii. 220. .composed the music for the Ode, iii.
.anima dannata, ii. 44. ,
Ranelagh Gardens, non-success, ji. 125.
the Italian, the reigning diversion, reference to, ii. 134.
iii. 356.
Raphaël, his vision of Ezekiel, i. 42.
Purt, Rev. Robert, M.A., i. 85.
figure of God in the vision of Ezekiel
Puttenham's Art of Poetry, quotation furnished Gray with a model for
from, i. 329.
his Bard, ii. 313.
his influence on Sir Thomas Wyatt Rapin, Nicholas, French writer, re-
and Lord Surrey, i, 334.
ference to, i. 341.
mistaken as to Riding Ryne, i. 335-337. Ratcliffe, Mr., brother to Earl of Der-
I wentwater, his execution, ii. 168.
Recd, Isaac, his note concerning the
QUEBEC, compared to Richmond Hill, quarrel between Gray and Walpole,
iii. 34.
ii. 124.
siege of, by the French, iii. 44-45. Reinholt, Charles Frederick, popular
alarm concerning, conduct of General bass singer, sung in the Installation
Murray, iii. 51.
Ode, iii. 343.
INDEX.
385
375.
Religion of Nature Delineated, by Wol-1 Tablé showing the period of the in.
laston, i. 290.
troduction of rhyme into various
Rhyme, Observations on the use of, countries, i. 371.
i. 376-380.
Provençals believed to have bor-
examples of the most ancient rhymes rowed the art of rhyme from the
in our tongue, i. 376-379.
Latin rather than from the Arabs
children educated at St. Gall in or Franks, i. 371-373.
10th century taught to write Latin first appearance of rhyming verses
in Latin epitaphs, etc., i. 372.
opinion of the rhyming epitaphs Latin rhyme, i. 373.
Leonine verse, i. 373; its supposed
origin, i. 373-375.
Cambri of Gray, i. 381-386.
Leonimetes rhyme, i. 374..
ancient names of the Welch, i. 381. Rimci alla Provenzale, or verse-rhyin-
prosodia of the Welch grammar the ing in the middle in place of the
finest in any language, i. 381.
end, i. 373.
harmony of the Druidical compo- Rhyme of Bernard of Cluny in his
tions, i. 381 :
poein De Contemptu Mundi, i. 374-
" Secret of the Poets," i. 382-383.
375
probability of the English borrow instance of mixture of different
ing their rhyme from the Britons, languages in old composition, i.
i. 383-385.
suggestion that the Franks obtained Ricciarelli, announced to sing the
their rhyme from this country, i.385. Stabat Mater of Pergolesi, ii, 282.
rhyme preserved by the common description of his powers, ii. 282.
· people, i. 386.
Richardson, Jonathan, the elder, the
Rhyming, greater facility of the ancient painter, iii. 81.
| Gray sits to him for his portrait, iii.81.
Rhythmus, Observations on the Pseu- Richmond and Derby, Countess of,
do-, i. 301-375.
mother of Henry VII., foundress
ancient rhyme of the Emperor of St. John's College, i. 96.
Adrian, i. 361.
Margaret, portrait of, i. 310.
ancient rhyme of the Welch, i. 361. Richmond,' Dr. Richard, Bishop of
Anglo-Saxon rhyme, its harmony Soder and Man, chaplain to the
consisting in alliteration, i. 362.
Duke of Athol, iii. 257.
Anglo-Saxon rhyme, its 'harmony Ridley, Mr., contributes to Dodsley's
Miscellaneous Poems, i. 221.
i. 362.
Ridlington, Dr., Professor of Civil
Anglo-Saxon and the Franco-Theo Law, his recovery from dropsy,
tische languages originally the iii. 188-189.
same, i. 364.
gone to Nice, iii. 208.
earliest extant Romaun or old French notes on, iii. 208, 254.
verses, i. 364.
earliest Provençal writers, i. 364.
in Cambridge, ii. 309, 311.
earliest Sicilian poets, i, 365.
escape of, from an Irish inob, iii. 26.
earliest English rhyme, i. 365.
likely to be one of a new ministry,
German rhyme the oldest extant, i. iii. 153,
365.
to move the expulsion of Wilkes,
Walafrid Strabo and his contem iii. 332.
porary writers call themselves Bar- Rinuccini, Marquis, visits London, ii.
bari, i. 365.
145.
period of Provençal poetry, i. 367. Rivett, Nicholas, his work among the
period of Sicilian poetry, 367.
Antiquities of Athens, ii. 283.
late retention of the old Saxon or Robbery, liability in London to, iii. 14.
Danish verse without rhyme, i. 368. Roberts, Mr., of the Pell Office, relates
Language of the Gauls, i. 369.
the cause of the quarrel between
the various dialects of the Romaun, Gray and Walpole, ii. 124.
Rustica, Romana, Provençal, Va- Roberts, Rev. Mr., translated and pub-
lonne, and the Langue Romande, i. lished Gray's Llegy in Latin, i.
369.
257.
· VOL. IV.
20

386
INDEX.
Roberts's, Gray asks Mason to procure Roman Senate, Chapman's Essay on the,
him lodgings at, ii. 251, 284.
ii. 163.
Robertson, Dr. William, author of Life Romances, purpose of, i. 338.
of Charles V., Gray sups with him, Romans, foundation of their religion,
iii. 209;
ii. 173.
History of Mary Stuart and her son, Ronsard's Art of Poetry, reference to,
ii. 396.
i. 333.
Robinson, Rev. Wm., Impromptu on Roper, Mr., his opinion of The Odes,
Lord Holland's house, written byl ii. 330.
Gray at his rectory of Denton, i. Ross, John, Bishop of Exeter, ii. 193.
135.
his Epistles of Trilly, ii. 193. :
at Cambridge, ii. 163.
Ross, Mr., of Cambridge, reference to,
biographical note on, iii. 15.
ii. 232-233.
Gray makes a list of wild plants Ross, Mr., murder of, iii. 339.
native to the neighbourhood of Ross, Dr., obtains the living of Fromne,
Denton, iii. 15.
ii. 32.
his marriage to Miss Richards
Gray remembers his kind invitation
57, 63.
and in better days hopes to accept
proceeds to Naples for his honey it, iii, 161.
moon, iii. 57.
his contentinent, iii, 161.
Gray hopes to see him in many new said to bemade Dean of Ely, iii. 335,337.
lights, iii, 161.
succeeds Dr. Law as prebend of Dur-
Gray hopes to be better known to ham, iii. 338.
Mrs. Robinson, iii. 162.
Rousseau, his characters do not inter-
visited by Gray'at Denton, iii. 237, est Gray, ii. 329.
242.
Gray has not seen, ii. 389.
description of Mrs. Robinson, iii. 265. his Nouvelle Heloise, Walter Savage
Robinson of Faseley,his house in Killie Landor on, iii. 79; Mason and .
crankie Pass, iii. 218.
Hurd admire it, iii. 83.
Rochefort, unsuccessful expedition on, everybody that has children should
ii. 342.
read his Emile, iii, 151.
Rodney, Admiral, his bombardment of Gray sets his religious discourses at
Havre, ii. 402.
nought, iii. 152.
Roger, Archbishop of York, founder resides near Neufchâtel, iii. 174.
of St. Sepulchre's Chapel, iii. 140 publishes at the Hague and realises
142.
considerable sums, iii. 174.
