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jumber of different emotions.
X - * - . - - - :-
. . . . . . * ~... intimely death of a good man.
We Would show our regret that our
nation has lost the Chief Magis-
strate of its choice. We would ex-
tº wohlan who has been suddenly
a befºil of the kindest and most con-
sidžhte of husbands. We are filled
tº shame that in our Republic,
if ||and where all men are free
ºf{equal wherever they behave
éºn]selves as men, the land which
- ~ * aşilo rulers save the public ser-
vaſt s of its own choosing, a deed
sº liké this should be possible. We
ºwoul'ſ express our detestation of
that kind of political and social
agitation whi
: worki ng reform save through in-
. “ . . .”
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timidation and killing. We would
º wish to find the true lessons of this
… eve : and would not let even the least
of tº
r
rem fall on our ears unheeded.
one plain lesson is this:
Democracy all violence is
aftºn. Whosoever throws a stone
aſscab teamster, whosoever fires
|º meet today under the sway
Would express our sorrow at
º, pref: our sympathy with the gentle
tion which finds no method of
The central fact of all democ-
racy is agreement with law. It is
our law ; we have made it. . If it is
wrong we can change it, but the
compact of democracy is that we
change it in peace. ‘The sole
source of power under God is the
consent of the governed.’ This
Cromwell once wrote across the
statute books of parliament. This
our fathers wrote in other words in
our own Constitution. The will of
the people is the sole source of any
statute you or I may be called on
to obey. It is the decree of no
army, the dictum of no President.
It is the work of no aristocracy ;
not of blood or of wealth. It is
simply our own understanding that
we have to do right, shall behave
justly, shall live and let our neigh-
bor live. If our law is tyrannous, it
is our ignorance which has made it
so. Let it pinch a little and we
shall find out what hurts us. Then
it will be time to change. Laws are
made through the ballot, and
through the ballot we can unmake
them. There is no other honest
way, no other way that is safe, and
no other way which is effective. To
break the peace is to invite
tyranny. Lawlessness is the ex-
pression of weakness, of ignorance,
of unpatriotism. If tyranny pro-
voke anarchy, so does anarchy
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necessitate tyranny. Confusion
brings the man on horseback. It
was to keep away both anarchy
and tyranny that the public school
was established in America.
Three times has our nation
been called upon to pass into the
shadow of humiliation, and each
time in the past it has learned its
severe lesson. When Lincoln fell,
slavery perished. To the American
of today human slavery in a land
of civilization is almost an im-
possible conception, yet many of
us who think ourselves still young
can remember when half of this
land held other men in bondage
and the dearest hope of freedom
was that such things should not go
on forever. I can remember when
we looked forward to the time
when “at least the present form of
slavery should be no more.” For
democracy and slavery could not
subsist together. The Union could
not stand—half slave, half free.
The last words of Garfield were
these: Strangulatus pro Republica
(slain for the republic). The
feudal tyranny of the spoils system
which had made republican admin-
istration a farce, has not had, since
Garfield’s time, a public defender.
It has not vanished from our poli-
tics, but its place is where it
belongs—among the petty wrongs
of maladministration.
Again a President is slain for
the Republic—and the lesson is the
homely one of peace and order,
patience and justice, respect for
ourselves through respect for the
law, for public welfare, and for
public right.
For this country is passing
through a time of storm and stress,
a flurry of lawless sensationalism.
The irresponsible journalism', the
industrial wars, the display of
hastily gotten wealth, the grašping
cay of the sense of justice.
other cases, the symptoms fee the
disease, as well as indicate it, The
deed of violence breeds more bleeds
of violence ; anarchy projvokes
hysteria, and hysteria makes an-
archy. The unfounded schndal
sets a hundred tongues to wagging,
and the seepage from the glutter
reaches a thousand homes.
The journal for the weak-minded
and debased makes heroes of those
of its class who carry folly over
into crime. The half-crazy egotist
imagines himself a regicide; and
his neighbor with the clean shirt is
his oppressor and therefore his
natural victim. Usually his heart
fails him, and his madness spends
itself in foul words. Sometimkes it
does not, and the world stands
aghast. But it is not alone against
the Chief Magistrate that
thoughts and deeds are º
There are usually others Within
closer range. There is scarcéſly a
man in our country, prominent in
any way, statesman, banker, mer-
chant, railway manager, clergy-
man, teacher even, that had not,
somewhere, his would-be Neſmesis,
some lunatic with a sensational








newspaper and a pistol prepared to
take his life.
Thy gospel of discontent has no
º within our Republic. It is
true, as has often been said, that
discontent is the cause of human
progréss. It is truer still, as Mr.
