A 553611
1074
DUPL

H
1837
SCIENTIA
ARTES
LIBRARY VERITAS OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
FLUMBUS IKUL
T
TUEBOR
SH-QUAERIS-PENINSULAM AMOENAMI
CIRCUMSPICE
AWADADABADAWAVARATAVASZIKUMARKVARDAVADAMBURON UNI
17mm.
HUMILI
BX
4881
TG3
THE BOOKS OF THE VAUDOIS.
THE BOOKS OF THE VAUDOIS.

THE
PRESERVED IN THE
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS
LIBRARY OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN.
WITH AN APPENDIX,
CONTAINING
BY
LIBRARY
et is do
OF THE
54990
A CORRESPONDENCE (REPRINTED FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE) ON THE
POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS, THE ANTIQUITY AND GENUINENESS
OF THE WALDENSIAN LITERATURE, AND THE SUPPOSED
LOSS OF THE MORLAND MSS. AT CAMBRIDGE.
WITH MR. BRADSHAW'S PAPER ON HIS
RECENT DISCOVERY OF THEM.
ESITY OF MICHIG
London and Cambridge
MACMILLAN AND CO.
JAMES HENTHORN TODD, D.D., M. R. I. A., F. S. A.,
SENIOR FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE,
REGIUS PROFESSOR OF HEBREW IN THE UNIVERSITY,
AND PRÆCENTOR OF ST. PATRICK'S CATHEDRAL, DUBLIN.
HODGES, SMITH, & CO., DUBLIN.
£
FR
1865.
DUBLIN:
Printed at the University Press,
BY M. H. GILL.
>
WWRZE
PREFACE.
A VERY short statement will suffice to explain to
the reader the circumstances which gave birth to
the papers and correspondence re-printed in the
following pages.
In a work* now almost five and twenty years
before the public, I had occasion to examine at
some length the opinion of the learned Joseph
Mede, that the "time of the end," that is to say
(as he assumed), the end of the prophetic periods.
of 1290 and 1335 days, was to be characterized
by a new light communicated to the Church, as
to the interpretation of prophecy, in accordance
with the prediction (Dan. xii. 4), "Many shall
go to and fro, and knowledge" [of prophecy, as
Mede interprets] "shall be increased." He main-
tained that this increase of knowledge had been
manifested at the beginning of the twelfth cen-
tury by the discovery of a new, and up to that
*“Discourses on the Prophecies relating to Antichrist in the
Writings of Daniel and St. Paul." Dublin: 1840. Page 398, sq.
vi
PREFACE.
time unheard of, principle of interpreting the pro-
phecies relating to Antichrist. The Antichrist
("Kupiws dictus") had been previously looked for
in the person of an individual man, who should
obtain supreme power upon earth, teaching the
doctrines of Atheism and infidelity, setting him-
self up as an object of Divine worship, and seek-
ing by the most violent and bloody means to ex-
terminate Christianity. But now, in the twelfth
century, it was discovered that the Antichrist of
prophecy was not to be an individual, but a suc-
cession of individuals, namely, the series of Roman
Pontiffs, or the Papacy; that a deep and subtle
corruption, which still retained the name of Chris-
tianity, not Atheism or avowed infidelity, was to
be the character of this Antichristian power; that
it was already come, and had silently taken the
name of the Catholic Church, before any one sus-
pected its existence; and that no other Antichrist
was to be looked for.
In proof of all this, Mede relied upon a trea-
tise, which he assumed had been put forth by the
Waldenses,* and which had been dated 1120.
* That the Waldenses were not the originators of this new
interpretation of prophecy, as Mcde supposed, has been shown.
"Discourses on the Prophecies relating to Antichrist," &c.,
p. 27, sq.
PREFACE.
vii
This tract, entitled Qual cosa sia l'Antichrist, set
doctrine; Anti-
forth very distinctly the new
christ was discovered to be a 66
cosa,” and not a
person. The obvious inference was, that, if the
Papal power was the Antichrist, it was the duty
of all Christians to come out from the commu-
nion of the Roman Church.
Mede seems to have been under the erroneous
impression that the date 1120 was an integral part
of this treatise, and that its author or authors
claimed to have written in that year. It had been
circulated or made public, as he maintained, be-
tween the years 1120 and 1125, and therefore he
concluded that this period of five or six years must
be the "time of the end," when the 1290 and 1335
days of Daniel were to be accomplished. But it
turned out that the date, 1120, was no part of the
treatise itself. This was a mistake arising from
a typographical error in Perrin's history; and the
tract Qual cosa was independently proved, by ir-
resistible internal evidence, to belong to the
age of
the Reformation. It had been endorsed with the
early date, not without grave suspicion of fraud, by
Perrin, and after him by Leger, the Protestant his-
torians of the Vaudois. Even Mr. Faber himself,
with all his zeal for Waldensian antiquity, had been
forced to abandon the date of 1120, and to admit
viii
PREFACE.
that “it must be viewed as purely arbitrary, and as
altogether unauthoritative,"*-a decision which in-
cludes also several other tracts to which the same
date had been assigned by the same historians.
A new question was now suggested, which had
no reference to the interpretation of prophecy:
Where was this Treatise on Antichrist? Was the
MS. which Perrin asserted to be "en datte 1120,"
still extant? and was it possible to have it exa-
mined by competent scholars with a view to as-
certain its real character and pretensions?
Mr. Faber and Mr. (afterwards Dr.) Gilly had
distinctly stated that it was one of the MSS. which
had been deposited by Sir Samuel Morland in the
public library of Cambridge; and Mr. Gilly, in
the first edition of his Excursion to Piémont, had
spoken of it as being still there. This error, how-
ever, he corrected in subsequent editions of his
work, having in the mean time discovered that the
MS. was no longer at Cambridge. But he ad-
hered to the opinion that it was one of the Mor-
land MSS.; although Morland, in the Catalogue
of his MSS., published in his "History of the
Churches of Piedmont," made no mention of it,
and had actually published the Qual cosa sia l'An-
*" Inquiry into the History, &c., of the Vallenses and Albi-
genses," p. 370. See also p. 94, sq., of the present volume.
PREFACE.
ix
tichrist,* adopting its early date, on the authority
of Mr. Paul Perrin, without saying that he him-
self had ever seen a copy of it in MS., or had ever
had one in his own possession.
It was now ascertained by inquiries at Cam-
bridge, not only that the Treatise on Antichrist
had never been there, but that several of the
Morland MSS. had unaccountably disappeared.†
I was at first under the impression, from the in-
formation I had received, that they had all disap-
peared, and that there was no evidence of their
ever having been in the Cambridge library, except
the Catalogue of them printed by Morland, and
his distinct assertion that he had deposited them
there. The question was raised, were these MSS.
ever at Cambridge? Did Morland ever fulfil his
promise, or had he been induced by the troubles
and corrupt influences of the times in which he
lived, to alter his intentions, and send them to some
other depository? No Cambridge catalogue or
inventory, as I was at that time led to believe,
made any mention of the Morland MSS., nor was
there the smallest evidence that they had ever
been in the public library of that University.I
* History of the Churches of Piedmont,” p. 142.
t ↑ "Discourses on the Prophecies relating to Antichrist,” p. 402.
See p. 103 of the present volume.
X
PREFACE.
At this stage of my information on the subject.
I entered into a correspondence with the late
Hon. Algernon Herbert, and was much gratified
at finding that one so deeply learned in mediæval
history had arrived at the same conclusions as
myself with regard to the authenticity of the books
attributed to the Vaudois. He agreed with me
in distinguishing the ancient and undoubtedly ge-
nuine remains of the original Waldenses from the
treatises of the modern Vaudois, which internal
evidence demonstrated to have been composed at
the beginning of the sixteenth century, or trans-
lated from documents emanating from some
Hussite sect, or from the German and Swiss Re-
formers. To mark this distinction, Mr. Herbert
gives the Waldenses, properly so called, their old
name of Pauperes de Lugduno, or Poor of Lyons,
in the papers which will be found in the Appendix
to this volume; leaving to the modern sect the
appellation of Vaudois, although that name also is
ancient, and was borne by the original Waldenses.
*
Mr. Herbert, having been educated at Cam-
bridge, had opportunities which I did not possess
for investigating the real history of the Morland
MSS. I was under the impression, as I have al-
ready said, and I believe so was he,† at the time
*See Appendix to this volume, p. 100,101. † See p. 103, infra.
PREFACE,
xi
when our correspondence began, that all the Mor-
land MSS. had disappeared. This mistake led me
into an error, for which I must apologize. Having
observed that several documents now in Dublin,
and bearing undoubted marks of being originals,
agreed exactly with Morland's description of the
contents of his MSS. marked G and H, I too hastily
concluded that some of the actual papers once
contained in those volumes had found their way in
some unaccountable manner to Dublin. This sus-
picion I communicated to Mr. Herbert, and more
than one allusion to it will be found in his papers,
On the Poems of the Poor of Lyons.*
*
Subsequently, however, we ascertained that
these volumes were never missing, and that the
MSS. supposed to have been abstracted from the
Library were the six volumes marked A, B, C,
D, E, F, which were in many respects the most
important in the collection; for they contained the
celebrated poem called "The Noble Lesson," and
other genuine remains of the ancient Waldenses.
Mr. Herbert continued to the end of his life
under the impression that these six volumes had
been in some mysterious way "spirited away," as
he expressed it, from the Cambridge Library; and
See p. 21, of the present volume; and Appendix, p. 104,
143, 198.
xii
PREFACE.
he had also adopted the opinion that this abstrac-
tion was the result of a connivance between Mor-
land and Leger, having for its object a dishonest.
purpose.
He maintained also that the MS. now
at Geneva, containing the "Noble Lesson," was
the identical Morland volume B, which had been
removed from Cambridge.
These accusations drew from Dr. Gilly the va-
luable letter which has been reprinted, p. 151, sq.,
of the present volume. This letter contains a sug-
gestion,* which, with the encouragement given
by the editor of the "British Magazine," led to the
publication, in the pages of that valuable miscel
lany, of the Catalogue of Waldensian MSS. pre-
served in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
This Catalogue I have now been induced to pre-
sent to the public, in, it is hoped, a more conve-
nient form, with a few necessary corrections.
Dr. Gilly concludes his last letter on the sub-
ject of these MSS. by the remark: "We are ad-
vancing towards the truth, notwithstanding our
present disagreement."
After the lapse of almost four-and-twenty years,
I find myself (with the exception of the then Edi-
tor of the "British Magazine") the only survivor of
those who were engaged in this discussion. And I
*See p. 163 of this volume.
Tw
PREFACE.
xiii
can say
for my most valued friends and correspon-
dents, as well as for myself, that never were men
more honestly in search of truth, or more ready
to embrace what they discovered of it, in defiance
of all consequences. But who could have foretold
the result which our "advance towards the truth,"
after the lapse of so long a time, has produced?
Mr. Bradshaw's discovery* has now shown that
the missing MSS., and all the MSS. deposited by
Morland in the Public Library of Cambridge, have
been all along where they ought to have been;
that they had never been "spirited away;" and,
moreover, that they had never, since Morland's
time, been catalogued, never disturbed, not even
by librarian curiosity. Whilst we were discuss-
ing, a quarter of a century ago, the circumstan-
tial evidence which seemed to establish So '
strongly the dishonesty of Leger and the fraudu-
lent connivance of Morland, the supposed missing
volumes were lying unknown, and buried in their
dust, untouched for upwards of 200 years, on the
very shelf where Morland had placed them.
The other remarkable revelations of Mr. Brad-
shaw's paper open up new questions and new
researches. ·
* See p. 210 of the present volume.
xiv
PREFACE.
C
The celebrated line from which the date of
1100 has been claimed for the "Noble Lesson,"
must now be regarded as, to say the least, sus-
pected. The long lost Codex B is not identical
with that of Geneva; but it is proved beyond all
reasonable doubt to have been tampered with; and
another MS., hitherto unknown, plainly reads, in
the important passage alluded to, 1400 instead of
1100 years. The explanation of this remarkable
reading is a new subject of inquiry, upon which I
shall not now venture to pronounce.
For the evidence and details of this discovery
the reader is referred to Mr. Bradshaw's paper,
which, with the Author's kind permission, has
been reprinted as a fitting and very instructive
finale to the present volume.
THE WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS IN THE LIBRARY OF TRINITY COL-
LEGE, DUBLIN,
No. I.-The New Testament, with the Books of Proverbs, Eccle-
siastes, Cantica, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus, in the Romance
or Waldensian dialect (A. 4. 13),
No. II-A Collection of Letters and other Documents relat-
ing to the Mission of George Maurel and Pierre Masson to
Bucer and Oecolampadius (C. 5. 18),
No. III.-A Miscellaneous Collection of Prose Tracts in the
Romance or Waldensian patois (C. 5. 22),
No. IV.-Waldensian Poems and other Tracts (C. 5. 21.),
No. V.-Waldensian Prose Tracts (C. 5. 25),
No. VI.-A Miscellaneous Collection of Prose Tracts, entitled,
Liber de preciosa cosa (C. 5. 26),
No. VII.-A volume of Miscellaneous Prose Tracts (C. 4. 17),
No. VIII.-Waldensian Documents, Diocese of Ambrun (C. 4.
•
CONTENTS.
18),
No. IX. Processus contra Waldenses (C. 1. 6),
·
·
•
•
•
•
•
•
·
Page.
•
1
APPENDIX,
On the Poems of the Poor of Lyons, by the Hon. Algernon Her-
bert, No. I..
Perrin's History of the Vaudois, by the Rev. S. R. Maitland,
D. D.,
116
Date of the Noble Lesson, by the Hon. Algernon Herbert, 126
On the Poems of the Poor of Lyons, by the Hon. Algernon Her-
bert, No. II.,
Dr. Gilly's first Letter on the Noble Lesson and Waldensian
MSS.,
1
8
22
43
47
54
65
69
74
91
93
135
151
xvi
CONTENTS.
INDEXES,
APPENDIX-continued.
On the Poems of the Poor of Lyons, by the Hon. Algernon Her-
bert, Postscript to No. II., .
172
On the Poems of the Poor of Lyons, No. III.,
177
. 187
Dr. Gilly's second Letter on the Waldensian MSS.,
Dr. Gilly's third Letter,
. 197
. 209
On the age of the Genevan MS. of the Noble Lesson,
Discovery of the long-lost Morland MSS. in the Library of the
University of Cambridge, by Henry Bradshaw, Esq., M. A.,
Fellow of St. John's College, .
Index of Waldensian Treatises,
Index of Matters,
•
•
•
•
Page.
•
210
225
227
232
I
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS
IN THE
LIBRARY OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN.
No. I.
THE NEW TESTAMENT, WITH THE BOOKS OF PROVERBS, ECCLESI-
ASTES, CANTICA, WISDOM, AND ECCLESIASTICUS, IN THE ROMANCE
OR WALDENSIAN DIALECT. (Class A. Tab. 4, No. 13. Ex Bi-
blioth. Usser.)
THIS is a quarto volume, on parchment (size 8 inches by
6), in remarkably good preservation, and in a very legible
hand. On the back of the first leaf, which was originally
left blank, some early possessor of the volume has written,
in a hand of the sixteenth century, some texts of Scrip-
ture, and references, in the Romance language. The
initial letters are illuminated in red, blue, and green; and
the titles of the different books, chapters, &c., are inserted
in rubric. Marginal references are added throughout the
volume in pale red ink, and apparently by a more recent
hand than that of the text. Pointers and other marks,
made by some reader to draw attention to particular pas-
sages, are to be found on almost every page, and seem,
from the ink, to have been added, for the most part, by
B
2
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. I.
the same hand as the marginal references. In the latter
part of the volume, which contains certain books of the
Old Testament, the marginal references and pointers are
much less frequent than in the New Testament.
It is necessary to state, that in the Catalogue of the
MSS. of Trinity College, Dublin, published in the "Ca-
talogi librorum Manuscriptorum Angliæ et Hiberniæ in
unum collecti" (Fol. Oxon. 1697), this volume is de-
scribed as an Italian version (" Cod. Dubl. 609, Hiber-
niæ 749”); and this error is copied by Le Long, "Bi-
blioth. Sacr." tom. i. p. 354. (Folio edit., Paris, 1723).
The contents of the volume are as follows :—
1. The Gospel of St. Matthew; with the prologue of
St. Jerome, beginning, Cum mathio agues premierat. pre-
dica lauangeli en ieudea, &c. As a specimen of the lan-
guage and version, it may be well to quote the Lord's
Prayer, Matt. vi.: "D. uos orare enayi. O tu lo nostre
payre, loqual sies en li cel, lo teo nom sia sanctifica. Lo
teo regna uegna. La toa volunta sia fayta enaya. ilh es
fayta alcel sia fayta en la terra. Dona anos enquoy lo
nostre pan quottidian, e pardona anos li nre debit enayª.
nos pardonen a li nostre debitor. Enon nos menar en-
tentation. M. desliora nos de mal. Amen."
M
2. The Gospel of St. Mark; with a few sentences only
of the prologue, beginning, Marc euuangelista apostol de
dio, e filh desant peyre al batisme.
3. The Gospel of St. Luke; without any portion of St.
Jerome's prologue; but the first four verses of the first
NO. 1.] NEW TESTAMENT, PROVERBS, ETC.
3
chapter are separated from the Gospel, and prefixed as a
preface, and after them is the rubric, "Incipit euangelium
secundum lucam capitulo primo." The first chapter is
represented as beginning thus: "Mas un preire per nom
czacharia del lignage de abia fo en lidia de herode lo rey.”
This separation of the first four verses from the rest of
the Gospel is common in manuscripts and early printed
editions of the Vulgate. I have now before me a small
and very beautifully printed Latin Bible, "impressa per
magistrum Jacobum Sachon, anno Domini quingentesimo
vndecimo supra millesimum, die xiii. Januarii," in which
the same separation is to be found. It is almost univer-
sal in the English versions attributed to the Lollards, some
of which have omitted the first four verses altogether.
4. The Gospel of St. John,* with the prologue, A quest
es ioan euuangelista vn d'li desciple del segnor. The first
verse of the Gospel is thus translated :— "Lo filh era al
comencza*. e lo filh era enapres dio, e dio era lo filh." At
the end of this Gospel the scribe has written "DEo gra-
TIAS, Amen."
5. The Epistles of St. Paul, in the usual order. The
general preface of St. Jerome is omitted, but the pro-
logus specialis, the argumentum to the Epistle to the Ro-
* Since the foregoing account of this MS. was written, the late
Dr. Gilly, of Durham, has published the Gospel of St. John, under
the title, "The Romaunt Version of the Gospel according to St.
John, from MSS. preserved in Trinity College, Dublin, and in the
Bibliothèque du Roi, Paris" London (Murray), 1848.
B 2
4
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. I.
mans, and the short argumenta to the other Epistles are
prefixed in their proper places.
6. The Acts of the Apostles; with the prologue be-
ginning, Luc authiogient de la nacion de siri.
7. The Canonical Epistles, in the usual order. The
Prologus epistolarum canonicarum" is prefixed to the
Epistle of St. James; and there are also arguments pre-
fixed to the other Epistles, which, however, differ from
those found in the common editions of the Vulgate. That
prefixed to the Second Epistle of St. John, as it is short,
may be selected for a specimen-"Joan scri a vna femia
de babiloia laqual era appella per propi nom electa. E
monestant lei meseyª. eli na de ley quilh non se pertan
del prepausament d'la fe per li herege." The disputed
passage, 1 John, v. 7, is thus rendered: "C.* trei son
liqual donan testimoni al cel, lo paire elo filh, elo sanct
sperit, e aquisti trei son vn. E tres son liqual donan
testimoni en terra, sperit aigua e sang, e aquisti trei son
vn."
(6
8. The Apocalypse, without any preface or prologue.
At the end is written, in rubric, by the original scribe,
"Deo gratia. 1522;" a memorandum which enables us
to fix the date of this manuscript.
9. Then follow, on the same page and column, and in
the same handwriting as the rest of the volume, the five
books following, viz. :-
* The abreviation C. is for Car.
NO. I.]
5
NEW TESTAMENT, PROVERBS, ETC.
LO
(1.) The Book of Proverbs, with the prologue begin-
ning, Lentrepetratio deli 3 libre de salmon, masloth alqual
liabrio diczo parabola.
(2.) The Book of Ecclesiastes, "Aici comencza clesiates
A questas son las parollas declesiastes filh de dauid rei
d'hierlm." No prologue.
11
(3.) The Cantica Canticorum. This book is broken
into portions, distinguishing in rubric those parts which
are supposed to be spoken by the Church to Christ, those
which Christ is supposed to speak to the Church, and
those which are supposed to be spoken by an angel. As
a specimen, it may, perhaps, be worth while to transcribe
a portion of the first chapter.
"La uoucz de la gleisa desira lauenament de xpt. El
baise mi del baisat. de la soa boca. C. las toas pupas son
melhor de vin, plus odorant deli noble vnguent. Lo teo
nom es oli spars, emperczo, las iouentelas ameron tu. La
uoucz de la gleisa a xpt. Tirame enapres tu, e couren en
lodor deliteo vnguent. La uoucz d'la gleisa alegrant edic-
zent. Lo rei dintre mene mi en liseo celier, nos nos ex-
autaren, e nos alegraren entu recordador delas toas pupas
li dreiturier aman tu sobre vm. La uoucz de la gleisa d'li
seo apprenn'. O filhas d'hierlm yo soi mera, &c. .
La uoucz de la sinagoga. Li filh d'la mia maire, &c.
La uoucz de la gleisa a xpt. Demonstra ami aqual, &c..
Lo uoucz de x². a la gleisa. O bella entre las
femias, &c.
And so on throughout the whole
book.
6
[NO. I.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
(4.) The Book of Wisdom; with the short prologue
beginning, Lo libre de sapientia non setroba en alcun luoc.
(5.) The Book of Ecclesiasticus; with the prologue
beginning, De motas cosas e de grant son mostras anos.
Of this book the first twenty-three chapters only have
been written. The MS. ends with the twenty-third chap-
ter, in the middle of the first column of the first page
of a leaf, without any imperfection, and apparently as if
the scribe had never completed his work; the rest of the
page, together with three other blank pages which fol-
low, is ruled as if for a continuation; and there is no
mark of conclusion, or anything to indicate that the work
was regarded as finished.
From Le Long's list of Bibles "in Lingua Roma-
nensi,” it would seem that the foregoing five books were
very popular with the people for whose use such MSS.
were written; and if they were written for the Vaudois,
as it is very probable the MS. before us was, this cir-
cumstance must be regarded as an additional presump-
tion against the authenticity of those confessions of
faith and other documents, in which the Vaudois are
represented as distinguishing between the books of the
Apochrypha and the rest of holy Scripture, in language
exactly similar to that of the Reformation. No intima-
tion of the apocryphal or uncanonical character of the
books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus occurs in the MS.
we are describing. Le Long, however, appears to have
had no suspicions of the honesty of Perrin and Leger,
NO. I.]
7
NEW TESTAMENT, PROVERBS, ETC.
whose authority he cites for almost all the MSS. he
notices; he speaks of Morland's volumes E and F (the
former of which he erroneously calls D), as if they had
been in his time in Cambridge, but obviously without
pretending to any other knowledge of the fact than what
he inferred from Leger, whose words he quotes.
*
It may be well to remark, that there is nothing pecu-
liar to the MS. we have been describing, in the order in
which it gives the books of the New Testament. The
same order is to be found in many MSS. and early
printed copies of the Vulgate; and, for example, in the
edition of 1511, to which I have already alluded, now
before me.
It is also important to observe, that the MS. before
us has been in the library of Trinity College, Dublin,
since the Restoration, and that before that period it was
in the possession of Archbishop Ussher. The purport of
this remark will appear as we proceed.
* Le Long, "Bib. Sac.,” vol. i. p. 368, 369. Yet in another place
(p. 351) he speaks in general terms of having seen at Cambridge
the French version of the New Testament of 1534, with certain
MSS. of the Vaudois. "Hujus quoque editionis exemplum ecclesiæ
Valdensis monumentis mss. aliquot voluminibus comprehensis ad-
jectum, Cantabrigiæ in Bibliotheca publica, me evolvisse recordor.'
8
[NO. II.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
No. II.
A COLLECTION OF LETTERS AND OTHER DOCUMENTS RELATING TO
THE MISSION OF GEORGE MAUREL AND PIERRE MASSON TO BUCER
AND OECOLAMPADIUS, IN 1530. (Class C. Tab. 5, No. 18. Ex
Biblioth. Usser.)
THIS is a small paper volume (6 inches by 44) written
about the middle of the sixteenth century. I have very
little doubt that it is the identical volume described by
Perrin in the following words:*_"Item, le livre de
George Morel auquel sont contenues toutes les demandes
que firent George Morel et Pierre Masson a Oecolampade
et Bucer, touchant la Religion, et les responses des dits
personnages."
Afterwards, in his list of Vaudois pastors (chap. ix.),
Perrin again notices the mission of these individuals,
whose names he spells somewhat differently. He says,
“Les derniers Barbes qu'ils ont eu furent George Maurel
et Pierre Masçon, qui en l'année mille cinq cens trente
furent envoyés en Alemagne, communiquer de la Reli-
gion avec Oecolampade, Bucer et autres. Pierre Masçon
fust pris prisonnier a Dijon.Ӡ
Leger gives us the additional information that the pre-
cise object of their mission was " pour conferer avec les
principaux ministres d'Allemagne, assavoir Luther, Oeco-
lompade, Melancthon, &c., touchant quelques points et ce-
*" Hist. des Vaudois,” p. 59.
† Ibid.
p. 67.
NO. II.] THE BOOK OF MAUREL AND MASSON.
9
remonies, dont ils estoient en doute:"* he tells us also
that Pierre Masson, whom he calls Pietro Massone, was
of Bourgogne, and George Morel (or, as he calls him,
Georgio Morello) of Fraissinieres.† In another place‡ he
enumerates Bucer, Capito, and Haller, along with Oeco-
lompadius, as the divines to whom this deputation was sent.
I proceed now to describe the contents of the MS.
before us.
The leaves or folios were at first marked on the upper
margin of the face of each leaf; but a more modern hand
has erased these numbers, and substituted for them, on
both sides of each leaf, the numbers of the pages. In an
index of the contents of the volume, which occurs at the
end, and of which I shall have occasion to speak here-
after, the folia, not the pages, are referred to; and it would
seem that the foliation (if I may use the word) was made
by the same hand that wrote the index. In the follow-
ing list of the contents of the volume it will be more
convenient to refer to the pages.
I. p. 1. "Epistola ad Oecolampadium;" beginning "Sa-
luemi dm. benedicte Oecolampadii. Car moti racontant
* Livre i. p. 203.
† Ibid.
‡ Ibid. p. 162. In Blair's “Hist. of the Waldenses,” vol. ii. pp. 217,
218, is a fuller account of the mission of Maurel and Masson, to
which latter personage is given the alias of Latom. See Abr. Scul-
tet's "Annal. Evangelii renovati" (Heidelb. 1620), who calls him
Petrus Latomus, and gives a Latin version of the correspondence
contained in the volume before us (pp. 294–316).
10
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. II.
asona en nostras aurelhas," &c. The extract which Leger
has given from this letter* is something less than the
latter half of it, with the omission of the following words,
which immediately follow those quoted by Leger, and
with which the letter apparently concludes-" pero aczo
que tu donnes conselh anos econferes nos freuols. [Anne
lo rict eorde. lo qual es entre d'nos ministres.]" The
words enclosed within brackets are so marked in the
MS. by a more recent hand, and are omitted by Perrin,
who gives the rest of the letter, "Hist. des Vaud." p. 211.
II. Ibid. Oecolompadius's Answer; beginning, "Oeco-
lampadii desira gracia de dio lo payr per lo nostre Seg-
nor. yª. xt. al. s. spit ali amas fr. en. xt. li qual appellan
vaudes. Amen. Nos hauen receopu non sencza grant
deleyt en xt. d'georgi mourel, curador fidelissime d'la
vostra salu," &c. This letter occupies upwards of three
pages, and ends p. 5. Perrin has given it in a French
translation, "Hist. des Vaudois," p. 46, and Leger, liv. i.
p. 105. A long letter, beginning in the same way,
published in Latin among the "Epistolæ virorum doc-
torum," edited by Bibliander (fol. Basil. 1548), p. 2.
This letter is headed, "Dilectis in Christi fratribus NN.
Io. Oecolampadius," and begins "Gratiam in Deo Patre,
per
Dominum Jesum Christum, in Spiritu Sancto. Amen.
Non sine magna in Christum voluptate accepimus a G. M.
fidelissimæ vestræ salutis curatore," &c., where G. M.
are evidently the initials of George Maurel.
* Livre i. p. 162.
NO. II.] THE BOOK OF MAUREL AND MASSON.
11
III. p. 5. "Epistola ad bucerum;" beginning, "Dñs
tecum optime ac per doctrine in Christo bussere, Nos non
poen far," &c.
IV. p. 6. Bucer's Answer; beginning, "Martin bussero
prega que gracia sia multiplica, per lo nostro segnor, y“.
x². ali seo charissime frayres li qual son appella Vaudes.
Lo segnor dio sia beneit," &c. This is the letter quoted
by Perrin, p. 47, and by Leger, liv. i. p. 105.
V.
،،
7.
p. Georgi morel e peyre maczon peticion. De
ministrorum ritibus. Primerament tuit aquilh li qual di
non eser receopu," &c. On p. 8 some passages of this
letter have been erased by a more recent hand; the first
of these erasures is of three lines; then one line is erased,
and the words, "per tres ou quatre" substituted in a small
French hand; lastly, a passage of five lines is blotted
out, and the words "de Salomon, de David, et des pro-
phetes" substituted. In the margin, in another modern
hand (apparently the same as that in which the index al-
ready alluded to has been written), are two notes, mark-
ing the subjects spoken of in the text. One of these is
not easy to read, and appears to relate to one of the
erased passages; the other is "Imposition des mains.”
Perrin has given an extract from the commencement
of this document (" Hist. des Vaudois," p. 70), but with
some omissions and variations. The words and sentences
erased in the MS. are omitted by Perrin, and the alte-
rations made by the more recent hand are uniformly
adopted wherever they occur in this extract. He has
12
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. II.
also introduced the same passage (with some slight al-
terations) into the second chapter of the treatise which
he has published in his "Hist. des Albigeois," livre ii.
p. 225.
The answers of Oecolampadius and Bucer are inserted
in the body of this Petition after the several articles to
which they refer, and are marked thus: "R. Ocolam-
padii”—“ R. busseri." The several articles of the peti-
tion are numbered thus: "Peticion 1."-" Peticion 2,"
&c.
On p. 10, a passage (not quite a line) is erased; and
in the margin adjacent to it, the same French hand al-
ready spoken of has written, "Le receu au ministere ne
faut rien sans la licence de ceux qui l'ont devancé."
Other similar marginal notes occur in the same hand
throughout the volume, but it would swell these pages.
to an unnecessary length if I were to make particular
mention of them all. There are also many erasures
and corrections of the text, in a modern hand, diffe-
rent from that of the marginal notes, and in a blacker
ink. Most of these erased passages are rendered ille-
gible, but some of them might, with a little trouble,
be recovered; for example, "Peticion 10. Item, alcun
d'nos ministres d'leuagli [ni alcuna de las nos nostras
fennas] non se maridan." The words enclosed within
brackets are erased, but are still visible; and the same
hand, in which the notes already alluded to are written,
has added in the margin here, "Cest article na esté
NO. II.] THE BOOK OF MAUREL AND MASSON.
13
inseré dautant qu'il conste par les memoires du sieur de
Vignaux que plusieurs Barbes se sont mariés." This and
several other of these notes appear to intimate that this
document was revised and prepared either for the press
or to be copied for some other purpose. Thus, for ex-
ample, in Bucer's answer to the 11th petition (which re-
lates to the punishment of ministers who fall into sin),
the following passage is underlined :—“ Nos aprovarian
que aquilh li qual tomban en fornicacion, fossan sconiga
e degita si nos no neguessa lo remedi necessari a alcun;"
and there is the following note in the margin:-" Cette
response icy est aussi inserée, de peur que ladversaire
veut estimer que Bucer extenue trop la paillardise."-
p. 21.
The 12th petition (p. 21) is a confession of faith, and
presents, in several places, a remarkable verbal agree-
ment with that which Leger has published (livre i. p. 92),
and which he tells us is dated A. D. 1120. It may, per-
haps be worthwhile to compare the first article in each:-
LEGER.
"Nos crescèn, e fermament
tenèn tot quant se contèn en li
doze Articles del Symbolo lo qual
ès dict de gli Apostol, tenènt
esser heresia tota cosa laqual se
discorda, e non ès convenènt à li
doze articles."
DUBLIN MS.
Nos predit ministres cresen e
fermament tenen, e iosta nostra
poysacza en segnen lo nostre
poble, tot quant se conten en li
12 article del cinbollo lo qual es
dit d'li apostol, tenent e enseg-
nant esser heresia tota cosa la
qual se d'scorda, e non es cove-
nient a li doize dit article."
14
[NO. II.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
I shall venture to quote also the article on the sacra-
ments:
DUBLIN MS. (p. 24.)
"Item nos cresen que li sacra-
ment son [here a word is erased]
seignal de cosa sancta, ho forma
vesibla d'gracia non vesibla, te-
nent esser bon et profotivol que
li fidel usan alcuna vecz daquisti
dt. segnal, o forma vesibla, si la
se po far. M.emperczo nos cre-
sen e tenen, que li predit fidel
pon esser fait salf, non recebent
li predit signal, quant non han
lo luoc ni lo modo de poer usar
li predit segnal e forma."
LEGER (p. 95.)
"Nos cresen que li sacrament
son signal de la cosa sancta, o
forma vesibla,* tenent esser bon
que li fidel uzan alcune vees da-
quisti dict signal, o forma vesi-
bla, si la se po far. Ma emperço
nos cresen, e tenen que li predict
fidel pon esser fait salfs, non re-
cebent li predict signal, quand
non hanlo luocni lo modo de poer
usar de li predict signal.”
Then follows (p. 25) a paragraph which was originally
headed, "R. busseri de baptismo" [meaning "Responsio
Buceri de baptismo"]; but these words are now erased,
although they are still legible. It begins, "Nos amou-
estan le scriptura parlar enayi. d'li sacrament enayi. que
regardon ala cosa d'l sacrament e non al sacrament."
And the author of the marginal notes already noticed,
probably on the authority of the above-mentioned title,
* The words "de gratia non vesibla" here omitted by Leger are
retained by Perrin, “ Hist. de Vaud.,” p. 36, who has published the
same Confession of Faith, and from whom indeed Leger seems to
have copied.
NO. II.] THE BOOK OF MAUREL AND MASSON.
15
appears to have considered Bucer the author of this
part of the document, for he writes, "Bucer monstre
quelle estoit la doctrine des Anabaptistes afin que les
Vaudois se gardent de leur adherer." This note is ap-
pended to the words, "Alcuna disputacion encerque lo
baptisme es en las nostras gleysas," and appears to have
been intended to guard the reader against supposing that
the Vaudois were infected with the Anabaptist errors.
This part of the volume ends
p. 31.
Page 32 is blank; but on the next page the discussion
of infant baptism is continued, and goes on to p. 46. This
has been noted in one of the modern marginal notes in
the margin of p. 25, which is as follows:-"Dispute
contre les Anabaptistes iusquau feuil 23. b. ;" and in
p. 46, which, by the old notation, was the back of fol. 23,
the same hand has written, "fin de la dispute."
Then begins, on the same page, "peticion 7," as it is
numbered, although a larger number of "peticions" had
been noted in the preceding part of the volume. It is
on the subject of auricular confession, and speaks of it
as a practice that may be useful, if not abused:-" Item
nos tenen la confession auricular esser profeytivol, &c.”
Then follows "R. 7. busseri," and "peticion 8," and on
the next page, "R. busseri," xi." What the numeral "xi."
refers to I am unable to explain.
On p. 48 begins a paragraph entitled, "De nostro po-
pulum docendi modo ut et doctrine. Peticion
the original number is erased, and "16" added by a later
hand in the margin. This article begins, "Nos amou-
**
16
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. II.
esten ed'fenden al nostre poble, &c." Then follow se-
veral other petitions, with Bucer's answers, the original
numbers of which have been in like manner altered.
There are also several marginal notes in French appended
to this part of the document which would be worth tran-
scribing, if space permitted. They would probably throw
some light on the use that has heen made of the volume
before us by Waldensian historians.
On p. 54 is an article entitled, "Qualis plebs sit nos-
tra, Peticion. . . ." (the number erased.) This is the
place referred to by Perrin ("Hist. de Vaud." p. 106), in
which George Morel states that the number of persons
then belonging to the sect of the Vaudois was 800,000,
،،
car de lestremita de una fin alautra hya plus d' oyt cent
milh;" a fact which Perrin speaks of as "une merveille
de Dieu non petite.”
ghda
On p. 55 is a paragraph headed, "Que subduntur nobis
sunt ambigua atque acerta," the subject of which is thus
summed up by the same French annotator who has been
already mentioned:-" Si degres de dignites doivent
estre observés entre les Pasteurs." This is followed by
"R. Oecolampadii" and "R. busseri," in which both give
their judgment against there being any difference of de-
gree or dignity amongst ministers.
The next petition, p. 56, is marked "peticion 2," and
is as follows:"Item qual cosa se deo entendre per las
clavs dona a sanct peyre." The answer of Oecolampa-
dius to this inquiry is identical with the paragraph, De
clavibus ecclesiæ, which occurs in the letter addressed,
NO. II.] THE BOOK OF MAUREL AND MASSON.
17
"Joannes Oecolampadius dilectis in Christo fratribus
N.," which is printed by Bullinger in his "Epistolæ doc-
torum virorum," p. 4. There is also an answer of Bucer's
to this question; and then follow several other " 'peti-
tions" with answers from Bucer only. The 6th and 7th
are remarkable, and may be quoted. They are:-
"Peticion 6. Item si es licit que li ministre de la pa-
rolla amenon vita en vergeneta. Peticion 7. Item si li
dit ministre poun licitament amenar fennas las volhon
viore en vergenta." To these questions there is an an-
swer, attributed to Bucer, the purport of which may
easily be anticipated.
G
"Peticion 9" (p. 62) deserves to be noticed from the
answer which Oecolampadius has given to it. The ques-
tion was,
"Item quals libres uos regua en la sancta
scriptura por canonicos, equals non canonicos." To this
Oecolampadius replies by enumerating the books of the
Old and New Testament, distinguishing the apocryphal
books of the Old Testament in the usual manner, as de-
serving of respect, although not canonical; but he adds,
with respect to the books of the New Testament, "ben
que nos non acomparen pas lapocalis en la epistola d'Jaco,
e de Juda, e la 2ª. d'peyre, e la 2 derieras d'Johan cum
li autres predit libre;" and this clause is also to be found
in the Letter of Oecolampadius, published in Latin by
Bullinger, "tametsi Apocalypsim, cum epistola Ja-
*
* ( Epist. doctorum virorum," fol. 3, C.
с
18
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. II.
cobi et Juda, et ultima Petri, ac duabus posterioribus
Joannis non cum cæteris conferamus."
“Peticion 23” (p. 76) savours of the ancient Walden-
sian doctrine :-" Item si tot iurament es deffendu sot
pena de pecca mortal, diczent xpt non volha iurar al
postol."
Many of the answers of Oecolampadius given in this
part of the volume are to be found in the letter pub-
lished by Bullinger, which has just been quoted. On
p.
116 there is a letter of Oecolampadius, beginning,
“Donca o frayres karissimes," and apparently given as
a separate letter, which is no more than the conclusion
of the long letter printed by Bullinger,* from the words
"Igitur, Fratres mei," to the end.