Rogers, Jonathan, uncle to Gray, Ode venerated by the people of his dis-
trict, iii, 174.
i. 2.
his Lettres de la Montagne, except the
his funeral, i. 72.
Contrat Social, of the dullest, iii.
Rogers, Mrs. Jonathan, receives a 187-188, 192.
paralytic stroke, ii. 245, 250.
in Derbyshire with Mr. Davenport,
her illness, ii. 366, 377, 381.
iii. 243.
recovers her speech after years of quarrels with David Hume, iii. 243.
unintelligibleness, ii. 382.
quits England, iii. 271.
her death, ii. 383.
writes letters to the Lord Chancellor
reference to, ii. 185.
and Mr. Conway, iii. 271.
Rogers, Samuel, gave eighteen guineas | Voltaire's Grerre de Gereve a satire
for a letter of Gray's from the on, iii 271.
Bindley and Reed collections, ii. Rovezzano, Beneditto da, painter and
I architect, i. 320.
Roi, Histoire du Cabinet dui, by Buffon Rowe, Mrs., letters of the dead to the
and D'Aubenton, ii. 199.
living, ii. 6.
Rolfe, Mr. Wm. J., of Cambridge, Mass., Rowe, Nicholas, poet laureate, his
i. xvii.
flowers of eloquence, ii. 167.
Rolle, Mr., contributes to Dodsley's reference to, i. 345.
Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 221. origin of his ballad of Colin's Com-
Romaine, Archbishop of York, built plaint, ii. 367.
north transept of York Minster, Rowley, Mr., insulted by an Irish
iii. 146.
mob, iii. 26.
344.
INDEX.
387
terest, iii. 2014.0p of Chester's in.
Sadelli, 31, 34, 35.labour: the result. I
Royal family, their frequent visits in St. Sepulchre's Chapel, York Minster,
society, iii. $9.
Gray's attempt to identify its site,
Royston, Lord (second Earl of Hard- iii. 140-144.
wick), his State Papers, iii. 6. Salisbury music-meetings, reference
Russia, Account of, by Lord Whitworth, to, ii. 343.
printed at Walpole's Twickenham Sandby, Paul, R.A., exhibits at the
press, ii. 373.
first exhibition of artists, iü. 65.
MS. purchased from Mr. Zolman's
library and given by R. O. Cam-l preparing a great picture of Snowdon.
bridge, Esq., ii. 373.
iii. 65, 68.
Rutherford, Dr. Thomas, mathema- Sandwich, John, Earl of, squib on, i.
tician, ii, 163,
1 131.
· candidate for the Mastership of St. his remark to Cradock on Gray's
John's, iii. 190.
aversion to himself, i. 131.
Rutherford, Mrs., her opinion of his boyish days, ii. 115.
Mason's Elegy V., iii. 139.
and the High Stewardship of Cam-
bridge, iii. 168.
Dr. Brook, Mr. Brockett, and Dr.
SACKVILLE, Lord George, his conduct Long, his agents, üj. 166-171.
at Minden, iii, 8.
hires a scribbler to write a weekly
arrival in England, anticipates
paper, the Scrutator, iii. 171.
court-martial, iii. 14.
whatever seems against him is popu.
reference to, iii, 25.
lar, ii, 201.
Law-officers declare him amenable to engages the Bishop of Chester's in-
court-martial, iii. 28.
his trial and demeanour: the result, I joint postmaster, iii. 294.
Sangallo, Bastiano Aristotile da, paint-
Sade, Abbé, his Petrarch, iii. 235.
er, i. 320.
St. Andre, Dr. Nathaniel, who married Sapphic Ode, i. 174-176.
Lady Betty Molyneux, resides at Sardinian Ambassador's chapel and
Southampton, ii. 175-176.
stables in Lincoln's Inn Fields
St. Augustine, hymn of, its rhyme, i. I burnt, iii. 22.
361.
marriage of his son to Miss Speed,
St. Bruno, his retirement at Char iii. 83.
treuse, ii. 36, 45.
Satire upon the Heads; or never a barrel
St. Cecilia's Day, remarks on Dryden's the better herring, i. 134.
Ode on, i. 36.
editorial note on, i. 134.
Dryden's Ode compared with Pope's, Satyrical prints, their popularity, circa
• i. 36.
1746, ii. 134.
St. Cloit, Pierre de, his joint poem of Saxe-Gotha, Princess of, reference to,
La Vie d'Alexandre, i. 357.
iii. 70.
St. Francis, his early attempt to write Saxon Architecture, see Architecture.
an ode without rhyine, i. 344. Sayer, Mr., elder brother of Mr. Pal-
St. Germain, Count, ex-French general, grave, reference to, iii. 284.
his visit to England, iii. 50-51.
liger, Julius Caesar, m'he Propertius
St. Giles, broad, reference to, iii. 4.
of Gray influenced by the writings
St. Helen's, Fitzherbert, Lord, his of, ii. 112.
recollections of Gray and the great Sceptic, a professed, can only be
respect held for the poet at the guided by his present passions, iii.
university, iii. 385.
378.
a pensioner of St. John's College, iii. Schaub, Lady, i. 82.
384.
Schoolmistress, Wm. Shenstone's poem
biographical note of, iii, 385.
of the, ii. 219.
St. John's College, Cambridge, founded Scotch, Character of the, lost piece by
by the Countess of Richmond, i. Gray, i. 142.
96; her portrait in, i. 310.
Scotland, Gray about to accompany
portraits in library, i. 310-311.
Lord Strathmore -and Thomas
St. Margaret, Life of, its age and style, Lyon to, iii. 208.
i. 357.
journey from Hetton to Glamis, iii.
quotation from, i. 366.
209-210.

388
INDEX.
219.
Scotland, considers its scenery sub- Secretary of State, changes in 1766,
lime, iii. 219.
iii. 237.
returned charmed with the High-Sedgwick, Mr., secretary to Anne,
lands, iii. 223.
Countess of Dorset, i. 279.
Italy can hardly excel its scenery, Selby, Bell, her dream of Mason, ii.
iii. 223.
294.
Gray will certainly go again, iii. Selwyn, George, present at the execu-
224.
tion of Lord Lovat, ii. 142.
a country that gave him much plea-Senesino, nicknames of certain Italian
sure, iii. 279.
singers, ii. 65.
Gray's first visit to, iv. 343.
Senhouse, Mr., and his acoustic warın.
MS. of his journey in the possession | ing-pan, ii. 295.
of Mr. John Morris, iv. 342. Sestine, ascribed to Arnauld Daniel,
reference to places mentioned by ii. 350.
Gray in :-
Settle, Elkanah, poet laureate, ii. 345.
Arbroath, visit to, iii. 219.
Seven Years' War, the, fear of a French
Blair of Athol, proposes to visit, invasion, iii. 3.
iii. 220.
Prince Ferdinand defeats Contades
Braidalbane's, Lord, description of at Minden, iii. 7.
his estate, iii. 216-217.
conduct of Lord G. Sackville, iii. 8.
Dunkeld, its ruined cathedral, iii. Prussian victory over General
215.
Farsch, iii. 9.
house of Duke of Athol, where expectation of an action between
Gray stayed, iii. 215.
the fleets, iii. 18.
road from, to Inverness, beauty victory of Admiral Hawke, iii, 22, 23.
of, iii. 218.
fear of invasion dispelled, iii. 23.
Edinburgh, visit to the principal proposed great expedition to France,
sights, iii. 209.
iii. 66.
dreads it and tbe itch, iii.
secret expedition, iii. 68.