ſºr Irish has lately pointed
out, that discontent may be good
# according to its relation to
a ſ]] a, Il
kainst himself. It leads the
* º
pairs in himself, then to take up
the struggle again. There is a
cowardly discontent, which leads
a man to blame all failure on
his prosperous neighbor or on so-
ciety at large, as if a social system
existed apart from the men who
make it. This is the sort of dis-
content to which the agitator ap-
peals, that finds its stimulus in
sensational journalism. It is that
which feeds the frenzy of the
assassin who would work revenge
on society by destroying its ac-
cepted head.
It is not theoretical anarchism or
socialism or any other “ism”
which is responsible for this.
Many of the gentlest spirits in the
world today call themselves an-
archists, because they look forward
to theft time when personal meek-
ness ſhall take the place of all
statutes. The gentle anarchism of
the obtimistic philosopher is not
that which confronts us today. It
is the anarchy of destruction, the
hatred of class for class; a hatred
that rests only on distorted imag-
ination, for, after all is said, there
are no classes in America. It
is the hatred imported from the
Old World, excited by walking
delegates whose purpose it is to
carry a torch through society; a ha-
tred fanned by agitators of whatever
sort, unpractical dreamers or con-
scienceless scoundrels, exploited in
the newspapers, abetted by So-
called high society with its dis-
play of shoddy and greed, and
intensified by the cold, hard self-
ishness which underlies the power
of the trust. All these people,
monopolists, social leaders, walk-
ing delegates, agitators, sensa-
tionalists, dreamers, are alien to
our ways, outside the scope of our
democracy, and enemies to good
citizenship.
The real Americans, trying to
live their lives in their own way,
Saving a little of their earnings
and turning the rest into educa-
tion and enjoyment, have many
grievances in these days of grasp-
ing trusts and lawless unions. But
of such free Americans our country
is made. They are the people, not
the trusts or the unions, nor their
sensational go-betweens. This is
their government, and the govern-
ment of the people, by the people,
and for the people shall not perish
from the earth. This is the people's
President—our President—who was
killed, and it is ours to avenge him.
Not by lynch law on a large or
small scale may we do it; not by
anarchy or despotism ; not by the
destruction of all who call them-
selves anarchists, not by abridging
freedom of the press nor by check-
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would wreak lawless vengeance on
the anarchists are themselves an-
... archists and makers of anarchists.
We have laws enough already
without making more for men to
~' . break. Let us get a little closer to
- the higher law. Let us respect our
own rights and those of our neigh-
Let us cease to .
tolerate sensational falsehood about
our neighbors, or vulgar abuse of .
bor a little better.
those in power. If we have bad
rulers, let us change them peace-
fully. Let us put an end to every
form of intimidation, wherever
practiced. The cause that depends
upon hurling rocks or epithets, on
clubbing teamsters or derailing
trains, cannot be a good cause.
Even if originally in the right, the
act of violence puts the partisans
of such a cause in the wrong. No
freeman ever needs to do such
things as these. For the final
meaning of democracy is peace on
earth, good will towards men.
When we stand for justice among
ourselves we can demand justice of
the monopolistic trust. When we
attack it with clear vision and cool
speech we shall find the problem of
combination for monopoly not
greater than any other. And large
or small, there is but one way for
us to meet any problem : to choose
wise men, clean men, cool men, the
best we can secure through our
-, * ~ * ... . .
speech. Those who 2* x
- º mutual respect and trust, givº
spiration to anarchy, pushes.
thought on to a foul word, ºftoul
method of the ballot, and then
to trust the rest in their hands.
The murder of the President has no
direct connection with industrial
war. Yet there is this connection,
that all war, industrial or other,
:
;
dividual man.
*... . . . e.
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loosens the bonds of Qrder, defºoys
* * *
3.
word on to a foul deed. ºf
“We trust that now that the
worst has come, the foulest fleed
has been committed, that Oul
wars may stop, not throug the
victory of one side over the ther,
the trusts or the unions now ſet off
against each other, but in thi
tory over both of the Am
and women who must pay f all,
and who are the real suffers in
every phase of the struggle.
Strangulatus pro Republica –
slain for the republic. The lesson
is plain. It is for us to take ºf into
our daily lives.
peace and good will, the lesſon of
manliness and godliness. Let U. S.
take it to ourselves, and our neigh-
bors will take it from us.
All civilized countries are ruled
by public opinion. If there be a
lapse in our civic duties, it is due
to a lapse in our keenness of vision,
our devotion to justice. This means
a weakening of the individual man,
the loss of the man himself in the
movements of the mass. Perhaps
the marvelous material develop-
ment of our age, the achievements
of the huge co-operation which sci-
ence has made possible, hās, over-
shadowed the importance of the in-
If so, we hay, only
to reassert ourselves. It is ºf men, .
individual men, clear-thihking,
God-fearing, sound-acting men,
and of these alone, that grºat na-
tions can be made. - - -







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