Then follows (p. 117) a letter by Bucer, beginning,
“O frayres charissimes nos hauen respondu a questas
cosas breouiment," and ending, "In hoc valete. Anno
salutis nostre 1530. Christo Gracias."
VI. The next document in the volume (p. 118) is An
Account of a Conference held at Angroma in 1532, begin-
ning, "Le propositione ch' sono state disputat, en an-
groma lanno d'l segnor 1532, et a di 12 d'septembro.
En presentia di tuti li ministri et eciam dio d'l populo.
El primo di fo disputato se hora licito al Xiano d'iurar
in alcun modo," &c. This account of the conference con-
tinues to the end of the volume, but the last three pages
* (
Epist. doctorum virorum," fol. 3, D.
NO. II.] THE BOOK OF MAUREL AND MASSON.
19
(pp. 123–5) are written in a running hand, although pro-
bably by the same scribe; the former part of the volume
having been written in text hand.
VII. On the back of p. 125 begins an index to the
principal subjects discussed in the volume, written in
a small French hand, and in the French language. The
author of this index was evidently the writer of the mar-
ginal notes to which allusion has already been frequently
made.
In conclusion, the perusal of this MS. has convinced
me that a careful comparison of it with the documents
published by Perrin, Morland, Leger, &c., would throw
much light on the manner in which those documents were
compiled; and, in particular, I think this volume will
furnish evidence of the following statements :—
First. That at the period when the two barbes, Maurel
and Masson, were sent to the German Reformers, much
of the ancient doctrine of Waldism, as distinguished from
Protestantism, still remained among the Vaudois; in par-
ticular, they seem to have approved of religious celibacy,
auricular confession, and vows of poverty, and to have re-
tained the ancient Waldensian objection to every species
of oath.
Secondly. That the object of the mission of the two
barbes appears to have been, to bring their people nearer
in doctrine and discipline than they had hitherto been to
the Reformed Churches of Germany and Switzerland.
C 2
20
[NO. II.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Thirdly. That in the erasures made in the MS. by some
early possessor of it, the object apparently was to omit
everything, properly speaking, Waldensian; and if these
erasures were made with a view to the publication of the
document, I have no hesitation in saying that they were
made with the dishonest intention of concealing the ori-
ginal difference in doctrine and discipline between the
Vaudois and the Reformed, and of representing the an-
cient state of the former as identical with that to which
the Reformers of Germany, at the beginning of the six-
teenth century, were anxious to reduce the Church.
One remark more may be necessary in support of the
opinion I have expressed that the MS. before us is the
identical volume formerly in Perrin's possession, and cited
by him under the titles of "Livre des Barbes George
Maurel et Pierre Masçon" (pp. 46 and 70); and “Me-
moires de George Morel" (pp. 106 and 157). In the
first place, the volume is obviously an original, written
soon after the year in which Morel and Masson were sent
on their expedition. And, secondly, what is still more
conclusive, the pages of the MS. cited by Perrin, which
he happens to have mentioned in three places-viz., p. 70,
p. 106, and p. 157, of his "Hist. des Vaudois," coincide
exactly with the pages of the Dublin MS.
I may take this opportunity of acknowledging a wrong
done to the late Dr. Gilly in my "Discourses on the Pro-
NO. II.] THE BOOK OF MAUREL AND MASSON.
21
phecies relating to Antichrist."* The fact is, that I had
before me the first edition only of Dr. Gilly's first work,
the "Excursion to the Mountains of Piedmont;" and it
did not occur to me to refer to the subsequent editions of
that work, or to the author's other publications; thus I
was inadvertently guilty of attributing to Dr. Gilly an
error respecting the MSS. said to have been deposited by
Morland in the University Library of Cambridge, which
Dr. Gilly had himself corrected in his later publications.
As I have been thus led to mention the Morland MSS., I
may as well announce here that portions of the volumes
marked by him G and H are (if I am not mistaken) to be
found in the library of this University.† How they came
here I have been unable as yet to ascertain; but they
have certainly been in their present place for upwards of
a century. I hope, however, to have another opportu-
nity of speaking more fully upon this subject.
* Page 403. See Introductory Remarks, prefixed to this volume,
and Appendix, p. 162.
† This, as we shall see presently, was a mistake; the Morland
MSS. are safe, where they ought to be, in Cambridge, although
copies, or perhaps the originals, of some documents contained in
vols. G and H, are now in Dublin. But I have allowed the above
passage to stand without alteration, because it may be necessary to
refer to it in connexion with the correspondence which afterwards
took place on this subject.
*
22
[NO. III.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
No. III.
A MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTION OF PROSE TRACTS IN THE ROMANCE
OR WALDENSIAN PATOIS. (Class C. Tab. 5, No. 22. Ex Bi-
blioth. Usser.)
A PAPER volume, 37 inches by 5%, containing 389 num-
bered leaves; together with eight leaves at the begin-
ning not numbered, on which is written the Calendar of
the Church; and one leaf at the end, on which the con-
tents of the work have been given in a modern French
hand. This volume formed a part of Archbishop Ussher's
collection. Its contents are as follows:-
C
I. The Calendar of the Church: occupying, as has been
already said, eight leaves. The first leaf, the inside page
of which contains the month of January, is a duplicate,
and appears to have belonged to some other MS. The
golden numbers, and days of the month (which are given
by the old method of kalends, nones, and ides), as also
the principal festivals, are in red; the Sunday letters
(except A) are in black. The festivals of January may
be given as a specimen-the red festivals are here dis-
tinguished by italics :-"Circumcisio Domini. Octava sõi
Stephani. Octava sõi iohis. Octava innocencium. Epi-
phanie Domini. Pauli primi heremite. Octava hepiphanie.
Marcelli papa [sic] et mr. Antoni abb. Fabian et Se-
bastian mrm. Agnetis v. et mr. Vincentii mr. Con-
versatio [sic] sēti Pauli. Constanti eği et mr³."
NO. III.]
PROSE TRACTS.
23
I know not whether it may tend to fix the locale of this
MS. to note that the last-named saint, whose feast is put
upon the 29th of January, and whose name does not
occur in the Roman calendar, was especially honoured
at Perugia in Italy. In like manner we find, on the 16th
of February, "Juliane vs. et mrs;" and on the 23rd of
the same month, instead of the 26th of January, "Poli-
carpi epi et confessor." On the first of March we have
"Ercuculian epi et mr." another day proper to Perugia;
on the 10th, "Alexandre et Gari mrm." where "Gari"
must be a mistake for Caii; on the 13th is "Eusubie vª."
a name which is unnoticed by Baronius, unless it be a
mistake for Euphrasia; and on the 24th, "Isidori epi et
mr." On the 11th are the words "Claves pasce;" and on
the 29th, in rubric, "Rexuressio domini."* In April we
have, on the 1st. "Teodori mr.," a mistake, probably,
for Theodora; on the 3rd (instead of the 6th), "Sisti
papa;" on the 4th, "Ambrosius epi [sic] et mr³. con-
fessor;" on the 20th, "Victorius papa et mrs.," a mis-
take, for Victor, who, by the way, was not Pope Victor.
By another mistake, also, we read in rubric, on the 23rd,
"Gregorius mr.," evidently for Georgius.
* These words, Rexuressio Domini, ought probably to have been
on the 27th, as is usual in old Calendars, in accordance with the
tradition that our Lord was crucified on the anniversary of the An-
nunciation, and therefore that his Resurrection took place on the
27th of March. See S. August. De Trinitate, lib. iv. c. 5. For
the use of the claves, see Du Cange, in voc. Annus.
*
-
24
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. III.
It seems hardly necessary to continue this list of the
peculiarities of the calendar, as the foregoing examples
afford sufficient ground for the inference that the MS.
must have been written in Italy, or copied from an
Italian MS., and that as an authority it can be of no
value.
On the face of the last leaf is a table for finding Easter,
by means of the golden number and the claves. It is
dated at the top 1524, with a pointer indicating the
Sunday letter B; and the same date occurs again at the
bottom, in the following note :-"Daquesta taula pascal
las lettras meras seruo ha abril. Mas las rosas a marcz
1524, per lettra dominical b., d'luna 8."* And, accord-
ingly, the days of April are written in black ink, those
of March in red.
II. Fol. 1. a. Liber Vertutum; beginning, "Po es iusta
cosa efort. consoniuol enclinar las aurelhas per las iustas
preyreas alaraczon." The initial letter P is ornamented
very neatly and beautifully in red and black. This tract
enumerates thirty virtues, or graces, as they are after-
wards called, which it goes on to discuss in separate
chapters. The work ends on the back of folio 78.
III. Fol. 78. b. De lensegnament de li filh; beginning,
“Li filh liquol naison alipayrons carnals." A portion of
This, however, seems a mistake of the transcriber; for although
B was the Sunday letter of the year, from the intercalary day, yet
5, and not 8, was the Golden Number.
NO. III.]
PROSE TRACTS.
25
this tract has been published by Perrin ("Hist. des Al-
bigeois," livre ii., p. 230), as chap. iii. of the treatise "De
la Discipline des Vaudois," &c., but with very great omis-
sions: thus, for example, between the first paragraph and
the second (p. 231), beginning "Enseigna lo teo filli,"
almost half a page of the MS. is left out. The "&c." at
the end of the next paragraph covers an omission of up-
wards of five pages; and the same contraction at the end
of the chapter (p. 232) indicates a similar omission of six
pages.
On fol. 83 of the MS. the running title on the upper
margin of the pages alters into "De lensegnament de las
filhas," that part of the treatise relating to the education
of daughters. On fol. 84 the title is, "De la diligent
garda d'las filhas." This tract ends fol. 85.
IV. Fol. 85 a. Ayci vollen parlar del Matrimonj a
comfort deli bon;" beginning, "Yo entendo de dire qual
cosa sia matrimoni e per que el sia ista ordena de dio."
Perrin refers to this tract, and quotes it, most probably,
from this very copy, or at least from a copy in which the
Liber virtutum was also contained, for he cites it thus :—
“Au liu. des Vaudois intitulé des vertus, au chapitre du
marriage. The extracts he gives from the tract are
very much garbled.
""*
V. Fol. 91. a. "De li soyme;" beginning, "Salamon
di che li soyme ensegon motas curas." The allusion is to
*
66
Perrin, "Vaudois," pp. 16, 17
26
[NO. III.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Eccles. v. 3. In this tract is discussed the question of
the origin of dreams, and how far they proceed from the
influence of evil spirits.
VI. Fol. 94. b. ((
Ayci volen parlar de li pecca de la
lenga, aczo quilh sian fugi e abandona;" beginning, "Mo-
tas cosas son que deorian moure lome ala diligent garda de
la lenga." Twenty sins of the tongue are enumerated in
this tract, and discussed in separate chapters; after which
follows a chapter on the remedies of sins of the tongue-
"Lo remedi contra lo pecca de la lenga."
VII. Fol. 118. a. "Lo pecca d'la superbia." This
seems to be the first chapter of a treatise on the seven
deadly sins.
It begins-"Soperbia es reyna d'tuit li
pecca. De laqual di lescriptura, Superbia es comencza-
ment d'tot pecca. Sept principal pecca nayson en aquilla.
Ço es a saber, Vanagloria, Enuidia, Ira, Tristicia, Ava-
ricia, Golicia, Luxuria." On the back of fol. 120 is a
chapter entitled in rubric, "la cubiticia," beginning,
"Autre pecca eys de superbia loqual non es deli sept
pecca mortal. Enayma dis Ambroys, Cubiticia non se
po partir d' superbia." The rubrical titles of the remain-
ing chapters are as follow:—
Vana gloria; fol. 120. b.
Enuidia; fol. 126. b.
Pecca dira; fol. 127. b.
Auaricia; fol. 130. a.
Meczonia; fol. 133. b.
Lo pecca del iurament; fol.
135. a.
Del pecca de la retracion;
fol. 137. a.
Luxuria; fol. 138. a.
NO. III.
27
PROSE TRACTS.
The running titles on the top of the page are sometimes
the particular headings of the chapters, in one or two in-
stances the initial words of the chapter, but generally the
subject of the treatise, "Pecca mortal.”
I have been thus particular in noticing the subdivisions
of this treatise, in the hope that some reader may be en-
abled to identify it with something which already exists
in Latin. It would be extremely important, in connexion
with the question of the antiquity of these treatises, if it
should turn out that they are translations from Latin tracts
by the ecclesiastical writers of the middle ages. A great
deal of the matter will be found in Wicliffe's "Trialo-
gus," lib. iii.; but I cannot so far identify it with that
treatise as to feel quite certain that Wicliffe was the only
authority used in the compilation of the work before us.
VIII. Fol. 139. b. La parolla di Dio; beginning,
"Sobre aqlla parolla Mt. 13. Deuos aqual que semena
illic semenar loseo semencz.'
""
IX. Fol. 143. b. De li perilh; beginning, “Nos vesen
esser na 3 greos perilh en a quisti temp, per li qual la uia
del regno deli cel es mot empacha."
X. Fol. 145. a. A short treatise on Jam. i. 17, enti-
tled in rubric, Tot don noble; and beginning, "Tot don
noble et tot don perfeyt es desus deysendent del payre deli
lume, second que nos ensegna la sancta scriptura.”
XI. Fol. 146. b. De la iusticia; beginning, "A quilh
que fameian e seteian iusticia." On the upper margin of
the following pages this tract is entitled Sermon in rubric.
28
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. III.
XII. Fol. 150. a. Sermon d' erodiana; beginning,
"En a quel temp herode fey pilhar eligar e encarcerrar ioh.
baptista."
XIII. Fol. 155. a. Sermon d'las parollas auciosas; be-
ginning, "Mas yo dic a nos que de tota parolla auciosa la
qual home parlaren redren raczon de ley aldia del Judici.'
XIV. Fol. 158. a. Li parler del phillosophe; begin-
ning, Enayma la uocz trapassa e de falh uiaczament.”
It may be worth while to quote from this tract the fol-
lowing passage, as it will give the reader an idea of its
character, and perhaps may lead to its identification:—
“Dont cum un rey feyczes motas demandas a vn philo-
sophe per nom Segond, Qual cosa era vista alui encerque
la uita de lome. E premierament en demande, Qual cosa
es lome. Loqual philosophe responde e dis. Lome es
familh de la mort, e es hoste, e es caminador trapassant.
Car enayma lo familh en la fin del terme recep lo paga-
ment."
66
The "Dictes of the Philosophers" were printed in Eng-
lish by Caxton, and are said to have been translated from
the French, and that from the Latin. Perhaps this tract
may be an extract from some version of them. But it
does not seem to be so, if I may speak from a hasty com-
parison of it with the English, printed by Caxton in 1477.
XV. Fol. 160. a. A “Sermon," as it is entitled in ru-
bric on the upper margin of the page; beginning, "Ue
uos vn mort unial filh de la soa meyre era apresenta. Luc.7."
XVI. Fol. 163. a. "Sermon de las noczas," begin-
NO. III.]
PROSE TRACTS.
29
ning,
Joh. 2 ca.
XVII. Fol. 167. b. "De la vbriota;" beginning, "Ubri-
ota segond che di Augustinus es uil sepulchre de la raczon
e es furor de pensa."
XVIII. Ibid. “Luxuria;" beginning, "Luxuria de-
sira de complir la uolunta de la carnalita." In this tract,
which ends on the next page, Bernard, Gregory, Jerome,
and the Decretum, are quoted.
“Yhū fu apella a las noczas eli deciple de luy.
""
XIX. Fol. 168. a. "De la familiarita;" beginning, "La
familiarita de las fenas e la lor cumpagnia des esser greo
a tuit, e specialment a aquilh que prometon de scervar con-
tenencza, e a aquilh que desiran montar en lautecza de la
contemplacion. Jerome di, A quel non po contemplar cum
tota la pensa loqual souendria con las fenas." I have
quoted so much of this passage because of the express
recognition it contains of vows of chastity. This tract is
very short, and quotes Basil, Hugo, Jerome, and the De-
cretum. The following passage may be transcribed as
tending to throw light on the "Sayings of the Philoso-
phers" (No. XIV.):—“ Ma vn philosophe per nom Se-
gond fo demanda qual cosa fossa la fena, e el dis; La
fena es confusion de lome, bestia non sacziuol, cura quo-
todiana," &c. Something very like this, though not ver-
batim the same, is attributed to Socrates, in Caxton's
“Dictes of the Philosophers."
XX. Fol. 169. a. "De la honesta ;" beginnning, "La
honesta es considera en la conuersacion.”
30
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. III.
XXI. Fol. 169. b. "De la sapientia de Dio;" begin-
ning, "La sapientia di Dio es non saber solament li par-
lament d'dio."
XXII. Fol. 170. a. "Angel Second;" beginning, "Angel
second che di Augs. es sostancia spirital, e non corporal, o
entelectual." The title "Angel Second," seems to be
merely the initial words of the tract: "An angel accor-
ding to what Augustine saith."
XXIII. Fol. 170. b. "La consideracion dela breveta
de la uita ;" beginning, "La consideracion dela breveta de
la uita es a gradiuol ufferta a dio."
XXIV. Fol. 171. b. "De li parler dalcuns doctors;"
beginning, "Car coma di Seneca qui non pensa alcun cosa
de lauenir." The doctors quoted are, Seneca, Jerome,
Augustinus, Gregory, Basil, and the Decretum.
XXV. Fol. 172. b. A tract beginning, "A lenfern
es mancament de tot ben, e habundancia de tot mal.”
XXVI. Fol. 173. b. "De li ben del paradis;" begin-
ning, “Tota humana eloquencia non es sufficient a recointar
de la lausor," &c.
XXVII. Fol. 175. a. “De la xianita;" beginning,
Aquel es uerament christian lo qual fay misericordia a
tuit." At the end of this tract (fol. 176. a.) the scribe has
written, "Deo Gracias. Amen.”
،،
XXVIII. Fol. 176. a. A very short paragraph on
prayers for the dead, without title; beginning, "Lo es dubi-
ta si las animas de li mort pon esser aiudas" [i. c. adjutas]
“per li aiutori de li uio. E es iust che non per doas raczons.”
NO. III.]
PROSE TRACTS.
31
XXIX. Fol. 176. b.
Ayci comencza Lo prolic del
libro apella tresor e lume defe;" beginning, “A tuit li fidel
e carissimas xians sia salu en yu. xt. lo nre redemptor e
sauador.'
This is the tract which Perrin has cited, under the title
of "Lumiere et thresor de la foy," ("Hist. des Vaud."
pp. 24 and 25; "Albigeois," p. 201); and this must be
the very copy of it which he used, because the passage
which he cites (p. 24) from "fol. 214" of the "Lumiere
et thresor de la foy" occurs on fol. 214 of the MS. before
us. In other places, however (ibid., pp. 16 and 17; and
Albigeois," p. 182), he has referred to this volume un-
der the title of "Livre des Vertus," from the first tract
which it contains.*
66
""
(
.،
* It is instructive to observe how Leger has dealt with the ex-
tracts from the volume before us, supplied by Perrin. His "Echan-
tillon 9" professes to be an extract, "fidelement traduit de l'original,
intitulé Almanac Spirituel" (liv. i. ch. xii. p. 64). But the first
passage given is a garbled translation of the commencement of the
tract on the Seven Sacraments, which occurs, fol. 182. b., of the MS.
before us.
The second, of which he gives the original, and which,
he says, "se trouve encore au traité de l'Antichrist,” exists, fol. 184
of the same tract on the Sacraments. The other extracts are also to
be found in their proper places in the same tract, although Leger
speaks of some of them as taken from the "Treatise on Antichrist,"
and some from the "Almanac Spirituel." Can it be that, in their
ignorance, these writers have given the name of “ Almanac Spiri-
tuel" to the volume before us, from the Calendar of the Church,
which is to be found at the commencement?
32
[NO. III.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
The book called "Tresor e lume de fe," here tran-
scribed into this collection, is divided into several chap-
ters, or short treatises, on the Articles of the Creed, the
Seven Sacraments, Commandments, Lord's Prayer, &c.,
of which the heads shall be here given; and it will be
seen that this is the work from which Perrin, Morland,
and Leger, have taken many of the Waldensian treatises
they have published.
The work begins with two prologues, of which the
commencement of the first has been given above; the
second, entitled in rubric, "prolic" [fol. 177], meaning
"Prologue," begins, "Donca uos preguen humil'. e de-
votament che la magnificiencia de leternal dio," &c. It
is a general treatise on faith, and is entitled in rubric, on
the upper margin of folio 179, “Del modo d'creyre en
Dio." Then follow-
1. Lo symbolo d'anastais [sic], fol. 179. a. This has
been printed by Perrin, "Hist. des Vaud.,” p. 91.
2. De li articles d'la fe, fol. 180. a. The articles of
the faith here given are divided into seven heads, and
seem drawn up with very distinct reference to the Mani-
chean doctrines, maintained by the Albigensian and Pau-
lician heretical sects. The first is an exposition of the
doctrine of the Trinity; the second asserts that this Holy
Trinity has created all things visible and invisible, and is
Lord of all things celestial and terrestrial; the third as-
serts that God gave the law to Moses, and that the Old as
well as the New Testament is given by the Holy Ghost;
NO. III.]
33
PROSE TRACTS.
1
:
the fourth asserts the Catholic doctrine of the Incarnation;
the fifth is a paraphrase upon St. Paul's words that God
has chosen a glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle,
or any such thing; the sixth asserts the doctrine of the
general resurrection; and the seventh, the last judgment.
3. Li sept sacrament, fol. 182. b. ; beginning," Ara es
adire d'li sept sacrament de la sancta gleysa." It may help,
perhaps, to fix the date of this work to remark that in
fol. 185. b. Johannes de Dio (flor. 1247) is quoted.* The
seven sacraments are enumerated in the usual manner;
and the treatise, although evidently belonging to a party
not in connexion with the Roman Church, exhibits no
trace of anything like Genevan doctrine. Extracts from
it have been given by Perrin ("Albigeois," livre iii. p. 342,
et seq.), and are represented by him as a distinct treatise.
It is worthy of notice that the extracts given by him are
almost all marked in the margin of this MS. by a line,
and the substance of them is occasionally noted in a mo-
dern French hand. Perrin omits all mention of the num
ber seven, as the number of the sacraments recognised in
this treatise, and has otherwise taken such liberties with
Since writing the above, I perceive that the passage in which
Johannes de Dio is quoted, and indeed the greater part of the chap-
ter on Penance, in which it occurs, is no more than a translation of
chap. xxiii. lib. iv. of Wickliffe's "Trialogus." This brings the date
of the treatise much lower, and furnishes us with a clue to the real
origin of these works, that would, probably, throw much light on
Leger's "dattée en an 1120," if that fable needed further refutation.
D
34
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. III.
the tract as very much to alter its real character. The
limits of this work prevent my going into a detail of
all these changes; for, to estimate them fully, it would
be necessary to quote a considerable portion of the tract.
I may just mention, however, as a specimen, that
the words printed by Perrin (ubi supr. p. 326), “per-
tinent a la Sancta Cena," are in the original “perte-
nent simplament requist a la messa."
The chapter
on extreme unction also (p. 330) furnishes so good
an example of the general character of the alterations
made in the original, that I am tempted to give a some-
what fuller account of it. It begins in the original thus:
"Lo septen sacrament es lognament de loli de li en-
ferm. Enayma se legis en Sant Marc. E issent hog-
nian moti enferm e eran sana. E sant Iaco di, Si alcun
de nos es enferm amenon li preyre de la gleisa e oron
sobre lui ognent lui doli al nom del Segnor," &c.
The writer goes on, for about a page, to speak of this
passage of St. James, and other testimonies of holy Scrip-
ture, to the miraculous powers of the Church in raising
the sick; and then proceeds in the passage which Perrin
has given, and which shall be here quoted in juxtaposi-
tion with the original:-
DUBLIN MS. (fol. 192. b.-195).
M. loncion de lenferm en las
part determinas cum oli dolivas
premierament consacra del vesco
PERRIN, “ALBIGEOIS," p. 330.
Lo septen Sacrament de la
Gleisa Romana es l'extrema
Onction de li enferm, la qual
NO. III.]
35
PROSE TRACTS.
I
e retengu sovent entro a la cor-
rupcion ministra del preyre per
parolla conlentencion del' me-
seye. per ferent iosta la forma e
husancza de la gleisa romana
que communament apellan sa-
crament de lextrema honcion,
perforezan se fondar lui al dit de
Sant Jaco apostol non es vist
esser ordona de xt. ni de li apos-
tol de lui. Aici lo doctor evan-
gelic al seo trialogo parlant da
quest sacrament de loncion dis,
M. a questa fundacion, &c.
Car si aquesta honcion corporal
fossa sacrament eneyma sen feng,
xpt e li autre apostol non taisi-
rian la debita promulgacion e
exequicion de ley, hæc ille. Nota
a quest doctor lo qual entre li
autre attendia maximament la
Li
forma de la ley, &c. . . . .
pensant ben aquestas cosas sobre
dictas non devon ausar tenir ni
cunfessar enayma article d'fe
aquest sacrament essar ordena
de xt. ni deli apostol. Jasia czo
que ala fin e enterpcion aposto-
lica husa etengua tot fidel la
deo tenir e confessar esser util e
perfeitivol.
perforcan se fondar lei al dit de
Sanct Jaco apostol. Non es
vist esser ordenna de Christ ni
de li Apostol de luy. Car si
aquesta onction corporal fossa
sacrament, en aizi coma se feing;
Christ o li apostols non taisiria
la debita manifestation de lexe-
cution de lei. Li pensant ben
aquestas cosas non deven ausar,
tenir, ni confessar en aizi coma
article de Fe, a quest Sacrament
esser ordenna de Christ e de li
apostel.
•
D 2
36
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. III.
For the sake of brevity I have omitted two passages
in the foregoing extract, as they have nothing corre-
sponding in Perrin's text. The first consists of eleven
lines, and is the continuation of the quotation from the
"Trialogus"* of Wickliffe, who is called "lo doctor evan-
gelic,”; the other occupies two pages of the MS., although
Perrin passes it over without any intimation of the omis-
sion. In it are quoted Jacobus de Missa, and the Summa
of St. Thomas Aquinas. It will be seen that Perrin's
extract gives an erroneous impression of the real doc-
trine of the treatise on the subject of unction of the sick,
as he has quoted those portions only where the Romish
abuses of the practice are condemned.
4. Ayci commenczan li commandment di dio, fol. 197. a.
Perrin has given an extract from this tract ("Vaudois,"
p. 29), and an abridged translation of the whole ("Albi-
geois," p. 182). See also Leger, livre i. p. 51. It should
be observed, however, that Perrin has taken the liberty
of altering the disposition of the commandments so as to
bring it into conformity with the Protestant catechisms,
whereas, in the original, the division is according to that
still common amongst Roman Catholics; the first and
second of the Protestant arrangement being taken as one.
The second commandment in the MS. is thus introduced
(fol. 206. b.).—“Lo segond comandament es aquest. Non
• The passage of the "Trialogus" quoted is lib. iv. cap. xxv.
fol. cxlii. of the edition printed in 1525.
NO. III.]
PROSE TRACTS.
37
|
recembres lo nom del teo segnor dio en van, czo es non
Jurares;" whereas Perrin has given the second command-
ment thus: Tu ne te feras image taillée, &c., although the
original made this the second part of the first command-
ment (fol. 200):—"La secunda part daquest commanda-
ment es non fares a tu entalhament czo es ymagenas
entalhas en peyras, o en leng, o en autra cosa bont sepo-
issa en talhar."
At the end there is a concluding chapter, treating of
the general obligation to keep the commandments; one
portion of which is headed in rubic on the margin, "Ma-
ledicions a li desubidient," and on the next leaf (fol. 229),
“De li x Lebrous," in which the ten lepers are explained
as figuring those who transgress the ten commandments.
5. “Tracta de loracion," fol. 230. a.; beginning, "Euan-
geli second Sant Mt. e Luc. lo qual tracta," &c. This is
the exposition of the Lord's Prayer, of which Perrin has
given an abridged translation, "Albigeois,” livre i. c. v.
p. 201; and he considers it as forming a part of the
"Thresor et Lumiere de la Foy," which probably ends
with it; although there is nothing in the Dublin MS
distinctly pointing out where that work concludes.
This tract is entitled in rubric on the upper margins of
fol. 231 and 232, "Exposicion del pr. nr. ;" and from fol.
233 to fol. 242, “Glosa pr. nr.” It is not the same as that
published by Leger under this latter title, livre i. ch. vii.
p. 40.
XXX. Fol. 242. b. "Ayci parla d'la penitencia;" be-
38
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. III.
ginning, “Nos deuen saber que lo baptisme de penitencia
es conceopu de la temor d' dio." The rubrics on the upper
margins of the leaves point out the topics discusssed in
this treatise they are from fol. 243 to 246, incl., Bap-
tisme de penitencia; on fol. 247, Falsa penitencia; fol. 248,
Penitencia; fol. 249 to 251, incl. Falsa penitencia; fol. 252,
La penitencia de li dampna; fol. 254, Penitencia vera;
and the rest Penitencia, or De la penitencia.
XXXI. Fol. 262. a. Another short tract on the
Lord's Prayer; beginnning, "Mas lo es d'nota, que lorac-
zon dominical," &c.
XXXII. Fol. 264. a. On fasting; "Del deiuni;" be-
ginning “Ara sen sec del deiuni," &c. Perrin has printed
a portion of this tract in his usual unsatisfactory manner,
"Albigeois," livre iii. p. 331.
XXXIII. Fol. 268. b. On almsgiving; "De lalmona;'
beginning, “M. aquillas cosas que non se pon esmendar,”
&c.
XXXIV. Fol. 271. a. On the tribulations of the last
days; “Ayci commenczan las tribulacions;" beginning,
“Grant tribulacions sere d'uant lo dia del Judicii la qual
non fo del comenczament del mont," &c. A portion of this
tract has been printed in a very garbled and imperfect
manner by Leger, livre i. ch. vi. p. 35. The part so
published begins on fol. 278 of the manuscript.
XXXV. Fol. 284. b. A catechism; "Las Enterro-
gacions menors;" beginning, "Si tu fossas demanda qui
es tu, Respont, Yo soy creatura de dio racional e mortal.”
NO. III.]
PROSE TRACTS.
39
This is given by Perrin (“ Albigeois,” p. 157) as a cate-
chism, between a barbe and a child; but the words barbe
and l'enfant are of his own insertion, and are not in the
MS.;
and there are also several omissions and other mis-
takes, most of them perhaps originating in ignorance.
XXXVI. Fol. 292. a. Against balls; "De li Bal;"
beginning, "Ayci volen parlar delibal demonstrant pre-
mierament per testimonis descripturas, daquienant per
motas raczons quant mala cosa sia ballar." An extract
from this tract, although apparently from another copy
of it, has been printed by Perrin, "Albigeois,” p. 240.
XXXVII. Fol. 297. b. Against taverns; "De la ta-
verna;" beginning, "La taverna es fontana de pecca e le
scola del diavol." This is published by Perrin, ubi supr.
p. 238.
XXXVIII. Fol. 298. a. "Lo credo in unum deum."
The Nicene Creed as used in the Western Church in
Latin.
XXXIX. Fol. 298. b. “Alcuns testimonis de la poc-
calis;" beginning, "A quel es benayra loqual legis," &c.
XL. Fol. 300. a. “Deli 8 pensier;” beginning, "Oyt
cosas son que nos deven pensar per cascun dia.”
XLI. Fol. 301. a. "De las 4 cosas che son avenir;"
beginning, "Lo es dentendre au cascun che 4 cosas son
avenir."
XLII. Fol. 334. a. "De la legrecza deli salua;" be-
ginning, “Lo es de saber que enapres la general resure-
cion li eyleyt auran gloria," &c.
40
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. III.
XLIII. Fol. 337. a. "Del pecca dela desubediencza ;"
beginning, "Del pecca dela desubidiencza. Ascumini-
qament del qual po primerament valer," &c.
XLIV. Fol. 341. "De la veniancza;" beginning,
"Alcuns son liqual sapersumisson de far veniancza."
XLV. Fol. 343. b. "De la desperacion;" beginning,
"Lo es de saber che 4 son las caysons per lasquals lome se
sol desperar," &c.
1
XLVI. Fol. 346. b. "Lo fellon abandone;" begin-
ning, "Lo fellon abandone la soa via e lo baron," &c.
XLVII. Fol. 348. b. "Mesquins;" beginning, "Donca
nos mesquins per que tarczen deben far, e per que volen
mal obrar."
XLVIII. Fol. 352. a. Sermon on the Nativity; be-
ginning, "En a quellas contras debellam eran pastors gar-
dant las vigillias de la noyt sobre lo lor grecz.”
XLIX. Fol. 353. b. “Sermon de la nativita;” begin-
ning, "Ecu y" fossa na embellem d'iuda en li dia de he-
rode to rey."
""
L. Fol. 357. a. "Autre Sermon ;" beginning, "Jhesu
dis a li seo deciples, li olh son benayra li qual veon czo que
vos vee."
LI. Fol. 360. a. "Sermon ;" beginning, "Johan diczia
al poble lo cal annava a luy," &c.
LII. Fol. 365. b. "Sermon ;" beginning, " Yhu mon-
tant en la naveta," &c.
LIII. Fol. 367. a. "Sermon;" beginning, " Yhus iste
al mey de li seo deciples, e dis a lor pacz sia a vos."
NO. III.]
41
PROSE TRACTS.
LIV. Fol. 368. a. "Lo fantin yu. renias en ierlm,"
&c. This is entitled in rubric on the upper margin,
“Sermon del fantin yhu.”
LV. Fol. 373. a. “Del purgatori soyma." This is
printed by Perrin as a part of the treatise on Antichrist.
Albigeois,” p. 295.
66
LVI. Fol. 379. b. "De la envocacion de li sant;" be-
ginning, "Donca nos seu a parlar da questa envocacion de
li sant.” This is also given by Perrin, ibid. p. 310.
LVII. Fol. 383. a. "Absolucion;" beginning, "Ab-
solucion czo es remission o indulgencia," &c.
LVIII. Fol. 385. b.
"Sermon ;" beginning, "O Fra-
res sabent a quest temp, car hora es ia a nos levar del sopn.'
This is the last tract in the volume, and ends on the back
of fol. 389.
99
It is probable that a little research would enable us to
show that many of these sermons are no more than
translations from writers of the thirteenth, fourteenth, or
fifteenth centuries.
At the end, on what was originally a blank leaf in-
serted by the binder, there is now written, in a small
hand of the seventeenth century, a very imperfect list of
the contents of the volume, with references to the pages,
or rather to the leaves.
One or two remarks will suffice to conclude our
notice of this curious collection of tracts :-First, we
have seen reason to believe that this identical volume
was in Perrin's possession, not only because he describes
42
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. III.
it and its contents in his "Hist. des Vaudois," pp. 57,
58, but also because he refers to its pages or leaves,
which references exactly agree with our manuscript.
I am inclined to think, however, that he had other copies
of some of the tracts contained in it, especially of the
"Thresor et lumière de la foy" (which he mentions, ibid.
p. 59), and of the tract on balls or dancing, of which I
hope to have another opportunity of speaking. Secondly,
we have also seen that Wickliffe's "Trialogus" is actually
quoted and translated in some of these tracts; and it
may perhaps be worth noticing, that the "Trialogus"
was printed in 4to, in the year 1525, which, from its
near coincidence with the date of this manuscript, seems
remarkable. The edition of the "Trialogus" alluded to
has no printer's name or place, but Panzer* conjectures
that it was printed at Basil. There are two copies of it,
both of them in remarkably fine preservation, in the li-
brary of Trinity College, Dublin.
* "Annal. Typogr." vol. ix. 142, 343.
NO. IV.]
43
POEMS, AND OTHER TRACTS.
No. IV.
WALDENSIAN POEMS, AND OTHER TRACTS.
A SMALL paper volume, 57 inches by 3g, written at the
same time, and, from the similarity of the handwriting,
most probably by the same scribe, as that last described.
The volume contains 184 leaves; the initial letters are
illuminated in red and green; and the book is in re-
markably good preservation. This volume was also in
Archbishop Ussher's collection, and is now marked Class.
C. Tab. 5. No. 21. Its contents are as follow:
I. Fol. 1. a. Novel Confort; beginning,
"A quest novel confort de vertuos lavor
Mando vos scrivent en carita e amor."
II. Fol. 7. b. "Aici commença levangeli deli 4. se-
mencz." This poem begins thus :-
"Ara parlen d'lavangeli deli quatre semencz
Que Xt. parlava al segle present."
III. Fol. 13. b. Barca; beginning,
"La sancta trinita nos done parlar
Cosa que sia donor ede gloria.
IV. Fol. 20. b. Payre eternal; beginning,
""
"Dio paire eternal poysant confortaen
Enayma lo teo filh karissime governaen,
Enayma degnament retornant atu recepen.'
In this poem the lines which rhyme are in triplets
""
44
[NO. IV.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
V. Fol. 23. b. A poem without rubrical title, begin-
ning,
"O Carissimes mete ayci la vestra cura
Car lo es dit per la divina scriptura.
VI. Fol. 25. a. Nobla Leyczon; beginning,
"O Frayres entenda vna nobla leyczon
Souent d'orian uelhar e istar en oraczon.'
13.
This is the well-known poem upon which so much has
already been written. It differs in many of its readings
from all the printed copies.
VII. Fol. 35. a. Another poem entitled, in rubric,
Nobla Leyczon, and beginning,
“O li meo frayres karissimes entende lo meo parlar.
Prego uos non tega, envan ço que yo uolh recontar."
I am not aware that this poem has been noticed by
any of the writers on Waldensian subjects. It is about
the same length as the former and more celebrated Noble
Lesson, which Morland has published. It concludes
(fol. 44. a.) with the following prayer, or benediction:—
"La poisancza del payre, é la sapiencia del filh,
E la bonita del sanct sperit,
Nos garde tuit denfern, e nos done paradis. Amen.”
VIII. Fol. 44. a. On mendicancy; Del mesquin, a prose
tract; beginning, "Donca nos mesquin perque tarçen
de ben far," &c. On the upper margins of the following
pages it is entitled "Sermon," and "Sermon del mesquin.'
NO. IV.]
45
POEMS, AND OTHER TRACTS.
There is a copy of this tract in the volume which has
been last described, fol. 348. b. The two copies differ,
however, both in spelling and in several various read-
ings, and are evidently independent copies of the work.
IX. Fol. 47. a. A prayer in prose, headed, on the
upper margin, Oraçon; and beginning, "O Dio d'li rey,
e Segnor deli segnor, yo me confesso a tu.”
X. Fol. 49. a. De la propriotas de la alamanças. This
tract is written in double columns; it consists of moral
and religious meditations on the nature and properties
of animals. The animals mentioned are the following:
-1. Laygla. 2. Pelican. 3. Fenis [phoenix]. 4. Pavon.
5. Grua. 6. Gal. 7. Galina. 8. Corp [crow]. 9. Cing
[swan]. 10. Pic. 11. Larandola. 12. Tortora. 13. Co-
lomba. 14. Voutor. 15. Falcun. 16. Papagal. 17. Merlo.
18. Rosignol. 19. Abelhas [bees]. 20. Chicola. 21. Ca-
ladri. 22. Leon. 23. Simia. 24. Lop. 25. Mostela.
26. Salamandria. 27. Del darbon.* 28. De lunicorn.
29. Cerf. 30. Chamos. 31. Pantera. 32. Castor.
33. Ricz. 34. De lalifant [elephant]. 35. Del caval
[horse]. 36. Del buo. 37. De la volp. 38. Del can.
39. Del andolap [antelope]. 40. De la furnicz. 41. Se-
rena [syren]. 42. Balena. 43. Vipera. 44. Aspi.
45. Cocodril. 46. Delidra [hydra]. 47. Serpent. 48.
Recan. 49. Tigre. 50. Ragno. 51. Scorpion.