Fingal, tomb of, iii. 216.
pamphlet against Mr. Manduit, iii. 91.
Forfar, Lord Strathmore engaged treaty of peace, iii. 137.
in draining the lake of, by, Sextus V., built dome of St. Peter's,
widening the little river ii. 79.
Deane, iii. 212.
his obelisk in the great area, ii. So.
Glames, town built of stone and Seward, Thomas, contributes to Dods-
slated, iii. 211.
ley's Miscellaneous Poems, ii. 221.
castle, its position, app
Shaftesbury, Lord, how the third earl
etc., iii. 210-213.
came to be a philosopher, ii. 375.
its nurseries, iii. 213.
Shakespeare, creator of poetic lail-
Killiecrankie, Pass of, iii. 218. 1 guage, ii. 108.
Mr. Robinson's house at foot of, beauty of his language, ii. 109.
iii. 218.
Shalespeare Verses, by Gray, i. 132.
Loch Tay, beauties of, iii. 216. editorial note, i. 132.
Megill, story of Queen Wanders Sharp, Mr., travels into Italy, iii. 256.
buried there, ii. 214.
Shaw, Dr., his work on Architecture,
Perth, stay at, iii. 210.
Strathmore, valley of, iii. 210. Shelburne, Earl of, likely to join the
· Strath-Tay, beauty of, iii. 215.
new ministry, iii. 153.
Tay, the, iii. 210, 214, 215, 216. Shenstone, William, his poem of The
Taymouth or Balloch, scenery in Schoolmistress, ii. 219.
neighbourhood, iii. 215.
admires the Odes of Gray, ii. 327, 331.
Tummell, the, iii. 217, 218.
his contribution to Dodsley's Collec-
Wade's, Marshal, road, iii. 218.
tion of Poems, ii. 364.
Scripture Vindicated, by Dr. Waterland, his Letters, Gray's opinion of them
ii. 215,
and the author, iii. 344.
replied to by Dr. Middleton, ii. 215. Shepherd, Miss, reference to, ii. 290.
Seba, Albertus, his Locupletissimi Rerum Sheridan, Mr., advertisement of his
Naturalium Thesauri, iii. 203. 1 lecture on elocution, iii. 124.
Secker, Bishop, his conduct as a court- Sherlock, Bishop of London, reference
ier, iii. 71.
to, iii. 125,

ií. 255.
INDEX.
389
177.
Sherman, William, his daughter mar- | Sonnét, its invention ascribed to Ira'
ried to Mason, iii. 198.
1. Guittone d'Arezzo, 1. 349.
Shirley, Mrs., mother of Lord Ferrers, Sopha, Le, de Crebillon, ii. 128-133.
petitions for mercy, iii. 36. Sophonisba to Masinissa, story. of, i.
Sicilian poetry, period of its success, i..115-116.
367.
Sophonisba to Masinissa, part of an
Sickness makes us better friends and heroic epistle, i. 183.
better meu, ii. 206.
Southampton, appearance of the coast
Sictryg, his warfare with the King of in its vicinity, ii. 265.
• Dublin, i. 54.
Gray staying in the High Street, iii.
Sidney, Sir Philip, his attempt to in-
troduce the hexameter, i. 341. full of bathers, but Gray knows not
and the park of Warwick Casti
a soul, iii. 178.
257.
no coffee-house, no bookseller, no
Sidney, Le, comedy by Gresset, ii. 184. pastry-cook, and lodgings very
Sigurd, Earl of the Orkney Isles, his | dear, iii. 176.
expedition to Ireland, i. 54.
description of, iii. 179-180, 200.
Silver boar, the badge of Richard III., Southampton Row, once the residence
i. 47.
of Dr. Wharton, and afterwards a
Siznms, Mr., Mrs., and Madlle. Nanny, lodging of Gray's, ii. 397.
reference to, ii. 124.
Gray takes up his abode at Mr.
Simons, Rudolph, his portrait in Jauncey's in, iii. 1, 6.
Enanuel College, i. 310.
description of the prospect from, iii.
Sisters, see Tatal Sisters, an Ode.
3, 5.
Sketchley, Mr.R.F., reference to, i.xvii. its surroundings, iii. 4.
Skinner, John, Fellow of St. John's, Gray about to remove, iii, 102,
candidate for the Mastership of Southcote, Mr., offers his house and
St. John's, note on, iii. 190.
lands to Dr. Wharton, ii. 252.
Slroddles (Rev. Wm. Masou).
Southerne, Thomas, Restoration dra-
Smart, Christopher, the poet, his debts, matist, ii. ll.
ii. 161, 178.
Southwell, Henry, of Magdalen College,
biographical note, ii. 161.
reference to, ii. 76.
his comedy of a Trip to Cambridge, goes to Ireland, ij. 104.
ii. 162.
South well, Mr. and Mrs., reference to,
Duke of Cleveland allows him £40 a ii. 287.
year, ii. 179.
Gray sends him a copy of The Odes,
committed to Bedlam, ii. 215.
ii. 320.
not dead, Merope and The Guardian Spain, quarrel with, about logwood,
acted for his benefit, ii. 391.
iii. 116.
collection on behalf of, iii. 162.
and the French, iii. 172.
Messrs. Gordon and Anguish, gentle- Spanish War, Gray takes an interest
men interested in him, iii. 163.
in the, iii. S4.
Smith, Dr. Adam, has heard several of Spectacles, Gray's aversion to wear, ii.
the Erse poems repeated from tra 75-76.
dition, i. 311.
Spedding, Mr., his residence of Ar-
Smith, his print of Derwentwater, i.259. mathwaite House, i. 262.
visits Máltham and issues an engray- Speed, Miss (Countess de Viry), refer-
ing of Gordale Scar, i. 278.
ence to her attitude towards Gray,
Smith and Philips, reference to, i. 212, ii. 330.
Smith of Trinity is dead, iii. 303. possessed Gray's MS. of the Amatory
Snowdon, its name, i. 41.
Lines, i. 137.
resorted to by eagles, i. 43.
Gray writes a Song at her request, i.
Somerset, Carr, Earl of, reference to a
letter about, iii. 123.
reference to, i. $2.
Somerset House, John of Padua, its her legacy from Lady Cobham, iii. 37.
architect, i. 307.
Gray's probable visit with her to
Somner's Saxon Dictionary, reference Oxfordshire, her uncertainty of
to, i. 326.
mind, iii. 49.
Song, to an old air of Geminiani, i. 138. public chatter respecting Gray and,
editorial note on, i. 138.
iii. 65.


138.
390
INDEX.
Speed, Miss, her marriage with the Stillingfleet, Benjamin (Blue Stocking),
Baron de la Peyriere, iii. $3.
the naturalist, iii. 38.
need not change her religion, iii. 83; resides with his friend Mr. Marsham,
see also Peyriere.
iii. 88.
Spence, Joseph, bis description of a bis observations on the Norfolk
puppet-show in Turin, ii. 44.
birds in 1755, iii. 95-96.
his Polymetis, ii. 170-172.
Stocks, public, are low, ii. 393.
his Essay on Pope's Odyssey, ii. 170. Gray loses £200 by selling, ii. 395.
drowned in his own garden at By- Stoke Pogis, “West End,” residence
field, iii. 329.
of Gray's uncle, Mr. Rogers, after-
Spence, S., his verses on the death of wards of his mother, i. Ž.