I have thought it worth while to give this list in the
* The Darbon is, I believe, a fish called the Dart.
46
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. IV.
hope that it may lead to the identification of the treatise
with some Latin tract of the middle ages. Many such
moral instructions, taken from the real or supposed pro-
perties of animals, were written in the beginning of the
fifteenth century.
XI. Fol. 70. a. "Aici commenczan alcunas sposicions
sobre alcuns passages de Sant Mt. Sobre Johan Crisos-
tomo." This tract seems to be an abridgment of St.
Chrysostom's Homilies on St. Matthew. The texts com-
mented upon are inserted throughout in rubric. The
tract is written in double columns as far as fol. 74. b.,
after which it is written across the page in a single co-
lumn. The work occupies the remainder of the volume,
and ends fol. 184. a.
It seems very probable that this is the identical volume
which Perrin thus describes :— "Item on nous a mis en
main un livre de Poësie en langue Vaudoise auquel sont
les traittés qui suivent: une priere inscripte Novel Con-
fort. Une rithme des quatre sortes de semences men-
tionnées en l'Evangile. Une autre intitulée Barque.
Et une appellée la Noble Leçon, duquel livre fait men-
tion le Sieur de Saincte Aldegonde.
""*
* Perrin, p 59, where he refers to "Le Sieur de Saincte Alde-
gonde en son tableau,” p. 153.
NO. V.]
47
TRACTS.
V.
WALDENSIAN TRACTS.
A SMALL paper volume, 6 inches by 4, containing 104
leaves; written in a handwriting of the early part of
the sixteenth century; with many marginal notes in
French, in a more recent hand, the same apparently as
that in which similar notes are written in the volume
described, No. II. of this catalogue.
This volume belongs to Archbishop Ussher's collec-
tion, and is now marked Class C. Tab. 5. No. 25. It is
in good preservation, but has lost some leaves at the end.
Its contents are as follow :—
I. Page 1. Ayczo es la causa del departiment d'la
gleysa Romana; beginning, "Al nom del nostre segnor
Yu. X. Amen. La causa del nre departiment de lunita
de la costuma de la romana gleysa," &c.
This tract is divided into sections, distinguished by
their initial sentences being written in a larger hand;
and it may perhaps be worth while to give their subjects
here. The first has already been quoted, and need not
be repeated; the remainder are as follow:-
Page 12. La 4". e ultima part de salu.
Page 13. Lautra part de verita es apella ministerial.
Page 14. La verita ministerial es departia en 3. part.
Page 16. Perque sian ordona li ministres exteriors e
per qual fin.
48
[NO. V.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Page 20. Li don dona ali testimoni convenivols.
Page 21. Qual cosa es lo ministeri principal.
Page 23. Lobrament de las vertucz perque es dona.
Page 31. Qual differencia es entre lo sacrament, e lu
cosa del sacrament.
Page 35. Del sacrament del cors e del sang d' X.
Page 37. Semilhament de lautra part del sacrament.
Page 40. De la Disciplina ecclesiastica. This section
has been printed by Perrin, as the first chapter of the
treatise "De la discipline des Vaudois et Albigeois,"
which he has published in the second book of his "Hist.
des Albigeois," p. 225. And this circumstance is pro-
bably alluded to in the following note, which appears in
the modern French hand, already mentioned, in the mar-
gin of our MS.-" Discipline, Cecy est inseré pour le
commencement du traité de la discipline iusque la page
55, ou il est dict, Pourquoy il est commendé aux pas-
teurs de vieller." This reference is to page 55 of our
MS., where a chapter occurs entitled, Perque comande
a li pastor velhar; but Perrin has not published so large
an extract from this treatise. The passage selected by
him, and which forms chap. i. of the Traite de la Disci-
pline, terminates on p. 42 of the MS.
Page 42. En qual modo lo poble se deo haver.
Page 43. La disciplina a la beata vita avenador.
Page 45. De la correpcion ecclesiastica.
Page 54. De la potesta ordonativa.
Page 55. Perque comande a li pastor velhar.
NO. V.]
49
TRACTS.
Page 66. De la secunda causa del nre departiment.
Page 79. Si li Roman sacerdot son d la generacion de
xpt.
Page 81. Qual sia la vita deli modern. In the margin,
"Vie des prestres moderns."
Page 89. Si la vita de li present se conven cum li premier.
Page 139. Qual deo esser la cura papal. There is a
passage in this part of the tract which I shall transcribe,
as it may serve to fix the date of the work, as well as the
place in which it was composed. My eye was directed
to it by the following French note in the margin, “Le
Pape ne peu iuger du Royaume de Boheme." The
original is as follows (p. 145) :-
“C.* xpt negne se rey e lo regne temporal non esser
seo e non confesse si esser constitui ni iuie ni departour.
D. qual done poesta a aquest aversari de xt. quel liore lo
regne de boemia al rey de vngaria vivent mathia rey de
boemia quel done a lor aquesta poesta," &c.
The allusion here is evidently to Mathias Corvin, called
the Great, King of Bohemia and Hungary, who died 6th
April, 1490.
The treatise terminates on p. 185, with the following
note, in rubric, from which it appears that it was tran-
scribed from an imperfect copy :-" Ayci finis lobra non
complia daquest libre per mancament de lexemplar," &c.
II. The next page was originally blank, but there is
* In this extract the letter C. stands for Car, and D. for Donca.
E
50
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. V.
now written on it, in a hand of the seventeenth century
(not the same as the French hand, already mentioned),
the following note:-" Joach. Camerarius in narratione
historica de Ecclesiis fratrum in Bohemia et Moravia,
p. 121. Circiter annum Christi 1489." Then follows
an extract from Camerarius, giving an account of the
following letter to King Ladislaus. This extract* will
be found in the page of Camerarius just referred to, and
need not be here transcribed.
The remainder of the volume, although written in the
same hand as the preceding portion of it, has a new
pagination, and contains, “La epistola al serenissimo Rey
lancelau," beginning, "Al serenissimo princi Rey Lance-
lau. A li duc barons e li plus velh del regne. Lo petit
tropel de li Xians appella per fals nom falsament P.O. V.
Gratia sia en dio lo payre e en y". xi. lo filh de lui.”
The letters "P. O. V." are interpreted by Perrin
("Histoire des Vaud.," p. 224), to signify "Pauvres o
Valdes." If this interpretation be correct, it will follow
that the authors of this letter disclaimed the name of
Vaudois, and were therefore probably the people called
Picards, or Unitas fratrum. It would seem also that the
To this extract, on the words “Attulerunt etiam literas scriptas
ab illis," is appended the following note:-"Scilicet fratribus Wal-
densibus quos Lucas Pragensis et Tomas Germanus invenerunt in
Gallia togata, quæ nunc Romania dicitur, cum eô missi essent a fra-
tribus Bohemis, ut referrent num aliqua in parte detegerentur aliqui
qui religionem puram profiterentur absque superstitione."
NO. V.]
TRACTS.
51
treatise, "La causa del departiment de la gleysa Ro-
mana" (p. 1 of this volume), from its evident connexion
with the letter to Ladislaus, and from the passage above
quoted, which connects it with Bohemia, is the produc-
tion of the same people, and has been erroneously attri-
buted by Perrin and his followers to the Vaudois, properly
so called, or Poor Men of Lyons.
In Freher's "Scriptores Rerum Bohemicarum," are two
documents, one entitled "Professio Fidei Waldensium
ad Vladislaum regem;" the other, "Oratio excusatoria
fratrum Waldensium;" but neither of them seems to
have any connexion with the "Epistola" before us.
The Epistle itself begins thus:-"Quanta pena sia re-
posta enaquilh, e li qual scandaliczan lo petit cresent en
xi: e anczo es lo sequent la doctrina de lui meseyme, O
bon Rey," &c.
The same French hand, which has already been so
often mentioned, and which is probably Perrin's, has
written in the margin, "Capel dit que cette confession
fut presentée l'an 1508 a Ladislas Roy de Hongrie.”
Lancelot, better known as Ladislaus, or Vladislaus,
VI. King of Bohemia and Hungary, succeeded Mathias
Corvin, already mentioned, in 1490, and died 13th
March, 1516.
The letter occupies eleven closely-written leaves, and
ends imperfectly, one leaf or more having been lost at
the end of the volume.
It may be remarked that the volume of which the con-
C
E 2
52
[NO. V.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
tents are here given must be the identical MS. de-
scribed by Perrin in the following words :-"Item nous
avons un livre fort vieux, duquel le titre est, yço es la
causa del nostre despartiment de la gleisa Romana. C'est
à dire, Ceci est la cause pour la quelle nous nous som-
mes despartis où separés de l'Eglise Romaine. En ce
volume y a vne Epistre, ou Apologie des Vaudois in-
scripte La Epistola al Serenissimo Rey Lancelau a li
Ducs, Barons, et a li plus veil del regne. Lo petit tropel
de li Christians appella per fals nom, falsament P. 0. V.
c'est à dire Pauvres ou Vaudois."*
It
may be said that, as the MS. before us was probably
not very much more than fifty years older than Perrin
himself, and as he speaks of the manuscript in his pos-
session as "un livre fort vieux," it is more likely that he
was possessed of the ancient original from which the
Dublin MS. was copied. But even admitting that the
original of a letter to King Ladislaus, presented in 1508,
might be called ancient in 1618, the year in which
Perrin's book was printed, it is scarcely possible, with
that author's notions of Waldensian antiquity, that it
could be regarded as "fort vieux." There exists, how-
ever, a curious piece of evidence which clearly proves
the Dublin MS. to have been the identical volume quoted
by Perrin. In his "Hist. des Vaudois," p. 21, he cites
a passage (or rather prints a garbled fragment) from
* Perrin, “Vaudois," p. 58. See also ibid., p. 224.
NO. V.]
TRACTS.
53
p. 235 of the "Livre des causes de la separation de
l'Eglise Rom," and the passage certainly does occur there.
It happens, however, that the person who paged the
Dublin MS. made a mistake in the 120th page, which he
marked 200 instead of 120; and this mistake is con-
tinued through all the succeeding pages of the volume,
although it has been subsequently corrected, and the
erroneous pagination erased-so, however, as to remain
still legible. But in the place above referred to, Perrin
has made his reference to the original and erroneous pa-
gination, although in every other place in which he cites
the book he cites it by the corrected pages. The pre-
sumption, therefore, is that this was the volume which
was in Perrin's possession, and which he describes as “un
livre fort vieux;" and, if so, he must be brought in
guilty either of a singular degree of ignorance, or of a
very lamentable dishonesty.
54
[NO. VI.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
No. VI.
A MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTION OF PROSE TRACTS, ENTITLED "LIBER
""
DE PRECIOSA COSA.
A PARCHMENT volume, 6 inches by 4, containing 123
numbered leaves; it belongs to the Library of Arch-
bishop Ussher, and is now in Class. C. Tab. 5. No. 26.
The initial letters, titles of tracts, &c., are inserted in red
ink, and some of them are adorned with yellow paint;
but there is no other attempt at ornament in the volume.
It is written in a black-letter hand of the 16th century, and
is dated at the end 1523. Its contents are as follow:
I. Fol. 1. a. A tract, headed in rubric, from its initial
words, Si tu departires la preciosa cosa delavil; and be-
ginning, "Si tu departires la cosa preciosa delavil tu
seres enayma la mia boca czoes si tu departires li vici de
las vertucz," &c. From this tract the volume has been
entitled in the catalogue of the library, and by the book-
binder's lettering on the back, "Liber de preciosa cosa.
II. Fol. 2. a. A tract, entitled, De las vertucz teologials;
and beginning, "Ara sensec d'las vertucz teologials.
Czo es fe, sperancza, e carita." I am not certain whe-
ther this should be considered as a separate tract, or as
only a chapter or section of the foregoing. It quotes
Augustin, Chrysostom, Jerome, the Book of Wisdom
very frequently; also "Terenci," "Tuli" [i. e. Cicero],
and "Seneca."
""
NO. VI.]
55
LIBER DE PRECIOSA COSA.
On the back of fol. 11, the treatise goes on to speak
of the four cardinal virtues, “Ara sensec d'las 4 vertucz
cardenals," which seems to favour the idea that the for-
mer portion of the tract, on the theological virtues,
should not be considered as a distinct work, notwith-
standing the separate title which the scribe has prefixed
to it.
Prayer (Ara sensec de l'oracion, fol 23. b.), and the
hindrances of prayer (Delempachament d'loracion, fol.
25. b.), are treated of under the virtue of Justice.
III. On the upper margin of fol. 29. a. there is a ru-
brical title, "L'Beneuranczas ;" and on the same page is
a section or chapter, beginning, "A quilh que fameian e
seteian justicia.” This is identical with the tract entitled
De la iusticia, in the volume No. III. above described;*
but in the present copy there is much that is omitted in
the former, and the passages of Scripture are quoted at
length, and not broken off with an "&c.," as in the
former copy. The next four sections are headed, in ru-
bric, "misericordios," "li mond decor son beneura," "li
pacient son beneura," "Aquilh que suffron." These
titles, however, are only the initial words of the para-
graphs that follow. On the upper margin of fol. 30. a.
is the heading, in rubric, "Beneuras.”
I am not certain whether this tract should be con-
sidered as distinct from the Treatise on the Virtues,
* See p. 27, supra, Tract XI.
56
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. VI.
Theological and Cardinal, or a continuation of it. It
may be well, however, to say that that treatise is not
the same as the Liber Virtutum, contained in the volume
No. III. already described. See above, p. 24.
IV. Fol. 31. b. A treatise on the eight things upon
which we should meditate every day; beginning, “Oyt
cosas son que nos deven pensar per chascun dia." This short
tract is divided into eight chapters, which are numbered
in rubric, "Pensier lo premier," "Lo segont," "lo 3,"
"lo 4," "lo 5," "lo seysen,"
"“lo seysen,” “lo septen,
""lo septen," "Loyten." The
eight thoughts are as follow. I mention them as they
may lead to the identification of the treatise with some
Latin original.
1. "La premiera es pensar d'Dio."
2. "Lo segont pensier es del seo filh.”
3. "Lo tercz pensier es d'la vita d'li sant, e d'la mort
en qual maniera ilh aquisteron lo regne d'li cel."
4. "Lo 4 pensier es d'la nostra uita."
5. “Lo 5 pensier es d'la nostra mort.”
6. "Lo 6 pensier es del dia del iudici."
7. "Lo 7 pensier es de lenfern."
8.66 Loyten pensier es del paradis."
An abridged copy of this tract is contained in the vo-
lume No. III. above described.*
V. Fol. 32. b. Sermon de . . . The rest of the rubrical
title was never added, the scribe having been, probably,
* See p. 39, supra, Tract XL.
NO. VI.]
LIBER DE PRECIOSA COSA.
57
at a loss for a single word by which to describe the sub-
ject of the sermon. It is a short sermon on the text,
"Cant tu seres envida a las noczas repausete al luoc plus
bas."
VI. Fol. 34. b. A tract without title; beginning, "Yo
entendo d'dire cal cosa sia matrimoni.”
This tract is also in the volume just referred to, fol.
85. a. (See p. 25, supra.) The present copy, however,
is much more complete, and apparently more correct.
I should have mentioned, in the description of this
tract, as contained in the volume just referrd to, that
matrimony is distinctly spoken of as a sacrament—a
circumstance which Perrin, in the extracts he has
given from the treatise, has carefully concealed. The
fact is noted by the words "Marriage sacrament," writ-
ten in a more modern hand on the margin of fol. 35. a.
of the copy now before us, opposite to a passage
which seems to be part of a quotation from St. Au-
gustine, and is as follows:-"Car lo matrimoni es sa-
crament. Car el essegnald' cosa sacra. Car el significa
la conjoncion d' Xt cum la gleysa. Enayma di lapostol,
A quest sacrament es grant, ma yo dic en Xt e en la
gleysa."
VII. Fol. 38. b. A tract without title; beginning,
“Li filh li cal naison a li payrons carnals." See what has
been said of this tract, in describing the copy of it which
occurs in the volume already referred to, under the title
of "De lensegnament de li filh," p. 24, above. The
58
[NO. VI.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
present copy appears to be more complete and accurate.
It ends on fol. 42. a.
VIII. Fol. 42. a. A tract beginning, "Del pecca de
la dessubidiencia. Ascuminicament del qual po primera-
ment valar, &c." See another copy of this tract, noticed
p. 40, above, Tract XLIII.
IX. Fol. 44. b. A tract without title; beginning, "En
quel temp herode fe pilhar e ligar e encarcerar Johan
baptista per herodiana molher de philip lo seo frayre."
Another copy of this tract has been noticed p. 28, above,
Tract XII.
X. Fol. 47 b. A short tract, without title; begin-
ning, “Nos vesen esser na tres greos perilh en aquisti
temp per li cal la via del regne de li cel es mot empacha."
This is the tract entitled "De li perilh," of which ano-
ther copy is noticed p. 27, above, Tract IX.
XI. Fol. 48. a. A tract without title; beginning,
“Donca nos mesquins per que tarczen de ben far." A
copy of this tract, entitled "Mesquins," occurs in the vo-
lume described p. 40, above, Tract XLVII.
XII. Fol. 50. b. Another copy of the tract, men-
tioned above, p. 40, Tract XLVI.; beginning, "Lo fellon
abandone la soa via e lo baron iniquitos," &c.
XIII. Fol. 52. b. A tract without title; beginning,
“O Segnor tu me pocz mondar si tu voles. La saperten
al emferm ubrir lenfermeta almege e demandar benefici
""
d'sanita.'
XIV. Fol. 55. a. A tract without title; beginning,
NO. VI.]
59
LIBER DE PRECIOSA COSA.
"Tu sies sol pelegrin en ierusalem, e non conaguies aquillas
cosas," &c.
XV. Fol. 57. b. Lo fantin Y", or "The infancy of
Jesus;" beginning, "Lo fantin Yu remas en irusalem.
Car moti son liqual perdon Yu," &c. A copy of this
tract has been noticed, p. 41, above, Tract LIV.
XVI. Fol. 59. a. A tract beginning, "Le teo payre, e
yo dolent querian tu," &c. This tract, in the volume be-
fore described, p. 41, above, is given as a part or con-
tinuation of the sermon, Del fantin Jesu; whether erro-
neously or not I shall not determine. In the volume
now before us the two tracts are apparently distinct.
XVII. Fol. 61. a. A tract beginning, "En aquillas
contras d'bellem eran pastors gardant las vigilias de la
noyt," &c. This is a copy of the Sermon on the Nati-
vity, mentioned p. 40, above, Tract XLVIII.
XVIII. Fol. 62. a. A tract beginning, "E cum yu
fossa na en bellem de juda, en li dia d'herode lo rey," &c.
This tract also occurs in the volume before described,
p. 40, above, Tract XLIX.
XIX. Fol. 64. a. A tract beginning, "En aquel
temp zo es li savi atroba e adora lo fantin se partiron e
retorniron en las loras contras.".
XX. Fol. 64. b. A tract beginning,
"Li teo olh vean
dreytas cosas. Czo es li olh mental e corporal bean dreytas
cosas."
XXI. Fol. 65. b. A copy of the tract on balls and
dancing, of which a portion has been published by
60
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. VI.
Perrin. It begins, "Ayci volen parla de li bal, demon-
strant premierament per testimonis de Scripturas," &c.
There is another copy of this tract in the volume, No. III.,
described, p. 39, above. The two copies agree exactly,
and differ from Perrin's printed copy, which has pas-
sages strangely transposed and garbled. On the upper
margin of fol. 66. a. a modern French hand has written
the words "Du Bal."
XXII. Fol. 68 b. The tract noticed in the former
volume, p. 30, above, Tract XXXVII., and published
by Perrin under the title of De la taverna. It begins,
"La taverna es fontana d'pecca," &c. On the upper
margin of folio 68. b. is written, in the same French
hand already alluded to, the word “Taverna.”
XXIII. Fol. 69. a. A tract beginning, "Alcuns son
liqual saprosumisson d'far veniancza," &c. Another copy
of this tract is in the volume already described, p. 40,
above, Tract XLIV.
XXIV. Fol. 71. a. A tract beginning, "Lo es de saber
que 4 son las raysons per las quals lome se sol desperar."
A copy of this tract is also preserved in the former
volume, p. 40, above, Tract XLV.
XXV. Fol. 73. a. A tract beginning, "Lo segnor di
per lo propheta, yo non volh la mort d'l peccador," &c.
XXVI. Fol. 74. b. Another tract on the same sub-
ject; beginning, "Lo nostre segnor dio celestial mege non
vol la mort del peccador," &c.
XXVII. Fol. 77. b. A tract beginning "Mas yo
NO. VI.]
61
LIBER DE PRECIOSA COSA.
1
dic a vos que de tota parolla auciosa la qual li ome parla-
ren," &c. This is a copy of the "Sermon d'las parollas
auciosas," noticed Tract XIII. of the former volume,
p. 28, above.
XXVIII. Fol. 79. a. The tract beginning, " Tot don
noble,” of which another copy occurs, Tract X. of the
former volume, p. 27, above.
XXIX. Fol. 80. a. A tract on usury, headed, in ru-
bric, in the upper margin, Sobre lusura. At the be-
ginning of the tract is inserted, in rubric, the text,
“Date et dabitur vobis ;" and the tract begins thus,
"Dona aldemandant a tu e non volhis contrastar," &c.
XXX. Fol. 83. b. A sermon entitled, "Sermon scd.”
[second.] "Ayczo meseyme;" beginning, "Nos annes cal
cosa xi amonesta al premier sermon," &c. The word
Usura is written, in rubric, and by the original scribe,
on the upper margins of pages 81. a. to 84. a. inclusive.
XXXI. Fol. 85. a. A sermon on the text, "Yhu fo
mena de l'esprit al desert quil fossa tempta del diavol.
Mt. 4." On the upper margins of the next seven pages
the word "Sermon" is written, in rubric, by the original
scribe.
XXXII. Fol. 88. b. Another sermon on the same
subject; beginning, "Yhu fo amena d'lesprit al desert,
&c. Enaquist evangeli son notta quatre sperit: czo es,
sperit divin; sperit human; sperit maligne; sperit an-
gelical."
XXXIII. Fol. 92. b. Bon Pastor; beginning
"Yo
*
62
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. VI.
soy bon pastor. Joh. 10. Vos d've saber que 6 son las
propriotas del bon pastor," &c. The next two pages are
headed in rubric, "Bon pastor.
XXXIV. Fol. 94. b. A sermon on the text,
"Petit
e non verre mi e d'reco petit e veyre mi. Joh. 16." The
next three pages are headed, in rubric, "Sermon.”
XXXV. Fol. 97. b. A tract beginning, "La femna
cant ilh aperturis a tristicia, car lora d'ley ven. A questa
differencia es entre li bon e li mal." Fol. 99. a. and the
four following pages are headed in rubric, "Sermon."
""
XXXVI. Fol. 101. a. A sermon beginning, "Yo
soy conpira alfanc e soy asimilha a la bellua e a la cenre.
Joh. 30. Eyci es denota la misera d'la condicion."
XXXVII. Fol. 103. A tract, entitled, in rubric, on
the top of the next page, "De la penitencia," and be-
ginning, "Ara di lo segnor cun vertevos ami en tot lo nostre
cor," &c.
XXXVIII. Fol. 105. a. A tract, entitled, on the up-
• per margin, "Sermon ;" beginning, "Cant vos devian non
volha esser fait enayma,” &c.
XXXIX. Fol. 107. a. A tract, entitled, "Del iudici
avenador;" beginning, "Cum lo filh d'lavergna sere
vengu en la soa maiesta e tint li angel d'l cun lui, Mt.
24."
XL. Fol. 109. a. A tract, entitled, on the upper mar-
gin, "Sermon;" beginning, "Yo fameiey e vos non dones
ami amaniar," &c.
XLI. Fol. 112. a. A tract beginning, "Eve vos fene
NO. VI.]
LIBER DE PRECIOSA COSA.
63
cananea yssic da quellas en contars e cridava diczent a
lui.” The next three pages are headed, in rubric,
"Sermon."
XLII. Fol. 115. b. A sermon beginning, "O Segnor
filh d' david marceneia d' mi la mia filha es trabalha,” &c.
XLIII. Fol. 118. a. A sermon beginning, "Sobre a
quella parolla Mt. 13. Ve vos aqual que semena issic se-
menar lo seo semencz.”
XLIV. Fol. 121. b. A tract without title; beginning,
"Crisostomo di, Tota la gloria d'dio e tota la salu d'li home
es pausa en la mort d' Xt."
The volume ends fol. 123. a.; and at the end the
original scribe has written, in rubric, the date, "1523;"
under which, in a more modern hand, is written, in com-
mon black ink, the following note:-"Au premier iour
du mois souna la tronpete." This entry does not seem
to have any relation to the text of the tract to which it
is appended, and is, probably, mere scribbling.
There can be very little doubt that this is the identical
volume described by Perrin in the following words :—-
"Item vn livre en parchemin, du moyen de separer les
choses precieuses des viles et contemptibles, c'est à dire,
les vertus des vices."* This description, however inac-
curate, contains an evident allusion to the first tract in
the volume, which is entitled, Si tu departires la preciosa
cosa de la vil.
* Perrin, "Hist. des Vaudois,” p. 59.
64
[NO. VI.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Postscript to Volume No. IV.
In my notice of the volume of "Poems and other
tracts," No. IV. (p. 44, supra), I had occasion to men-
tion a poem, entitled Nobla Leyczon, differing wholly
from the celebrated poem so called; and I added, that I
was not aware of its having been noticed by any writer
on Waldensian affairs. A learned friend has informed
me, that he suspects it to be the poem entitled by Mor-
land, Raynouard, &c., Lo Novel Sermon. I have not had
access to Raynouard's book; but my friend tells me that
the extract given by Raynouard ends with the same
three lines as the poem I have described.
NO. VII.] MISCELLANEOUS PROSE TRACTS.
65
No. VII.
A VOLUME OF MISCELLANEOUS PROSE TRACTS.
THIS is a paper volume in 4° (7½ inches by 5%) in a
handwriting of the early part of the seventeenth century.
It belongs to the collection of Archbishop Ussher, and is
now marked Class C. Tab. 4. No. 17. Its contents are
thus briefly noted on the first leaf, in Archbishop Ussher's
handwriting :-
"WALDENSIUM
Tractatus tres, vetere linguâ Occitanicâ
conscripti.
I. Glosa sobre lo Pater nostre.
II. De las 4 cosas que son a uenir.
III. Verger de cunsolacion.
h. e.
Expositio Orationis Dominicæ.
De quatuor novissimis.
Virga consolationis."
The book was probably transcribed for the archbishop
with a view to publication, and the above was evidently
the intended title-page.
1. Fol. 1. a. Glosa sobre lo Pater nostre; beginning, "O
Tu lo nostro Payre lo quel sies en li ciel. O frayres nos
deuen saber que entra totas las obras que pon esser faytas
en a questa vita alcuna cosa li obra non es plus honori-
vol, ni plus prophetiuol ni plus legiera que orar.”
F
66
[NO. VII.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
Leger has published a portion of this tract, "Hist. des
Vaudois," livre i. ch. vii. p. 40, and he tells us that the
MS. from which he copied contained only the explana-
tion of the first three petitions of the Lord's Prayer. The
present copy, however, has the whole tract complete.
II. Fol. 19. b. "Las 4 cosas que son avenir; begin-
ning, "Lo es d'entendre eun chascun," &c. There is a copy
of this tract in the volume No. III. described above; see
p. 39, supra, Tract XLI. The two copies agree in sub-
stance, but differ very widely in words and phrases,
which in the MS. now before us appear to have been
modernized; the spelling is also different. The tract
ends with an account of the Twelve Joys of Paradise, in
these words:" Ali qual joy nos amene Dio loquel vio
e regna sencia fin. Amen."
There follow, without any titles, some short tracts which
may perhaps be continuations of the treatise De las 4 cosas.
The first of these (fol. 48. b.) begins, "Donca lo es certana
cosa que li just sleyt hauren o questa sobre dicta gloria," &c. :
it occupies about five pages of the MS., and seems to be
the same which occurs No. 3, Tract XLII. (p. 39, supra),
and is there entitled "De lalegrecza de li salva. The
present copy, however, is somewhat longer; but is fol-
lowed, like that in No. III., by a paragraph* (fol. 51. a.)
* This paragraph occurs, fol. 336. a. of No. III., but has not been
noticed in my account of that volume, because it is there without title,
and I supposed it to be a continuation of the tract De lalegrecza de
li salva.
NO. VII.]
MISCELLANEOUS PROSE TRACTS.
67
beginning, "O Carissimes nos saven la luic de tanti grant
conoyssencia," &c., which occupies about a page and a
half. At the end of it, Archbishop Ussher has written in
the margin, "fol. 337. a. (desin—” referring to the folio
of No. III., on which the tract ends. Then follows (fol.
51. a.), "Nota de li orde de Angel de Paradis;" begin-
ning, "O es d'entendre que lo son con orden d' Angels en
Paradis." This occupies nearly two pages, and at the
end Archbishop Ussher has written, "Nihil deest." The
next leaf is blank.
III. Fol. 54. a. "Verger de Consolation;” beginning,
“Dar enayma dis Peyre Apostol li sant home parleron
yspira per lo sant sprit de Dio.”
"
This tract is mentioned by Perrin, who says, "Item,
nous avons un traité notable, intitulé, Vergier de Con-
solation,' contenant plusieurs belles instructions confir-
mées par l'Ecriture sainte, et par plusieurs authorités des
anciens."
The copy from which the MS. before us was transcribed
was imperfect in the middle, as we learn from the follow-
ing note, which occurs (fol. 68. b.) in the place where
the defect is found :-" Hic decerptæ sunt duæ paginæ
e libro formæ 8." Two blank leaves follow, and (fol. 74.
b.) there is another defect, with the note, "Hic duæ pa-
ginæ deesse videntur in originali ;" fol. 75. a. is blank,
and at the end of the Tract (fol. 83. a.) there is also writ-
ten, "Reliqua pauca desunt."
F 2
68
[NO. VII.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
This treatise is divided into five parts, the contents of
which are thus described (fol. 54. a.) :—"La prima part
tracta de li pecca capital; la 2ª part tracta de li autre pecca.
La 3ª part tracta de las Vertuci teologials e cardinals.
La 4 part tracta de las autras vertuci. La 5 part tracta
de las cosas celestials e de linfern."
Some of the matter of this Tract will be found in the
Treatise entitled "Lo pecca d'la superbia," in No. III.,
p. 26, supra.
NO. VIII.]
69
AMBRUN DOCUMENTS.
No. VIII.
WALDENSIAN DOCUMENTS, DIOCESE OF AMBRUN.
THIS Volume (MSS. Usser. Class C. Tab. 4. No. 18) is in
size similar to the former, but not in the same handwriting.
It was written in the early part of the seventeenth cen-
tury, and its contents are as follows :—
I. Fol. 1. a. A statement made by the Archbishop of
Ambrun, A.D. 1497, of the examination of certain persons,
inhabitants of the valley of Fraxinière; beginning, "Sci-
endum est quod anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo
nonagesimo septimo, postquam migravi e loco aut oppido
Freius ad Ebronium, in animum induxi visitare ac per-
lustrare Ebrenensem diocesim meam," &c. The narra-
tive goes on to the year 1501, and occupies nineteen
pages of the volume.
I am not aware that this document, which is a narra-
tive of much interest and importance, has ever been
published; but Perrin has given an abstract of it, "His-
toire des Vaudois" (livre ii. ch. 3), and has quoted in
French, pp. 138-143, a part of the archbishop's account
of his proceedings in the year 1501. A French copy,
apparently the original of this tract, will be described
shortly.
II. Fol. 12. a. The articles of the sentence of Peter
Valois, a native of Frassinière; beginning, "Imprimis
70
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. VIII.
tu Petre Valois dixisti et fassus es, te discessisse a loco
qui vulgo divus Andreas dicitur," &c.
In the volume (Class C. Tab. 1. No. 6) which will be
described shortly, there occurs the Process against
"Audinus Crispini, alias Valoy," who was the brother
of the Peter Valoy here mentioned, as appears from the
following sentence, with which the document before us
concludes
:
Item, ad eundem modum fratrem tuum Audinum,
Thomasiam, Martham sorores tuas, sese apud eosdem
barbas confessos esse, quemadmodum tutemet fecisti.”
The document is dated at the end, 1489, and is marked
"Num. 8." It does not appear, as far as I can find, to
have been ever published.
III. Fol. 15. a. A paper, dated 1488, containing short
notes of events in the history of the Vaudois. It begins,
"De discessu Valdensium ad Delphinatum. Johannes
Violinus (alias Violin) ait eos esse profectos Viennam ad
capiendum consilium.”
This document occupies only two pages of the MS.
IV. Fol. 16. a. “Tractatus seu Epitome eorum quæ con-
tinentur in accusatione et lite intentata coram Reverendis-
simis dominis domino Inquisitore apostolico, atque vene-
rando officiali hujus Curiæ præsentibus, ac præsidentibus
contra Stephanum Ruffum (alias G.* le Roux), e loco vel
66
* “G,” I suppose, here stands for Gallice, "le Roux" being the
French for Ruffus.
NO. VIII.]
71
AMBRUN DOCUMENTS.
oppido quod vulgo apud Gallos vocatur La Fraissinière.”
This document begins, "In primis ut cernere est ex iis
quæ in eadem lite et criminatione continentur," &c.
Perrin mentions "Estienne Roux" (p. 147), but I can-
not find that the document before us has ever been pub-
lished: it occupies upwards of fourteen pages of the MS.,
and is dated 1488. That it was transcribed, however,
long after that year, and by a transcriber favourable to
the Waldenses, is evident from the following note, with
which it concludes:-
"Compertum est eundem Albertum" [i. e., Albert de
Capitaneis, who had been mentioned in the document as
having examined Stephen le Roux,]" animadvertisse et
sæviisse in hanc eandem Valdensium sectam Anno
Domini circiter, 1488."
V. Fol. 23. a. The petition of certain inhabitants of
the valley of Fraissinière, addressed to the senators and
councillors of the king's council, against the Archbishop
of Ambrun, A. D. 1483; beginning, "In nomine Domini
Amen. Anno Nativitatis eiusdem Millesimo quadringen-
tesimo octogesimo tertio, die vero vigesimo quinto Mensis
Augusti, Universis ac singulis hoc præsens Instrumentum
visuris, lecturis, ac audituris, Notum sit," &c.
This instrument contains copies of various documents,
letters, and papers, relating to the question at issue be-
tween the archbishop and his subjects of the valley.
The initial sentences of these documents shall be here
given:-
72
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. VIII.
1. "Domine bonæ gentes de Valeria, Fraxineria ac
eorum consortes litigantes et prosequentes jura sua,
&c.
""
2. "Hic est tenor Literæ clausæ. Hæc est superscrip-
tio eius, Dilectissimo fratri meo Archiepiscopo d'Ambrun
Regis Consiliario. Dilectissime frater salutem. Habi-
tantes et Incolæ Vallesiæ, Fraxineriæ, ac Argenteriæ,"
&c. This seems to be a letter from the Chancellor Viere
to the Archbishop, and is dated 23rd July.
3. "Regi Domino nostro. Humillime supptes, vestri
pauperes humillimi ac fideles subditi nempe cives et in-
cola Valesiæ, Fraxineriæ ac Argenteriæ," &c.
At the end is the following, which was probably the
endorsement of the original document :-" Petitio sive
supplicatio oblata Dominis senatoribus, ac consiliariis su-
premi Regis Consilii a Civibus et Incolis Fressinieriæ,
contra Acta, Informationes, Rapta, et Concussiones
Archiepiscopi d'Ambrun, quæ omnia facta sunt ab eodem
et servis ejus in odium et contemptum litis et Contro-
versiæ pendentis, cum intimatione vel significatione ejus-
dem prædicto Archiepiscopo, una cum Copia Literæ ad
eum scripta a dominis senatoribus et consiliariis Magni
sive Supremi Regis Consilii."
VI. Fol. 30. a. "Lis intentata contra duos Barbas,
nimirum Franciscum de Gerundino (qui idem Barba
Martinus nuncupatur), et Jacobum, qui quoque Barba
Johannes vocatur, quorum Responsis et depositionibus
additæ sunt multæ Calumniæ de fornicatione et Idololatria,
NO. VIII.]
AMBRUN DOCUMENTS.
73
ut constat et manifestum est ex eorundem Responsis hic
annexis, quæ scriba (G. Grefier) pro sententia et arbitrio
extendit et immutavit. Num. 9."
This is only the title of a document which is not itself
transcribed. A copy of it, however, occurs in the volume
which will be next described. See p. 79.
VII. Fol. 31 a. A letter, of which a part only has been
transcribed. It begins, "Reverendissime Pater in Deo,
Domine Archiepiscope d'Ambrun, sat probe nosti con-
troversias et lites et quæstiones quæ motæ et agitatæ
sunt," &c., and ends imperfectly (fol. 31. b.) with these
words "declarando ipsos bonos Christianos et Catholicos
quemadmodum fuerunt habiti antequam hujusmodi ac-
cusationes et calumniæ iis civibus ac incolis impone-
rentur."
Then follow 51 blank leaves; and three leaves upon
which some memoranda and other matter, having no re-
lation to the Vaudois, have been written, reversing the
book.
74
[NO. IX.
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
No. IX.
PROCESSUS CONTRA WALDENSES.
A FOLIO paper volume, containing a number of distinct
documents, many of them original, bound together, and
lettered on the back "Processus contra Waldenses."
(Class C. Tab. 1. No. 6.)
The documents preserved in this volume are identical
with those which are described by Morland as contained
in the volumes which he has marked G. and H., and
which were deposited by him in the Library of the
University of Cambridge.* It does not appear with
certainty that the volume before us formed a part of
Archbishop Ussher's collection: it was not mentioned in
the catalogue of our MSS. printed in the "Catalogi
librorum MStorum Angliæ et Hiberniæ" (Oxon. 1697),
and some of the documents it contains were certainly at
one time, since the publication of that catalogue, in
another part of the library; they appear to have been
found in a loose state, and to have been bound together
in their present form when the books were moved to the
present library, about a century ago.
The following is a list of these documents :—
I. "No. 1. Origo Waldensium et processus contra eos
facti," containing-
* See the Catalogue of the Cambridge MSS., printed in 1856,
vol. i., pp. 82-88.
NO. IX.]
PROCESSUS CONTRA WALDENSES.
75
1. The document beginning, "Ut vobis Revermo, in xpo
patri," &c.
This occurs in Morland's volume G. No. 3, and has
been printed by Allix in the Appendix to his "Remarks
on the Ecclesiastical History of the Churches of Pied-
mont." See also Morland, p. 215.
2. "Sequuntur examinationes factæ in materia hæresis
sectæ Valdentium [sic] per Revmum, et Revdos, patres
Laurentium Bureau Epum Siffarien., et Thomam Paschal,
ac Rostagnum Archiepiscopum Ebredunen." &c. In the
margin, in a more modern hand, there is written, “In-
formacions prises par les commis du pape, L'Evesque de
Sisteron et autres nommés par le Roy."
This paper is dated 1501, and relates to the same events
as the Narrative of the Archbishop of Ambrun, which
stands first in the volume last described. It contains the
Examinations of Fazion Gay, Francis Ruffus, Anthony
Pau, Fazius Ripert, all of Frassinière; also of John
Lagerij (who is described as "Dominus Johannes Lage-
rius Vicarius de Orseria in Camposauro"), Peter Ray-
mund, John Arnoux, Angelinus Paloni, John Barthelemy,
Hugh Jacques, John Fabri, Pierre Jourdan, Hippolyte
Blen, Jacques Pari, Thomette, wife of Fazius, Ripert,
Marie, wife of William Bret, Jacques Bonnefoy, Hunet
Julian de Valle, Thomas Granet de Valle, Anthonius
Baridoni, de Castro Rodulpho, Johannes de Burgo, de
Sancto Crispino, Claudius Hunbert, Honoratus de Burgo,
བ!
76
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. IX.
de Sancto Crispino, Giraud Ruffi or de Roux, and
Jacques Chambon.
At the end is the attestation and signature of the notary
"Gobaud," with the following endorsement in a different
hand:
"Numero 1
Examinatio facta per dmn. Siffarien.
in Frassineria super eresia Valden. ;”
and in a French hand,
"Origine des Vaudois et les faicts du procureur d'Eglise
contre eux. Information prise par Vincent Gobaud.”
This document occupies 28 pages. It is probably not
an original,* but has every appearance of being a con-
temporary copy. In the margin there are written, in
French, short summaries of its contents. These are in
the same French hand just spoken of.
II. Another copy of the document No. V. of the
volume last described, except that the petition is here
given in French. It occupies 5 pages, followed by
2
pages blank. It is endorsed on the back, "Registre
presentée au grand conseil par ceux de Freissinière sur
les attemptats de l'Archevesque d'Ambrun faicts au pre-
judice de la litispendance avec l'Jntimacon auy Arche-
* There are some corrections or various readings in the original
hand. The Cambridge copy may perhaps be the original. “Catal.”
vol. i., p. 82, sq. (MS. Dd. 3. 25.)
NO. IX.]
77
PROCESSUS CONTRA WALDENSES.
vesque et copie de la Lettre a luy Escrite par Messieurs
du Grand Conseil.
Anno Dom. 1483."
III. 2. Num. 1487. "Bulle et commission tres ample
du Pape Innocent contres les Vaudois;" this title is in
the French hand already mentioned, but the body of the
document is in the same hand as No. I.
It begins "Albertus de Capitaneis, juris utriusque
Doctor, Archidiaconus Ecclesiæ Cremonensis et Blax-
ensis de Berra, ordinis prædicatorum, sacre Theologiæ
professor, hæreticæ pravitatis Inquisitor," &c. It recites
the Bull, "Innocentius Episcopus servus servorum Dei,
dilecto filio Alberto de Capitaneis," &c.
This bull is dated 1487. The original, with the seals,
is in the Cambridge Library, No. 2, in Morland's volume
G., and he has printed it in his History, book i., p. 196.
See also Leger (ii. ch. 2). It is marked at the begin-
ning, and also at the end, "Num. 2," and occupies 12
pages.
IV. A paper in the same handwriting as the last, en-
dorsed on the last leaf, "Num. 3. 1483. Lettres de de-
saveu des poursuites contre leur persecuteurs. Copia pro-
testationis factæ per Castellanum Vallis Loysiæ, una cum
omnibus habitatoribus dictæ vallis declarantes se esse
bonos et fideles, orthodoxos, præceptis ecclesiæ obedi-
entes, et quod nullam intendunt prosequi causam in
curia Christianissimi Francorum Regis. Universitatis
78
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. IX.
vallis Loysiæ." The words in Italics are in the French
hand. It begins, "Copia. In nomine Dni nri Jesu xpi.
Amen. Anno ejusdem nativitatis millesimo quatercen-
tesimo lxxxmo. tertio," &c. At the end is the notary's
attestation, "Facta fuit collatio de hujusmodi copia cum
proprio originali per me notarium publicum
"Paris."
This document occupies four pages and a half.
V. "Processus factus et formatus in facto sanctæ fidei
per Revmum, in xpo patrem et dominum Johannem, Dei
et Apostolicæ sedis gratia Archiepûm et principem
Ebredunen. contra Anthon. Blasii de Angrogina, Diocesis
Taurinen. habitatorem Dalphini, Sissarien Diocs."
At the top of the page is the word "Ihus ;" and on the
same line, left hand margin, the letter "C," right hand
margin, "Ordina?."
"Ordinal." Under the C, in the margin, is the
word “Originalis," with the signature of the notary,
"N. Paris." The date of this document is 1486, and the
handwriting is the same as No. I. The signature of
"N. Paris" occurs again at the end, but can scarcely be
regarded as an autograph; neither has this document
the appearance of being an original. It is evident that
these papers were written at the same time and by the
same scribe. This paper contains several examinations
of Antonius Blasii, and occupies 19 pages.
VI. Marked "Num. 5," and in the French hand
"Bulle pour absoudre le Vaudoys au legat;" beginning,
NO. IX.] PROCESSUS CONTRA WALDENSES.
79
"Alexander Episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio
Georgio tituli sancti Sixti, presbytero, Cardinali Rotho-
Cum nos hodie," &c. Dated, "Romæ
magen, &c.
apud Sanctum Petrum. Non. Aprilis." A. D. 1501. One
leaf.
This is No. 2, in Morland's vol. H. Cambridge Catal.,
ibid., p. 87.
VII. Another bull of the same pope; beginning,
"Alexander Episcopus servus servorum Dei, Dilecto
filio Georgio tituli Sancti sixti presbytero, &c. Ab
eo qui humani generis," &c. Dated, "Romæ apud
Sanctum Petrum. Nonis Aprilis." A. D. 1501. Two
leaves.
It is endorsed at the end, in the French hand,
"Bulle d'Absolution en faveur des Usuriers."
This is No. 3, in Morland's vol. H.
VIII. Headed in the French hand, "Autre bulle pour
absoudre de tout crime et particulierement d'heresie ;"
beginning, "Alexander Episcopus, &c. Cum nos alias
te," &c. Dated, "Romæ apud Sanctum Petrum. Non.
Octobris.” A. D. 1501. One leaf.
This is No. 4, in Morland's vol. H. All these bulls
are in the same handwriting as No. I.
IX. Examinations of several Vaudois, also in the same
hand, and marked, "Num. 5." The first page is marked
in the margin "1486," and contains the evidence of
Peter Vole.
On the next page,
"Examinatio Anthonii Blasii de
80
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. IX.
valle Angrogniæ Diocs Thaurinen." In the margin,
"Est alibi.” On the next page, "Repetitio dicti Anthonii
Blasii," and "Alia Examinatio." Also (p. 5), "Contra
Johannam uxorem diciti Anthonii Blasii." On the next
· page, "Repetitio dicti Anthonii Blasii." On p. 8, "Dicta
die et hora" [viz. 22 July, 1486], "coram dictis Do.
Ar. et Inquisitore in executione ordinationis prefatæ,
fuit exhibitus torturæ," &c. Other examinations of the
same prisoner follow, to Sept. 14, 1487, when he abjured
his heresy in presence of witnesses. This is not the
same as No. V., but it is in the same hand, and bears
the signature of "N. Paris."
There is a line drawn down every page of this docu-
ment, as if it had been cancelled.
X. The examinations of "Audinus Crispini, alias
Valoy, de Fraxineria, habitator Sancti Andreæ, diffama-
tus de secta Valden." On the top of the page is the
word "Jesus," and in the margin " 4°. f.," under which
are the words "fregit carceres." The date of the first
examination of this prisoner is the 11th of December,
1486; his second examination was on the 30th of January,
1487; and his last on the 15th of May, 1487. These
examinations bear the signature (not autograph) of N.
Paris, and are in the same hand as those just described.
The prisoner at first appears to have denied that he
was a Waldensian; but at last, being "leviter torturæ
ligatus et modicum elevatus," he confessed his connexion
with the sect; that he had been taught "quod non erat
NO. IX.]
PROCESSUS CONTRA WALDENSES.
81
Purgatorium nisi in hoc mundo;" that his father, uncle,
and mother were of the sect of the Waldenses, or Poor
of Lyons; that he denied the spiritual powers of the
pope, prelates, and clergy; disapproved of the invoca-
tion of the saints, kept no feasts or fasts of the Church,
gave no honour to images, had no faith in holy water,
&c.
There seem to be some leaves wanting at the end of
this paper.
It occupies eight, of which the last is
blank, and is endorsed in the same French hand as be-
fore-" Num. 6. Decres contre les Vaudoys. Audinus
Crispinus alias Valoy. Jean Archevesque poursuivant.”
See Morland's vol. H., No. 1, Cambr. Catal. i., p. 85.
XI. A single leaf, headed 1488, containing short notes
of events in the history of the Vaudois. It is in French,
and is exactly the same as No. III. of the volume last
described, except that this latter paper is in Latin.
XII. A copy of No. IV. of the volume last described
(see p. 68), containing the examination of Stephen
Ruffus, “alias Raoux." It occupies six leaves, of which
the first and last are blank.
The upper part of this paper has been torn off.
XIII. Examinations of various prisoners, endorsed at
the end-"1488. Num. 7;" and in a different hand,
"Minutte de diverses Responses de ceux de Frassiniére
ubi ne verbum quidem de paillardise. Soubs ce mesme
Jean Archevesq. d'Ambrun. Veileti, Inquisiteur. Augeri
Inquisiteur." Many of the persons whose examinations
G
82
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. IX.
are given in this document are the same as those that oc-
cur in former examinations. Their names are Johannes
Violini, fil. Johannis de Campo Disderio; Joh. Violini
Gros, junior, fil. Johannis de Argenteria; Guill. Porte de
Argenteria, "ætatis c. annorum et ultra;" Joh Raymundi;
Catherina filia Berti Oliverii; Jayme filia Guillmi Porte
juns; Poncius Violini filius Petri; Genetus Beneti, f. Lu-
dovici de valle Loysia; Michael Bertrandi alias Barba
de ffraxineria; Johanna filia Guill. ffabii de Argenteria ;
Margarita filia Johannis Grossi Violini de Argenteria ;
Berengaria filia Ludovici Beneti de valle Loysia; An-
thometa filia Ysoardi Aufossi; Telina uxor Ysoardi
Aufossi; Johanna relicta Jacobi Ludovici; Gena uxor
Poncii Violini.
All the foregoing examinations have the signature
(not autograph) of "N. Paris." Then follows "Contra
magm Petrum Ruffi," the rest of the page having been
left blank for the accusation, which was never inserted.
On the next page, "Repetitio dicti magri. Petri Ruffi.”
Then follow accusations and "repetitions" of the follow-
ing prisoners-Johannes Audonis alias May; Jacobus
Berardi filia [read filius] Pauli de Argenteria; Guill.
Porte juvenis, fil. Eynardi; Spūs Porte f. Eynardi; Spūs
Porte f. Johannis; Anthonius Porte f. Anthonii; Pas-
queta uxor magistri Petri Ruffi.
Then follows a new series of examinations in the same
hand, headed “Jhus.,” and in the margin "xxix Aprilis
in domo Poncii Brineti coram do. Grand. in presencia do
NO. IX.]
83
PROCESSUS CONTRA WALDENSES.
yirati ffraxineriæ." The names of the accused are, Guilhi-
elma filia Bertrandi; Jayme uxor Petri Romani; Maria
filia Stephani Armandi; Joanna filia Johannis Alardi
de Dormilholla; Biatrisia filia Joh. Alardi de Fraysineria;
Pasqueta filia Jo. Mich. Arbaudi; Margarita filia Michaelis
Arbaudi; Cecilia filia Michaelis Baridonis; Caterina filia
Petri Pani; Michaelis Arnulphi f. Bruneti Arnulphi ;
Guill. Breti, f. Michaelis Breti; Joh. Bernardi f. Gin-
gonis; Petrus Pelegrini f. Petri; Catherina relicta Guill.
Raymundi; Angelia uxor Petri Pelegrini; Johannes
Thomani f. Johannis; Johannes Raymundi f. Johannis.
Also under the date, "xxx Aprilis," Juliana relicta
Anthonii Arnulphi; Catherina uxor Peyronii Riply
de Pallono; Jacobus Riperti f. Petri; Barthol. Arnulphi
f. Bruneti; ffazius Audoni Gay f. Joh. Audonis; Michael
Arnulphi f. Bruneti; Petrus Ruffi f. Johannis.
From these inquisitions it appears that the Barbs, after
confessing their converts, were accustomed to enjoin as
penances the repetition of the Pater Noster and Ave
Maria a certain number of times; that they objected to
an oath, to the invocation of saints, and to purgatory,
which they said was only in this life. They refused also
to observe the festivals of the saints. This document
consists of 16 leaves, of which the last is blank.
XIV. "Rursus ipse arch. cupiens de premissis magis
informari, informationes continuando infrascriptos pro
secreta informatione audivit. fo. eod. Continuatio in-
formationum."
G 2
84
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. IX.
1
This is an imperfect document, containing an abstract
of informations, with references to the folia of some re-
gister. It consists of four folio leaves, in the same hand-
writing as No. I.
XV. The examination of Peter Valoy. This paper is
endorsed at the end, "Num. 8." It consists of ten leaves,
of which the last two are blank, and the first six are torn
at the top, in exactly the same way as No. XII., show-
ing that both were placed together, and that the injury
took place at the same time. They are also on the same
paper, as appears from the water mark. It is in the same
hand as No. I., and is dated 1489.
This must be the same Peter Valoy whose sentence is
given in No. II. of the volume last described. See
p. 60, supra. He appears to have been the brother of
Audinus Crispinus, alias Valois, whose examination is
given in No. X. of the present volume.
XVI. The sentence of Peter Valoy, in French. The
same which was given in Latin in No. II. of the volume
last described.
This paper is in the same hand as No. XI. It is on the
same paper as Nos. XII. and XIII. It has at the end
the signature of the notary, "N. Gebaude," and the date,
"die ultima Martii," 1489, with the endorsement :—
"Proces contre Pierre Valet [sic] de ffressiniere.
Confisque ses biens, le livrant au bras seculiers [sic].
N. 8."
This is in Morland's vol. H. Camb. Catal. i., p. 86.
NO. IX.]
85
PROCESSUS CONTRA WALDENSES.
XVII. "Proces contre deux barbes a savoir Francois
de Gerundino, dict barbe Martin, et bien de Jacob, dict
barbe Jean, aux responses des quels ont esté adioustées
des calumnies sur le faict de Paillardise et d'Idolatrie
comme appert par le sumptum de ses Reponses en brevet
y joinct, le quel le Greffier a estendu a son plaisir.
"Num. 9.
"Vn des principaux griefs c'est quils changeront les
depositions et inseroyent dedans une infinite de sales
calomnies.
"Hurre Jean Archevesq. d'Ambrun."
On the next page follow the depositions in Latin, with
this title,
"Anno Dni Mill° cccc° lxxxxii°.
Processus sive Inquisitio facta per quendam
Dmn. Bertholm. Pascalis, secum assiden.
Venlibus viris Dnis Poncio Poncii, consiliario
Xpiani Dalph. in suo plato Gropol. et
Oroncio ejus judice Briansoni."
The signature "N. Paris" is affixed to several of the
Examinations.
This document occupies twelve leaves. It contains
matter of very great interest and importance towards
ascertaining the real opinions of the sect of Pauperes
de Lugduno at the close of the fifteenth century. In
the volume last described, No. VI. (p. 70), the title
of it only, or rather the French endorsement, translated
into Latin, has been transcribed. The portion of it which
contains the examination of Francis de Gerundino de
86
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. IX.
Spoleto, commonly called Barb Martin, has been pub-
lished from the Cambridge MS. H. by Allix, in his “Re-
marks on the Churches of Piedmont," p. 307, 4to edit.
Lond. 1690. Cambr. Catal. i., p. 87.
XVIII. A document occupying nine leaves; headed :
Inquisitionalis processus factus et formatus coram
egregiis et circumspectis viris dominis Anthonio ffabri
decretorum doctore, canonico Ebredunensi, hæretica-
que pravitatis in toto Dalphinatu et comitatibus, Vien-
nensis, Valentinensis, et Diensis generali Inquisitore, a
sancta sede Apostolica specialiter et immediate deputato;
et Christoffero de Salhiente etiam Decretorum Doctore
Canonico, vicario et officiali Valencia ;" beginning, "Ad
instantiam et persecutionem honorandi viri," &c. It is
subscribed "Gobaudi," endorsed at the end-"1494.
Proces contre Peyronete relaissée de Pierre Beraud de
Valence; digne d'estre veu.
This has been also printed by Allix from the Cambridge
MS. (ubi supr. p. 318). Cambr. Catal. ibid.
((
XIX. Another document relating to the case of Pero-
nette, occupying one page only. It is a short paragraph,
which has been printed by Allix (loc. cit.), under the
title of "Sumptum ex ore Peyronetta." It is headed
"Jesus Mariæ filius.
Contra Peyronetam Relictam cuiusdam Petri
Beraudi alias ffernerii. Loci Belli respectus.
A Valence l'an 1444.
Existimo fideliter scriptas responsiones."
NO. IX.]
PROCESSUS CONTRA WALDENSES.
87
This do-
The words in Italics are in a different hand.
cument is endorsed at the end-" No. 10. Proces contre
Perronete Relaissée de Pierre Beraud de Valence, digne
d'estre vue."
These papers, from XVII. to XIX., inclusive, are all
in the handwriting of No. I., and on paper bearing the
same water mark. The next is in a different hand.
XX. The narrative of Rostain, Archbishop of Ambrun,
in French. This is the same piece which occurred be-
fore in a Latin version, No. I. of the volume last described
(p. 67). It begins, " Est a presuposer, Lan mil iiijcc iiij xx
et dix sept apres ma translation," &c.
This is probably the original of this tract; it is quoted
by Perrin from this French copy. It consists of six
leaves, of which the last is blank. On the upper margin
of p. 1 are the dates "1497 et 1501;" on the lower
margin, "1497, No. II.;" on the back of the last leaf
the endorsement, "Num. 11, 1497." There are sum-
maries in the margin, in a hand different from that of the
document itself. The paper has a vase, or urn, as water
mark.
XXI. The upper part of the next document is very
much torn. The injury coincides exactly with that sus-
tained by Nos. XII. and XV., and the paper is the same.
These documents were therefore most probably all
stitched together, and torn by the same hand. They are
also all in the same handwriting. This document has
the signature of "N. Paris." It consists of six leaves,
88
WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[NO. IX.
of which the last is blank. It is endorsed at the end,
"Proces et abjuration d'Antoyne Blasii. Num. 12.”
This is in the same handwriting as No. I.
XXII. A letter in a different hand, marked at the end,
“Lettre de l'Archevesque Rostain. No. 13." It begins,
“Tres reverend pere en Dieu Monseigneur l'Archevesque
d'Ambrun,” &c., and occupies two pages.
XXIII. Some documents, chiefly in French, dated in
the upper margin of the first page "12e d'Octobre,
1501," endorsed at the end-"1501. Copies des Let-
tres Patentes obtenues du Roy Loys douziesme, par ceux
de Frassiniere. Apres que Laurans Bureau et Thomas
Pascal eurent fait rapport de leur Commission.
"No. 14.
"Contre le Notaire Paris occupateur de patrie de leurs
biens. 12 Octobre, 1501.”
This is in the same hand as the last, and occupies two
leaves.
XXIV. "Commandement du Roy pour restituer les
biens de ceux de la valoise Freissiniere." Endorsed at
the end-" 17 Octob. 1501. Lettres de la Cour a
l'Archevesque d'Ambrun, marquans les [confisca]tions
faites par ses devanciers. No. 15." In French, and in
the same hand as the last.
XXV. Another letter, in the same hand as the last,
from the court to the archbishop on the same subject,
with several marginal notes, and (in a different hand)
the certificate of "Anthonius de Medulion Breissiam et
NO. IX.] PROCESSUS CONTRA WALDENSES.
89
de Rippeins Consiliarius et Cambellanus Regius, locum
tenens generalis Dalphinatus." Subscribed "Chapnisse."
Endorsed at the end-"No. 15. Lettres du 27ieme May,
1502." It occupies eight leaves, the last of which is
blank, with the exception of an endorsement, "Num.
15." The document last described (No. XXIV.), and
the first four leaves of the present paper, are torn in
exactly the same way as Nos. XII., XV., and XXI.
XXVI. A letter from the king on the same subject,
dated 27 May, A. D. 1502, and signed at the end, “Par
le Roy Daulphin a la relation des gens de son grand
Conseil-De Moline;" and in a different hand-
"Curia decrevit quod supradictæ literæ exequantur
juxta suam formam, et concessæ literæ de supra, citra
tamen remissionem personarum extra terram."
This document is on the same paper as the last (water
mark, a bunch of grapes), and occupies six leaves, the
last of which is blank, with the exception of the en-
dorsement. "1502. Du Regne de Loys 12. l'an cin-
quieme. Le 25. May. No. 16."
XXVII. Two leaves, imperfect both at the beginning
and at the end, but consecutive, relating to the examina-
tion of Odinus Crispinus. They are probably a portion
of the imperfect document, No. X., supra. They are in
the same hand, and on the same paper. See
p. 80.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
ON THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.*
No. I.
THE twelfth and thirteenth centuries were sufficiently prolific
of sects and heresies. But most of them expired in the same
intellectual twilight that saw their birth, and have not left to
posterity any written memorials of their doctrine. Few sec-
tarian books of those ages have yet been produced for modern
critics to exercise their ingenuity upon.
But it is otherwise with respect to the congregation of
Pauperes de Lugduno, or Poor Men of Lyons, which Peter
Waldo formed in A. D. 1160, and which was cut off from the
Church and placed in schism A. D. 1183. The sound it gave
was altogether of a higher mood; and it found for itself an
asylum in which it was enabled to outstay the scholastic ages,
and lived to mix itself at last with the "New Learning" of
the reforming ages, and lose its little rivulet in the ocean of
Protestantism.
The written remains ascribed to this ancient sect have given
rise to various opinions. At one time they were received with
considerable but indiscriminate avidity by Protestants, who,
* These papers are reprinted from the "British Magazine," vols. xviii.,
xix. (1840, 1841), with the permission of the proprietor, and are believed to
be from the pen of the late Hon. Algernon Herbert.
94
APPENDIX.
like most nations, most sects, and most families, were not un-
willing to believe themselves a more ancient race than they
really were. The full exposure of the spuriousness of those
remains, in part, has the effect (not unusual in such case) of
casting a discredit upon them all. Yet a broad line of dis-
tinction separates the frauds of the Reformation from those
simpler efforts of medieval piety which have really come down
to us from the Pauperes de Lugduno, and which seem well
entitled to the notice of the student, both as antiquarian re-
liques, and as documents in the history of sectarianism.
The published documents ascribed to the Waldensians of the
twelfth century are of two obviously distinct classes. The one
consists entirely of theological tractates in prose; and the
other chiefly of poetical or metrical compositions. Of the for-
mer class, one document is said to have offered the date of
1100; several others are said to be printed from a manuscript
written in the year 1120; and we are assured that another had
the date of 1230. Of the last-mentioned class (which is chiefly,
but not entirely, metrical) only one piece hath any sort of
date; and the date which it exhibits forms an important fea-
ture in the present subject.
The MSS. professedly of the year 1120 were a Confession
of Faith in fourteen articles, and treatises entitled, respectively,
What thing Antichrist may be ; the Dream* of Purgatory; the
Cause of ourt Separation from the Church of Rome; of the In-
vocation of Saints; and on Baptism and the rest of the Sacra-
ments of the Church of Rome. The antiquity of those documents
has been fully refuted. If the Confession was (as Sir Samuel
* Morland gives us this work as out of the MS. of a. D. 1120; but Leger
says its date was 1126. That, however, is most probably an error of the
press for 1120.
+ It would seem, from Perrin's "Histoire des Vaudois,” book ii., chap. ix.,
p. 224, that this is a Bohemian declaration, and made by persons really
having no connexion with the Vaudois, but translated into the language of
the latter.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
95
Morland* says) "copied out of MSS. bearing date A. D. 1120—
that is to say, near 400 years before the time of either Luther
or Calvin❞—it is about the only document of that character to
which the dissensions of the Church ever gave birth anterior
to the Reformation. Its catalogue of canonical books, including
those of Samuel by name, betrays a palpable forgery either of
the document itself or its date. We have beforet observed
that, if the "Noble Lesson" hath a good claim to antiquity, this
production can have none; for it makes Antichrist more an-
cient than the doctrine of purgatory, and himself the inventor
of that doctrine, while the poem pronounces him still future,
and his coming to be looked for. The same circumstance is
equally fatal to the treatise on Antichrist. Monsieur J. Paul
Perrin,‡ writing in 1619, and perhaps the prime author of
these deceptions and forgeries, informs us that it commenced
thus: (C
Qual cosa sia l'Antechrist, en datte de l'an mille cent
et vingt." But this was either a false description of the manu-
script, or was afterwards felt to be too gross and unskilful an
application of the forger's hand; for neither he himself, in the
third part of his work, nor Morland, have ventured to print
the treatise with any such heading. The unqualified expres-
sion of Zuinglian or Calvinistic opinions concerning the eucha-
rist, in the Treatise on the Sacraments, militates against the
decided weight of historical testimony. Though the Poor Men
of Lyons were accused of arrogating to themselves the power
of working the miracle of the altar, their enemies do not appear
to have laid any denial of that miracle to their charge, even
at the comparatively late period at which the inquisitions of
Thoulouse (of which the procès verbaux are still extant) were
* "Evangelical Churches," p. 30.
+ "British Magazine,” vol. xvi., pp. 607, 8. [The passage here referred
to occurs in some valuable papers, by the same author, on "Antichrist in the
13th century." As it discusses so fully the question of the date of the "Noble
Lesson," it will be inserted at the end of this Paper.]
"Hist. des Vaudois," p. 57. The Italics as given above.
96
APPENDIX.
--
held. Many and clear are the internal proofs* of recency in
those productions, which it is not desirable to recapitulate in
this place.
The prose document of the year 1100 is a catechism for the
instruction of children. Sir Samuel Morland printed it (p. 75)
with no more precise account of its date than that it was seve-
ral hundreds of years before either Calvin or Luther. But
Monsieur Jean Leger,† a Vaudois minister, reprinted it eleven
years afterwards, with these words annexed to its title,
“dattè de l'an 1100." This is, therefore, the oldest prose
document of the sect. Yet its language bespeaks the Presby-
terian age, and the cessation of Lugdunensian Pauperism.
True ministers (it says) are known per debita ministration de
li sacrament, and false ones per indebita. And again, that the
faithful "communicate with things ministerial or ecclesiasti-
cal by the ministry duly exercised-i. e. the word, the sacra-
ments, and prayer." It is evident that the word, thus set at the
very head of all visible religion, means the system of sermon-
preaching. But the preponderance of that idea peculiarly
belongs to ultra-protestant reformation, and does not belong
to the age or temper of Waldism. These passages resemble,
and are no doubt borrowed from, the language of Calvin|| :—
ubicunque Dei verbum sincerè prædicari atque audiri, ubi
sacramenta ex Christi instituto administrari videres, illic ali-
quam esse Dei ecclesiam nullo modo ambigendum est." The
same catechism speaks of Antichrist in the usual tone of the
modern Vaudois-that is to say, as a synonyme for the Church
of Rome or its pontiff; and in that sense it repudiates "the
authority, words, and benedictions of Antichrist." But this
<<
* A full and recent summary of the proofs on this point may be seen in
Dr. Todd's "Lectures on the Prophecies," &c., pp. 399-417. The subject had
been previously handled in the "Facts and Documents, &c., of the ancient
Waldenses and Albigenses," pp. 114-134.
+"Hist. Generale des Eglises Vaudoises," p. 58.
Ap. J. Leger, ibid. p. 64.
"Inst.," iv. c. 1.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
97
I
is a real shibboleth of the spurious and recent class of docu-
ments, and at open variance with the language of the "Noble
Lesson."
The origin of these false dates has been* previously indi-
cated. The only date really exhibited in the text and body of
any Waldensian document whatsoever was that in the "Noble
Lesson." That date, in its most obvious and primâ facie ac-
ceptation, is of or about the year 1100. And therefore it
was a very natural, though it was really an erroneous and
impossible supposition, that the "Noble Lesson" was then
composed. That year, therefore, became a notable epoch in
Vaudois chronology; and these disingenuous moderns adopted
it for their standard, and forged up to it. The Protestant
catechism was brought up to that identical year, and dattè de
l'an 1100; and the major part of the false documents were
brought so near to it, as to make them quite contemporary
with the "Noble Lesson," and even not improbably the work
of the same individual-viz., up to the year 1120.
Perhaps, if any person were to read these tracts as produc-
tions of the twelfth century, and desire specific proofs of their
unauthenticity (satisfactory as it is to possess an abundance
of such proofs), he would be evincing scarcely more perception.
of the styles and characters belonging to the different ages of
literature, than a rustic invited to the tables of the great has
of the flavour and qualities of wines. A man may have learned
to use the vocabulary of a foreign land, but he cannot step
entirely out of his own generation, and invest himself with the
characteristics of a distant age. It was morally impossible
for writers of the alleged date to handle so large a portion of
theology, without adopting in some measure either the logical
methods of the schools or the patristic unction of the Ruperts
* "Brit. Mag.," vol. xvi., p. 609. [The passage referred to is reprinted
at the end of this Paper.]
[This is now curiously confirmed by Mr. Bradshaw's recent discovery of
the erasure in the Cambridge MS.]
H
98
APPENDIX.
and Bernards. If this be true in general comparison, it be-
comes more strikingly so in comparison with the Waldensian
remains of the other class, chiefly metrical. They are dif-
ferent in the style of composition and the character of their
doctrine. And, as it cannot be credited that both emanated
from the same parties, so can it not be doubted which are the
old and which the new. Besides the poetical remains, there
are some prose devotions in the vulgar tongue, which appear
to proceed from the genuine sect of the Pauperes of Lyons,
and might, with all due allowances, be compared to the French
sermons of Saint Bernard. Such are the morsels printed by
Morland and Leger, under the names of "Temòr del Segnòr,"
"Las Tribulacions," and "Glosa Pater Noster." Their general
temper will not be mistaken for the Zuinglian or Calvinistic.
The first of them is in great measure directed against the love
of riches and worldly possessions, and appeals to the senti-
ments of Saint Augustine, Saint Jerome, and Saint Gregory.
Its conclusion is adorned with the following testimony of
Chrysostom to the value of human virtues :-" E Sant Johan
Boca d'Or di, 'que lo Segnòr a aparellia lo sio regne, a aquilli
que contrasteron a li pecca, e monteron a las virtus."" The
little book of “Tribulations" is an agreeable piece of practical
devotion, partly resembling the vein of the "Imitatio Christi ;"
but with repeated quotations from the fathers, whose autho-
rity is placed by the side of the apostle's, "E Sant Paul di,
yo non penso, etc.: E Sant Augustinus di, cal ès aquesta, etc.”
In another paragraph, St. Sixtus and St. Johan Boca d'Or are
quoted; and the former, probably, must signify* Sextius the
Pythagorean, whom Rufinus translated under the false name
of St. Sixtus, bishop of Rome. The legends of the martyr-
doms of St. John Baptist, St. Lawrence, St. James of Zebedee,
...
* But the words cited do not appear in Gale's edition, "Opusc. Myth.,"
&c., pp. 645-56.—See Schoell "Hist. Litt. Grecque," tom. v., p. 51; Gen-
nadius "de Viris Illustr.," chap. xvii.; and Miræus, ibid.

THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
LIBRARY
C6320
OF THE
280
SITY OF MICHIG
99
St. James of Alpheus, St. Bartholomew, St. Peter, St. Andrew,
St. Matthew, and St. Paul, are given in the above-mentioned
order, and as of equal authority; and St. James of Alpheus is
said to have been knocked on the head "by the son of a
bishop." These productions are somewhat germane to thosef
"authorities of the saints" which, in the early days of the
sect, Bernard Ydros compiled under the name of Sententia,
and Stephanus de Ansâ translated into Romance. The words
of Augustine, "vain fear is it to fear the loss of things earthly,
and not to fear the loss of things heavenly," are paraphrased
in the following most expressive words: "vain fear is it to
fear losing the company of father and of mother, and not to
fear the loss of the company of God and the Virgin Mary."
Near the end occurs the following quotation :-"And the Wise
Man says, Behold the life of the holy martyrs, of the men and
the women, who suffered themselves to be slain, and their flesh
delivered to death and martyrdom." The Wise Man is also
appealed to for "the three sufferings which the friends of God
must have”—viz., injuries done them by deed and word, infir-
mities and troubles appointed to them, and the devil who
tempts them from good works; and these words are quoted
from him, "I speak to you according to the patience of God;"
and again, "the truly patient hopes to enjoy the brotherhood
of the angels." Whencesoever those sayings of the Wise Man§
may come, it is evident that these are not the effusions of Pro-
testantism, properly so called. The "Glosa Pater" not only
abounds with quotations from the fathers, Saints Augustine,
Isidore, Gregory, and Bernard (and most copiously from Gre-
* Which Monsieur Leger does not blush to translate "un jeune homme."
+ Steph. de Borbone apud "Oudin Script. Eccles., iii., 239;" Martene,
tom. v., 1778;" and Quetif "Bibl. Ord. Prædic.,” i., 192.
"De Dio e de la Vergena Maria ;" which Morland has the daring impu-
dence to translate, in the opposite column of the same page, "of God the
Father, and of Jesus Christ!”—p. 129.
§ For Wise Man, Morland, in his version, has thought fit to put Solomon.
H 2
Vor M
100
APPENDIX.
gory), but it breathes the spirit of Spiritual Poverty, the
genuine Lugdunensian Waldism. "Thy kingdom come" is
explained, at considerable length, to be a prayer for the esta-
blishment of a spiritual and voluntary poverty. "Dereço lo
ès entendement, lo tio regne venga; çoès, O Segnor! dona a
nos pavretà voluntayriç," etc. To these productions no such
remote date as 1100 or 1120 has been formally assigned, be-
cause they contain nothing in furtherance of the dishonest
object sought for in that spurious chronology. That object
was, to make out that the modern Vaudois did not owe their
Protestantism, their Presbyterianism, their Pope-Antichrist,
and, generally speaking, the system that now exists among
them, to Zuingli, Bucer, Ecolampade, Calvin, and the divines.
of that age and school, but had possessed it in identical form.
and language from a period so distant as to exceed, by more
than a generation, the very date of their founder, and the ear-
liest external records of their existence as a religious denomi-
nation. This theory, though incredible on the face of it to
all who have a general knowledge of men and things, was
capable of finding favour with the violent prepossessions and
low tone of erudition that marked the unchurched Protestant
communities; and, to give it vogue, bold fraud was sufficient.
But (although they bear no forged stamp of antiquity, to pass
them current with the vulgar) the above-cited remnants of
prose devotion are unquestionably ancient-that is to say, they
are anterior to the teaching of Luther, Zuingli, and Calvin;
are conformable to the tenets that grew up among Waldo's
disciples, and were composed by Poor Men of Lyons. The
matter will be more clearly understood by keeping sight of
that, their true title; and, therefore, those who might like to
mystify the matter would not be sorry to keep it out of sight.
* If it were true, it is inconceivable why they should repair to Bucer and
Ecolampade with humble applications for advice and instruction, instead of
graciously imparting to those German reformers the complete and long-esta-
blished theology of the valleys.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
101
In 1160 there were persons who might be termed (though,
perhaps, as yet they were not) Waldenses, Vaudès, or Vaudois;
from that time to 1840 there have never ceased to be persons
of whom such is a distinguishing appellation; and ages yet to
come may speak of them by that name. But no one will venture
to say that any sect of Pauperes de Lugduno is now, or has
been for 300 years, in existence. The title has passed away
with the opinions which directly gave rise to it, as well
as with divers other tenets either introduced or retained by
those who bore it. The perpetuity of the name Vaudois does
not prove identity, or even similarity, of opinions and prac-
tices; yet it is compatible with such identity, and offers a
probability of resemblance. But the entire disappearance of
the famous and characteristic title of Pauper de Lugduno
proves the intervention of a great and serious change; they
are, in fact, no longer the same sect. The sect of which we
read in early chronicles, councils, and inquisitions, no longer
exists; and the name now usually selected to show its per-
petuity is not that which constitutes the real test of the truth.
Four volumes, which are preserved at Dublin, among the
MSS. of Trinity College, and which had formerly been a part
of the library of the most illustrious Archbishop Ussher, con-
tain various documents of Vaudois divinity; and, among them,
certain of those which belong to the Reformation, and have
fraudulently been referred to the year 1120. They contain two
tracts, at least, of that class—viz., the "Dream of Purgatory,"
and that "On the Invocation of Saints." But the antiquity
of those written copies is not calculated to remove the dis-
credit under which their contents are labouring. That which
contains the two treatises just mentioned, and is marked C. 5.
22, bears the date of 1524; and that date may be considered
genuine, because it is introduced incidentally in a table con-
structed for finding Easter.* And another (of which the con-
*
[See above, p. 24 and p. 41.]
102
APPENDIX.
tents are very similar in many respects, but which does not
contain those treatises) is dated at the end 1523.* Since Martin
Luther declared himself a reformer no earlier than in 1517, and
Zuingli in 1519, it may reasonably be supposed that whatever
contents of these volumes shall (upon a strict examination) be
found belonging to the New Learning, and not to the ancient
Lugdunensian sect, are either autographs or very early copies.
The sole evidence for referring any of the prose treatises to
the twelfth or thirteenth century is external. It consists in
the assertions of Messrs. Jean Paul Perrin, Samuel Morland,
and Jean Leger, that certain MSS. of them exhibited the dates
of 1100, 1120, and 1230. But no such documents so dated
are now to be met with. Neither does it appear certain that
any one, save Perrin, ever saw the date of 1120; for Theo-
dore Tronchin's attestation in 1656 purports only that Perrin
showed him "divers original MSS.," words entirely devoid of
meaning, and calculated to give a vague semblance of authen-
tication, without saying anything. Perrin was, however, silent
as to the date of the catechism which he printed; and it was
reserved for Jean Leger to reprint it, with the daring asser-
tion that its date was A. D. 1100.
A deep mystery and ugly suspicions hang over all the deal-
ings of these people with Waldensian books. The written
volumes which were "remises entre les mains de Monsieur
Morland, Commissaire Extraordinaire de Millord Oliver Crom-
well, Protecteur de la Grande Bretagne, par Messrs. Antoine
et Jean Leger, pasteurs originaires des vallées," were presented
by Morland "to the public library of the famous University
of Cambridge, in August, 1658." One of the pieces in vo-
lume A was expressly dated 1230, which might excite some
degree of presumption that the whole volume was of that date.
* [See above, p. 54, Volume No. VI.].
† Perrin, “Ilist. Vaud.," p. 57; Morland, "Evang. Churches," pp. 9, 30,
142; Leger," Ilist. Gen.," pp. 24, 58, 71, 83, 87, 92.
Leger, "Histoire Generale," p. 21.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
103
*
Yet not only other treatises in the volume, but that very one,*
seem, from their titles, to belong to the new or reformation
Vaudois. A careful inspection in the Cambridge Library, by
persons skilled in palæography, might clear up the case. But,
alas! Monsieur Raynouard says too truly, "ces manuscrits
interessans ne s'y trouvent plus depuis plusieurs années."
Indeed, no confirmation can be obtained of the fact that they
ever were there at all. The catalogues, which go back to the
middle of the eighteenth century, arc silent concerning them;
and the University possesses no record or tradition whatever,
either of their arrival or of their departure. The whole story
of their visit to Cambridge depends entirely upon the word of
Morland. Yet a work of so much splendour and pretension
as Morland's "Evangelical Churches of Piedmont," ostenta-
tiously dedicated to "His Serene Highness Oliver, by the
grace of God," &c., could not publicly announce the deposit
of these religious and antiquarian treasures in Cambridge with-
out the imminent risk (not to say moral certainty) that some
persons would at least desire to look at them-a greater risk
than we see any sufficient motive for running; therefore, even
those who value his veracity the least will probably believe
that he placed them there in the month and year he mentions.
But they were removed again from thence; at what time, is
entirely unknown; and it is a question, by what party, and
wherefore. Believers in them have indulged in the imagina-
tion, that the Papists withdrew them during their short-lived
ascendency in the reign of James the Second. But those who
*"A Treatise of the Word of God, and the power and efficacy thereof;
as also how it ought to be received."