Frederick, Prince of Wales, ii. 119. Ode to Spring, written at, i. 2.
Spencer elected Fellow of Pembroke, Ode on Distant Prospect of Eton College,
ii. 227.
written at, i. 16.
interests himself for Lord Nuneham, | Hymn to Adversity, written at, i. 24.
ii. 309, 311.
Elegy in a Churchyard, chiefly written
Spenser, Édmund, adopted the hexa at, i. 72.
meter, etc., .ii. 341.
Sonnet on the death of Richard West,
Spiletta, portion of a comedy, refer- | written at, i. 110.
ence to, iii. 81.
Manor House, Gray's sketch of, i.
Spleen, The, a poem by Matthew Green, 82 ; ii. 234 ; the residence of various
ii. 219.
families, i. 83.
Spring, Ode on the, i. 1.
Gray's melancholy reminiscences at,
editorial note on, i. 2.
ii. 250.
Matthew Green's Queen's Hermitage Stone, John, sculptor, reference to, ii.
furnishes Gray with two thoughts 135.
for, ii. 222.
Stone, Nicholas, sculptor, reference to,
Squibb, Dr. Arthur, M.A., chaplain of i. 321.
Colonel Bellasis's regiment, i. 88. Stone, Mr., ob
Squibb, James, of Saville Row, i. 88. 1 290.
Squibb, James, of Stowe, i. 88. Stonehewer, Dr., rector of Houghton,
Squire,' Dr. Samuel, Bishop of St. ii. 241.
David's, i. 127.
his death, iii. 351.
biographical note on, ii. 327.
Stonebewer, Richard, Fellow of St.
Dean of Bristol and candidate for Peter's College, and secretary to
St. David's, iii. 78.
Duke of Grafton, ii. 241.
reference to, iii. 103. .
Gray enquires of Dr. Wharton his
Staël, Memoires de Madame, ii. 291.
opinion of, ii. 187.
Stamp Act, Bill for the repeal of, gone Gray seeks the interestof Dr. Wharton
to the Lords. "Oh that they and Dr. Keene on behalf of, ii. 197.
would throw it out," ii. 234.
proposes to visit York with Gray, ii.
Stanhope, Mr. and Mr. Dayrolles, ü.354. | 238.
Stanza on Immortality, i. 141.
fragment of the Prophecy sent to,
State Papers, by Dr. Birch, ii. 194.
ii. 268.
Statius, translations from the The tutor to the Duke of Grafton, ii. 277.
baïdos of, i. 145-148.
goes to Portsmouth to receive a
when printed, i. 144.
Morocco ambassador, iii. 10.
Stephen, Mr. Leslie, analysis of Dr. attendant on his sick father, Rev.
Middleton's writings in English Dr. Stonebewer, iii. 46.
Thought in the Eighteenth Century, busiest creature on earth,
ii. 199.
Mr. Fraser, iii. 224.
Sterne, Laurence, his popularity, iii. 36. Gray's oracle of State, iii. 233.
receives £700 for a second edition of living in Queen Street, London, iii.
Tristram Shandy, iii. 36.
317.
his portrait by Reynolds, iii. 36. induced the Duke of Grafton to re-
publication of his sermons, iii. 37. commend Gray for the professor-
Gray's opinion of the sermons, iii. 53. ship of Modern History, iii, 322.
Stevenson, John Hall, humorous poet, health of his father, iii. 350.
friend of Sterne, iii. 37.
Gray's letter of condolence on the
his Crazy Tales, ii, 245.
death of his father, üi. 351.

INDEX.
39:1
Stonehewer, Richard, references to, ii. Suarez, Countess of, entertains Gray at
144, 181, 188, 230, 264, 268, 273, 307, Florence, ii. 53.
373, 390, 395 ; iii. 37, 150, 173, 176. Suffolk, Lord, his seat at Levens, i.
Story, A Long, i. 81.
270.
editorial note on, i. 82.
Sully, Duke de, Gray's opinion of his
occasion of its being written, ii. 228. | Memoirs and character, ii. 281.
not intended for publication, suffered Summers, Mr., recommended by Gray
to appear because Mr. Bentley's to Dr. Wharton for his skill in
designs were not intelligible with-l: planting, iii. 292.
out it, iii. 268, 309.
Superstition, Gray's love of popular,
Strathmore, John, ninth Earl of, his iii. 222.
personal appearance, ii. 263.
History of Witches and a History of
returns to College with his brother, Second Sight given by Beattie to
ii. 307.
Gray, iii. 222.
his coming of age, and biographical Surrey, Lord, his use of the Cæsura,
note, ii. 369.
i. 333.
his seat of Hetton, iii. 208.
his verse, i. 334.
Swift on Money, ii. 155.
proposed voyage to Ge
Swift's application of Herodotus's
ill at Turin, iii. 98.
passage on feathers, ii. 240.
takes Gray to Scotland, iii. 208. Swift's history of the Tory administra.
his agricultural operations around tion, ii. 360.
Glamis, iii. 212.
Swinburne, Lady, reference to, ii. 246.
approaching marriage, iii. 245. Swithin's Alley, fatal fire in, iii. 22.
to be married in London, iii. 258. Switzerland,
interesting condition of Lady Strath Arve, river, banks of, at Geneva, ii. 38.
more, iii. 268.
description of, ii. 40.
reference to, ii. 261; iii. 276.
Geneva, its peasantry contrasted
Strawberry Áill, bowl with Gray's with those of Savoy, i. 245..
lines on Walpole's cat at, i. 10. Geneva, description of, ii. 37, 38.
Stricklands, their family seat of Siserge, lake of, ii. 38-39.
ii. 269.
its trout, i. 246 ; ii. 39.
chapel in Kendal church, ii. 269. Gray obliged to forego his proposed
Stuart, Mary, and her son, Robertson's visit to, iii. 403, 405.
History of, ii. 396.
Syon Hill, Brentford, residence of
Lord Holdernesse, 'iii. 15.
his work among the Antiquities of
Athens, ii. 283.
Gray subscribes to his Attica, ii. 360 ; TACITOS, Gray's admiration of, ü. 104-
to his Antiquities of Athens, and
desires a copy for Pembroke Hall, whenever translated into English
iii. 149-150.
should be done freely, ii. 111.
successful architect, iii. 149.
Davanzati's Italian translation
proposed to be consulted for Mrs.
111.
Mason's monument, iii. 266. Tadcaster, beauty of country south of,
approves of Mason's sketch, iii. 272. ii. 247.
Stuart, Mr., his duel with the Duke of Talbot, Earl, Lord Higl Steward at
Bólton, iii. 34.
coronation of George III., iii. 116.
Stuart of Cambridge, reference to,ii.159. and barons of the Cinque Ports, iii.
Studley, residence of Dr. Whartou, 116.
visited by Gray, ii. 240.
and Alderman Beckford, iii. 116.
Stukeley, Dr., frequents the reading his treatment while suppressing a
room of the British Museum, iii. 2. riot, iii. 339.
note on, iii. 2.
Talbot, Thomas, Gray sends him a
talks nonsense and coffee-house news copy of The Odes, ji. 320.
at the Museum, iii. 5.
his part in Rev. William Robertson's
Sturbridge fair, ii. 15.
marriage, iji. 62.
Sturgeon, Roger, Fellow of Caius, ii.311. reference to, ii. 379 ; iii. 176, 179.
Suard, Madame, an acquaintance of Tale of Sir Thopas, reference to the, i.