† Oliver died on the 3rd of September, 1658; and the MSS. were placed
at Cambridge in August, 1658; therefore, Morland must have lodged
them there at the precise point of time when his book came out of the
press and only some three weeks or so before the death of the Protector,
for whose long life and reign he prays with much flattery and cant of
Scripture.
104
APPENDIX.
are aware of the forgeries will rather conclude that the same
Puritans, under whose auspices they were lodged at Cam-
bridge, in days of Oliverian darkness (finding them utterly
unable to pass muster as MSS. of the age ascribed to some of
them), withdrew them from the searching eye of restored
learning to some place where-not being publicly announced
to exist-they would excite little or no observation in the
republic of letters. That such was the fact will be shown,
upon pretty strong grounds, when the "Noble Lesson" comes
under consideration, and the fate of the precious old book
(volume B) which contained it is inquired into. Meanwhile,
it derives confirmation from that which the writer of these
pages has reasons for believing-viz., that some portion of those
documents (but not the important portions above-mentioned)
were conveyed out of the kingdom, and deposited-not in
Romish custody, such as at Paris or the Vatican, but in a
place fully as much belonging to Protestantism* as any of the
libraries of this country. Meanwhile, the undoubted but un-
explained aphanismus of the most important documents-if not
the only important ones, both Perriniant and Morlandian-
leaves the whole story of their antiquity a naked assertion,
and matter of faith, not of sight.
What faith is due to the word, and what respect to the judg
ment of Perrin and his copyist, Morland, may be partly esti-
* With a view to other remarks that must presently be made, it is neces-
sary to say that Geneva is not here alluded to. [The author alludes to
Trinity College, Dublin, following an opinion which I once entertained.-See
above, p. 21. But the suspicion that any of the Morland MSS. were conveyed
away to Dublin or any where else is now shown to be unfounded; Mr. Brad-
shaw having discovered all the MSS. in Cambridge, where Morland left them.]
+ Perrin's volume, which he absurdly describes as "intitulé Livre des
Vertus," because the tract so called is the first in order of its multifarious
contents, is at Trinity College, Dublin, and has been identified by the
learned librarian, Dr. Todd. It is catalogued C. 5, 22, and was written
in 1524.-See above, p. 101, and "Todd on the Prophecies," &c., p. 404,
note (d).
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
105
mated from the “ Catalogue of the names of all those barbes* or
ancient pastors of or belonging to the Evangelical Churches of the
valleys of Piemont, who have been eminent within the 500 years
last past." It suffices to shake all faith in their pretended tra-
ditions of the valleys. In this catalogue we meet with "Mr.
Arnoldo, who taught about the year 1150, from whom his
disciples were called Arnoldists." Who, think you, is this
good barbe of the valleys? No less a man† than Arnald of
Brescia. He was a pupil of Peter Abelard, and the most
furious disciplinarian reformer of those times. He declaimed
against the clergy with such effect, as to raise an insurrection
in Rome itself, and drive Pope Eugenius the Third out of his
capital; and, like Rienzi, lost his reputation by his success.
He was ignobly surrendered by Frederick Barbarossa into the
hands of our countryman, Adrian the Fourth, and burnt at
Rome, in 1155. It were a waste of words to argue whether
this turbulent Brescian was a barbe of the Alps. The whole
story is founded upon nothing more than the occurrence of the
word Arnaldista among the various names enumerated in the
famous constitution of Frederick II., or in the somewhat earlier
decretal of Gregory IX. Another barbe in the same list is
"Mr. Esperone, who taught about the year 1156, from whom
his followers were named Esperonists." This is, in like man-
ner, framed upon the word Speroniste, in the constitution of
Frederick; but Ducange apprises us that the true reading
thereof is Paronistæ, and that where we meet with Spero-
* Barbe is a Provençal word, meaning uncle, and is applied, by way of
respect or endearment, to their pastors or ministers by the Vaudois. There
is no reason to conclude that Waldo's sect invented that way of speaking, and
that it may not have been a more ancient idiom in Gaul; if so, we may un-
derstand the legends of St. Patrick, the apostle of Ireland, and St. Ninian,
the apostle of Pictland, being St. Martin's nephews.-See Morland, p. 184;
Perrin, pp. 64-5.
+ See Natalis Alexander, sæc. xi. et xii., p. 338, de Arnaldistis. Perrin
affects to refer the Arnaldistæ to one Arnaldus Othonis (or Arnaud Hot),
an Albigensian, mentioned by William of Puylaurens, c. ix., p. 672.
See Ducange, in Paronistæ.
106
APPENDIX.
nistæ it is to be thus corrected: the origin of the word, and
nature of the sect, remain quite unknown. Thus good Mr.
Esperone, whoever was his father (and Perrin* seems to father
him upon Monsieur de Sainte Aldegonde), had a misprint for
his mother. "Mr. Josepho taught about the same time; and
those who embraced his doctrine were in mockery called, after
his name, Josephists." The Emperor Frederick's enumera-
tion includes the Josephini; and that, again, is the whole
matter of Mr. Josepho. But his people were quite distinct
from the Waldenses, both in their rules of rigour and laxity;
"Josephistæ contrahunt matrimonium spirituale, et præterf
coitum omnes delectationes exercent." Bartholomew of Car-
cassonne, the delegate of Bartholomew, Paulician primate of
Bulgaria, is inserted in this catalogue of Pastors of the Val-
leys. And Perrint did not scruple to assert, that Matthew
Paris described Bartholomew of Carcassonne as being himself
the superintendent of the Bulgarian, Croatian, Dalmatian, and
Hungarian Churches of Vaudois, and called him their pope.
Thus, when occasion requires, two§ Gnostical Bartholomews
* "Hist. Vaud.," p. 64.
+ Reinerus apud "Bibl. Max. Patrum," 25, 272.
"Hist. Vaud.," pp. 65, 245.
§ Matthew Paris supplies us with one suggestion concerning that Pauli-
cian primate, which, in our lack of information about the Bulgarian hære-
siarchate, is worthy of observation, even at the expense of a brief digression.
One Bartholomew was primate, patriarch, or anti-pope of the Hæretici; and
the Gascon whom he employed as his vicar in Languedoc and the circum-
jacent parts was also Bartholomew. Here seems to be more than casual
coincidence. The Nestorian patriarch of Kurdistan is always, and ex officio,
Simeon.-Niebuhr, "Voyage," &c., ii., p. 270. The Nestorian patriarch of
Kara Cathay, or Black Tartary, who combined with that hæresiarchate the
temporal sovereignty of the land of Naiman, was termed the Presbyter
Johannes.-Roger Bacon, "Opus Majus," pp. 231-32, ed. 1733. And if the
unanimous voice of Christendom, consistent on that point amidst many errors
regarding him, may be listened to, he was so called officially, and not in a
mere personal way. So there appears some reason to suspect that they who
pulled the strings of Manicheism in Bulgaria, affected the name of Bartho-
lomew.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
107
coalesce into one Vaudois barbe. Last, but not least, we will
cite the name of a good Alpine pastor, who walked unseen
through Old England, influenced her fortunes materially,
without being once named in her history, and escaped all
question or maltreatment; while the Oldcastles, Brutes, and
Wickliffes, were called to an account-" Lollardo,* who was
in great reputation among the evangelical churches of Pie-
mont, by reason of a commentary he made upon the Revela-
tion; as also for having conveyed the knowledge of their
doctrine into England, where his disciples were known by the
name of Lollards." Sir Samuel had previously delivered him-
self as follows :—"In England, they (the Vaudois) were known
by the name of Lollards, from one Lollard, who was one of
their chief instructors in that isle." Another catalogue, that
of appellations bestowed on the Waldenses, is nearly as vile
and absurd as that of the barbes; two samples of it shall
satisfy us. The historian of the Vaudois, finding in the Impe-
rial enumeration of sects the name Passagini, concerning which
nothing more was at that time known, scrupled not to make
the following assertion :-"Attenduf que comme pauvres pas-
sagers ils fuyoient d'un lieu en autre, ils (les Vaudois) ont
été appellez Passagenes." But we are now well aware, from‡
ancient authority, that those people were a set of Judaists,
practising circumcision, and keeping the Sabbath. The same
author has said, "Quand ils soustenoyent que l'authorité des em-
pereurs et rois de la terre ne depend point de l'authorité des
Papes, ils les ont appellez§ Manicheens, comme constituans.
deux principes." And that statement relates to the charge of
* Morland, p. 185; Perrin, p. 66.
† Perrin, "Hist. Vaud.," p. 9.
Bonacursus (Catharorum quondam Magister Mediolani) "de Vitâ Hære-
ticorum," in d'Achery, "Spicileg.," i., p. 212. It seems that in the "Const.
Fred. II." we should read "Circumcisi Passagini," without any comma be-
tween those words.
§ Perrin, p. 10; Morland, p. 13.
108
APPENDIX.
dualism, constantly preferred against the Paulicians or Pata-
renes in all ages of their existence, from the ninth century to
the fourteenth, inclusive! If the former was a rash and un-
lucky guess, this is a shameless and wicked falsehood. It is
too evident that the affirmation of such critics and historians
is worth nothing towards establishing the date of documents
that are no longer to be seen.
The Memoir of Eminent Barbes furnishes some notices
of modern and, it may be supposed, substantially authentic
fact. "Daniel of Valenza,* and John of Molines. These two
were sent into Bohemia, to serve the Waldensian churches
that were gathered in that kingdom. But they betrayed the
churches, and wrought them much evil; for they discovered
to the enemies of the said Vaudois whatsoever they knew of
their flocks,—from whence arose a great persecution, which
occasioned the churches of Bohemia to write to the Vaudoist
churches of the Alps, never to employ again, in such voca-
tions, persons whose faith, probity, and zeal, were not known
by long experience." It is to be regretted that no date is an-
nexed to this transaction, and that no copy of the alleged
Bohemian letters should be furnished. It is questionable
* Perrin, p. 67; Morland, p. 185.
† Morland cunningly substitutes Evangelical.
The documents which the Vaudois emissaries to Bohemia translated
into Provençal, expressly state that their authors were not of the sect of
Pauperes or Waldenses, but "appella per fals nom falsament Pauvres o Val-
dès.”—Perrin, l. ii., c. ix., p. 224 [and see p. 50, supra]. In Freher's "Script.
Rerum Bohem.," p. 238, is a document, headed "Professio Fidei Waldensium
ad Vladislaum Regem," beginning, "Nos homines depressi ;" and at p. 345, an
"Oratio Excusatoria Fratrum Waldensium." One or other of them is, perhaps,
the original of the "Epistola al serenissimo rey Lancelau," by the false Valdès.
They were the people called Picards, and, by themselves, Unitas Fratrum,
or, The Brethren: "quos per ignominiam adversarii Waldenses et Picardos
Ipsi sese Fratrum nomine appellant."-Esrom Rudiger "de
Eccl. Frat. Bohem. et Morav.,” p. 6, ed. L. Camerarii. These "fratres" were
persons who separated themselves from the Taborites after 1457.—De Orig.
et Confess. Eccl. Bohem., p. 267, ibid. Casimir Oudin, under date of 1430,
vocant.
+
• •
• •
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
109
whether there were any Waldensian churches in Bohemia,
though some of the sectaries who came out of the Hussites im-
properly and unwillingly received that appellation. But the
fame of the Bohemian disputes and religious wars penetrated
into the country of the Vaudois, and induced them to send
emissaries into that kingdom. As we find that a petition of
the Bohemian Pseudo-Waldenses to their king Ladislaus has
been translated into the patois of the Piedmontese valleys, and
inserted among their own documents, we may strongly pre-
sume that the two mischief-making barbes intruded themselves
into Bohemia during the reign of that sovereign. If so, the
transactions occurred after a. D. 1471, and before a. D. 1516.
Its character, avowedly discreditable, remains a mystery.
But the Bohemian document just alluded to affords reason to
conclude that the Waldenses had not as yet departed from their
has these words: "Joannes Lukawitz natione Bohemus, professione Wal-
densis, ex illis qui in Bohemiâ Taborita dicebantur, quique simplici Fratrum
cognomine, contra alios Magistrorum appellatione tumentes, gloriabantur,
hâc quoque ætate inter Presbyteros Waldenses claruit." But, upon referring
to his "Confessio Taboritarum" (printed in Balthasaris Lydii "Waldensia,
id est conservatio Veræ Ecclesiæ, ex confessionibus cum Taboritarum, &c.,
tum Bohemorum," &c.), it will be seen that Lukawitz never says a word
about Waldensians, and uniformly terms himself and his people Taborites.
• The other epithet exists merely in the title-page of Lydius's collection, and
is introduced there for motives which that title-page clearly betrays. Peter
of Pilichdorf enumerates the following countries as being entirely free from
Waldenses-viz., England, Flanders, Brabant, Gelders, Westphalia, Den-
mark, Sweden, Norway, and Prussia; and Poland almost entirely. But he
adds, in Thuringia, Brandenburg, Bohemia, and Moravia, one thousand
heretic Waldenses have been converted within two years. And there are
hopes that more than one thousand will be reclaimed in Austria and
Hungary.-P. Pil., c. xv. As he was flourishing in 1444, and it is uncer-
tain to what time he lived, we cannot be sure that his Bohemian allusion is
not to the Picard Pseudo-Waldenses. In 1564, the Bohemians, "vulgarly
called Waldenses," sent an epistle to Sigismond, King of Poland, in which
they say that "pious but deluded persons take them to be Waldenses; and
the vulgar revile them by the name of Picards."-De Orig. et Confess, etc.,
pp. 269-272.
There were, however, they add, three hundred years ago or
110
APPENDIX.
ancient type when it was written; for its authors complain of
being falsely termed "Pavres o Valdés." And if Pauperes
was still a synonyme for the Waldenses, the latter would seem
not to have as yet essentially deviated from proper Waldism.
Similar conclusions may be drawn from the twenty-two arti-
cles* of heresy published against the Vaudois of the valley of
Fraissiniere in Dauphiné, in the winter of 1489, by Alberto
de' Capitanei, archdeacon of Cremona, and papal legate. Who-
ever has any acquaintance with the allegations preferred against
the sect by Alan of Lisle in the twelfth century, by Rainero
Sacconi, Stephen de Bourbon, and others, in the thirteenth,
and acknowledged by themselves in their depositions at Thou-
louse in the early years of the fourteenth, whoever, in short,
knows what the poor of Lyons were, will recognise that the
more, some churches of Waldenses in Austria, near the Bohemian borders;
but they had never anything to do with thern.-p. 272-3. One Stephen
(whom Perrin, p. 231, calls "Estienne homme ancien") is spoken of by him
and others as a Waldensian of Austria, and was burnt for heresy in 1468.
But since the Pseudo-Unitas-Fratrum, or Moravians of Count Zinzendorf,
represent him as a bishop, tracing his succession to the apostolic times, and
transmitting holy orders to them through the real Unitas Fratrum, we must
(if we believe them even so far as to suppose that Stephen had affected epis-
copacy) pronounce him and his people Pseudo-Waldenses of some sort. Be-
sides, we have the intimation of his neighbours and contemporaries, the
Picards, that Austria had not contained real Waldenses for the three hun-
dred years last past; and that, so far from deriving apostolic orders from them,
they had nothing to do with them at any time.-Consult [two papers on the
Episcopacy of the Herrnhuters or Moravians,] Brit. Mag., vii., pp. 499, 643.
The story in Thuanus and Dubravius about Waldo going from Lyons
to Picardy, and from Picardy to Bohemia, is a pure fable, built on no
other foundation than the word Picards. But that title was only a Bohemian
way of sounding the word Beghard, a title applied to the Fratres Liberi Spiritûs
(dangerous mystics, of whom the Bohemian Fratres were an offset), as well
as to the Beghardi et Beguine of the Franciscan order.-Mosheim, part ii.,
p. 637.
If there were congregations of Waldenses in Bohemia, it is, at all
events, evident that the barbes failed of discovering them, since the only docu-
ments they produced were, on the face of them, belonging to a different sect.
* Morland, p. 216; Leger, part ii., p. 23.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
111
articles of 1489 describe the original sect with scarcely the slight-
est degree of approximation* towards modern Protestantism.
The objects of the Legate de' Capitanei's censure identify
themselves with the ancient sect. We can recognise in it
their entire denial of the Church, and rejection of all its con-
secrated persons and places, coupled with their reception of
Popery itself, provided it were adapted to the law of spiritual
poverty, and separated from all temporal jurisdiction; their
denial of the sacrament of sacerdotal confession, coupled with
the enforcement of auricular confession, with penance, and ab-
solution thereupon; their rejection of purgatory, and restric-
tion of repentance and penance to this world; their entire
prohibition of all oaths; and the charge against them of deny-
ing the validity of the sacraments as administered by the
priests of the Roman Church, unaccompanied by any charge or
suggestion of heresy in respect of the miracle of transubstan-
tiation.
The applying the title of Babylon to the Church of Rome, as
charged in the ninth article, was not an entirely new feature
in Waldism, having been used from the middle of the thirteenth
century by the sub-sect of Pauperes de Lombardiâ, whom the
archdeacon of Cremona was particularly likely to have in his
eye. The denial of the validity of sacerdotal sacraments, not
merely of their necessity and eligibility, seems also to refer to
the Babylonizing sub-sect in Lombardy. But even their doc-
trine of a Babylon Church was conformable to that of the
Apostolics and Beguines, and had no congruity with the lan-
guage of the Reformation. For in Article Four the legate
charges them with holding that Sylvester had been the last true
*Not without error of a different sort. For the thirteenth charge im-
putes the same Gnostical orgies as were sometimes (by like error and preju-
dice) imputed to the Beguines.-See above [" Antichrist in the 13th century,
No. viii.," p. 146-7, Brit. Mag., vol. xviii.]. But this document, in its pre-
judices, as well as in its correct statements, relates to the old heresies, without
any traces of the New Learning.
112
APPENDIX.
pope; and in Article Nine, with holding that "the Roman
Church of the present time* has become the house of confusion,
the Babylon, the great whore, the synagogue of Satan." And
that was the language of the spiritualizing Romanists, who
were disgusted with the actual condition of the papacy. Ar-
ticle Fifteen, that the Virgin and Saints are not to be invoked
in prayer, is contained in the early statements of Stephanus de
Borbone sive Bellevillâ. The reason for it ascribed to them
by the Legate de' Capitanei, viz., that Mary and the saints are
too far off, and cannot hear us, agrees well with the one given
in Peter of Pilichdorf, that they are too much absorbed in the
enjoyment of their ownf beatitude to attend to us. But it is
a reasoning vastly distinct from the language of the spurious
"Invocation of Saints," and would have sounded most heterodox
in the ears of its author.
It is therefore, upon the whole, sufficiently clear that the
people in question continued to retain the characteristics of the
Waldism of the middle ages, down to the close of the fifteenth
century.
An entire new-modelling of religion in the churches of the
west was attempted in the early years of the sixteenth century.
At that time the community of the Waldenses was altered
from its old model to one resembling that of the Calvinists.
The change was effected with the rapidity and precipitation
that belongs to all great revolutionary eras; for we find Vau-
dois documents, composed on the new principles, and written
as early as A. D. 1524. In A. D. 1530 (the year of the Confes-
sion of Augsburgh), two barbes, Monsieur George Morel of
* Cunning Morland translates it thus-" The Church of Rome is an house of
confusion," &c.
+"Tantis impletos esse gaudiis, quòd nihil possint cogitare de his quæ in
terris fiunt, et per consequens non esse invocandos a nobis."-c. 19, p. 282.
Morland, p. 185; Perrin, p. 67. The latter is so loose and unsettled in
his style, that he sometimes calls them Morel and Masson, and sometimes
Maurel and Masçon. [See above, No. II., p. 8, sq.]
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
113
Fraissinieres, in Dauphiné, and Monsieur Pierre Masson of
Bourgogne, "were sent into Germany to communicate upon
religion with Bucer, Ecolampadius, and others. Pierre Masson
was taken prisoner at Dijon." Some correspondence of Bucer
and Ecolampadius with them* is in print. This year, 1530,
may be regarded as a great epoch of change in the sect. To
that time we may probably enough refer the composition (if
compositions they be) of many of the works that have been frau-
dulently antedated. We are led to that observation by Perrin's
own account of the famous Confession of Faith. The date of
A. D. 1120 was not affixed by him to that document. That
palpable falsehood was reserved for his successors. But his
description of the document is given in these terms-" Ex-
tracted from the book entitled 'Spiritual Almanack,' and from
the 'Memoires of George Morel.'" The book so (as above)
entitled is a composition most indubitably modern; and the
George Morel here mentioned is the very same person who
went for doctrine to Bucer and Ecolampade. From this we
can easily judge at about what time, and under what circum-
stances, the Protestant-Vaudois writings came into existence.
There is, however, one remark due in justice to those docu-
ments. They do not by any means appear to be forgeries.
There does not appear to be a word in them that indicates the
desire to personate other authors than their real ones, or to
imitate another age, or affect another date, than their real one.
They offer no more internal evidence of such an attempt than
they do of antiquity, but seem to have been written, by who-
ever did write them, in simplicity of purpose. And when they
are qualified as spurious, forged, or the like, we must only be
understood to say that the ancient dates (such as 1100, 1120,
and 1230) were afterthoughts and forgeries. The authors
themselves had no more idea of those years in their minds than
* Perrin, "Hist. Vaudois," pp. 46, 7, 211-16; [and see the volume No. II.
described above, p. 8, sq.]
I
114
APPENDIX.
◊
of the Hegira or the æra of Dhulkarnein. The idea of set-
ting up an apostolical succession of faith and testimony (not of
ministry), by the aid of an unfathomable and immemorial
Waldensianism, was not in their contemplation. This obser-
vation applies to so much of them as is printed. And there
exists no reason at present for thinking that any treatises were
composed for the purpose of deception.
Lately, in speaking of those compositions, we guarded our-
selves by saying, "if compositions they be." For it is uncer-
tain whether a large proportion of them may not be translations,
executed by Morel and others, from German, or from the Latin
of German authors. One of the documents of the Vaudois,
though it has been absurdly spoken of as an original in the
Piémontese, is manifestly the translation of a Bohemian docu-
ment. It is the Epistle of the Taborites (Pseudo-Waldenses)
of that country to their king Ladislaus. And the translators.
have made so free with that monarch's name, as to term himf
el serenissimo rey Lancelau. The declaration entitled Causa
del nostre departiment de la Gleisa Romana is another transla-
tion made in Bohemia. Among the tractates falsely ascribed
by the Protestant-Vaudois to the Waldenses Proper, one at
least appears to be no composition of their own, but a version
of something written in the northern parts of the Continent.
For we read that "disorderly fastings§ are especially those
upon viands more rare, more precious, and delicate, such as
are beasts of the sea, figs, dried grapes, almonds, by which the
poor are despoiled, and the rich pampered, and alms subtracted;
whereas, if they fasted upon more light and common food,
* See Perrin "Hist.," p. 58.
† Not only Lancelau in Provençal, but Lanzilao in Italian, and Lancelot
in French, are used for translations of Ladislas. It is questionable whether
there exist any such name as Lancelot, otherwise than as French for Ladislas.
So Monsieur Perrin's notice of it leads us to imply. [See above, pp. 47,
50.J
§ On Baptism, &c., ap. Morland, p. 177; and ap. Leger, part i., p. 69.
1
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
115
they could more lightly and easily minister to their families
and the other poor." One may readily suppose that Smyrna
figs, Malaga raisins, and sweet almonds, were not altogether
so cheap and common in Saxony or the Marches of Branden-
burgh, in the first half of the sixteenth century, as modern
traffic has made them; and that even now there are many
decent but humble families there who could not live upon
them with that severe attention to economy into which the
writer is disposed to resolve the principle of fasting. But it
would seem strange to warn the people of Piedmont and
Dauphiné, sitting beneath their own vines and their own fig-
trees, against the use of figs and grapes, ay, and even of the
spontaneous and scarcely cultured almond; and that, not as
being an indulgence to the palate, but on the ground that
their costliness operates as a wrong towards the poor. Some
of the Vaudois valleys, indeed, are too high in the Alps for
the vine to flourish; but most of them are described as
yielding wine and fruits in abundance.
Thus much has been said upon the subject of the prose class
of writings attributed to the Poor of Lyons, and upon the de-
merits of those puritanical impostors who have endeavoured to
deceive the world concerning them; not with the idea of
throwing any important light upon a subject already under-
stood, but chiefly as a prelude to the consideration of the
rhythmical remains of the ancient Pauperes de Lugduno, which
cannot be entirely separated from that of the above-mentioned
chronological forgeries.
* See Jean Leger, "Hist. Generale,” pp. 3-5.
I 2
116
APPENDIX.
PERRIN'S HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.*
As the author of the foregoing paper has (it is believed very
justly) spoken of Perrin, as "perhaps the prime author of these
deceptions and forgeries," the Editor is induced to add a few
lines on the subject of Perrin's work. The circumstances of
its concoction and publication are somewhat curious, and are
probably unknown to most of those who read the popular ac-
counts of the Vaudois, which quote Perrin, and his ignorant
followers Leger and Morland, as authorities. Who is, and
who is not responsible for any one particular statement or
opinion contained in Perrin's book, it might be hard to say;
but as to the work generally, whether we maintain it to be a
fair and sincere history, or a book of lies and forgeries, it is
certain that we are not to consider it the offspring of a simple
and solitary pasteur in Dauphiny, who believed whatever
was told him, but as the work of the French Protestant
Church, and a very curious work too.
Some who have been accustomed to consider Protestantism
as a free and easy system of private judgment, encouraging
men to think, and speak, and write just what they please,—and
who have been shocked at the notion of inquisitions, indexes,
censorships, and all the other stumbling-blocks which Romish
tyranny has laid in the way of marching intellect,—may be sur-
* [British Magazine, vol. xviii. (Dec. 1840), p. 614. This paper is in-
serted here from its connexion with the foregoing and with the controversy
respecting the authenticity of Waldensian history. It is from the pen of the
Rev. S. R. Maitland, D. D., then Editor of the British Magazine. The re-
markable facts which it establishes as to the authorship of Perrin's book are
particularly interesting, when it is borne in mind that the MSS. now in the
Library of Trinity College, Dublin are shown to have been in Perrin's pos-
session, and to have been quoted as the authorities for his "History."]
PERRIN'S HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
117
prised to see how vigilant and arbitrary the Reformed Church
of France was on this point. As early as their first National
Synod, held at Paris in May, 1559, it was decreed :—
"Les ministres ni autres personnes de l'Eglise ne pourront faire imprimer
aucun Livre composé par eux, ou par autrui touchant la religion, ni en pub-
lier sur d'autres matières, sans les communiquer à deux ou trois ministres de
la parole, non suspects."*
This was pretty strict; but the Synod of Orleans, in April,
1562, went further:
"Les Imprimeurs, Libraires, Peintres et en general tous les fideles, notam-
ment tous ceux qui auront charge en l'Eglise, seront averti de ne faire aucun
chose de leur art, office ou emploi, qui depende des superstitions de l'Eglise
Romaine, ou qui les favorise. Et quant aux faits particuliers, et ensemble à
correction qui y echerroit, ce sera au consistoire d'en juger.”—Ibid., p. 27,
No. XX.
Still more directly did the Synod of Rochelle, in June, 1581,
come to the point :-
"Les ministres et les fideles ne publieront à l'avenir aucuns de leurs écrits
imprimés ou autrement sur les matieres de religion, de politique, de conseils
ou autres choses de quelque importance, sans la permission expresse et l'ap-
probation du Coloque de leur eglises."—Ibid., p. 153, No. XLVIII.
By the time of the Synod of Montauban (that is, June,
1594), it had come to be thought necessary that the Church
should not only prevent such books as it did not like from be-
ing published, but that it should get such books as it did like,
written by men of the right sort :—
"On choisira dans chaque province des personnes propres pour répondre
aux écrits des aversaires, sans néamoins óter la liberté aux autres freres d'y
emploier les dons et les talens que Dieu leur aura communiqués; le tout aux
fraix de la Province, où ladite réponse sera faite. Et quant à ceux qui
s'ingerent de faire imprimer des livres, sans avoir auparavant communiqués
aux Coloques ou Synodes, suivant la discipline, ils seront griévement cen-
surés et leur écrits suprimés."-Ibid., p. 178, No. I.
* Aymon, "Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Reformées de France," tom. i.,
p. 6, No. XXIX.
118
APPENDIX.
Authors, however, have always been rather a wilful race,
and the press a difficult engine to manage; and in June, 1598,
the Synod of Montpellier was obliged to decree:
A
"Sur la plainte de diverses provinces touchant la licence que se donnent
les imprimeurs de mettre toutes sortes de livres en lumiere, les ministres des
églises où il y a imprimerie, sont averties de ne permettre pas qu'aucun livre
soit imprimé, qu'il n'ait auparavant été examiné et aprouvé.”—Ibid., p. 219,
No. XXVII.
These decrees of National Synods, and more, which might
be quoted,* are sufficient to show how completely the French
Protestant Church took the management of its literature into
its own hands. We very justly consider the Church of Rome,
with all her apparatus for correction or suppression, as respon-
sible for those books of her members which she allows to cir-
culate; and, in like manner, if there were nothing more
specific to be produced, we might fairly assume that Perrin's
book was, as a matter of course, examined and approved in
the Coloque, or in the Provincial Synod, to which he belonged,
and was at least so far published with the sanction of the
Church. But there is, in fact, a great deal more; and quite
enough to show that this book about the Vaudois was a
particularly laborious and deliberate act of the Church, repre-
sented not merely by Coloques, or Provincial Synods, but by
one National Synod after another.
Perrin attended the National Synod held at Rochelle, in
March and April, 1607, as one of the deputies for the pro-
vince of Dauphiné; and it seems that he had at that time made
some progress in his history; for it was then decreed-
"Monsieur Perrin est exhorté de continuer son travail pour achever la
veritable Histoire des Albigeois et des Vaudois; et pour lui aider, tous ceux
qui ont des Memoires, ou de leur Doctrine et Discipline, ou de leurs Persecu-
tions, sont chargés de les lui envoier au plutôt que faire se pourra."—Ibid.,
p. 313, No. XXXIV.
* As those of Alais in 1620. Ibid. ii., p. 151, No. XXI.; of Charenton,
1623, ii., p. 278, No. XI.; and Alençon, 1637, ii., p. 566, No. VIII.
PERRIN'S HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
119
It appears that, instead of attending the National Synod at
Maixent, rather more than two years after (May and June,
1609), Perrin sent a letter, and the following decree was
made:
gab
،،
"Sur les Lettres du Sieur Perrin, accompagnées de celle de la Province
du Dauphiné, par lesquelles ils font la deduction de ce que ledit Sr. Perrin
a fait pour écrire l'Histoire des Albigeois, de laquelle il a marqué le dessein
et le but dans sa lettre; la Compagnie en étant contente, l'exhorte de con-
tinuer son travail, et pour lui aider à l'achever on a prié les sieurs Ferrier,
Durand, Benoist, de Castelfranc et Vignier, de chercher tous les memoires
qui'ils pourront trouver pour les lui envoier; afin qu'il le publie au plutôt, et
pour cet efet la Compagnie lui remboursers ses fraix, et le recompensera de
ses peines."— Ibid., p. 361, No. VII.
One would, of course, like to know something about all the
persons who were thus assigned to assist Perrin, and directed
to act as purveyors of documents for his work; but should it
appear that any one of them was a rogue, it may not be worth
while to inquire much about the rest. Now it is but too clear
that such was the character of the first man on the list, M.
Jeremie Ferrier, who makes a considerable figure in the history
of these Synods. At the Synod of Gap, in 1603, where he is de-
scribed as "Professeur en Théologie à Nimes," he acted as
Ajoint" to the Moderator.* He filled the same high office at
the Synod of Maixent in 1609, at which this decree, appointing
him to help Perrin, was made; but at that of Privas, in 1612,
he comes under notice as the subject of heavy accusations:-
'Principalement pour avoir quitté l'eglise de Paris sans congé contre la
promesse qu'il avoit faite de la servir, comme aussi pour avoir beaucoup
negligé sa charge de Professeur en Theologie n'aiant pû l'exercer tandis qu'il
a fait divers voiages en cour et aux assemblées politiques, contre l'ordon-
nance du Synode National de St. Maixent: n'aiant donné aucun ordre à
personne de remplir sa charge pendant son absence. Semblablement pour
s'etre ingeré dans la recepte et le maniment des deniers academiques, dont il
s'est trouvé avoir entre les mains plus qu'il de lui etoit dû, la somme de
3103 liv. 5. s. 6. d. De meme pour avoir consenti à la publication des
* Ibid., i., 255.
120
APPENDIX.
lettres du Capitaine Gautier, qu'il devoit plûtôt suprimer que de s'en servir
pour exciter des querelles qu'il n'a pû apaiser sans s'engager à deguiser plu-
sieurs choses d'une façon mal seante a son ministere. Pour lesquelles causes
et autres, il lui a été ordonné d'ecrire des lettres satisfactoires à ladite eglise
de Paris, et de se vuider les mains de la susdite somme: et de plus, afin
d'obvier a tous les ombrages, noises, et soupçons, on lui defend de se trouver
dans les assemblées politiques et generales, durant l'espace de six ans, et en
lui conservant l'honneur de son ministere, on ordonne qu'il l'exercera dans
une autre province, telle qu'il sera jugé plus convenable de lui assigner, pour
la gloire de Dieu, et l'edification de l'eglise."—Ibid., 413, No. XVI.
Th
He seems, however, to have been supported by a considera-
ble party; for "Les Sieurs d'Aguillon et Barniers, du Corps
des Magistrats de Nimes, avec Arnaud Guirand, Second Con-
sul, Vestric Favier du Corps de la Maison de Ville, et les
Sieurs Suffren et Chambrun, Pasteurs de l'Eglise du dit Nimes,
Deputés par la Consistoire de la dite Eglise," appeared at the
Synod to pray that they might be allowed to keep their mi-
nister. They sought in vain; and the pasteurs Suffren and
Chambrun were very near getting suspended for the part which
they had taken in the business. However, to make the story
short, the accused appears to have been contumacious; and,
attached to the acts of the National Synod just mentioned, we
find the "Excommunication et Deposition de Monsieur Jéré-
mie Ferrier," by the Provincial Synod of Lower Languedoc,
under the sanction of the Synod of Privas. After reciting the
various complaints that had been made, and
"Aiant donc dûement et pleinement été informés des mauvais compor-
temens dudit Ferrier, du mepris audacieux qu'il fait de la discipline, des pro-
pos injurieux et insolens qu'il a prononcés contre les Assemblées Ecclesias-
tiques, de son trop grand attachement à ce present siècle, du recours qu'il a eû
à de mauvais et indignes moiens, des rebellions et desobeissances enormes,
qu'il a commises contre le St. Ordre institué de Dieu, aiant aussi apparu qu'il
a entierement abandonné le saint et sacré ministere, et qu'il a protesté avec
serment qu'il y renonçoit;"—Ibid., 462;
and having in vain given him an opportunity to express his
* Ibid., p. 416.
† Ibid., p. 461.
PERRIN'S HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
121
contrition, if he had had any, they proceeded to excommunicate
him as "un Homme Scandaleux, Incorrigible, Impenitent, In-
disciplinable." At the next Synod, which was held at Ton-
neins, in the year 1614, he is placed in that which forms one
of the most curious appendages to the acts of these Synods,
viz., the “Role des Ministres deposés et apostats."
“Au Bas Languedoc, Jeremie Ferrier, ci-devant Pasteur et Professeur
dans l'Eglise et Universite de Nimes, personnage de haute stature, aiant les
cheveux noirs et frisés, le teint olivâtre, les narines ouvertes, et les lèvres
fort grosses, a été censuré plusieurs fois, et ensuite suspendu pour ses mal-
versations et rebellions, aiant abandonné la sainte ministere, il fût excom-
munié de nos Églises le 14 de Juillet, 1613, desquelles il s'est entierement se-
paré à l'age d'environ 38 ans."-Ibid., tom. II., p. 49.
Such was one of the persons appointed by the Synod of St.
Maixent, in 1609, to help Perrin, and to get documents for him.
In pursuing his personal history we have outstripped that of
the work which it is our principal business to follow. We
must therefore go back five years (to 1609), when Ferrier and
the other assistants were appointed by the Synod of Maixent.
It will be remembered that two years before that, Perrin had
made some progress in his History; and we shall find that three
years after, at the Synod of Privas (the same which ccnsured
Ferrier), Perrin made his appearance, and presented his book.
The five colleagues before appointed to him may be supposed
to have done their best, or their worst, and the work was now
to be further reviewed by another set :—
"Le Sieur Perrin, aiant aussi présenté son livre de l'Histoire des Albigeois
et Vaudois, son dit Écrit a été mis entre les mains de Mrs. les pasteurs
Roussel, de Cuville, de Beau, Petit et Joli, Pasteurs, afin qu'ils en fassent
leur raport devant cette compagnie, laquelle a donné pour les Fraix faits
par ledit Sr. Perrin, la Somme de trois cens Livres."—Ibid., tom. i., p. 404,
No. III.
At the same time the Synod issued this further direction :
"Le Sieur Perrin, sur le Raport qu'on a entendu de ceux qui ont vû son
Travail sur l'Histoire des Albigcois, est exhorté, suivant l'Avis des Commis-
122
APPENDIX.
saires, d'en faire une Révision, et de le présenter ensuite, au Synode du Dau-
phiné, afin que le voiant limé suivant l'Intention de cette Compagnie, il puisse
être mis en Lumière.”—Ibid., p. 429, No. X.
After two years more, during which we may suppose that
the new commissioners were employed in the limation of the
work committed to them, the National Synod of Tonneins (May
and June, 1614), issued the following decree :→
"L
Le Synode de Dauphiné est chargé de voir l'Histoire des Vaudois et
Albigeois, recueillie et dressée par le Sieur Perrin, qui est chargé d'en envoier
un Exemplaire à chaque Province d'abord qu'elle sera imprimée.”— Ibid., tom.
II., p. 11, No. VI.
All this the reader may think very leisurely proceeding; but
in such matters it is best not to be in a hurry; and therefore
after three years more, at the Synod of Vitré, held in May and
June, 1617, the said commissioners reported as follows:
mg
"Les Deputés de la Province du Dauphiné, ont fait entendre à la Com-
pagnie que leur Synode a examiné l'Histoire des Vaudois et Albigeois, re-
cuellie par le Sr. Perrin, mais qu'elle n'a pas été imprimée et distribuée
selon l'Ordre qui en avoit été donné audit Sieur Perrin, par la Synode
National de Tonneins; On a ordonné que ladite Histoire sera envoiée à
Messieurs les Pasteurs et Professeurs de l'Église et Université de Geneve,
qui seront priés par le Synode du Dauphiné de la voir. Et quant à la de-
mande faite au nom dudit Sr. Perrin, de quelques deniers pour l'impression
de son livre: la compagnie y aura égard lorsqu'on fera la distribution des
deniers provenans de la Liberalité du Roi. Cependant il est enjoint à la
province du Dauphiné, de procurer l'Impression dudit livre, sans attendre la
Gratification qu'on doit faire audit Sr. Perrin, outre ce qui lui a été donné
par le Synode National de Privas."—Ibid., p. 87, No. IV.
After all this one really might suppose that the work was in
the press, and would be speedily published; but still one can-
not be too careful to avoid the evils of precipitate publication.