Voltaire's, iii. 173.
338.
392
INDEX.
Taliessin, chief of the bards, i. 49, 361. Theodulus, his treatise De Contemptu .
prophecy that Welch should regain Mundi, i. 361.
the sovereignty of Britain ful. Thibaut, King of Navarre, i. 347.
filled, i. 48.
Thomas, Dr. John, Bishop of Lincoln,
Tanner, Bishop, his article on Chaucer I translated to Salisbury, iji. 105, 114.
in Bibliotheca, i. 306.
Thomas, Dr., Master of Christ's College,
Taroc, a game played in Turin, ii. 44. rumoured to be Bishop of Carlisle,
Tasso, translations from the Ger
iii. 335, 337.
i. 148, 151.
Thomas, Miss, singer, sung in the
Installation Ode, iii. 343.
Taste, more difficult to restore than Thompson, a friend of Gray's, ii. 63.
to introduce good taste to a nation, Thomson, the poet, his fine description
iii. 158.
of a spirit, iii. 48.
Tavistock, Francis, Marquis of, comes Thorney, visited by Gray, iii. 366.
to Cambridge, ii. 309, 311.
Thrale, Mr., the brewer, reference to,
Taylor, Dr., attends Mrs. Charles York,
ii. 401.
Thrale, Mrs., calls Gray a merciless
his opinion of a portrait in St. John's critic, iii. 399.
College, i. 311.
Thurcaston, the living of the Rev. Mr. .
Taylor, J., Tracts by, ii. 119. .
Hurd, ii. 326.
Temple, Lord, Head of the Admiralty Thurot, bovering off Scotland, iii. 23.
ii. 292.
Thynne, Sir John, employed John of
Newcastle and Bute's opposition in Padua at Longleat, i. 307.
council, cause of his resignation, Tickell, Mr. Thomas, his poem on the
iii. 123.
peace of Utreclit, ii. 219.
disinherits his brother, iii. 123. | his ballad of Colin and Inicy, ii. 219.
Temple, Mr., allusion to, iii. 241. Tolomei, Claudio, Bishop of Corsola,
i. 342.
behalf with Lord Lisburne, iii. Tophet (an epigram), i. 139.
| editorial note on, i. 139,
Gray's opinion of the disagreement, 'Torrigiano, i. 319.
Tory Administration, Swift's History
Gray would wish by all means to of the, in the press, ii. 360.
oblige him, iii. 336.
Tour of the Lakes, Gilpin's, i. 279.
and Lord Lisburne, his distress of Tour of the western counties, Gray's,
circumstances, iii. 402.
iii. 379-381.
Gray suggests application for chap- Townsend, Charles, William White-
lainship of Leghorn on behalf of, head's verses to, ii. 220.
iii. 402.
accepts office, but not what he as-
reference to, iii. 401.
pired to, ii. 292.
refused post of Secretary of State
ing the, iii. 187.
Templeman, Dr. Peter, keeper of the reference to his death, 282.
British Museumi reading-1'oom, iii.l. Townsend, General, his relations with
biographical note on, iii. 1.
I Wolfe before Quebec, iii. 25.
translator of Norden's Travels in adventure with an Indian boy, iii. 25.
Egypt, ii. 194.
Tractatus, universi juris, published by
Tenducci,' Ferdinando, reference to, ii. | Zilettus, ii. 368.
65.
Traigneau, Professor, ii. 122.
Tént, Ode on a, William Whitehead's, Translations, i. 143-160.
ii. 220.
editorial note on, i. 144.
Tenter-grounds, description of, i. 268. Travelling, difficulty of, between old
Terrick, Bishop of London, reference Park and York, iii. 348.
to, iii. 202.
Travelling, On the Abuse of
Thanet, Earl of, his castle at Skipton, West, ii. 90.
i. 279.
Trebia, battle of, Llegiacs suggested by,
Theatres, common, subject to outrage i. 177.
ous riots, iii. 157.
Trevigi, Girolamo da, his style of draw-
Theirre, Madame de, reference to, ii. 128. ing, i. 319.
in writ-
refund a peerage death, 292tions with
INDEX.
393
Henry
Trevor, Dr. Richard, Bishop of St. Union, The, a Scotch collection of
David's and of Durham, ii. 241. I poems containing Gray's Elegy, i.
Trevor, Mr. (Hambden), designs some 227.
wall-paper, iii. 121.
Urry, see D'Urry.
Trial of Scotch Lords, ii. 139.
Utrecht, T. Tickell's poem on the
Trinity College, Cambridge, E
peace of, ii. 219.
VIII. its benefactor, i. 95.
Trip'to Cambridge, or the grateful Tair, VAGA, Perin del, reference to the
a comedy by Smart, ii. 162.
painter, i. 321.
Trissino, his invention of Blank Deca Valence or Valentia, Mary de, Countess
syllabic verse without Rhyme or of Pembroke, foundress of Pem-
Italian Heroic Measure, i. 343.
broke College, i. 95; ii. 280.
Tristram Shandy, popularity of Sterne's, Valet, The Lying, farce by Garrick, i.
iii. 36.
213.
inuch humour in, iii. 53.
Valkyriur, description of the, i. 55.
Triumphs of Owen, The, a fragment, Vane, Harry, Impromptu on, i. 140.
i. 67.
journies to the north, ii. 238.
editorial note on, i. 68.
reference to, ii. 178.
Trollope, Mr., referred to by Gray, ii. Vane, Rev. Mr., the younger, circum-
117, 118, 121, 123, 138, 161, 164. stances of his ordination, ii. 231.
at Dev'reux Court, 'ii. 159.
ordained by the Archbishop of York,
Tucker, Dean of Gloucester, Warbur. ii. 232.
ton's remark to, ii. 327.
Vanrobais, Madame, her famous manu-
Tudors, History of the, Hume's, ii. 396. facture of cloth at Abbeville, iii.
Tully ad Familiares, Épistles of, by Rev.| 358.
J. Ross, ii. 193.
Vauxhall preferred to Ranelagh Gar-
Turner, Dr. Shallet, of Peterhouse, his dens, ii. 125.
declining health, iji. 21.
Vavasor, Mr., his residence of Weston,
his death, iii. 136.
i. 280.
Turnpike Riots at Leeds, ii. 240. Velleron, Marquis de Cambis, The
Tuthill, Henry, Dr. T. Wharton's in Pope's Lieutenant - General in
fluence solicited on his behalf, i... France, ii. 27.
Verneuil, Marqse. de, Henri IV.'s pro-
biographical note, ii. 178.
posal to marry the, ii. 281.
elected a Fellow of Pembroke, ii. 188. Verrio, Antonio, his paintings at Chats-
Gray anticipates his success as a worth, ii. 135.
Tutor, ii. 197.
Verse, Table of the measures of, with
inclebted to Dr. Keene's interest for authorities and the order of the
his fellowship, ii. 201.
Rhymes, i. 343.
votes for Mr. Spencer at Pembroke Vertue, George, his MSS. purchased by
College, ii. 228.
Walpole, i. 305.
references to, ii. 138, 161, 197, 230,|| his engravings of Chaucer, i. 306.
264, 308.
known by Burroughs, Master of
Twitcher, Jemmy; or The Cambridge) Caius, i. 307.
Courtship, i. 131.
discovers Jobn of Padua to be the
editorial note on, i. 131.
architect of Somerset House, i.
Two Odes, a satire against Mason and 307.
Gray, iii. 53.