On the other hand, however, there is a possibility that a manu-
script may be worn to rags, and surely this one must have had
a very narrow escape, for it is not until more than three years
again, after this report, that we find the Sr. Perrin at the Synod
↓
PERRIN'S HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
123
of Alais, informing that assembly, not only that his book was
actually printed, but that he had it in contemplation (encou-
raged perhaps by the ease and rapidity with which he had
knocked off a small portion), to write an Universal History
of the Church, from the creation of the world to the time pre-
sent a matter which the Synod somewhat quaintly referred
back to his own prudence and conscience. But their article
must be given:
66
Le Sieur Jean Paul Perrin, Pasteur de l'Église de Nions en Dauphiné,
s'etant présenté devant cette compagnie, pour lui rendre compte de l'Impres-
sion de l'Histoire des Vaudois et Albigeois, et aiant declaré qu'il est mainte-
nant occupé à écrire l'Histoire Universelle de l'Eglise qu'il suivra depuis le
commencement du monde jusqu'à present; La Compagnie l'aiant loüé de
ce qu'il entrepend un si grand ouvrage, et remercié de la peine qu'il a prise
de mettre en Lumière ladite Histoire des Vaudois, remet à sa prudence et con-
science à juger du fruit que l'Église peut tirer de ses autres écrits, sans lui en
préscrire aucun necessité. Et sur ce que ledit Sieur Perrin a représenté qu'il
est chargé d'un grand nombre d'enfans, et qu'il suplie la Compagnie de don-
ner au moins quelque Subvention à l'un de ses Fils, lequel aiant été debauché
par les Jesuites, et s'etant ensuite converti, donne maintenant une grande
Espérance de pouvoir servir utilement l'Eglise de Dieu la province du
Dauphiné est exhortée d'y avoir egard selon la Charité, et selon le Mérite
dudite Sr. Perrin.”—Ibid., p. 185.
Thus the work was reported as actually printed at the synod
held between October and December, 1620. It has been already
stated, that some progress had been made in its composition
as early as the year 1607. It is certainly very ridiculous to
see such a mountain, or rather such a chain of mountains,
labouring for a dozen years to bring forth such a mouse as
Perrin's little book; but, strange as all this is, there is some-
thing in the synodical history of this work which is still more
strange. We have seen how this Synod of Alais took the
matter of its publication; and who would expect to find the
very next national synod (that of Charenton, in 1623), without
the least reference to Perrin or his book, requesting another
124
APPENDIX.
person to undertake a history of the Albigenses, just as if not
a word had ever been said on the subject? Yet it is, in fact,
with special reference to the decree of the Synod of Alais,
already quoted, and as a remark upon it, that the Synod of
Charenton decrees:—
"Sur le Canon qui regarde la composition de l'Histoire des Albigeois, cette
Assemblée étant bien informée de l'Érudition et de la Capacité du Sieur Tilloit,
Pasteur dans l'Église de Sedan, décréta qu'il seroit prié d'écrire ladite Histoire,
et on exhorta les Provinces de lui envoier tous les Mémoires qu'elles avoient
sur ce Sujet."-Ibid., p. 248.
What this could mean, except that some circumstances or
other had led them to distrust Perrin, and repudiate his book,
it seems hard to say. If anybody can put a more charitable
construction on it, let him do so; but let him also bear in mind,
that the very next Synod (that of Castres in 1626,) issued
the following order:
“On ordonna de suprimer tous les Écrits qui avoient été délivrés par
Monsieur Perrin, pasteur de l'Église de Nions, et par Monsieur de Mirabel,
décedé, à la Province de Bourgogne, et que les Députés de ladite Province
avoient ensuite délivrés à ce Synode.”—Ibid., p. 351, No. VIII.
The exact meaning of all these orders, issued at various
times during a period of nearly twenty years, it may not be
possible fully to explain. From the foregoing sketch, how-
ever, it seems plain that, though in the spirit of poetry, and,
perhaps, of misguided affection, M. Gamon might prefix verses
to his friend Perrin's book, addressing him as―
"Grand Thésorier de mémoire,
Trompette de la vérité,
Qui par le clairon de l'Histoire
Fais résonner l'antiquité,"
and might thus claim for him the undivided honour of the
work, yet we must not allow the muse of the said "Christophle
Gamon, Ancien de l'Église d'Annonay" to bewitch us into a
belief of any such thing; many others must share the credit,
PERRIN'S HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS.
125
or the discredit, of the work. If it has falsehoods and forge-
ries, they are not to be ascribed to haste of composition, or
want of books, or of opportunity for inquiring as to the genu-
ineness of manuscripts, or to be accounted for as the mistakes
of a simple and incompetent individual. Yet it is to the facts
connected with this book that we must look for an explanation
of a great part of the mystery which hangs over the rhodo-
montade that is popularly called the history of the Vaudois.
JA
[After the foregoing paper had been in type, I was reminded by Dr. Mait-
land, to whom I had sent a proof sheet, that he had reprinted it eleven years
ago in his "Eight Essays on various Subjects," Lond. (Rivingtons), 1852.
Had I recollected this circumstance, I should probably have contented my-
self with referring the reader to that work; but as the article was actually in
type, and especially as it has so close a connexion with the subject of this
volume, and with the paper that precedes, "On the Poems of the Poor of
Lyons," I have allowed it to stand in its original form, with only a few
verbal corrections which Dr. Maitland had himself introduced into his second
edition of it. I have not thought it necessary to annex the note on the history
of Esaie Ferrier, which Dr. Maitland has added, in the "Eight Essays,"
p. 195, as the 'curious reader' can consult that volume for himself; his trouble
will certainly be repaid, especially if he carries back his eye to Essay VI., on
"The Waldenses and Albigenses," which will be found to put the historical
question in a very clear light.]
126
APPENDIX.
DATE OF THE NOBLE LESSON.
[THE following extract having been more than once referred to in the pre-
ceding pages,* is here inserted from one of the papers entitled "Antichrist in
the Thirteenth Century" (Brit. Mag., vol. xvi., pp. 605-610). Its object is
to show that the doctrine of Antichrist, and of the near approach of the last
times, contained in the poem called "Nobla Leyczon," is taken from the
prophetical speculations of the Abbot Joachim, and consequently that the
poem must be later than the first ten years of the thirteenth century, during
which period Joachim's principal writings became known.]
Among those who believed in the prophesying of Joachimus
Abbas, and consequently lived in fear and hopes of an ap-
proaching end, we must number the schismatical sect called
the Waldenses. One of the most ancient and interesting
monuments of that sect is the Provençal poem entitled “La
Nobla Leyczon," or, "The Noble Lesson." In it they declare
that the last time is at hand, and that from thenceforth they
must devote themselves wholly to following and pleasing
Christ, and watching diligently for the day of Antichrist's
coming.
This declaration immediately raises our desire to know the
date of the poem; and it is given in these words,
"Ben ha mil e cent ancz compli entierament;"
that is to say, eleven hundred years are now entirely complete.
Upon this ground it has been generally supposed that the
"Nobla Leyczon" was written presently after the year 1100.†
The contrary may, however, be proved.
The sect in question were condemned by the Church, and
brought as offenders before its tribunals, under the name of
[* See pp. 95, 97.]
† "La date de l'an 1000 qu'on lit dans ce poeme merite toute confiance."
-Raynouard, "Choix de Poesies," tom. ii., p. cxlii.
DATE OF THE NOBLE LESSON.
127
Waldenses, which they received from a certain Waldus or
Waldo, at no earlier time than the middle of the twelfth cen-
tury. Some have supposed that their society was of a much
earlier date, and called Vallenses, from occupying certain val-
leys of the Alps; but that their later appellation of Waldenses.
was invidiously preferred by their adversaries, as giving to
them the appearance both of recent and heretical origin. If
that be a fact, it will appear, like other facts, from its evi-
dences; but we have nothing to do with it at present, one
way or the other; we are merely concerned with the date of
this particular poem. It contains the following passage:
"Que non volha maudire, ni jurar, ni mentir,
Ni avoutrar, ni aucir, ni penre de l'autruy,
Ni venjar se de li seo enemis,
Ilh dion qu'es Vaudes e degne de punir
E li troban cayson en meczonja e engan.”*
The question whether this poem was composed at the very
outset of the twelfth century, or at least half a century later,
resolves itself into the question-whether the singular noun
substantive Vaudes stands for Waldensis, or not. No impar-
tial philologist will hesitate to answer that in the affirmative.
In the Provençal language, the Latin vallis was expressed val,
plural val; or in the oblique cases, vals; or it was expressed
vau, as Vaucluse, Vallis Clausa-plural, vaus. There exists
neither authority, nor analogy, nor rule, by recourse to which
such a word as vaudes can be derived from vallis. The Vaudes
of the Occitanic or South-Romance dialect, was Vaudois in the
North-Romance or Lingua D'Oui, now called French. But
the name of Vaudois is not confined to the sect called in Pro-
vençal Vaudes; it is that of the inhabitants of the Pays de
* "Qui nonvult maledicere, jurare, aut mentiri,
Stuprare, occidere, aut surripere de alieno,
Aut ultionem petere de suis inimicis,
Dicunt quòd Waldensis est et dignus qui puniatur
Et occasionem illi parant mendacio et fraude."
-vss. 369-73.
128
APPENDIX.
:
Vaud, in Switzerland; and that country was called,* in Latin,
as early as the tenth century, Pagus et Comitatus Waldensis.
In the German dialects it is called der Wadt, der Graffschaft
Wadt, and die Waadt, or Waat.† This name is the same as
Wald in high Dutch, meaning the forest or woodlands; and
Müller, in speaking of the capital town, says—“Lausonium
in der Wald an der Lemanischen See;" that is, Lausanne in
the Forest by the Lake of Geneva. There was really such a
people as the Vallenses; they are so called in the “Notitia
Imperii,"§ and they inhabited Sedunum, or Sion, in the
Graian Alps but their country is called in French, Le Valais;
in modern Latin, Vallesia, or Valesia ;|| and in German, Wallis,
Landwallis, or Wallisserland. Now, will any one believe that
the combined names, Waldensis and Vaudois, in geography
have one etymology, and in history have another? It is ex-
ceedingly palpable that the author of the "Noble Lesson"
complains of his brethren being handed over to punishment
under the opprobrious name (as Catholics esteemed it) of
Waldenses. Consequently, we are arrived at the conclusion
that this work is either a forgery by virtue of its date, or that
the words in question have a very different meaning from that
which is usually assigned to them.
•
We should be loth to adopt the former conclusion. The work
is covered with the down of genuine and sincere antiquity; and
is either no forgery or a most masterly one. Considered with
5
* See Müller, "Geschichten Schweizerischer Eidgenossenschaft," i., p.255.
† Müller, ibid., and p. 473; Busching Geographie, xiv., p. 140.
Tom. i., p. 117.
§ Cit. Ferrarius ed. Baudrand. The "Notitia" was composed after the
Hunns had conquered Illyricum, and before they destroyed Concordia; that
is, between A. D. 445 and 453.
|| We read in Reinerius, "contra Waldenses," c. 7, "Bibl. Max. Patrum
Lugdun.," tom. 25, p. 272, that "Valesii seipsos et hospites suos castrant.”
Whether the fanatics he alludes to were in the Valais, or in the Duchy of
Valois in Picardy, cannot be determined from his words.
DATE OF THE NOBLE LESSON.
129
respect to the times of the Waldenses, it is difficult to con-
ceive the motive for any one of them producing this simple
effusion under a false date. And if we consider it in reference
to the times following the Reformation, when the Calvinists
made themselves busy about this ancient sect, we may see at a
glance that it proceeds from no such workshop. It contains
nothing inconsistent with the historical character of Waldism,
or in any way favourable to its ideal portrait as drawn by Pro-
testant hands. Among Christian duties it enumerates—
"Purement se confessar senza alcun manca,*
E qu'il faczan penitencia en la vita present,
De junar, far almonas, et aurar au cor bulhent,
Car pur aquestas cosas troba l'anma salvament."
The distinction between mortal and venial sin is more than
once alluded to. No clergyman hath power (saith the Lesson)
to pardon a mortal sin, for that belongs to God alone; and no
popet has had that power-since pope Silvester! It is in fact
a document for the Calvinists to make the best they can of,
since it is extant, but not one that they could ever have de-
sired to forge.
Closer examination will show that the date of this poem
has been misunderstood, and that the vulgar acceptation of it
would involve us in difficulties altogether insurmountable.
The "Noble Lesson" says-
"Ben ha mil e cent ancz compli entierament,
Que fo scripta l'ora, car sen al derier temp ;"
* Verses 419-20. Concerning Waldensian auricular confession, see above
[Brit. Mag., vol. xvi.], p. 267.
"Fideliter confiteri sine ullâ negligentiâ,
Et facere pœnitentiam in vitâ præsenti,
Jejunare, dare eleemosynam, et orare cum corde ferventi,
Nam propter has res anima invenit salutem."
This was rather a stiff morsel for the Church of Geneva to swallow.
+ See verses 409-12.
K
130
APPENDIX.
and it further observes, that from thenceforth it must be their
sole study to follow Christ, and to do his good pleasure, and
to be well advised of the time when Antichrist should come.
Therefore its chronology, if the whole of it be taken together,
not only states the eleventh century to be just completed, but
it affirms the year 1100 to be the hour written, or foretold in
Scripture, as the time of the end, and that of Antichrist's im-
minent approach. But there is no passage of Scripture that
can be employed, or that ever was employed, to show that a
consummation should happen either at the outset or even in
the course of the twelfth century. The smallest of the pro-
phetic numbers, and consequently the earliest date, if we think
fit to turn those numbers to chronological uses, is the cele-
brated 1260. That number was actually applied to such
uses, and with serious effect, while the old Waldensian sect was
in activity; and no other number (that we know of) was so
employed. Therefore, since they themselves tell us expressly
that they were not merely guided by the moral signs of the
times and the gathering of clouds overhead
*
("Tot jorn veyen las ensegnes venir a compliment”),
but by the word of Scripture pointing out the time numeri-
cally, it becomes morally certain that they spoke with reference
to the completion of the twelfth, not of the eleventh century,
and to the approach of the great and fatal years 1256 and
1260. The whole of a century is governed by the year of its
commencement, and each of its successive years bears the name
of that year prefixed to its own units or decads. Eleven hun-
dred ninety-eight, eleven hundred ninety-nine-it was still
eleven hundred. But as soon as the clock struck twelve on
the night of the 31st of December, 1199, those who were
* "Autra ley d'ayci enant non deven plus aver,
Sinon en segre Yeshu Xrist e far lo seo bon placer,
E gardar fermament czo qu'el a comanda,
E esser mot avisa cant venre l'Antexrist."-vss. 454-7.
DATE OF THE NOBLE LESSON.
131
watching the flight of time could exclaim, now we have en-
tirely done with the year 1100 (that denomination of time is
“entierament compli"), and we have opened a new score with
the year 1200. That is the meaning of the verse in the
"Noble Lesson;" and it was composed in an early year of
the thirteenth century.
Oliver Cromwell, being friendly to the distant Presbyterians
of Piedmont, did not send Colonel Pride to purge them, but
despatched a more sleek and civil messenger to inquire into
their divinity, ecclesiastical history, and ancient documents.
One Samuel Morland, an ingenious mechanician and inventor
of hydraulic engines, was selected as the fittest man to pump
them. He brought home and published some Waldensian
MSS., all said by him to exhibit the date of A. D. 1120. One
of them was entitled "Qual cosa sia Antichrist ?" another
"Purgatori* Soima;" two more, upon "Invocation of Saints,"
and "On Sacraments;" and another (not printed by him),
"Causa del nostre departiment de la Gleisa Romana ;" and,
the most important, the "Confession of Faith in Fourteen
Articles." They appear to be forgeries of but moderate skill
and ingenuity. As regards the first of them, which was headed
"What thing may Antichrist be ?" (thus setting aside the
idea of his personality), the authors of the document seem to
have forgotten that Antexrist and Xrist† were the words
[? manner of writing] used in the ancient Provençal of the
Waldenses. These productions set forth the‡ remote date of
1120, being some forty years before Waldenses existed by
that name.
We are now furnished with a clue to all this.
That interesting monument of ancient days, the "Noble
Lesson," seemed to the cursory observer to present the date of
* Somnium Purgatorii. See Morland, "Evangelical Churches," pp. 9, 30,
142.
+ So, in the same tongue, Xtofle for Christopher.
It seems to be implied that the "Causa del nostre," &c. was decorated
with the same date as the others; but it is immaterial.
K 2
132
APPENDIX.
I
1100. They really believed that Waldensian records ascended
to that year; and so they thought they were doing the thing
with discretion and modesty by assuming the near, but sub-
sequent, date of 1120. Examination of the case proves that
1200, or a trifle more, is the date really belonging to the
"Lesson.'
""
Therefore, future editors of Morland should say
in the errata, "for 1120 read 1220.”
The doctrine of Antichrist in the "Noble Lesson" in itself
suffices to explode the incredible confession published in Mor-
land. In that production (art. ix.) the word Antichrist is
employed to denote simply and generally the Church of Rome,
according to the conventional phraseology of puritanism. Pur-
gatory, it says, is a fiction invented by Antichrist. The
"Qual Cosa," &c., is a laboured expansion of the same idea;
its Antichrist is merely the papal authority and church in
general. And this is offered us for the language of A. D. 1120.
Yet the "Lesson" informs us that in 1100 (to take the date
even as the forgers understood it), when the Church of Rome
was old, and its dogmas established, Antichrist was still
looked for and to come, a formidable power, undefined, but
necessarily distinct from the papacy. The doctrine of the an-
cient Vaudes of the year 1200 was one based upon the old
catholic doctrine of Antichrist, and adapted in some of its de-
tails to the scheme of prophecy of which Joachim of Curacio
was the original and sole contriver.
ww
To hold that the twelve hundred and sixty days of prophecy
were significant of that same number of years, computed from
the nativity of our Saviour, was, pro tanto, to be a Joachite.
For no man ever propounded such a doctrine* before Joachim;
and no one seems to have adopted it after him, except those
* Nay, it is not too much to say that the idea of their being any "scripta
ora" or predicted chronological epoch whatsoever originated with him; and
that the allusion to such a prophetic epoch is in itself strong internal evidence
of a date subsequent to that of his "Liber Concordiæ."
DATE OF THE NOBLE LESSON.
133
who gave credit to his pretensions. But the "Noble Lesson"
is yet more Joachitic than that amounts to; for it says that
the entire completion of the eleven hundred, that is to say, the
year 1200, is the scriptural hour. Now it is indisputably
false that Scripture names any such time or number. But,
taking the Abbé Joachim's interpretation of the forty-two
months as so many generations of thirty years, and adopting
as an authoritative construction of prophecy his doctrine of the
sixty years, or two generations of transition, the year 1200
was the “scripta ora" at which the latter tribulations were to
begin, and when the rise of the Patarene Bestia with ten horns,
or mixt and mystic Antichrist, was to be looked for. It seems
to result from this examination that the Waldenses of his day,
and subsequent to it, believed in the predictions of the Cala-
brian, and were confirmed by them in their rejection of the
orders and discipline of the episcopal church.
One word more upon this head. The schemes of Joachim
aimed at an entire subversion of the secular church, in order
to replace it by a remodelled pontificate of unlimited power, to
be exercised by the Angelic popes in the third "status mundi"
and reign of the Holy Ghost. Let us see whether Waldism,
as it appears in its genuine and antique remnants, is much at
variance with this. It seems to have set as little store by
priest or bishop as he did. But how, as to popes? Popes,
down to Silvester inclusive, had the power of pardoning mortal
sins; not the privilege of declaring or pronouncing valid abso-
lution conditionally, but that very power of pardoning which
is inherent in God himself. Down to Silvester, there were
Angelic popes, or something very similar. And if so, why
might there not, as the new light spread itself and the transi-
tion years advanced into the third status, be a renewed series
of Angelic popes? But, again, why Silvester, of all men?
and what made him the last of the popes who could bind and
loose all things in heaven and earth? He was the last bishop
of Rome who was independent of the imperial power; for it
¿}
134
APPENDIX.
was he that received the Emperor Constantine into the church,
and placed the church under his protection. Therefore her
connexion with the Joachitic Babylon seems to have been the
event which deprived the Joachitic Jerusalem of her spiri-
tual efficacy. The Protestant theory, or that of independence
upon Rome, was not that which the sect desired; but a pure
popery, unalloyed with any admixture of the power civil and
imperial. These reasons exist for thinking that they followed
the Abbot of Flore (who seems never to name or allude to
them) further than the mere adoption of his prophetic chro-
nology. Complete rejection of the episcopal priesthood, coupled
with inordinate reverence for the papal office in its state of per-
fection, forms a notable coincidence. That they did not share
his zeal and affection for the papacy in its actual state may
readily be admitted.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
135
ON THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
No. II.*
THE religious poems that have come down to our age from the
Poor Men of Lyons are these seven: "The Noble Lesson,"
"The Bark or Boat," "The New Discourse," "The New
Comfort,' "The Eternal Father,' "The Contempt of the
World," and "The Gospel of the Four Seeds." The first of
these, in 479 verses, has twice been printed entire; and it
seems to furnish the most important share of information con-
cerning the character and tenets of the sect, although it is in-
ferior to some of the others in poetical spirit. Of the six
remaining poems, the reading world possess no more than
what Monsieur Raynouard has extracted, by way of specimen,
in his "Choix des Poésies Originales des Troubadours,'
printed at Paris, in 1817. And the imperfect form in which
he has given them, however it might be suited to his imme-
diate purpose, is much to be regretted by us; the more so,
because his object was merely philological illustration, without
reference to religion or its history; and, consequently, the
portions omitted by him as tedious or unpoetical may have
been precisely those that were best adapted to our purpose.
Two manuscripts of the "Noble Lesson" exist; and three
are spoken of :-I. The first was in Morland's volume B.,
among the MSS. received by him from the Messieurs Leger,
and deposited at Cambridge, in August, 1658. It was "in
parchment, and that in a very ancient but excellent character.”
The volume is said to have contained in all twenty-six pieces,
under nineteen heads or divisions. But the whole of these
""
[From the British Magazine, vol. xix. (Jan. 1841), p. 11.]
136
APPENDIX.
documents have been, in some unexplained manner, spirited
away, ἀκλειῶς ἅρπυιαι ἀνηρείψαντο. II. The second was de-
posited by Jean Leger* in the library of Geneva, on the 10th
of November, 1662, and is esteemed by the present librarian
to be of the twelfth century. It is on parchment, in ancient
Gothic characters, and remains to this day where he placed
it. III. The third is a copy written on paper, and preserved
among Ussher's MSS. in Trinity College, at Dublin. It is
considered to be in the same handwriting as the book which
bears date 1524 [see p. 43, supra]; and therefore may be either
of that date, or of any other within the lifetime of the same
amanuensis. It is probably a mere transcript from the older
parchment text, and void of all authority and value; but if care-
fully examined, it might illustrate the progress of knavery and
falsification. Where the old text has "cant venre l'Antexrist".
i. e. "when Antichrist shall come" (declaring his futurity), this
paper copy exhibits "el temp de l'Antexrist❞—i. e. “the time
of Antichrist" (leaving his presence or futurity ambiguous);
whereas Jean Leger, departing from all the three texts, and
in fact perpetrating a downright forgery, prints‡ it "a fuire
l'Antexrist❞—i. e. "to shun or avoid Antichrist," which
almost implies his presence. Where the old text rejects all
the popes "subsequent to Sylvester," the transcript expunges
* "Hist Generale," etc., part i., p. 23, 4.
† Monsieur Raynouard errs in representing that the Geneva library ob-
tained from Leger any other Vaudois MSS. besides the book in question.
Monsieur Gerard, the librarian, in his receipt given to Leger, most expressly
states that this book, No. 1, was in the Vaudois dialect; and all the other
loose MSS. contained in the liasse, or bundle No. 2, were Italian and French.
But those words of the receipt which so state it are omitted in Raynouard's
quotation, and their place supplied by the abbreviation etc.
Part i., p. 30. The same author has omitted all the lines from verse
66 to 286; and again all those from verse 413 to 455; without any inti-
mation to his readers either in words or by mode of printing, that he was not
presenting a continuous passage. Whoever examines the poem will see the
motives of this artifice.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
137
those words, and so makes it an absolute rejection of all popery.
The character of such a copy cannot be misunderstood.
Morland's volume, B. (by his account), also contained the
other poems, with the exception of "Contempt of the World"
and "The Four Seeds," whereof he has made no mention. The
Geneva codex contains them all; and so does the paper copy
at Dublin.
But there is strong ground for suspecting that no more than
one genuine and original text exists; and that the Cambridge
and Geneva MSS. are indeed one and the same.
Volume B.,
a volume so curious and valuable that only Saracens or Van-
dals would burn it, has vanished; and it must (probably) be
existing somewhere. The truth of the matter (so far as it
may be surmised from circumstances, and from the behaviour
of a deceitful person), appears to be, that Monsieur Leger gave
the book to Morland between the years 1655 and 1658 inclu-
sive; that Morland placed it in Cambridge Library in 1658,
while the Protector was dying; took it out again before the
king's restoration, and gave it back to Leger; and that Leger
placed it in Geneva Library in 1662.
When a man of credit, and employed by the state, prints a
statement that he has at a certain time lodged certain docu-
ments in a given public library, we do not usually consider
ourselves possessed of evidence in favour of that fact, but as
simply possessed of the fact itself. But Monsieur Leger, in
* [The remark is perfectly just; and as it regards the argument, very im-
portant; but I lay hold of the words "a man of credit" as a peg on which
to hang a few remarks on the credit which is really due to Morland. The
reckless manner in which some writers have quoted him, as well as Perrin
and Leger, as if they were first-rate authorities, absolutely requires that the
truth on this point should be brought forward and borne in mind. We may
reasonably, as well as charitably, hope that in a wretched old age, embittered
by poverty, blindness, and a bad wife, when, supported on the alms of an
archbishop, he used to play "himself psalms and religious hymns on the
C
138
APPENDIX.
1669, speaks in another tone: "That all the above-named
originals (he says) were delivered to the said Sieur Morland,
and by him deposited in the famous library of Cambridge, we
do not need any more solemn voucher or proof than the declara-
tion of it which he inserts with the list of them, prefixt to his
history, printed in London in 1658." No living soul could
theorbo," he was a better man than when he was one of Mr. Secretary Thur-
loe's tools, and according to his own account betrayed his employers. It
was his boast and his ground of claim that, when employed in a confidential
station by Cromwell, he had given private information to the king. That
such a man, when he was sent out to get up a history of the Vaudois, would
stick at trifles, is not to be imagined. It was all right to take what he could
get in the way of documents, while the Protector was protector, and as right
to throw them overboard when the king was, or was like to be, king. He
seems to have been a vain weak man, with some talent for mechanics,
but as to his politics, with some spice of craft and knavery, very little better
than
..
that tool
That knaves do work with, called a fool."
For though he did perhaps receive as much from the king as his services de-
served, especially in a gold medal from his own royal hands, yet, if not the
king, some of the king's party, had filled his head with such extravagant con-
ceits, that he ran through what he did get in keeping up a style fit to receive
what he expected. They had promised him the garter, and advised him by
all means not to ask the king for anything whatever, for he meant out of his
own royal generosity to do something for him, far beyond anything that he
could imagine; and they so wrought on his wife, that she fell down on her
knees before him in the garden, and begged him of all love to swear that he
would not ask for anything, for she had good assurance that she was going
to be made a duchess. This is stated on the authority of his own autograph
letters. Some interesting information respecting his mechanical as well as
political proceedings, may be found in "A Brief Account of the Life, Writ-
ings, and Inventions of Sir Samuel Morland," published by Johnson at Cam-
bridge, and Whittaker, London, and supposed to be from the pen of Mr.
Halliwell. By the way, did the author of this paper ever give attention to
the preface to Morland's work on the Vaudois? It seems impossible that he
could have written it himself; and if he did not, one would like to know who
did.-ED. OF BRIT. MAG.]
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
139
have then disputed the veracity of Morland. For if the dis-
appearance of the MSS. had been discovered, Leger could not
have spoken thus on the subject, in this as well as other pas-
sages; and if it had not, there was nothing in the declaration
of Morland to move any scepticism. But this is the language
of a conscious man, well knowing that their deposit at Cam-
bridge had been transitory, and that they were not there at
the moment when he was writing. By disclaiming the need
of further vouchers and proofs, he reminds us to examine the
transaction narrowly. Thus do the guilty very often betray
themselves; for unaccused innocence never professes to be
innocent.
If the book remained at Cambridge but a few months or
weeks, some people must have seen it, and would bear in
mind its general appearance. When a black duck with a
white neck dives under water, and some yards off there comes
up a black duck with a white neck, it is naturally supposed
to be the same duck. And the like conjecture would arise if
a manuscript vanished mysteriously from one library, and
shortly afterwards an exactly similar one made its appearance
in another library. Let us observe how honest Jean Leger
handles this rather ticklish topic :- -"Extrait d'un Traité in-
titulé la Noble Leiçon datté de l'an 1100, qui se trouve tout
entier en un livre de parchemin ecrit a la main, en vielle lettre
Gothique, dont se sont trouvés deux exemplaires, l'un desquels
se conserve a Cambridge et l'autre en la Bibliotheque de Ge-
neve." Of poems and other works copies are made; and each
copy must be written on vellum, paper, or some particular
substance, and in some particular character. But here the
work itself, and the copies made of it, are strangely mixed up
together. The words might signify that there was (in some
unnamed place) one parchment and black-letter original, from
which two copies (of unnamed materials and character) had
been made, and sent to Cambridge and Geneva; if indeed
they have any proper and grammatical meaning, it is that.
+
140
APPENDIX.
But Monsieur Leger's intention was, to insinuate that he had
found two twin-sister manuscripts of the same poems, equal in
age, and similar in all things, and had sent one to England
and the other to Geneva. The improbability of such a cir-
cumstance, the questions it was not unlikely to call forth, and
the monitions of conscience, deterred him from saying it out
plainly and grammatically, and caused him to stammer it forth
in such prevaricating phrase.
θέλω τί τ᾽ εἰπεῖν, ἀλλά με κωλύει
᾿Αιδώς.
If the above-cited words are ambiguous and suspicious in them-
selves, they become still more so when we consider how they
are employed by him. They introduce a long garbled extract
of the "Noble Lesson," occupying four pages. He had pre-
viously informed* us that it, and all his other specimens, were
taken from original MSS. But, in point of fact, he has copied
the text, as in Morland's previously printed edition (to the ex-
istence of which he makes no allusion), with some alterations
out of his own head. The words in question are to serve the
reader for his immediate information, whence the extract is
taken. Yet no one reading them can guess whether he took
it from the Cambridge MS. or from the Geneva MS., or from
some common original. Sure never did man (unfettered by
consciousness) express himself on such wise.†
* In p. 25.
† [The Editor is not sorry to be thus imperatively, though not perhaps at
first sight obviously, called upon to mention the "Granger Society,” which has
been recently formed under the presidency of the Marquis of Salisbury. Its
object is, "to publish a series of ancient English portraits, and family pictures,
accurately copied from the originals, and engraved in the best style of art," in
a manner and form which will no doubt be cheerfully explained to any one
who applies to W. J. Thoms, Esq., Sec. pro tem., 25, Parliament Street. Of
the value of portraits as keys to the works (whether written or acted) of those
whom they represent, there cannot be two opinions. Put Bishop Burnet op-
posite Archbishop Laud, let them look at each other, and look at them both;
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
141
Curious as was the coincidence of one man furnishing two
libraries with two similar and most ancient MSS. of the same
works, from valleys of which the extent was small and the
literature scanty, it did not move their fortunate discoverer to
give any details of it. But it rather operated to seal his lips
in mystery. Black-letter parchment No. 1 was obtained by
him and Antoine Leger, and given to the commissary of Crom-
well before 1658; but there is no hint of where it was found.
Black-letter parchment No. 2 was found in the valley of Pragela
in Dauphiné, and taken to Geneva in 1662; but not a syllable
of when it was found. The truth is, that No. 1 was procured
by Leger in the valley of Pragela; and that No. 2 was pro-
cured by him before A.D. 1658; and that whatever can truly
be predicated of one may be predicated of the other.
The contents of the Cambridge MS., as described by Morland,
do not tally with the account of the existing state of the Ge-
neva MS., as collected from what Leger and Raynouard say.
There is no printed index to the contents of the latter. For
we know Mons. Leger's brief enumeration to be very grossly
defective; and Monsieur Raynouard's professedly relates only
to the poetry. We will first give the reader a view of the
points in which the two supposed MSS. are described as
tallying.
and if you do not learn the specific facts, which you may obtain from study-
ing their lives or their works, yet you will get a commentary on them almost
as valuable as the facts themselves. In like manner, look at the large por-
trait of Leger prefixed to his book on the Vaudois. It appears to be well
executed, and has all the air of a likeness, but what a thing it is! One might
almost defy any one who has as much feeling of physiognomy as most children
of eighteen months, to believe anything on the word of the original. It seems
as if it were put at the entrance for a "cave canem." Even before one had
read his impudent ignorant book, one would be inclined to parody the trite
lines, and
say,
"If on his fame some dark suspicions fall,
Look in his face, and you'll believe them all.”—ED. of Brit. MAG.]
142
APPENDIX.
The Morland MS.
1. Glosa Pater, or the Explication
of the Lord's Prayer.
3. Doctor, or divers passages, etc.
7. Novel Comfort.
Le Docteur.
Lo Novel Comfort.
8. Novel Sermon.
Lo Novel Sermon.
9. La Noble Leyçon.
La Nobla Leyczon.
10. Pair Eternal.
Lo Payre Eternal.
11. Barca.
La Barca.
12. An Explication of the Ten Com- Des X Commandements.
mandments.
The Geneva MS.
Explication de l'oraison Dominicale.
13. An Explication of the Articles of Du Symb. des Apôtres.
the Apostles' Creed.
19. Several Sermons upon several Quelques Sermons.
texts of Scripture.
In these ten points the black-letter manuscript at Geneva cor-
responds with the black-letter manuscript nobody knows where.
The nine following, which are in the index to Morland's volume
B., have not been quoted as existing in the Geneva volume that
contains the poems, and therefore we cannot assume that they
are contained in it. But as we possess no index of the con-
tents of it, there is no reason to assume that they are absent
from it. They all appear to be old Waldensian, and not Pro-
testant-Vaudois.
2. Trecenas.
4. Penas.
5. Li goy de Paradis.
6. Epistle to the Faithful.
14. A treatise on Vice and Mortal
Sins.
15. Concerning the Seven Gifts of
the Spirit.
16. On the three Theological and the
four Cardinal Virtues.
17. On the goods of Fortune, Nature,
and Grace.
18. On the Six Honourable Things
in this World.
As we can pronounce nothing concerning the presence or ab-
sence of these nine articles, they show neither discrepancy nor
conformity. Lastly, the following four are quoted from the
Geneva book, which are not named in Morland's index, of
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
143
which two are Waldensian poems, and two are of the Protes-
tant-Vaudois tracts fraudulently antedated :-
Mada
Lo Despreczi del Mont.
L'Evangeli de li Quatre Semencz.
Du Purgatorie Songè.
Des Traditions.
When we consider that Morland can scarce have credit for
being able to read correctly a page of old Provençal MS. in
Gothic letters, it would excite no great surprise if his list of
the various contents of such a volume was incomplete; espe-
cially as he did not publish any of his four poems, Nos. 7, 8,
10, 11, or quote a line from them, or show any indications of
having read them. His index was probably defective in re-
spect of the two poems, owing to his not observing where one.
copy of verses ended, and a fresh one commenced. However,
the occurrence of two Protestant tracts in the Genevese volume
is more remarkable; there is no reason in the world to sup-
pose that they who abstracted so precious a document from
Cambridge held it quite sacred, and took no precaution to alter
its contents, by unstitching it, and then doing it up again,
either in the same or in a different binding. It is apposite to
remark, that the MS. books of Morland, already mentioned
as having been carried out of the country and deposited in the
hands of Protestants, are most fully ascertained, by those who
have had access to examine them, to be in the binding of the
country in which they now are. One of the treatises, super-
numerary in the Geneva book, as compared with Morland's
index, had been the article 6 of Morland's lost volume A., en-
titled “A Treatise against Tramettament, or Traditions and
Ordinances of Men, as not consonant to the Holy Scriptures."
*
Upon the whole, there is great reason to believe that the
volume now in Geneva Library is, in its essentials, the same
* Brit. Mag., vol. xviii., p. 607. [See the passage referred to, p. 104,
supra. But the volumes G. and H., portions of which I once suspected to
have found their way to Dublin, were never mislaid or missing at Cambridge.]
144
APPENDIX.
›
which was for a few months at Cambridge, during the last
illness of Oliver, and in the brief Protectorate of Richard.
The dates harmonize perfectly; and the interval of time is no
greater than common prudence would dictate to less practised
hands. We trace the agency of the same individual through-
out, and we observe in his language repeated indications of a
self-betraying consciousness. The manuscripts are described
in the same terms, and as of the same materials and writing.
The conformity between their multifarious contents is great
and striking. One of them is mysteriously and unaccountably
gone; which establishes the corpus delicti, and so smoothes the
way to the ascertainment of person and place. Lastly, the
opinion to which all this tends, that there exists, and long has
existed, but one* Waldensian copy of the poems of the sect, is
supported by the language of J. P. Perrint concerning them:
“Item, on nous a mis en main un livre de Poesie en langue
Vaudoise, auquel sont les traités qui suivent: Une priere in-
scripte Nouvel Confort. Une rhithme des quatre sortes de
semences mentionnés en l'Evangile. Une autre intitulée
Barque. Et une appellée la Noble Leçon. Duquel livre fait
mention le Sieur de Sainte Aldegonde."
The various readings that at first seem to diversify them
may ultimately tend to identify these books. It is morally
certain that Morland could not handle Piémontese or Provençal
poems in a Gothic codex of 450 years ago, either as a trans-
lator, or as a reader. In fact, he never attempted to touch the
older and finer poems. But it had been arranged that he
should print and translate the "Noble Lesson;" because that
work was indispensable to the party, for its precious words
“mil e cent ancz," the groundwork of all their chronological
chicane. The Legers must have furnished him with a tran-
script of it in common writing, for the use of the printer; and
* Of which Ussher had a Protestant-Vaudois transcript, of moderate cor-
rectness.
"Hist. Vaud.," c. vii., p. 59.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
145
also with a translation into French, to give him some idea of
the meaning. But the said transcript was inaccurate and
slovenly, with deviations from the text, where it was hard to
make out. The defects of the transcript are much aggravated
by the printer, and by the editor's incapacity to correct the
press. Such seems to be the fact respecting Morland's text.
For two such ancient MSS., as we are told of, would be, if not
of equal, of comparable authority, and would present some
alternation of good readings. But the Cambridge text is con-
demned throughout by its curiosa infelicitas. Its copyist has,
with the minutest number* of exceptions, marred whatever he
changed. Sometimes the rhyme is entirely destroyed, and some-
times the sense. And, what should weigh most with us, he had
no perception of the metre, or rhythm, and seldom fails to do it
injury. Whereas the old Waldic scribe, writing when that
mode of teaching was still in use, should have known the
cadence of this popular recitative. In collating Morland's text,
it is to be feared Monsieur Raynouard wasted his learned pains
on trash; as when some schoolmaster, who has set a truant boy
the first Eclogue to write out, collates page after page of blotted
blunders, just to ascertain that it is really Virgil, and not Johnny
Gilpin. It may well be questioned if such mean scholars, as
they who primed him were, could themselves read the MS.
correctly; and equally so, whether he could correctly read
their copy. Jean Leger was probably the person who furnished
him with the transcript that was sent to the press. For that
author has printed a large portion of the "Noble Lesson," with
the fraudulent suppression of thirty-seven lines that were in-
compatible with his theory; and in order to close up and hide
that deep gash in the text, and obtain a tolerable juncture of
the two lips of the wound, it was absolutely necessary for him.
* Perhaps no others besides vss. 130 and 348; in the former of which the
words inserted (similar to those in vss. 11, 170, 340, and 367) are indiffe-
rent; and in the latter seem rather preferable, provided that "a mal tenir”
will bear the meaning given to it.