Ververt, by Gresset, ii. 184.
Tyre, Cardinal Archbishop of, ii. 62. Verzenáy, famous for red wine, i. 239.
Tyrrell, reference to young, iii. 208. Vicissitude, Ode on the pleasure arising
Tyson, Mi., of Bene't College, his from, i. 123.
drawing for Tophet, i. 139.
editorial note on, i. 123.
Victory, popular superstition in Lyd-
gate's time of decisive, i. 389.
UBALDINI, Ubaldino, verses by, i. 368. Villeneuve, Huon de, quotation from
Union of poetry, music, and the dance the verse of, i. 337.
with painting aná architecture, Villevielle, Marquis de, visits Gray, iii.
might bestow the sublimest plea 372, 374.
sure, iii. 155.
Villiers, Lord, his interest for Lord
causes to binder, ii. 156.
Nuneham, ii. 309, 311.
145.
394
INDEX.
Vine, The, Mr. Chute's residence, iii. | Walpole, Horace, entertained by Coun-
271.
tess Suarez, ii. 53.
Virgidemiarium, Bishop Hall's, Gray's his epistle to Mr. Ashton, ii. 90, 221,
opinion of, ii. 233.
225.
Viry, Comte de, marriage of his son to cause of Gray's quarrel with, ii. 124.
Miss Speed, iii, 83.
Gray's reconciliation with, ii. 207. :
value of his estate, iii. 83.
Gray visits him at Stoke, ii. 207.
Minister at Turin, iii. 236.
Gray visits him in Arlington Street,
Viry, Countess de, see Miss Speed.
ii. 139.
Vivares, Landscape painter, visits Mal his disposition towards Gray, ii. 143.
tham, i. 278.
takes a residence at Windsor, ii, 143.
Voix du Sage et du Peuple, reference to, paper on Message Cards by, ii. 143.
ii. 229.
Advertisement on Good Breeding, ii.
Voltaire, Crébillon's Catalina and, ji. 143.
193.
presents the Marquis Rinuccini, ii.
Gray's opinion of, iii. 173, 192.
145.
gains restitution from the Parlia Gray condoles with him on the loss
ment and Court of France for the 1 of his cat and encloses the Ode, ii.
family of Calas, iii. 173.
165.
his Philosophic Dictionary, iii. 187. MS. of the Ode on the death of Wal-
his Lewis XIV., ii. 204.
pole's cat, i. 10.
History of Crusades believed to be elected a F.R.S., ii. 166.
by, ii. 229.
sends Gray a copy of Spence's Poly-
his satire on Rousseau called Guerre metis; ii. 172.
de Gencve, iii. 271.
Gray's Elegy in a churchyard sent for
his Poeme sur la Desastre de Lisbon, his criticism, ii. 210.
ii. 285.
requested' to ask Dodsley to print
"He must have a very good stomach the Elegy, ii. 210.
that can digest," iii. 378.
Gray's Elegy first published by, with
a preface, i. 72; ii. 211.
WAKEFIELD's Life of Gray, reference to, Gray sends a copy of Mason's Elfrida,
ii. 124.
ii. 212.
Waldegrave, Lord, Gray dines with him his fable of The Entail, ii. 214. .
in Paris, ii. 21.
Gray's advice upon the proposed
marries Miss Maria Walpole-a hand Memoirs, ii, 215.
some couple, ii. 396.
Epistle to Mr. Eckardt, the painter,
Wales, Frederick Prince of, verses on ii. 221.
the death of, ii. 119.
Gray's facetious enquiry concerning
Walker, Dr. Richard, Fellow and Vice the Memoirs, ii. 226.
Master of Trinity, his death, note opinion of Gray's Long Story shown
on, iii. 188.
by his reply to Mrs. French, ii. 228.
Wall-papers, reference to, iii. 110, 118 preserves the fragment of The Char.
119, 120-121.
acters of the Christ-Cross-Row, i. 210.
Walpole, Sir Edward, marriage of his letter in which Gray introduced
natural daughter Maria, ii. 396.
them, i. 212.
Walpole, Horace, Earl of Orford, friend requested not to preface the Poems
and schoolfellow of Gray, ii. 6.
with Gray's vignette, ii. 235.
Inspector-General of Exports and bis opinion of Mr. Stonehewer, ii.
Imports, ii. 13.
241.
resigns and becomes Usher of the his Gothic residence, ii. 253.
Exchequer, ii. 13.
ill of a fever in London, ii. 272.
travels with' Gray through France, asked to obtain the influence of Mr.
ii. 17.
Fraser and Duke of Bedford on be-
resolves at wish of Sir Robert Wal half of Dr. Brown, ii. 289.
pole to visit Italy, ii. 39.
prints Gray's Odes at his Twicken-
his spaniel "Tory” carried off by a ham Press, ii. 319, 322.
wolf, ii. 40.
prints Gray's Bard for Dodsley, ii.
visits the Court of Turin, ii. 44.
320.
entertained by Prince Craon at his opinion of Mason's Caractacus, ii.
Florence, ii. 52.
332.
INDEX.
395
Walpole, Horace, prints Lord Whit-, Warburton, William, his knowledge of
worth's Account of Russia at Straw- Druidical and Celtic belief, ii. 351.
berry Hill, ii. 373.
his New Legation, ii. 369.
description of a new bed-chamber at his remarks on the Deans of Glou-
Strawberry Hill, iii. 11.
cester and Bristol, ii. 327.
nearness of his residence to Houns his criticism of Gray's Odes, ii. 341.
low, iii. 15.
and Hurd's criticism of Caractacus
slight description of his Mosaic called that of Prior Park, ii. 393.
window, iii. 17.
breaks his arm in Prior Park, iii.
consulted by Gray on the Erse frag 145.
ments, iii. 45, 127.
his serinon to the Court against illi-
his Anecdotes of Painting, its engray terate preferment, iii. 202.
ings, iii. 125.
attacked by Dr. Louth, iii. 224.
Gray's review of The Lives of the reference to, iii. 117, 129.
Painters, i. 304,
Wardlaw, Lady, her balla'l of Hardi-
advice upon an editorship offered canute, iii. 45.
him by the Court, iii. 126.
Warton Crag, near Lancaster, i. 270.
visits Gray at Cambridge, iii. 150. Warton, Joseph, reference to his poem
his new gallery all Gothicism, gold of the Enthusiast, ii. 121.
and crimson, iii. 150.
his Poeins, ii. 159.
purchased in Suffolk a waggon-load receives MS. of Gray's Amatory Lines
of old moveables, iii. 151.
from Mr. Leman, i. 137.
sends Gray a copy of the Castle of Warton, Thomas, Gray's esteen of his
Otranto, and a pamphlet concern talents, and upon request sends
ing libels, etc., iii. 191.
him a Design for a History of Eng-
his career in Paris, 1765, his health lish Poetry, iji. 365.
in a deplorable state, iii. 236.
his qualifications as the Historian of
sends Gray the Historic Doubts, iii. English Poetry, i. 53.
303.
| Warwick, description of, and its castle,
Gray's criticism of it, iii. 304-307, 134. ii. 256-257.
Gray describes the London and Glas- 1 church, Earls of Warwick buried in,
gow editions of his Poems, iii. 308. ! ii. 257.
referred to an ancient MS. in Benet Water-glasses, see Glasses.
Library, iii. 311.
Waterland, Dr. Daniel, reference to, ii.
criticised by Guthrie in the Critical 169.
Review, iii. 313.
his Scripture Vindicated, ii. 215,
his noted copy of Gray's Sizc Poems Water Nymph, Mason's Ode to ab, ii.
• inserted in the Graiana of Mr. Mor 184.
ris, iv. 340.
Watson, Mr., public tutor of Lord
references to, i. 311; iii. 192, 225, Richard Cavendish, iii. 331.
226, 227, 255.
Weather record
Walpole, Lord, of Wolterton, reference July-August, 1759, iii. 13.
to, ii. 287.
September-November, 1759, iii. 1S.
Walpole, Sir Robert, Earl of Orford, April-June 3,1760, iii. 54-55.
his seat of Houghton Hall, ii. 11. January 1761, iii. 92.
directs his son Florace to go to February-April, 1763, iii. 153-154.
Italy, ii. 39.
January—March, 1766, iii. 568-369.
Parliamentary inquiry into his con November 3-December 14, 1767, iii.
duct, ii. 134.
293.
Walpole, Lady, death of, ii. 9.
January, April 1770, jii. 368.
Wanstead, reference to a house of Weddell, William, of Newby, reference
Gray's at, ii. 263.
to, iii. 197.
Want, the niother of inferior Art, i. with Rev. Norton Nicholls, iii. 240.
119.
reference to, iii. 266.
Warburton, William, Bishop of Glou at York, iii. 284.
cester, anecdote of, i. 127.
Welsh fragments, i. 129-130.
his Reflections on the Miraculous editorial note on, i. 129.
Powers, ii. 128.
language, remarks on, i. 381.
defence of Pope, ii. 131.
Wemyss, Earl of, his second son takes
admires Gray's Odes, ii. 325.
the name of Charteris, i. 275.
396
INDEX.
Wentworth, Lady Harriet (Marquis of | Whaley, Dr., reference to, ii. 159.
Rockingham's sister) marries her | Wharton, R., advice as to educating
footman, iii. 183.
I his son at Eton, iii. 86-87, 106-107.
eorbarks for America, iji. 185.
cleath of, iii. 167.
West, Gilbert, reference to On the Wharton, Thomas, M.D., Fellow of
Abuse of Travelling, by, ii. 90.
Peinbroke College, his MSS. of
his contribution to Dodsley's Mis Gray, i. xiv.
cellaneous Poeins, ii. 180.
Gray's Epitaph on his infantson, i.126.
note on, ii. 180.
note on, ii. 61.
West, Richard (the Favonius of Gray), Gray dubs hiin Sir Thomas and
effect of his criticism of Agrippina, wishes him a great career, ii. 118.
i. 101.
influence solicited on behalf of Tuto
Sapphic Ode sent to, i. 174.
hill, ii. 145, 185. .
Sapphics sent to, i. 176-177.
asked his opinion of Thucydides, ii.
Carmen ad C. Favonium Zephyrinum 147.
sent to, i. 177.
Gray requests a small loan, and its
fragment of a Latin poem on The repayment, ii. 156, 176, 177.
Gaurus sent to, i. 179-181.
Gray asks the loan of twenty guineas,
Farewell to Florence sent to, i. 191.
ii. 195.
biographical notes on, i. 110; ii. 1. contemplated marriage of, ii. 157.
his personal appearance, ii. 45.
reference to his marriage, ii. 176.
loss of his companionship regretted Gray sends him the Ode on Walpole's
by Gray, ii. 2.
cat, ii. 164; i. 10.
advised by Gray to learn Italian, ii. 7.|| interest soughton behalf of C. Smart,
his Latin Elegy Ad Amicos, ii. 8.
ii. 179.
writes an Elegy in reference to the sympathises with Gray on the loss
Venus de Medicis of Florence, ii. 55. of his house in Cornhill, ii. 181-182.
assured of Gray's unalterable friend congratulated on the christening of
ship, ii. 96-97. :
his daughter, ii. 185.
his fragment of the Tragedy of Paris Gray asks his opinion of Stonehewer,
sanias, ii. 103.
ii. 187.
sends Gray some hexameters on a Gray sends him The Alliance of Idri-
cough, ii. 106.
cation and Government, ii. 187.
his translation of Tacitus com asked to obtain the influence of Dr.
mended, ii. 111.
Keene on behalf of Stonehewer, ii.
praise of his Ode on May, ii. 112.
198.
his death, and its cause, i. 2; i. 113. contemplates a change of practice, ii.
Gray's Sonnet on his death, i. 110.
202-203.
reference to, ii. 167.
Gray sends him a copy of the Elegy,
note as to the publication of his ii. 228.
poems, ii. 171.
Gray directs that two copies of his
his Monody on the death of Queen Poems should be sent to, ii. 237.
Caroline, ii. 180, 222.
birth of a son, ii. 238.
Westminster Abbey, fragment of an Gray proposes to visit him at Studley,
Act of Parliament relative to; one ii. 240.
of the lost pieces by Gray, i. 142. desires to change his residence, ii.
Westminster Hall, Gray's account of 252-253.
George III.'s coronation in, iii. 110 the Progress of Poesy submitted to
116.
bim, ii. 260 ; i. 2.
Westminster Theatre, reference to, iii. reference to his politics, ii. 259, 261.
270.
requested to pay the fire policies on
Duke of York, Lady Stanhope, the Gray's property, ii. 263.
Delavals, etc., play parts in, iii. 270. Gray asks to be entertained as an
Weymouth, Thomas, third Viscount, invalid at Wharton's house, ii. 273.
his marriage to Lady Elizabeth reference to his profession, ii. 274.
Bentinck, iii. 395.
Gray asks him to procure a rope
presents living of Frome to Dr. Ross, ladder to be used in escaping from
iii. 32.
drunken visitors, ii. 276.
offered Spain (Ambassador ?), iii. 255. his desire that Mr. Eurd should treat
reference to, iii. 294.
Dr. Akenside leniently, ii. 299.
INDEX.
397
tionen
Wharton, Thomas, told that Gray's Odes / Wharton, Thomas, desires a drawing-
are not at all popular, ii. 323.
master for his daughters, iii. 283.
Gray mentions the criticisms on the Gray sends books requested, also
Odes to, ii. 330-331, 341.
family presents, who are mentioned
congratulated upon recovery of his by nickname, iii, 291-292.
family, ii. 340.
what does he think of Mason's plans
Gray condoles with him on the death for his grounds ? iii. 292.
of his son, ii. 361.
Gray hopes the asthma has not re-
his dejection, ii. 365.
turned, iii. 294.
residing at Hampstead, ii. 377.
Gray, consulted in a tythe dispute,
purchases a picture believed to be by endeavours to dissuade Wharton
old Fran[c]k, ii. 384.
from pursuing it, iii. 314-317.
Gray troubles him to accommodate Gray relates the manner of his ap-
some baskets of china, ii, 385.
pointment to the Chair of Modern
Gray sends him 'same with inventory, History, iii. 321.
and asks that they may be insured, his nephew admitted to Pembroke
ii. 387-389.
College, iii. 340.
complimented upon owning a will visit Mason at York, on horse-
“ Pieta," ii. 389.
back, from Old Park, iii. 349.
once lived in Southampton Row, ii. Gray hopes he got safe home after his
397.
troublesomne night of asthma, ii.
removes to his paternal estate of 350.