L
146
APPENDIX.
to expunge the word sinon, except, in v. 455,* and substitute
mas, but; and he accordingly did so. Now we find it so written
by the English editor. The word had been substituted afore-
hand, with a view to the garbled extract that Leger meditated
printing, and perhaps had already made; and we see his hand
in it. The manuscript copy on paper, which belonged to Ussher,
and seems to have been made full three centuries ago, agrees
with the genuine codex; and we find nowhere, but in printed
editions of a non-forthcoming manuscript, that reading of which
Leger's trickery stood in need.
The case of the variations may be better appreciated by ob-
serving Monsieur Leger's conduct upon the same subject, but
on another occasion. He gave (as we have observed) specimens
artfully garbled and re-joined, from the "Noble Lesson;" and
announced it as original MS. text. But he really reprinted
the same text of it which Morland had already printed. Yet
how did he do so? He freely altered it, whenever it suited either
his taste and judgment, or his sinister ends. Out of eleven
alterations, important enough to be worth reckoning, only one
(that in v. 76) coincides with the manuscript. The rest are
all entirely out of Monsieur Leger's own brain. They are as
follows:
English Text.
v. 12. a esti.
15. ben omitted.
29. car.
76. cayçon.
357. alcun.
368. sel ama.
372. punir.
373. ban.
385. se.
398. soç.
457. cant venré.
Leger's Extract.
o escri.
ben inserted.
10.
rason.
moti.
se troba.
murir.
ben.
sal.
sols.
a fuire.
Being line 3rd of Leger's "Hist. Gen.," p. 30.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
147
Raynouard, alluding to the pretended two ancient manuscripts,
spoke approvingly of "the kind of variations they present"
(p. cxliii), and regarded it as a proof of authenticity in the
poem. What would he say of this kind of variations? It is
the same kind, and from the same hand. The truth of the
case is, that Leger did not adopt the text out of Morland's
pages, but out of a duplicate of the same apograph as he had
furnished to Morland: subject to the benefit of his own curœ
secundæ, conjectural corrections, and interpolations. The mas
in v. 455 had been provided for in the first instance; but the
bold and flagitious forgery a fuire, in v. 457, was an after-
thought. Thus much may suffice to illustrate the matter of
the variations.
Though nothing may have been said upon it, it were hard
to suppose that no misgivings upon this subject should ever
have crossed the minds of the Genevese. Raynouard* pub-
lished the Genevese text of the Vaudois poetry from an exact
copy of the old manuscript, which Monsieur Favre Bertrand of
Geneva made for him; from whom he received, at the same
time, "quelques renseignements trés détaillés et trés-utiles."
In speaking of the (supposed) two manuscripts of the Noble
Lesson, he calls attention to an apparent distinction between
them. "I am led to believe (he says) that the Cambridge.
manuscript had been taken from a copy more ancient than that
which had served as an original to the Geneva manuscript; for
in that of Cambridge we read au for with, coming from the
Romance word ab; and in that of Geneva we read cum instead
of au.”+ Considering what all the Romance tongues, as well the
great modern languages, as also these humbler dialects and
patois originally were (viz., the provincial Latinity of the
common folk, vulgar Latin, no doubt, but mere Latin, which
* "Choix de Poésies," etc., 2, p. cxlii. It need scarce be said, that these
remarks are made with all due respect for his peculiar merits and his four-
score years of learning.
+ Ibidem, note (2).
L 2
148
APPENDIX.
cum.
have, by gradual change, and admixture of barbarisms, been
deflected into their present forms), it must strike our ears as a
proposition somewhat paradoxical, that the word au, or indeed
any word whatsoever, is a more ancient word for with than
But whatever estimate the reader may incline to form
of the value of this reasoning, he will be a little surprised to
hear that the fact upon which it is founded does not appear to
have any existence. The following computation is believed to
be a correct one, viz. that the English edition of the Noble
Lesson contains the preposition au, with, exactly seven times;
that is to say,* in vss. 89, 205, bis, 318, 329, 421, 475. And
in every one of those places, without exception, the Geneva
MS., as copied by Monsieur Favre Bertrand, exhibits the same
word. The Geneva MS., in which it is said, we read cum
instead of au," contains au seven times in the Lesson, and
cum just twice; that is to say, cum in v. 343, and con in v.
300. And in both these instances the English edition may be
said to tally with it; for in v. 300 the preposition has been
entirely omitted by the copyist or the printer, to the destruction
of the sense; and in v. 343, it is plainly printed thus,
،،
"E li home e las fenas lical eran cun lor."
Whether this observation has been hazarded by Monsieur
Raynouard, or whether it be one of the renseignements for
which he is indebted to Monsieur Favre Bertrand, it may be
pronounced to be, in every point, utterly devoid of the shadow
of foundation. The correspondency of the two (pretended)
manuscripts, in respect of the preposition with, appears to be
perfect.
The manuscript was lodged in Cambridge library but about
three weeks before the death of Oliver Cromwell; and it is not
* The numbers of vss. refer to Raynouard's edition, being the only one in
which they are numbered. That numeration agrees with the version about
to be subjoined; but not with Morland's edition, in which the verses have
not been correctly distinguished.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS,
149
probable that it remained there much longer than till the spring
of 1659, when it became apparent that Richard was unable to
govern the country. After the Restoration, it is obvious that
Morland and his party could have no power of getting any
documents abstracted from the University library; and in all
probability, the Puritan librarian to whom he consigned it, and
from whom he obtained it back, was then sent (as the say-
ing is) to the right about. If he was not, he kept his place
by changing his principles; and would never have compromised
himself by surrendering his treasures to the Geneva faction.
Besides, a great and somewhat sudden change came over the
spirit of Samuel Morland himself, upon the king's return. He
forgot all about "the Mene Tekel upon the walls of the palaces
and banqueting-houses" of the royal family; and recollected
how he had always opposed and abhorred the plots of Cromwell
and Thurloe against the king's sacred person. Morland then
ceased to bewail the tribulations of the poor Vaudois, or (as he
used to say) to be "grieved for the afflictions of Joseph." But
he got himself a baronetcy,* a pension of £500 a year, and the
places of gentleman of the bedchamber, and civil engineer to
the king. And, in this latter capacity, he devoted the mecha-
nical talents, in which no man surpassed him, to adorning
palaces, on whose walls he no longer saw the writing of God's
finger. He even went over to "the tabernacles of Edom and
the Ishmaelites, Amalek and the Philistines, with them that
dwell at Tyre," and exhibited his inventions, and offered his
services, to Louis XIV. It follows, from this state of the case,
that Sir Samuel Morland, Bart., &c. &c. &c., would by no
means have been likely, himself, to strip the Cambridge library
of the valuables with which he had had the merit of endowing
it. The courtier of Windsor and St. Germain's would, perhaps,
have manifested but an imperfect recollection of Monsieur Jean
Leger's features, had they chanced to meet one another again.
*
See "Biogr. Univ.," art. Morland..
F
150
APPENDIX.
But, at all events, he would not have robbed his own country,
and its institutions, to which he had now attached himself, in
order to accommodate the Calvinists of Geneva. We may rest
pretty well satisfied, that the missing books were got back out
of Cambridge library, and one or more of them returned to
Leger (by whom they had all been originally furnished), in
the interval between the death of Oliver and restoration of
Charles; and before Morland had changed his politics, or
knew that he should have an opportunity of so doing with
advantage.
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE ""
151
NOBLE LESSON."
""
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE "NOBLE LESSON"
AND WALDENSIAN MSS.
[THE foregoing paper, and the conjecture it contains, that the MS. containing
the Waldensian Poems had been dishonestly abstracted from the Cambridge
Library, drew forth the following letter from the late Dr. Gilly, addressed to
the Editor of the "British Magazine” (vol. xix., p. 186). Dr. Gilly calls
the conjecture alluded to "a monstrous charge;" and now that we know
the facts of the case, that none of the MSS. were ever disturbed, not even by
librarian curiosity, from the place in which Morland placed them, the epithet
seems fully justified. We learn, however, from this part of the contro-
versy how easy it is to prop up a charge of this kind by plausible circum-
stances; and the correspondence is worthy of a place in this Collection
for the sake of this lesson, independently of the historical facts which it
elicits.-J. H. T.]
DEAR SIR,-I am very glad to see that your columns continue
open to a discussion on the various branches of the Waldensian
question, although they contain many opinions contrary to my
own. We shall strike out, I hope, some sparks of truth at
last, if we will but investigate the subject with forbearance, and
not use hard words towards those who think differently from
ourselves. "Constant imputation of motives spoils the manly
bearing of a controversialist." To this sentiment, expressed so
well in your last Number, (Brit. Mag. vol. xix. p. 8,)* I respond
most heartily; and therefore I venture to protest against ex-
pressions which occur in your pages in relation to the Walden-
sian MSS.; such as-"these disingenuous moderns adopted it for
their standard, and forged up to it" (ibid., vol. xviii., p. 603);
"progress of knavery and falsification" (ibid., vol. xix., p. 12);
* [The passage here referred to occurs in an article on "The Controversial
Spirit of the Reformation under Edward VI." Dr. Gilly, in his letter, as it
originally appeared, always quotes the Brit. Magazine by its numbers. But as
these were noted only on the paper covers, and have disappeared in the bound
up work, I have changed his references into the volume and page.-J. H. T.]
152
APPENDIX.
“Protestant-Vaudois tracts fraudulently antedated" (ibid.,
p. 16).
There may have been errors in abundance in the production
and use of these MSS.; but carelessness, haste, eager anxiety
to make out a case, ignorance, inadvertencies, mistakes in tran-
scribing and printing, wrong reasoning, and the many infir-
mities of our nature, will account for not a few of the delin-
quencies which are too incautiously set down to knavery.
The metrical compositions ascribed to the Waldenses of the
twelfth century are now occupying the attention of one of your
correspondents, and in your last two Numbers (vol. xviii. p. 601,
xix. p. 11) they are called the "Poems of the Poor of Lyons.'
The principal of these is the Noble Lesson, "La Nobla Leyc-
zon," said to be a document of the year 1100, from a date
which it seems to offer in two of its lines:
"Ben ha mil e cent ancz compli entierament,
Que fo scripta l'ora, car sen al derier temp."
"There are already a thousand and one hundred years fully accomplished,
Since it was written thus, for we are in the last time."
(Morland's Translation.)
S
"Bien a mille et cent ans accomplis entièrement,
Que fut écrite l'heure que nous sommes au dernier temps."
(Raynouard's Translation.)
Now, whether the "Noble Lesson" be a document of the
year 1100 or thereabouts, or of a later period—whether it be
a poem of the Sub-Alpine Waldenses, or of the "Poor Men of
Lyons," is still an open question; but it is no small satisfac-
tion to me to find that the charge of its being a forgery seems
to be withdrawn, and that its authenticity is acknowledged as
"a simple effort of medieval piety," "as an antiquarian relic,"
and as the genuine document of some sectarians of a remote
period anterior to the Reformation. For my own part, I believe
the "Noble Lesson" to be of a more ancient date than the
British Magazine and its correspondents are inclined to allow,
even of the early part of the twelfth century; and perhaps we
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE (C NOBLE LESSON." 153
may approximate more nearly to each other's opinions, if we
will turn our attention to the following points of investigation,
and examine them fully and candidly :—
I. Which is the most ancient copy of the "Noble Lesson"
now existing in MS.?
II. What is the declared opinion of persons who have been
in the habit of examining old MSS. as to the age of that which
is considered the most ancient?
III. What is the character of the hand-writing of the oldest
copy of this poem?
IV. Has it any especial marks of antiquity, such as ac-
cents ?*
V. Is it found in company with other poems of a similar
character, which will assist the inquirer in forming his opinion?
VI. Is it composed in that dialect of the Romaunt, or Pro-
vençal, which may be called Gallico-Provençal, or Pedemon-
tano-Provençal?
VII. Are there any words or inflections in the "Noble
Lesson" which bear traces of Lombard, Saracenic, or Arabic
origin ?+
VIII. Are there any marks or features, by which it may be
ascribed to the beginning, rather than to the end, of the twelfth
century?
IX. When was the dread of the approaching end of the
world (on which the "Noble Lesson" dwells so impressively)
most felt, at the beginning, or towards the close of the twelfth
century?
X. Is there any internal evidence, that the "Noble Lesson"
was written before certain Romish novelties were introduced
at the end of the twelfth century?
* "Je regard ce signe (un accent) comme une preuve d'antiquité.”–
Raynouard, p. cxxxii.
† Ladoucette, in his "Histoire, Topographie, Antiquités, Usages, Dialectes
des Hautes Alpes," shows that the valleys in the Cottian Alps, where the
Waldensian poems are said to have been written, were occupied for a long
time by Lombards and Saracens.-pp. 45, 257, 264, 300, 512.
154
APPENDIX.
Raynouard's name and authority having been introduced into
this discussion, it is as well to cite the passages which bear on
it from that writer's "Choix des Poesies Originales des Trou-
badours," Paris, 1817.
“Si l'on rejetait l'opinion de l'existence d'une langue romane primitive,
c'est-à-dire d'un idiôme intermédiaire qui par la decomposition de la langue
des Romains, et l'établissement d'un noveau système grammatical, a fourni
le type commun d'apres lequel se sont successivement modifiés les divers
idiômes le l'Europe latine, il serait difficile d'exliquer comment, dans les val-
lées du Piémont, un peuple séparé des autres par ses opinions religieuses, par
ses mœurs, et sur-tout par sa pauvreté, a parlé la langue romane à une
epoque très-ancienne et s'en est servi pour conserver et transmettre la tradition
de ses dogmes religieux; circonstance qui atteste la haute antiquité de cet
idiôme dans le pays que ce peuple habitait.
"Le poëme de La Nobla Leyczon porte la date de l'an 1100."-Raynouard,
vol. ii., p. cxxxvi.
"La secte religieuse des Vaudois est donc beaucoup plus ancienne qu'on
ne l'a cru généralement."-Ibid.
"La lecture des poésies religieuses que je publie donnera une idée suffisante
de leurs dogmes.
Quant à l'idiôme dans lequel elles sont ecrites, on se convaincra que le
dialecte Vaudois est identiquement la langue romane; les légères modifica-
tions qu'on y remarque, quand on le compare à la langue des troubadours, re-
çoivent des explications qui deviennent de nouvelles preuves de l'identité.
"Il me reste à parler des manuscrits des ouvrages en dialecte Vaudois.
"Samuel Morland avait déposé en 1658 à la bibliothèque de l'université
de Cambridge plusieurs manuscrits dont le catalogue est au commencement
de son histoire.
"Ces manuscrits intéressants ne s'y trouvent plus depuis plusieurs années.
"La bibliothèque de Genève possède trois manuscrits Vaudois. Celui qui
est coté No. 207 contient les poésies religieuses et morales; il m'a fourni les
pièces qui sont imprimées de la page 73 à la page 133."—Ibid., p. cxl. to
cxlii.*
"La Nobla Leyczon.
"Ce poëme, qui est une histoire abrégée de l'Ancien et du Nouveau Testa-
ment, m'a paru assez important pour-être inséré en entier. J'ai conféré le
* "J'ai dû au zèle à la sagacité et à la bienveillance de M. Favre Ber-
trand de Genève une copie exacte des pièces que je publie, et quelques ren-
seignements très détaillés et très-utiles. Il me tardait d'offrir à ce littéra-
teur distingué l'hommage public de ma reconnaisance."
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE "NOBLE LESSON." 155
texte du manuscrit de Genève avec celui du manuscrit de Cambridge*
publié par Samuel Morland.
"La date de l'an 1100 qu'on lit dans ce poëme mérite toute confiance.
Les personnes qui l'examineront avec attention jugeront que le manuscrit n'a
pas été interpolé; les successeurs des anciens Vaudois, ni les dissidents de
l'eglise romaine qui auraient voulu s'autoriser des opinions contenues dans ce
poëme, n'auraient eu aucun intérêt à faire des changements; et s'ils avaient
osé en faire, ces changements auraient bien moins porté sur la date du poëme
que sur le fond des matières qu'il traite pour les accommoder à leurs propres
systêmes dogmatiques. Enfin le style même de l'ouvrage, la forme des vers,
la concordance des deux manuscrits, le genre des variantes qu'ils presentent,
tout se réunit en faveur de l'authenticité de ses poesies; M. Sennebier jugeait
que le manuscrit de Genève est du XIIe siècle."
I have long been in correspondence with a friend, Mr.
Metivier, on the subject of the "Noble Lesson," who does not
concur in all my views of its antiquity; but his intimate ac-
quaintance with the Romaunt dialects renders every remark of
his worthy of notice. He writes thus on the subject:-"The
idiom of the 'Noble Lesson' is also essentially the same as that
of the remaining MSS. I only remark the substitution of au
(analogous to the Provençal and Catalan ab) for per or cum,
which last I think occurs only once [twice?] Ce (que) for
car would be another peculiarity, if the copyist had not, as I
suspect, misinterpreted the c or ç in the MS. In the prose
MSS. I do not find que for car. Que always, car never, is the
Catalan rule. I have marked several altered or transposed
rhymes in this Genevan copy; a clear proof that there existed
a more ancient oral or written original. I do not think Mor-
land's copy the most ancient. The use of the explicit illi,
instead of the implicit ilh, inclines me to the supposition that
the Genevan MS. is older than Morland's. The prose MSS.,
some of which are so modern, invariably expand ilh into illi.
*
“Je suis porté à croire que le manuscrit de Cambridge avait été fait
sur un exemplaire plus ancien que celui qui à servi pour la copie du manuscrit
de Genève; dans le manuscrit de Cambridge on lit au, avec, venant d'ab
romane, et dans celui de Genève on lit cum au lieu d'au."
156
APPENDIX.
The irregularity of the metres rather favours your hypothesis
of the early date.-G. METIVIER.'
It will be observed that Mr. Metivier differs from Mr. Ray-
nouard, as to the comparative antiquity of the Cambridge and
Genevan copies; but he makes a similar observation as to the
substitution of au for cum. With regard to the objections in
Brit. Mag., vol. xix., pp. 19, 20 [pp. 147, 148, supra], I should
say that there must be an omission, or misprint, in the note
containing Mr. Raynouard's remark about au and cum, for
certainly there does not seem to be any foundation for the
statement as it there stands.*
Your correspondent, in the continuation of his article, "On
the Poems of the Poor of Lyons" [pp. 135–150, supra], accuses
Morland of having himself withdrawn some of the lost Cam-
bridge MSS. from the library, particularly vol. B., and of having
given it back to Leger. "The truth of the matter (so far as it
may be surmised from circumstances, and from the behaviour
of a deceitful person) appears to be, that Monsieur Leger gave
the book to Morland between the years 1655 and 1658, inclu-
*The following extract from Champollion Figeac, another philologist,
will show that his opinion also was in favour of the Waldensian MSS.:
▼
"Mais il ne faut pas oublier, que dans des temps peu réculés le Piémont
n'eut d'autre langue que celle de la France méridionale, de l'Italie et de
l'Espagne, c'est-à-dire le roman. Ce fait n'est contesté par personne, et
on en trouve une preuve irrécusable dans les livres qui nous restent de la secte
des Vaudois qui habitaient les vallées du Piémont. Ces livres consistent
en quelques manuscrits très-rares en France et partout ailleurs, si ce n'est en
Angleterre où doivent exister (à Cambridge) plusieurs manuscrits envoyés
en 1658 à Olivier Cromwel, qui les avait démandés aux pasteurs Vaudois."
-Note, p. 24, "Nouvelles Recherches sur les Patois ou Idiômes Vulgaires
de la France, par J. J. Champollion-Figeac, Conservateur-adjoint de la Bi-
bliothèque Publique de Grenoble, et Professeur de Litterature Grecque à la
Faculté des Lettres de l'Academie de Grenoble." [Dr. Gilly's remark, that
"there must be an omission or misprint in the note containing M. Raynouard's
remark,” &c., must mean M. Raynouard's note, and that the author of the
paper on the Poems of the Poor of Lyons was right when he said that there
was no foundation for the statement as it there stands.-J. H. T.]
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE ((
NOBLE LESSON." 157
sive; that Morland placed it in the Cambridge library in 1658,
while the Protector was dying; took it out again before the
king's restoration, and gave it back to Leger; and that Leger
placed it in the Geneva library in 1662" [p. 137, supra]. Strange
enough, your correspondent, in his previous article, Brit. Mag.,
vol. xviii., p. 607 [p. 104, supra], assigns as the reason why
some of the MSS. were withdrawn from Cambridge, that they
would not "pass muster as MSS. of the age ascribed to some of
them before the searching eye of restored learning." Now it
so happens that the book at Geneva, containing the "Noble
Lesson," &c., is a collection of MSS. which will bear the most
severe investigation.
The monstrous charge of stealing from Cambridge, to restore
to Leger, rests on the supposition, that the book which still
remains in the library of Geneva, and from which the "Noble
Lesson" in Raynouard's volume was transcribed, is the same
which Jean Leger gave to the library in 1662; but I have in
my possession a letter from Mr. Favre Bertrand, which dis-
tinctly states, on the authority of the librarian himself, that
the book in question was not given by Jean Leger in 1662,
but by Antoine Leger in 1661; also, that the volume given
and described by Jean Leger was different from that deposited
by Antoine Leger; and that Jean Leger's gift is no longer in
the library,—does not "remain to this day where he placed
it." Your correspondent may possibly adhere to his accusation
against Morland, and say, "Well, then, he gave the book to
Antoine Leger; and there it is, transferred from Cambridge to
Geneva." Let the matter be thoroughly sifted; and for this
purpose I subjoin a copy of M. Bertrand's letter,* with his ac-
count in full of the little book containing the "Noble Lesson."
A comparison of Mr. Bertrand's list of the Waldensian MSS.
remaining in the Library of Geneva, with Morland's catalogue
* In that letter you will find some of the "renseignments" which Mr.
Bertrand had communicated to Raynouard, and of which your correspondent
[p. 148, supru] seems to entertain some suspicions.
158
APPENDIX.
of those abstracted from Cambridge, will be useful in this
controversy:-
Q
"J'ai l'honneur, Monsieur, de vous* envoyer la notice des MSS. Vaudois
qui sont dans la bibliothèque de la ville de Genève, et que vous avez desiré
connoitre. Je serai fort heureux si elle peut vous être de quelque utilité.
Veuillez, Monsieur, agréer l'expression de mon entier dévouement.
"Genève, 10 Juin, 1832.
GM. FAVRE BERTRAND."
"Manuscrits, No. 207. Il renferme des écrits en langue Vaudoise tant en
prose qu'en vers. Son format est petit, in 12mo, d'environ 4 pouces de hau-
teur, sur 3 pouces de largeur. Il est écrit sur velin et paroit être du 12me
siècle. Il contient :-
"1°. Incipit Prologus in secundo libro exposicionum Canticorum Salo-
monis.
66
Il y a sept livres de cette exposition mais le premier manque, et le vo-
lume commence par le second. Cet ouvrage occupe 221 pages, il est en prose
Vaudoise; le titre seul est en latin.
"2°. Ayci commencza la Barca 336 vers.
"3. Ayci comencza lo Novel Sermon, 408 vers.
"4°. Ayci comencza lo Novel Confort, 300 vers.
"5°. La Nobla Leiczon, 472 vers.
"J. Leger (Histoire des Eglises Vaudoises) a publié deux longs fragments
de ce poëme, ou en trouve aussi quelques morceaux dans d'autres livres, mais
le seul ouvrage dans lequel il à été publié entier est la Choix de Poesies des
Troubadours, par M. Raynouard. Il est imprimé (tom. ii. pp. 73—102)
d'après une copie que j'ai faite sur le MS. de Genève. On trouvera dans le
même volume des extraits de toutes les poésies que renferme ce MS.
"Dans l'intérieur de la couverture de ce MS. on lit une note d'une ecriture
peu ancienne qui detaille les ouvrages qu'il contient et ajoute qu'il appartient
aux eglises reformées des vallées du Piémont, lesquelles prient de le leurs con-
server en la bibliothèque de Genéve. Cette note se trouve pleinement con-
firmée par un petit carnet dans lequel E. Girard, Bibiothécaire vers le milieu
du xvii. siècle, inscrivoit les acquisions et les dons, qui augmentoient la bi-
bliothèque. On y lit,
trad
* Having requested my friend, the Rev. Richard Burgess, to procure in-
formation from Geneva on the subject of these Waldensian MSS., and having
lost the envelope of this letter when my house was on fire, two years ago, I
cannot say whether Mr. Bertrand addressed himself to Mr. Burgess or
to me.
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE "NOBLE LESSON.” 159
"Livres qui ont été donnés à la bibliothèque dès que j'en ai eu la charge
E. GIRARD.
1656.
"Le 17 8bre 1661, Mr. Leger, Pastr. et Profr. le jour avant son decès m'a
remis pour ètre gardé pour les eglises de Piémont un petit livre MS. intitulé
les Expoons du Catique des Cantiqs de Salomon en lettre antique. Et les
poëmes intit. la Barca, Novel Sermon, Nobla Leisson, lo Paire Eternel, lo
Novel Confort, lo Dispressi de la Mort, deli quatre Semens, et de la Peni-
tenza, en langage ancien Vaudois. Manuscrit en parchemin, est en l'armoire.'
"On voit que le livre remis par Léger est évidemment le MS. No. 207, et
qu'il s'agit ici d'Antoine Leger, qui avoit été à Constantinople, et qui s'y
étoit assez intimement lié avec le patriarch Cyrille Lucar. Il mourut effec-
tivement en 1661. (Senebier Hist. litter. de Genève, tom. ii. p. 131.)
“Dans l'Histoire des Eglises Vaudoises par Jean Léger, (mort vers 1670),
p. 73, on voit qu'il avoit remis à la bibliothèque de Genève des papiers con-
cernant les Vaudois, et un volume qui renfermoit la Nobla Leiczon et lo
Novel Confort, mais qui du reste etoit different* de celui qui porte le No. 207,
* That this difference between the book now remaining at Geneva, and
the one which Jean Leger gave to the university there, may be thoroughly
understood, I subjoin Leger's own account of it:-"Outre les pièces ci-devant
mentionnés et remises à Mr. Morland, et par lui données en garde en l'uni-
versité de Cambridge, ayant encore recouvert dans la vallée de Pragela, un
volume in 8 fort epaix, où sont en langue Vaudoise, en caractères très-
anciens, et en parchemin, les beaux traités de la Noble Leiçon, du l'urgatoire
Songé, des Traditions, de l'Invocation des Saints, du Nouveau Confort, du
Docteur, de l'Explication de l'Oraison Dominicale, du Symb. des Apôtres, et
des X Commandements, et quelques Sermons, je les ai mis en depost en la
Bibliothèque de Genève, et en ay tiré le suivant temoignage de Mr. Gerard,
Bibliothèquaire. Je soussigné declare avoir reçu des mains de M. Leger,
cy-devant Pasteur és Vallées, 1. Un livre de parchemin-manuscript in 8, con-
tenant plusieurs traités de la doctrine des anciens Vaudois, en leur propre
langue. 2. Un liasse de plusieurs autres manuscrits importants des affaires
des dites vallées, partie en langue Ital. partie en langue Françoise, que je con-
serve en la Bibliothèque de cette cité, pour y avoir recours au besoin, en foi
de quoy, &c. A Genève le 10 Novembre, 1662, signé Gerard, Pasteur, Prin-
cipal du Collège, et Bibliothèquaire.' - Leger Hist. Gen. des Eglises Vau-
doises, p. 23.
M
In Vol. xix. p. 12, note [p. 136, supra], your correspondent accuses Leger
of having "omitted all the lines (of the Noble Lesson) from line 76 to 286,
and again, all from 418 to 455, without any intimation to his readers either
"""
160
APPENDIX.
dont je viens de montrer clairement l'origine. Le Bibliothécaire, Gerard,
donna à Jean Leger un reçu de son livre le 10 Nov. 1662, c'est à dire un
peu plus d'un an après le depôt de l'autre MS. par Antoine Leger. Le volume
deposé par Jean Leger ne se retrouve plus dans notre Bibliothèque.
"Jean Leger donne aussi la liste des ecrits Vaudois qu'il avait remis à Sa-
muel Morland, envoyé de Cromwell auprès du Duc de Savoye. Ils furent
deposés à l'université de Cambridge, en Août, 1658, mais maintenant ils n'y
sont plus, et le MS. de Genève est unique.
"Jean Leger fait encore connoitre les ouvrages Vaudois, qui servirent à
Perrin pour composer son Histoire des Vaudois et Albigeois (Genève, 1618),
mais dans ces indications il n'est fait aucune mention de l'Exposition du
Cantique de Salomon. A la suite de la Nobla Leiczon on trouve encore :
"6. Lo Payre Eternal, 156 vers.
K
"7. Lo Despreczi del Mont, 115 vers.
" 8. L'Avengeli de li 4 Semencz, 300 vers.
"9. De la Penitenza. Traité on prose de 24 pages qui termine le vo-
lume."
"Manuscr. No. 208. Ecrit sur papier petit in 8°. Sur le dos de la relieure
on lit Controv. Vaud, Il est du 14e ou 15º siècle. Il renferme des traités en
langue Vaudoise et en prose sur les Articles de Foi, les Sept Sacremens, les
Dix Commandements, la Penitence, le Jeune, le Purgatoire, l'Invocation des
Saints, la Puissance donnée au Vicaire de Christ.
"Lorsqu'on a fait relier ce volume, on a mal reparti les cahiers; ce qui fait
que les traités sont mal en ordre, et se trouvent intercalés. La fin et le com-
mencement de ce volume manquent.
"Le Traité du Purgatoire repond à quelques differences près, à celui dont
Jean Leger (p. 33) a publié un fragment sous le titre del Purgatori Seuma,
"
in words or by mode of printing, that he was not presenting a continuous pas-
sage," and adds, "Whoever examines the poem will see the motive of this arti-
fice." I cannot agree to this. I have referred to Leger, and I find that he begins
his manuscript from the Noble Lesson' by speaking of it twice as a specimen
or extract, “commençant par un echantillon," "extrait d'un traité intitulé La
Noble Leiçon." He then inserts the first forty-four lines, and, leaving a vacant
space to show that he had omitted some lines, introduces the next extract by
a heading in these words: "Et plus bas parlant de l'estat auquel Dieu a
crée l'homme;" he proceeds, as your correspondent has described, making
insertions and omissions at pleasure, without marking where the passage is
continuous or not; but he intimates from the first that he is only giving ex-
tracts, and at the end of all he says, "this specimen will suffice"-" Cet
échantillon suffira."
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE ((
NOBLE LESSON." 161
qu'il annonce comme tiré du livre de l'Anti-Christ, daté de 1126. Leger
(p. 85, et suiv.) a aussi publié une partie de l' Invocation de li Sanct. Mr.
enebier (Catal. des MSS. de la Bibl. de Genève, p. 463) semble avoir pris
le traité de la Potesta pour un ouvrage sur l'Apostasie.
"Manuscrit No. 209. Petit 8º écrit sur papier. Voici ce qu'en dit Mr.
Senebier (Catal. des MSS., p. 463). 'Les Conseils des Barbets.-Ce MS.
incomplet renferme divers morceaux de Theologie et de Morale, en patois
Vaudois; il me paroit du XV siècle.'
"Sur le dos du livre on lit, Conseils des Barbes, et au bas de la première
page, Conseils des Barbes touchant les heritages. Le mot Barbe, qui signifie
oncle, se donnoit dans les vallées aux pasteurs du pays.
"1. Le MS. est incomplet au commencement; on lit en tête des recto des
premiers feuillets pistola ou pistoleta. Le premier feuillet parle des heritages.
Mais les suivans traitent d'autres sujets, tels que le rancune, le mariage, &c.
"2. A la page 16 commence un autre ouvrage, ayant le titre de Pensiers;
occupe quatre pages et demi.
il
"3. De la Penitenza e del juni, en 18 pages.
66
4. Pecca, en 103 pages. C'est un traité des Péchés. Il y a un chapitre
sur chaque péché, et le tout est précéde de deux pages et demi sur l'aumône,
DE LIMOSINE. Ce traité est terminé par la Oracion de Manasses.
“ 5. Glossa sobre lo Pater nostre, en 42 pages. Leger ('Hist.,' p. 40-46)
en publié une partie.
"6. De las 4 Cosas que son avenir, en 82 pages. Ces quatre choses,
dont chacune est traitée à part, sont la mort, le jugement, les peines d'enfer,
les joies de paradis. Jean Leger ('Hist.,' 1 part, p. 23, B., No. 45) cite deux
ouvrages, intitulés Las Penas et li Goy de Paradis qui vraisemblablement
sont des parties du traité de las 4 cosas.* [cætera desunt].
""
I wish to direct particular attention to the fact, that ex-
tracts of the Exposition of Solomon's Song are bound up in
the Genevan book containing the "Noble Lesson," but that no
mention is made, either in Perrin's or Morland's catalogue, of
the Song of Solomon. Morland speaks of "the Proverbs of
Solomon, and Ecclesiastes" as being in vol. E. It is also
worthy of notice, that the MSS. No. 208 and 209 in the Ge-
nevan library, which contain some of the treatises mentioned
*The pages of Mr. Bertrand's letter containing the continuation of the
catalogue were destroyed or lost when my house was damaged by fire.
M
162
APPENDIX.
in Morland's Cambridge MS., vol. B, are written on paper,
whereas Morland's were on parchment.
I am persuaded, by these and other internal evidences con-
tained in the Genevan MSS., that all the ingenious reasoning
which your correspondent has employed, to fix upon Morland
the suspicion of having taken the MSS. away from Cambridge
to give them to Leger, will go for nothing. But, to do my best
towards solving the mystery, I will endeavour to procure, if
the conservators of the Genevan library will permit me, a com-
plete transcript of the contents of the little book containing the
"Noble Lesson," and other poems, and to have them collated
with the various existing copies of the same compositions,
under the hope that such collation will lead to more satisfac-
tory conclusions than those at which we can arrive at present.
I have seen the Genevan book, and examined the MSS. which
it contains, and can vouch for the accuracy of Mr. Bertrand's
description of it. A fac-simile of the seven first lines of the
“Noble Lesson” is given in page 139 of my "Waldensian
Researches."
Here I may take the opportunity of observing, that Dr.
Todd has done me some little wrong in his "Lectures on the
Prophecies relating to Antichrist." From the general tenor of
his style, I believe it was unintentional; but he represents
me as continuing to entertain all the opinions, which I ex-
pressed in my first publication on the Waldenses, whereas my
second publication—“ Waldensian Researches," printed 1831
-contains a modification of some of my former statements. It
has escaped him also, that I took the first opportunity to point
out the loss of the most ancient of the Waldensian MSS. out
of the Cambridge collection. Compare Dr. Todd's notes, pp. 403,
408, with "Excursions to the Mountains of Piedmont," p. 22,
second edition, 8vo, 1825, and "Waldensian Researches,"
pp. 132-156.
[* My mistake was occasioned by my having used the first edition of Dr.
Gilly's "Excursions to the Mountains of Piedmont." See above, pp. 20, 21.
—J. H. T.]
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE
163
(( NOBLE LESSON."
999
Dr. Todd, or the writer on the Poems of the Poor of Lyons,
or any other critical scholar who has access to the volume of
Ussher's MSS. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, would
be doing service to the cause if he would supply you (for pub-
lication in the "British Magazine") with a detailed account,
or catalogue raisonné,* of the MS. Class C, Tab. 5, No. 22.
That volume, as Dr. Todd informs us, in page 404 (note), of
his recent work, " contains all the tracts mentioned in Perrin's
account (p. 58) of the contents of his MS., and in the same order.
The first tract in the volume is entitled, Liber Virtutum,' and
begins, 'No es justa cosa efort.'
I wish to be informed also if the Dublin library contains a
copy of the Waldensian New Testament, mentioned as the first
in Perrin's catalogue. "Premierement nous avons en main un
Nouveau Testament, en parchemin, en langue Vaudoise, très bien
ecrit, quoy que de lettre fort ancienne.”—French Ed., p. 57.
It will help to bring us to an understanding if we can trace
the history of this "New Testament in the Waldensian lan-
guage." Raynouard and Champollion-Figeac identify the Ro-
maunt, or "langue Romane primitive," with the Waldensian
tongue. But we must endeavour to distinguish between the
vernacular version of the New Testament well known to have
been made by Waldo and "the Poor Men of Lyons," and the
translation alleged to have been made by the Waldenses of the
Cottian Alps,—that is, the Waldenses of the valleys of Pied-
mont and Dauphiné. I subjoin a list of copies of the New
Testament which are ascribed to the Sub-Alpine Waldenses:-
The copies mentioned by Perrin, Morland, and Leger, which
I need not here describe.
،
"Novum Testamentum lingua Pedemontana-Vallensi per
Barbetum quemdam, seu ministrum Vallensem, translatum.
Codex in 12° scriptus post annum M. C. Bibl. civica Tigurina,
[* The suggestion contained in this passage led to the publication of the
Catalogue of the Dublin Waldensian MSS., which is now reprinted.--J. H. T.]
I
M 2
164
APPENDIX.
Ottius." Le Long, Bibliotheca Sacra, vol. i., p. 369. [Paris,
1723, fol.]
"Novum Testamentum ad usum Valdensium, sc. quatuor
Evangelia, septem Epistolæ Canonicæ, quatuordecim Epistolæ
Sancti Pauli et Actus Apostolorum. Deinde Proverbia Salo-
monis, Ecclesiastes, Canticum Canticorum, priora decem capita
libri Sapientiæ et quindecim priora Ecclesiastici. Codex spissus
in 4to integer, in quo nihil deest; in membranis à quadringentis
annis circiter exaratus, at versio antiquior, sicut ad me scripsit
Dr. Thomassin de Mazaugue filius senatoris Aquensis, penès quem
extat hoc exemplar, quod usui Valdensibus fuisse, multis pro-
bari potest argumentis, præsertim ex Oratione Dominicâ, quæ
eadem est, duobus verbis duntaxat mutatis, ac in codice Joannis
Leger, pag. 40, Hist. Valdensium. Hoc exemplar etiam describit
epistola D. Remerville de S. Quentin, scripta anno 1704, et edita
in collectione quæ vulgo dicitur Piéces Fugitives d'Histoire et
de Litterature, 2 partie, anni 1704, p. 270." Le Long, Bibl.
Sacr., vol. i., p. 369.
It is worthy of remark, that Le Long does not throw any
discredit on the testimony of Perrin and Leger upon the sub-
ject of the Waldensian MSS.; on the contrary, he argues in
defence of the antiquity of one of them. Natalis Alexander
also notices this copy described by Le Long, in his "Vindiciæ
Librorum Deutero-canonicorum, V. T. Supplementum ad Hist.
Eccles.," p. 75; and he seems to think that the copy men-
tioned by Remerville de St. Quentin was not the same as that
described by Thomassin de Mazaugue. Natalis Alexander
therefore believed in the antiquity of this codex, written,
"lingua partim Pedemontana, partim provinciali."
There is also a MS. book, containing the New Testament in
the Waldensian language, preserved in the library of Grenoble.
It so happens that about a month ago I received an account
of this relic (the existence of which has been disputed), in a
letter, of which the following is an extract, most kindly ad-
dressed to me by the librarian of the Grenoble library, in an-
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE ،، NOBLE LESSON." 165
swer to one which I had writen to him for information on the
subject:-"Le MS. dont vous me parlez se trouve encore ac-
tuellement dans la Bibliothèque de Grenoble sous le No. 488.
C'est en effet une traduction du N. T. en dialect Vaudois. Ce
manuscrit, dont l'authenticité n'a jamais été révoquée en doute,
est, à ce qu'on croit, du treizième siècle. Il est sur velin, et
il a des lettres initiales coloriées, ainsi que des ornements. Son
format est petit, in 4to un peu oblong. Quelques pages ont
souffert mais assez légèrement."