Old Park, ii. 397; iji. 17, 21, 49, 133. Gray writes the Journal of the Lakes
keeps record of temperature for July for his amusement, iii. 350.
| 1759, ii. 398.
sends Gray an object of natural his-
Gray unable to purchase old tapestry tory, iii. 352.
for, iii. 10.
illness of his daughter, iii. 21, 368.
proposes to have a painted window, Gray tells him of his journey through
Gray's proposal for same, iü. 17. the western counties, iii. 379-380.
birth of a son, iii. 49.
MS. of Impromptu on Lord Holland's
has recovered his hearing, iii. 64. house, i. 135.
illness and death of his sister-in-law, Whateley, Thomas, his Observations on
iii. 82, 121.
Gardening and account of the Wye,
Gray's advice on an Eton education i iii. 380.
for his nephew, iii. 86-87, 106-107. Wheeler, J., has returned from Lisbon,
Gray advises him upon colourcd iii. 238.
glass, iii. 102-103.
Whitehead, William, Gray's opinion of
Gray advises him upon Gothic wall his Ode on a Tent, etc., ii. 220.
paper and its cost, iii. 110, 118-121. Birthday Ode for 1758, ii. 390, 391.
visited by Gray at Old Park, iii, 133. Ode for the New Year', ii. 394.
Gray buys him some rout-chairs, their ) his School for Lovers, iii. 128.
price, iii. 137.
Gray pleased with his Charge to the
confinement of Mrs. Wharton, iii. 138. Poets, iii. 128.
condolement on the death of R. Elegy against Friendship, iii. 128, 131.
Wharton, iii. 167.
Gray would rather steal his verse
protection of his sister Ettrick from than his sentiment, iii. 138.
a brutal husband, iii. 199-200, 245. Whithe[a]a, Francis, reference to, ii.
cntertains Gray, Dr. Halifax, and 1 125, 136, 137, 207.
Dr. Louth at Old Park, iii. 208. biographical note, iii. 205.
entertains Gray and Dr. Brown, iii. Whitworth, Lord, his Account of Russia,
274.
printed at Strawberry Hill, ii. 373.
they accompany him to Barnard Wilkes, John, speech by, ii. 39.
Castle, Rokeby, and Richmond, his pursuit of Lord Halifax, iii. 39.
iii, 277.
likely to be chose for the city of Lon-
contemplates with Gray a tour don, iii. 317.
through Westmoreland and Cum like to lose his election (in 1771, but
berland, iii. 277.
returned top of the poll), iii. 406.
taken ill with asthma while on a Wilkinson, Mr., reference to, ii, 177.
visit to the Lakes with Gray, his his influence at Pembroke College,
return home, iii. 281, 351.
ii, 228.

condolement. 167.
mttrick from
398
INDEX.
Wilkinson; Miss, about to marry Mr. Wollaston, Miss, marries Dr. Heber-
T. Pitt, iii. 406.
den, iii. 29.
Wilkinson,' Mrs., reference to, iii. Wolsey's, Cardinal, villa at Esher, ii.
274.
253.
William of Sens, built the choir of Women, frailties of, the favourite
Canterbury Cathedral, iii, 316.
theme of conversation, i. 403.
William Shakespeare to Mrs. Anne, a Wood, Rev. John, curate to Mason, ii.
poem by Gray, iü. 205-206.
309.
Williams, Bishop, portrait as lord reference to, ii. 395.
keeper, i. 311.
Mason engaged to, iii. 328. .
Williams, Mr., friend of Gray and Wal- Wood, Robert, author of Ruins of Pal-
pole, iii. 71.
myra, disappointed at Gray's pro-
Williams, Sir Charles Hanbury, has helductions, ii. 328, 331.
gone to Berlin ? ii. 227..
Duke of Bridgewater's companion in
death of his daughter Lady Essex, ii. Italy, ii. 328.
401, iii. 3.
gone to Chatstvorth, iii. 124.
Williams, Sir William Peers, about to Woodhouse, Tytler, Lord, his Essay on
take part in a secret expedition, Petrarch against the Abbé de Sade,
iii. 68.
iii. 235.
Montagu one of his executors, ii. Woodville [Widville), Elizabeth, wife
104.
of Edward IV., i. 95.
Gray requested to write his Epitaph, Wormius, Olaus, his preservation of
iii. 109.
the Anglo-Saxon poem of Ransom
Gray's first thoughts for an Epitaph, 1 of Ligit, i. 362.
iii. 109.
Wren, Sir Christopher, his opinion
Epitaph on, i. 128.
that Gothic architecture is the
Walpole's description of, i. 128.
Saracen or Moorish, ii. 255.
Williamson, Mr., friend of Dr. Beattie, rebuilt Warwick church, ii. 257.
reference to, iii. 278.
Writing, Gray on good, ii. 199.
visits Gray at Cainbridge to which he Wroxton, residence of Duke of Guild-
walked from Aberdeen, iii. 280. ford, ii. 258.
Willis's Mitred Abbies, reference to, ii. Wyat, Sir J., Gray's transcript of his
377.
defence offered to H. Walpole, i.
Willoughby's Book of Fishes, iii. 291. 312.
Book of Birds, prices realised for Wyatt, Sir Thomas, his verse, i. 334.
copies, iii. 291.
Wyatt, Rev. William, Fellow of Pem-
Wilson, Benjamin, portrait painter, broke, reference to, and note on,
Dr. Plumptre and Gray sit to, iii. iii. 353.
.16.
Wye, River, Gray's account of, iii.
Wilson, Dr. Christopher, Bishop of
1 380.
Bristol, his fortunate acquirement Gilpin's Observations on the river
of wealth, iii. 75.
submitted to Gray, iii. 380.
King George III.'s reproof to, iii.
75.
biographical note on, iii. 75.
YARMOUTH, Lady, her son christened
Wilson, Colonel, his house in Kenda by Mason, ii. 354.
i. 269.
George II.'s bequest to, iii. 71.
Wilson, Thomas, Fellow of Pembroke Yonge or Young, Philip, Bishop of
College, iii. 384.
Bristol, Duke of Newcastle's re-
Winstanley, Mr., private tutor to Lord mark to, ii. 371.
Richard Cavendish, iii. 331.
reference to a caricature of, by
Winston, reference to, jii. 152.
Mason, iii. 55.
Winter of 1763-4 hot and unseason-1 translated to Norwich, iii. 105.
able, iii. 169.
York, Mrs. Charles, death of, and one
Winter of 1771, iii. 391-392.
of her children, ii. 401. :
Woburn, residence of Duke of Bedford, attended by Drs. Heberden and
ii, 258,
Taylor', ii. 401.
Wollaston, Wm., quotation from his York, Duke of, his popularity, iii. 89-
Religion of Nature Delineated, i. 90.
290.
| anecdote concerning, iii. 90.


VI
INDEX.
399
York, Duke of, speaks in Opposition, Yorkshire, Gray's journey through part
on the American question, iü. 270. of, ii. 133-134.
his private theatricals, iii. 270. see Lakes, Journal of.
York Minster, ruin of a Gothic chapel Young, Professor, author of a satirical
in precincts of, Gray's opinion of criticism on the Elegy, i. 208.
its being the chapel of St. Sepul-
chre, iii. 140-144.
period and style of its construction ZEPHYRINUM, Carmen ad C. Faponium,
and architecture, iii, 145-147.
i. 177-178.
Yorke, James, succeeds to the deanery Zilettus of Venice, publisher of Trac-
of Dr, Greene, iii, 105.
· tutus universi juris, ii. 368.
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