Upon receiving this most interesting communication, I im-
mediately requested to be favoured with a fac-simile of the pre-
cious MS., which has since arrived, and it is now before me.
The fac-simile exhibits passages from the third chapter of
St. Luke's Gospel; of course without our division into verses.
The handwriting resembles that of MSS of the thirteenth cen-
tury deposited in the library of Durham cathedral; and the
translation has the following characteristic commencement
of the chapter:-"Mas la parolla del segnor fo faita," &c.
The passage does not begin as our version does—“Now in the
fifteenth year," &c.; but, if rendered into English, would read
in this order:-" But the word of the Lord came unto John,
the son of Zacharias, in the Wilderness, in the fifteenth year
of the reign of Tiberius Cæsar," &c.
I might here speak of a MS. which is noticed in the will of an
Englishman who died in 1345: "Etiam bibulam meam in
Romanam linguam translatam." (See "Testamenta Ebora-
censia," part i., p. 10, Surtees Society, 1836.) This may,
however, have been one of the copies of Waldo's translation,
or that which the translators of the Rhemish Testament men-
tion in their preface; "More than two hundred years ago, in
the days of Charles V., the French king, was the Bible put
forth faithfully in French, the sooner to shake out of the de-
ceived people's hands the false heretical translations of a sect
called the Waldenses."
M
I must again repeat that I hope we shall soon have, in one
of your early Numbers, a detailed account from Dublin of the
166
APPENDIX.
"Small Paper Volume" (mentioned by Dr. Todd, p. 407, "Lec-
tures on Antichrist") "written in the beginning of the sixteenth
century, very similar to the volume alluded to in note, p. 404.”
If this volume contains "La Nobla Leyczon, La Barca, Lo
Novel Sermon, Lo Novel Confort, Lo Payre Eternal, Lo De-
spreczi del Mont, el l'Evangeli de li quatre Semences," they
may be compared with Morland's description of volume B,
said to have been deposited at Cambridge, and with the little
MS. book in the library of Geneva, No. 207. I should also
feel much obliged if the writer of the article on the "Poems
of the Poor of Lyons" (Brit. Mag., vol. xviii.) would tell us
more plainly, in your next Number, where he thinks he might
find a portion of the lost Cambridge documents. "He has
reasons," he says, "for believing that some were conveyed out
of the kingdom and deposited in a place belonging to Protes-
tants" (Brit. Mag., vol. xviii., p. 609).*
The various readings of the copies of Waldensian MSS.,
especially of the "Noble Lesson," to which allusion has been
made in this controversy, are viewed by me in a very different
light from that in which they are seen by your correspondent.
To my mind they prove the existence of several old codices of
the "Noble Lesson," and are an answer to those who write
about "the frauds of the Reformation," and who bring such
sweeping charges of forgery against Perrin, Morland, and Leger.
If it is "morally certain that Morland could not handle Pié-
montese or Provençal Poems, in a Gothic Codex of 450 years
ago" (see Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 16),† is it not improbable
that “such mean scholars" as your correspondent calls the
Legers, who primed Morland, and furnished him with tran-
scripts and translations of the MSS., should have been able to
give various readings, ad libitum, in anything like a colourable
form, to copies of MSS. of old Piedmontese and Provençal poems?
I admit that there are marks enough of blundering inaccuracy,
and want of erudition, in the publications of the three above-
* [Supra. p. 104.]
+ [Supra, p. 143.]
200
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE "C
NOBLE LESSON." 167
mentioned writers; and I do not defend Morland and Leger,
where they offer such glaring mistranslations as those which
you have adduced; on the contrary, I will notice them all
when I treat the question at length; but, since they give the
original passages in an opposite column, it is only fair to
remark that they themselves have supplied us with the means
of correcting their own errors.
Your correspondent mentions three manuscript copies of the
"Noble Lesson." I am inclined to speak of five :-
I. The Genevan copy transcribed for Raynouard's volume by
M. Bertrand, and still remaining at Geneva. This I believe to
be the Book of Poetry in the Vaudois language, described by
Perrin, p. 59, and mentioned by St. Aldegonde, 1 Tab., p. 153.
II. The lost Cambridge copy of volume B, transcribed by
Morland.
III. The copy of which extracts are given by Leger, "Hist.
Gen. des Eglises Vaud.," p. 26-30.
IV. The copy preserved among the Ussher collection of
Waldensian MSS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.
This Dr. Todd and the correspondent of your last two Numbers
describe as a transcript of the beginning of the sixteenth cen-
tury—i. e., one hundred years older than the book of Perrin,
who is at the head of the supposed gang of forgers.
V. The copy (to which nobody, as far as I know, has before
made any reference) from which Ladoucette took his extract
in his "Histoire des Hautes Alpes," p. 299, which extract,
short as it is, has a reading which differs greatly from the
others.
Among the various readings* to which I am inclined to at-
tach importance, as proving the existence of more than one
* Almost every line in Leger's and Morland's transcripts contains a vari-
ation from the Genevan MS. To suppose that all these were to answer a
purpose is really too much. Of the first forty-four lines there is only one
of Leger's which corresponds entirely with the Genevan copy, and only two
of Morland's.
168
APPENDIX.
I. Genevan.*
"1
II. Cambridge or Morland.
Title, Leyczon.†
Line 6, ancz.
29 and 30 form one line only in Morland and Leger.
,, 216, paure (poor).
pura (pure).
,, 370, aucir.
aucire.
,, 372, Ilh dion.
,, 372, e degne de punir.
,, 457, Cant venre l'antexrist.
,, 460, Aquilh.
Leyçon.
an.
Illi diçon.
e degne de punir.
Cant venré lenteXrist.
Aquilli.
III. Leger.
Leyçon.
an.
aucire.
Illi dison.
e degne de murir.
à fuire l'anteXrist.
Aquilli.
IV. Ussher's, as cited
by Dr. Todd, "Lectures
on Antichrist," p. 443.
del temp d'lantexpt.
Aq`lh.
V. Ladoucette.
occir.
loz dison.
loz feson morir.
* The Genevan MS. is not accentuated, if Raynouard's copy be correct. Morland's and Leger's have accents.
+ In the copies of Leger and Morland the cz of the Genevan MS. is invariably changed into ç, and the final h into li; as
filh, aquilh (Gen.), filli, aquilli (Morland and Leger.)
direct attention to the following:
ancient copy, from which transcripts have been made, let me
--·

DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE 169
((
NOBLE LESSON."
In justice to Perrin, whom you, Mr. Editor, have handled
with some severity (Brit. Mag., vol. xviii., p. 620) [see p. 116,
supra], I think it right to say that I have found proof of his
credibility in several points where his veracity has been doubted.
Gilles, the native historian of the Waldenses, states that many
MSS. enumerated by Perrin were sent to him from the valleys
of Piedmont; and he gives the name of the Piedmontese pastor
who was deputed to arrange them, and to make translations
of them for Perrin's use. (See Gilles, "Hist. Eccl. des Eglises
Refor. du Piemont," p. 383.)
The same author gives the date of the letters from Bohemia
for which your correspondent asks (vol. xviii., p. 610), [see
p. 108, supra], viz., the 27th June, 1533; and the particulars
of the transaction, in which Daniel of Valence and Jean de Mo-
lines were implicated, according to Perrin (p. 67). He gives the
substance, also, of those letters on which your correspondent
observes that "it is to be regretted no copies have been fur-
nished." (See Gilles, pp. 33-35.)
I may be allowed to select another example of the manner in
which I have tested Perrin as to his history and documents.
In pages 110 and 111 he writes thus of the Waldenses:
"Eglises vrayment reformées de temps immemoré, car encor
qu'en ladite vallée il y ait à preset des vieilles gens, et non en
petit nombre, qui approchent, et quelques uns qui ont passé,
cent ans. Si n'ont ces bon viellards jamais appris de leurs
pères et ayeuls qu'il y ait eu de leur temps aucune messe
chantée en leur pais."
Perrin's book was published in 1619. Claude Seyssel, Arch-
bishop of Turin, who visited the Waldenses of the Piedmontese
valleys in 1517,* boasts that he was the first prelate in the
* Your correspondent thinks that it was an artifice of the Protestant-
Vaudois, after the Reformation, to carry up the Waldenses to an origin before
Waldo; but Seyssel, who was in the valleys before the Reformation, informs
us, fol. v., that the heretics of the valleys had all along been ascribing an anti-
170
APPENDIX.
memory of man who had visited them episcopally. Two of his
expressions are strong enough:-" Et eam ob causam, nullus
hominum memoria eorum prelatus ad vallium illarum penetralia
accedere vix fuerit ausus; me tamen,” &c., fol. ii.—“ Spe fideque
pleni, ad ipsa loca nostris antecessoribus maxima ex-parte (ut
diximus) inaccessa, Deo authore profecti sumus,” fol. iv.—
"Claud. Seysselli adversus Sectam Valdensium Disputationes:"
Paris, 1520.
In 1406, the Dominican, Vincentius Ferrerius, preached to
the Sub-Alpine Waldenses; and he declared, in a letter to the
General of his order, that, for forty years before, no Catholic
preacher had been heard in the valleys. (See "Præf. Ricchini
ad Monetam.," p. xvi.) Claude Seyssel, in his work, alludes
repeatedly to books and writings in the vulgar tongue, by which
the Waldenses were confirmed in their hostility to the Roman
Church. See especially, fol. iv. and v.
I am afraid this letter is already too long, but I cannot lose
the opportunity of stating, in reference to your correspondent's
date of 1160† for the institution of Waldo's fraternity of "The
Poor Men of Lyons," that 1173 was the year in which Waldo
first came into notice. This is distinctly represented in the
only contemporary document which gives us detailed informa-
tion of Waldo's first impulse and consequent proceedings. The
Lyonese merchant happened to hear a troubadour reciting a
quity to their sect similar to that which, according to Reiner, was claimed by
the Leonists.
* Is it not a strange coincidence, when taken in connexion with the alleged
antiquity of the Waldensian MSS. that when Ecbert wrote against certain
heretics, whom he called Cathari, about the year 1160 (before Waldo), he re-
marked, "Muniti sunt verbis sacræ Scripturæ quæ aliquo modo sectis eorum
concordare videntur."-See "Bibl. Patr.," vol. iv., p. 2, p. 78. The Cathari
against whom Ecbert wrote came from Itåly, and may or may not have had
some communication with the Sub-Alpine Waldenses; but if one community
of dissenters had its writings at that early period, so might another.
† [Brit. Mag., vol. xviii., p. 601 [supra, p. 101].
DR. GILLY'S FIRST LETTER ON THE ("
NOBLE LESSON." 171
poem of Alexis, and, singularly enough, a Romish legend pro-
duced impressions which led to a movement in opposition to
the Roman Church. I refer you to "The Chronicle of Laon,”
published in Bouquet's "Recueil des Historiens," vol. xiii.
p. 682.
This document escaped even Ussher's notice (perhaps from
not having been in print before Bouquet's collection), and has
never been brought forward, as far as I know, by any writer
on Waldo and the Poor Men of Lyons. The passage begins
thus:
"Currente adhuc anno eodem Incarnationis 1173, fuit
apud Lugdunum Galliæ, civis quidam, Valdesius nomine, qui per
iniquitatem fænoris multas sibi pecunias coacerverat," &c. Those
who would make themselves well acquainted with Waldo's
true history, and with that of "The Poor Men of Lyons,"
should first consult contemporary authorities only, in the fol-
lowing order :-
Chronicon Anonymi Canonici Laudunensis, sub annis 1173-
1178. Bouquet, vol. xiii.
Gaualteri Mappei De Secta Valdesiorum, xxxi. MS. Bod.
851. A part only of this is in print, published by Ussher.
De Chr. Eccl. Succ., c. viii. p. 268.
Stephen de Borbone, who derived his information from
Waldo's fellow-labourers in the work of translating and tran-
scribing MSS. Apud Echart Pr. Or., Scr., vol. i. p. 162.
I am, dear Sir, yours faithfully,
DURHAM, Jan. 8, 1841.
W. S. GILLY.
172
APPENDIX.
ON THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
POSTSCRIPT* To No. II.
SINCE the second portion of this paper was printed, some fur-
ther and very surprising information has been communicated
to the public concerning the ancient MS. or MSS. of the poems.
It is contained in the letter of Monsieur Favre Bertrand, of
Geneva, to Dr. Gilly, and quite recently published by the latter
in the Correspondence of the "British Magazine." The an-
cient manuscript book deposited by Morland at Cambridge, in
1658 vanished unaccountably. But we now learn† with sur-
prise that the manuscript book deposited by Jean Leger at
Geneva, in 1662, disappeared in like manner. It is not to be
found at Geneva; and no account can be given (at least none
is given) of the mode of its disappearance. The book ne se re-
trouve plus. Such a fatality as these transactions exhibit will
scarcely find a parallel in the history of literature; and if the
principal actor in them was honest, he was strangely unfortu-
nate. Two similar volumes produced by the same individual,
and lodged in two places, distant from each other, and both
secure—yet both of them evanescent, and melted into air!
However, there is at Geneva now a visible manuscript of these
poems, agreeing in age, materials, and written character, with
the description we have received of the two invisible ones. But
Monsieur Bertrand says it is duodecimo, whereas the missing
Geneva volume is described as having been an octavo. This
*
[Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 257.]
+ [See Dr. Gilly's Letter, p. 160, supra.]
Monsieur F. Bertrand, indeed, calls it vellum; but Girard, who received
it from one of the Legers, terms it parchment. Therefore, whichever it really
is, it is the same substance that the Legers called parchment.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
173
makes a third ancient codex, agreeing in many grand points
with the other two. And who brought this one to Geneva?
Monsieur Antoine Leger, who, jointly with his nephew Jean,
gave the Cambridge one to Morland. The librarian Girard,*
(in a list of the donations that had been made to the library
since he had the care of it, and of which list the date does not
appear), enters it as a donation made by Antoine in October,
1661, and on the day previous to his death. Just about one year
before the nephew deposited his book at Geneva, and took
Monsieur Girard's receipt for it. All the three manuscripts (if
they ever existed) appertain to the same family.
One thing, at any rate, we may take for granted.
The ne-
phew, John, must have known all about his uncle's curious
old copy, must have frequently examined it and compared
it with his other two, and must have shed some pious tears
when he heard of the deathbed scene on the 17th of Octo-
ber, 1661.
When he went to Monsieur Girard in November,
1662, to present him with his own copy, Girard would
no doubt exclaim, "Ah! it is but this time twelvemonth,
that your poor dear uncle brought me such another book. Here
it is. Now we are quite rich in Vaudois poetry." Not a bit
of it. When Jean Leger published his work in 1669, he knew
nothing of the third manuscript which his dying kinsman had
bequeathed to the library of Geneva. In the heading prefixed to
his extracts from the "Noble Lesson," he informs his readers that
there had been found two ancient copies of that poem, of which
one was at Cambridge, and one at Geneva-viz., his own;
while Girard's signature came forward to prove that there
were two copies at Geneva, that of 1661 and that of 1662.
Strange! that his living uncle should never have named the
other book to him. Stranger, if possible, that the last act of his
dying kinsman should never, in the course of eight years, have
reached his hearing. Most strange, incredible, and morally
impossible.
* Or Gerard, as he is called in the "Histoire Generale," &c.
174
APPENDIX.
Evil so abounds upon earth that it must continually be in
our thoughts. And Charity is so inseparably united to her
heavenly sister Truth, that she must very frequently become
aware of its presence. But it is her peculiarity, signified in
the Gospel, not to think evil from enmity and malice, or believe
in its existence from the odious wish that it should be found
existing. The author of this paper, having it for his object to
vindicate the authenticity of these poems, can have no wish what-
ever to diminish the number of vouchers for their antiquity.
Nothing would satisfy him better than that several such copies
should exist, or have existed. And it is only disbelieved be-
cause it appears to be unworthy of credit, and because the
statements present clear traces of prevarication. When Leger
was offering to the world his cunningly garbled specimens of a
production not as yet recognised by the learned, it was cer-
tainly not his interest or desire to lower the proofs of its genu-
ineness, or diminish the number of old contemporary documents
demonstrative of that fact. We see him constantly exerting
every nerve in the opposite spirit. Therefore, we may be fully
satisfied that, when he assures us that Geneva contained but
one old MS. of it, he speaks the whole truth without suppres-
sion. And though we may think he has made two books out
of one, we are sure he did not reduce three into two. Either
the deposit made by Anthony in 1661, or that by John in 1662,
is a fiction; but the other is a true history (inasmuch as one
copy is forthcoming), and we are disposed to regard it as an
authentic passage in the life and adventures of Morland's
volume B.
With this alternative before us, it is difficult to make a
choice. If Girard* was dead in 1669, when J. Leger printed
his receipt for the volume of 1662, we should possess no assur-
ance that the aforesaid receipt ever existed except in type. That
* Monsieur F. Bertrand only says that he [Girard] was librarian “about
the middle of the seventeenth century;" and more, perhaps, is not known of
him.
F
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
175
theory would sink the volume in question, and set up that of
Anthony in the previous year. But it involves a decided act
of forgery; and it is perhaps safer to believe that the receipt
was really given in 1662 in exchange for the book which the
younger Leger had brought. In that case the subsequent but
undated entry in the list of donations, by Monsieur Girard,
would become the point in these incredible narrations upon
which we must lay our finger. The incorrect entry stood un-
contradicted by any public documents in Geneva. And if any
one inquired for the MS. mentioned in the receipt given to
Jean Leger, the same answer as we now receive was then in
readiness" How extraordinary! how very distressing! il ne
se retrouve plus." Nobody could say, "I knew Monsieur An-
toine intimately, and he never said a single word about his
valuable donation." For he gave it into the hands of Monsieur
Girard on the very day preceding his death. Since Leger could
only boast that "deux exemplaires se sont trouvés" in all, of
which only one was at Geneva, and falsehood manifestly exists,
it appears to belong rather more probably to Girard. Some other
motive than the mere wish to multiply ancient MSS. must be
supposed to have existed. That motive may possibly have been
the great alteration the book had undergone, by unstitching it,
and shuffling and changing the contents. For the book of An-
thony, in 1661, was far from coinciding in its contents with
that of John in 1662. The whole matter is, however, involved
in such complete mystery, that nothing affirmative can, with
any degree of confidence, be pronounced upon it; and those
who will may freely elect to believe in the library entry, and
in the book of 1661, rejecting Monsieur Jean's receipt and his
book of 1662. Those who can, will feel pleasure in believing
the whole story as it is told them.
It may be remarked that, if the various reading of this patois
were proofs of distinct MSS., we should here have conclusive
evidence that Raynouard did not publish from the present Ge-
neva text (quod est absurdum); for Monsieur Girard, in his
176
APPENDIX.
enumeration of its contents, has treated us to some remarkable
variations.
The impression created by the state of the case, and specially
by the language of Perrin citing Saint Aldegonde, that this was
an unique and almost sacred volume, the sole ancient codex, is
strongly confirmed by the entry concerning it; which states
that it was
"remis pour être gardé pour les Eglises du Pié-
mont." It was not Leger's: it does not now belong to the
Genevese; nor does it belong to any one of the Vaudois Valleys.
But it is a volume kept, as in the ark of the covenant, for all
the tribes of Israel.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
177
ON THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
No. III.*
NONE of the extant poems of the Poor of Lyons, or, at the most,
but one, could be applied to the purposes of psalmody; but
they were composed as vehicles of instruction in sacred history,
and of moral precept. Such a method of teaching was pecu-
liarly suited to the wandering habits and empaupered condition
of their first leaders. And the very form in which these poems
present themselves would lead us to suppose that their authors
still retained the primitive simplicity of their sect.
But the chronological allusion contained in the poem, which
(for that reason) had been selected for publication, makes a
clear profession of antiquity. It cannot, however, avail to
establish so high an antiquity as it appeared, and was fondly
imagined to do; and, consequently, cannot lend any effective
support to those other dates which were so constructed as to
harmonize with it. For either it must be as inauthentic as
they are, or else its meaning has been misapprehended.
The passage in question is near the commencement, and
in these words:
"Ben ha mil e cent ancz compli entierament,
Que for scripta l'ora; car sen al derier temp."
"Well has eleven hundred years been completed entirely,
Which was the hour written; for we are at the last time."
* [Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 260.]
†The English editor has given the line thus-
((
M
Que fo scripta lora, car son al derier temp."
"Since it was written thus-For we are at the last time.”
He probably takes lora as equivalent to the French alors or lors; and
evidently supposes 1 John, ii. 18, to be quoted. But, first, the authors could
N
178
APPENDIX.
The first question we have to ask upon this is, whether the
"Noble Lesson" was indeed composed in or about A. D. 1100.
And we are compelled to answer that question peremptorily
in the negative.
Firstly, the authors of it declare themselves to be reviled
under the appellation of Vaudes. That noun was used in the
singular, and accented* on the last syllable, Vaudés. In their
translation of the epistle to Ladislaust they spell it Valdés. And
sometimes they formed it int the plural, Vaudési or Valdesi.
The futility of the attempts to derive that word from vallis,
a valley, has been§ demonstrated in the British Magazine al-
ready. It is evidently the same word that is so well known
in Spain as the name of several families, and in like manner
accented on the last, Valdéz. Señor Valdéz or Dominus Wal-
densis is, in effect, the same name as that of the English Lord
•
never have hazarded such a proposition as that John meant the twelfth cen-
tury when he said, “even now,
it is the last time." Secondly, there is
no such word as lora in the language of these poems. It has no meaning,
except as an elision of la ora; as in the "Novel Confort".
"Car vos non sabe l'ora que Xrist deo venir."
Thirdly, the Romance Latin is as exact in its genders as the ancient; and
fo scripta could not be said by a Vaudois to express fo scripto, any more
than fuit scripta could be said by Tully or Virgil for fuit scriptum. Mor-
land's interpretation is altogether absurd and barbarous.
* See Leger, "Hist.," p. 28.
+ Perrin, "Hist.," p. 224.
†
See Leger, p. 154.
§ Brit. Mag., vol. xvi., p. 606, 7. [See p. 127, supra.]
It is customary to call him Peter Waldo, as if it were the nominative,
declined in onis, which was a common name enough. But perhaps the truth
in this case may be, that he was de Waldo, in the ablative. His appellations
of Petrus Waldensis, Waldius, Waldus, Don Valdensis, Valdesius, and Valdes
(which latter occurs in the ablative in W. Mapeus, "a primate ipsorum
Valde,” and is completely identical with the Spanish Valdez), may be con-
sidered equivalents for de Waldo, as Lugdunensis is for de Lugduno. And
they are of the best antiquity. The first person, perhaps, who names him
(Alanus de Insulis in sæc. xii.mo), calls him Waldus. Peter of Pilichdorf
contra Waldenses (circa A. D. 1444), says that in civitute Walden quæ in
•
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
179
Forester, and the French Count de Laforêt. Waldenses they
were called, when this poem was written. But the fraternity
which received that appellation was not formed until the year
1177, being three or four years after Waldo embraced volun-
tary* poverty. Thus it is brought down seventy-seven years
lower than its pretended date. To which it may be added, that
Poor of Lyons was the genuine and primitive appellation of
this sect, and that no instance of their being called Waldenses
has as yet been discovered† anterior to 1192.
Secondly, it contains an account" of the three laws that
God gave to the world" (v. 437, et seq.), viz., that of nature, that
of Moses, and that of Christ, after which was to be none other.
But the doctrine of three consecutive laws of God, and states of
the world and church, originated with Joachim, abbot of
Curacio and Flore, and from him it was derived into various
channels of sectarianism. The Vaudés differ from him in
finibus Franciæ sita est [versus Alamanniam, in one MS.] fuit quidam civis
dives. "Bibl. Max. Patrum," xxv., p. 278. The tract "Contra Pauperes de
Lugd." (also ascribed to Peter of Pilchdorf, but palpably by another hand)
says, surrexit quidam e regione Waldis Petrus nominatus (Ibid. p. 300).
This opulent landholder (for such he was) may have received his appellation
from some private estate or domain, of which geography can take no cogni-
zance. But considering the expressions above used-viz., in finibus Franciæ
sita, versus Alamanniam, and regio Waldis; and considering that Lyons was
the birth-place, and Burgundy the cradle of this sect; it is probable that the
Pagus Waldensus or Pays de Vaud, der Wald an den Lemanischen see, situate
in the Burgundia Transjurana, was that from which he took his title. The
Waldenses of Languedoc came into that country from Burgundy, as appears
from authentic documents.
* The writer of this is greatly obliged to Dr. Gilly for pointing out the
Chronicon Laudunense, with which he was entirely unacquainted. It seems,
in the absence of equivalent evidence to the contrary, conclusive that Peter's
own vow of poverty was made in 1173, and that he first began to have asso-
ciates in 1177. And the generally received date for the first of those events—
viz., 1160, must give way.-Recueil des Historiens de France, xiii., 680–2.
+ In which year the statutes of Otho, Bishop of Toul, term them hæretici
qui vocantur Wadoys.-D'Argentré, Collect. Jud., 1, p. 82.
N 2
180
APPENDIX.
making the natural or patriarchal the first, the Mosaic the se-
cond, and that of Christ and his apostles the third and last.
But they evidently formed their triad after his theory had been
published. The same abbot taught that each of the three laws.
was under a different Person of the Holy Trinity, and assigned
to the* three Persons three distinct attributes, to be manifested
in the three laws respectively-to the Father, power; to the
Son, wisdom; and to the Holy Ghost, charity. But the Noble
Lesson says-
"These three, the Holy Trinity,
Should be prayed unto as one God,
Full of all wisdom, and all power, and all goodness,"
which three attributes the New Comfort thus distributes to
the Divine persons-
"The power of the Father, and the wisdom of the Son,
And the goodness of the Holy Ghost."
So it seems they had adopted his heresy of tritheism, as well
as his notion of three states, though they did not apply either
the one or the other in the mischievous way he had done. But
the year 1181 is the earliest in which the abbot of Curacio can
be said to have promulgated his theories. In this manner we
bring down the poem eighty-one years from its alleged date.
Thirdly, it complains that they were marked out as objects
of persecution by their name of Waldenses.
"Ilh dion qu'és Vaudés e degne de punir.”‡
But it does not appear from history that the see of Rome had
* Joachim Psalt. Decem Chord. 240, b. In Apocalyps, 5, b.
+ See Brit. Mag., vol. xvii., pp. 1, 2.
See Nobla Leyczon, v. 350–373. In v. 372, Leger has put murir, death,
instead of punir, punishment. The manuscript, the Dublin transcript, and
even Morland, are against him. It was a wanton act, committed to em-
bitter a passage, of which the force really operates to destroy his own theory
of dates.
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
181
ever pronounced any condemnation on the Poor Men of Lyons,
or instituted any persecution of them, anterior to the bull of
Lucius the Third, in A. D. 1183. They were (said Stephanus*
de Borbone, sive Bellavillâ) excommunicated by John Belles-
mains, Archbishop of Lyons; and judged schismatic and here-
tical by a council anterior to the [fourth] Lateran. But Joannes
a Bellis Manibus, Archbishop elect of Narbonne, was trans-
ferred to Lyons by Lucius the Third† in the course of A. D.
1181; which proves that the fourth in Lateran was the council
above alluded to by name, and that of Lucius III.‡ the one
said to have preceded it. "Pope Lucius (saith Conrad§ of
Ursperg) placed them in the number of heretics;" which ex-
presses in a positive way what the silence of history confirms
negatively—viz., that the bull of Lucius was the first penal
animadversion|| on the Pauperes. Therefore we have now de-
graded the aspiring date of the poem in question by no less
than eighty-three years.
* Apud Martene, Thesaurus, tom. 5, p. 1778. Quetif, Bibl. Ord. Predic.,
1, p. 192.
+ For the proofs of this see Gallia Christiana, IV. p. 130. It follows that
the year 1180, mentioned by Stephen of Bourbon, cannot be right; and 1183
is, probably, the year he means. Their excommunication by Archbishop
John was probably in execution of the papal bull, though he places it first in
the sentence. Quære tamen.
It is not necessary to infer from his words, that Lucius held a general
council, or a provincial synod of the whole Gallican Church. The pope's or-
dinary council, serving for the ancient diocesan and patriarchal synods, will
suffice to explain them.
§ Cit. Bossuet, Hist. des Variations, L. xi.; Raynouard 2, p. cxxxviii.;
Maitland, Facts and Documents," &c., p. 398.
The same is declared by Esrom Rudiger. Lucius Papa Tertius ut hære-
ticos. . . illos cætus est execratus, de Ecclesiis Fratrum in Bohemiâ, p. 9.
Antiquissimum monumentum in quo expressa fit mentio hæresis Pauperum de
Lugduno ipsum decretum est Lucii Papæ tertii anno 1183. Du Plessis d'
Argentré, Collect. Jud., 1, p. 82.
182
APPENDIX.
We have next to inquire, Is the line a forgery? or is the
assertion in it a lie? or has its import been misapprehended?
The first-mentioned supposition would save all further trouble.
We have no credible evidence that more than one genuine
MS. has existed within memory. Looking to that one MS.,
we are given to understand that it is not interpolated by mo-
dern hands. Monsieur Raynouard's words, "Les personnes
qui l'examineront (ce poeme) avec attention jugeront que le
manuscrit n'a pas été interpolé," seem indeed to appeal only
to the moral evidences of non-interpolation furnished by the
poem itself; not to any actual and searching examination of
the ancient parchment. But as Monsieur Favre Bertrand
transcribed the whole, with a full knowledge of the impor-
tance of this line, and conveyed it to Raynouard with no inti-
mation of its being supposititious, or having undergone altera-
tion, it is fair to conclude that it is (to all appearance) an inte-
gral part of the text. It is a question of fact, which requires to
be, and we hope soon will be, narrowly examined. Meanwhile,
it behoves us, not in verbal courtesy alone, but in all sincerity,
to accept and believe that the antique text bona fide stands
thus.
It comes next in order to inquire, whether this poem may
not have been composed in its present form at, or anterior to,
the time (whatever that may be) at which this old MS. was
penned; and whether its author may not have falsely repre-
sented it as yet a century older, and so practised a literary im-
posture. To this supposition three answers suggest themselves.
First, that the character of this production, and of the others
that accompany it, is simple, manly, and virtuous, betraying
no aim or purpose but the diffusion of what they held for truth.
Secondly, that the poor of Lyons had no inducement to the
practice of this deception. We cannot discover any end that
the poet would gain by persuading his hearers or readers that
those verses were written in A. D. 1100. We should refrain
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
183
from charging the author of this interesting work with a false-
hood that would be gratuitous,* and is not accounted for.
Thirdly, if we were disposed to fasten upon him such a design,
we should find it difficult to account for his ignorance and in-
capacity in the execution of it. His case was not like that of the
Vaudois-Protestant date-forgers. For this MS. is very ancient,
since some have judged it to be of the twelfth century. There-
fore the poet must have lived when all the main traditions of
the sect were tolerably fresh. And the date of Peter Waldo
and that of the papal persecution could scarcely have been un-
known to him. Whilst engaged in antedating his own work,
of which the date was private, by nearly a century, he would
not have clumsily betrayed his own fraud by antedating both
the founder and the persecution, of which the dates were no-
torious and public.
•
Since we admit (until duly advised to the contrary) that the
verse is genuine, and acquit its author of any dishonesty, but
at the same time well know that it was not composed within
eighty-three years of A. D. 1100, it remains to find some
sense in which the words in question can be true. Such an
explanation has been already suggested in a former volume.†
And nothing has since occurred to induce the abandonment of
that suggestion. The whole of a century is governed by the
year of its commencement, and each of its successive years
* Some persons had in the thirteenth century (as Sacconi states) begun to
trace the origin of this community to Pope Sylvester's time, or earlier. And
Peter of Pilichdorf, who was professor of theology in A. D. 1444 (Fabric., Bibl.
Med. Latin, ed. Mansi. D'Argentré, Collect. Jud. 1, p. 84), accuses the Wal-
denses themselves of tracing their own origin to the days of Sylvester. No
such spirit manifests itself in their printed remains. And the mention of Pope
Sylvester in v. 409 of the "Noble Lesson," while it shows the origin and ex-
plains the growth of the Sylvestrian fable, proves at the same time the au-
thor's entire innocence of it. It may be observed that both those authors
speak chiefly in reference to the Waldenses in Germany.
C
† [Brit. Mag., vol. xvi., p. 607. See the passage alluded to above p. 129.]
184
APPENDIX.
bears the name of that year prefixed to its own units or decads.
Therefore the line-
"Ben ha mil e cent ancz compli entierament"
may be taken to mean that the century of years of which 1100
had been the denominator was entirely completed, and the
fresh century, of which 1200 was the denominator, actually
commenced. It is no light argument to this purpose that syn-
tax is violated by putting the singular verb ha instead of han.
"Eleven hundred years has been, not have been, completed."
In that respect the Romance tongue is as regular as the Latin,
and does not subjoin singular verbs to plural nouns. The
poems, it is believed, offer no other instance of ha for han.
Therefore those who would hastily rejoin to us, "The words
will not grammatically express your meaning," must remember
that they will not grammatically express anything; but that
the tendency of the grammatical license employed is synthe-
tical, and to place the 1100 years (if we may so say) algebrai-
cally sub vinculo. What should we think, if we read any-
where "Undecies centum anni completum est ?" The case is
the same; and the expression made use of seems anomalous
and unique.
"el
We are to understand that it was composed in, or shortly
after, the year 1200, and that its author regarded that epoch
as "the hour written of" or foretold, as introducing the "last
time,” and all after which was but the remnant of time,
remanent," to be marked by the world's downfall, "el chavon,"
and to be spent in expectation of the* great Antichrist's ad-
vent. But we have also seen him borrowing from Joachim the
idea of three states, and partly tainted with his tritheism.
Now, the doctrine which we have been led (by other conside-
rations) to ascribe to the author of this poem happens to be
purely that of Joachim, and which has no where been met
with but in that abbot's original speculations. He taught that
* See verses 454-60.
>>
THE POEMS OF THE POOR OF LYONS.
185
A. D. 1200 was the beginning of the time of the end, and A. D.
1260, its consummation; and that the intervening sixty years
were a remnant of time, not properly belonging either to his
second or his third status mundi, and to be characterized by
the downfall of the secular church, the tyranny and persecutions
of the beast, and lastly, by the manifestation and brief (but
too long) reign of Antichrist. And this he taught, not as a
prophet himself, but as a spiritually gifted interpreter of the
scriptural prophecies. Therefore the year 1200 was really
scripta l'ora, according to the scriptural exposition of the very
man of whose ideas we had detected a portion in this and ano-
ther of the poems; and according to that of no other man (his
disciples excepted) that ever lived. Herein, it must be ad-
mitted, there is considerable confirmation. And unless it should
so befall that future scrutiny of the MS. were to shake the au-
thenticity of the passage, we shall probably do well to acqui-
esce in the above conclusion.
*
No difficulty will arise from the* statement, that "Monsieur
Senebier (the Genevese librarian) judged the MS. of Geneva to
be of the twelfth century." He was a naturalist, distinguished
by a voluminous work on vegetable physiology, and similar
productions. Although it is no proof against his being practi-
cally skilled in antiquarian research, those two pursuits have
seldom, if ever, been followed to the highest degree of emi-
nence by the same individuals. They seem to require diffe-
rent habits of mind and of study, and to lead to, if they do not
require, different intimacies and habits of social intercourse.
But if we allow to his judgment the amplest authority that
such decisions can possess, it will amount to nothing. For an
opinion that only assigns it to the twelfth century is satis-
fied by the hypothesis that it was written in 1190 or 1199.
But, when these opinions are broached, we must never forget
that a book was written by a man, and that man was neither
Raynouard, "Choix de Poesies," 2, p. cxliii.
1
186
APPENDIX.
born the day before he wrote it, nor (most likely) did he die the
day after. Consequently, to say that a given book was probably
written in 1180, is, by implication, to say that it was probably
written in 1150 or in 1210. Because it is perfectly probable,
that the same scribe who was sixty years old in 1180 may
have written it when he was only thirty; or that he who was
thirty years old in 1180 may not have written it till he was
sixty. It is therefore abundantly manifest, that such a judg-
ment as that pronounced by Mons. Senebier entitles us to claim
many years of the thirteenth century, when all we have strict
occasion for is its commencement.
DR. GILLY'S SECOND LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS. 187
DR. GILLY'S SECOND LETTER ON THE WALDEN-
SIAN MSS.
[THIS Letter was drawn forth by the Postscript to No. II. of the Papers "On
the Poems of the Poor of Lyons," p. 172, supra. It was printed in the
Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 387, sq.]
MY DEAR SIR,-Surely the writer "On the Poems of the
Poor of Lyons" might adopt some more likely mode of ascer-
taining facts, than by indulging in such suspicious and in-
jurious surmises as are contained in the last Number of the
British Magazine. The whole mystery of Leger's produc-
tion, and use of copies of "The Noble Lesson," is as sur-
prising and perplexing to me as it is to him, and I have felt
the difficulties of the case in all its bearings. The appearance
and disappearance of some of the MSS., the apparently irre-
concileable accounts given by the parties concerned with them,
the memoranda of the librarian Girard, on the deposit of the
MSS. in the library of Geneva-these are all subjects of won-
der. But, instead of wasting time in endless conjectures, had
we not better resort to an accurate inquiry on the spot, where
there are yet some remains of the MSS. which have occasioned
this controversy; and where some traces may yet be left of
the proceedings of the Legers, and Girard, and Morland? There
is at least one ancient codex of the "Noble Lesson" in exis-
tence, and somebody may be found to scrutinize it with a sharp
eye, and to report if it exhibits any, and what, marks of inter-
polation, and what are its several characteristics.
Your correspondent says, "We have next to inquire, Is the
line-
p
'Ben ha mil e cent ancz compli entierament'
* Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 263 [p. 182, supra].
Dor M
188
APPENDIX.
C
a forgery? Looking to that one MS., we are given to under-
stand that it is not interpolated by modern hands. Monsieur
Raynouard's words, Les personnes qui l'examineront (ce
poeme) avec attention jugeront que le manuscrit n'a pas été
interpolé,' seem indeed to appeal only to the moral evidences
of non-interpolation furnished by the poem itself, not to any
actual and searching examination of the ancient parchment."
"It is a question of fact," your correspondent continues,
"which requires to be, and we may hope soon will be, narrowly
examined."
Why, I repeat, does he not take measures to have the MS.
examined by a witness in whom he can confide? In my last
letter to you,* I stated that I had myself seen the Genevan
book, and had examined the MS., and could vouch for the ac-
curacy of M. Bertrand's description of it. The persuasion on
my mind is, that the MS. of the "Noble Lesson" has not been
tampered with. But I may not have looked into it with the
searching eye of habitual suspicion, though I went to the li-
brary of Geneva on purpose to examine it. And who am I?
A partizan, a prejudiced person. Well, then, I subjoin a fac-
simile sent to me from Geneva; it contains four lines; one of
these has the date in the MS., the line concerning which it is
asked, “Is the line a forgery ?" Make what use of it you please;
print it, or send it to your correspondent. Does it look like an
interpolation? Has your correspondent no friend or friend's
friend at Geneva, who will take the trouble of casting a search-
* Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 192 [see p. 162, supra].
† The Editor [of Brit. Mag.], thus appealed to, is bound to say, that he
does not see anything in the fac-simile that looks like interpolation or forgery.
Whether the poem is of anything like the antiquity which that line is supposed
to indicate is a question on which he is so unfortunate as to differ from both
Dr. Gilly and his opponent. He takes, however, a lively interest in the dis-
cussion of the subject between such parties, because he believes that it will tend
to elicit great and important truths, and will be glad to assist by any means
in his power. He has sent the fac-simile to the author of the papers on the
DR. GILLY'S SECOND LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS. 189
ing eye over the book, and ascertain whether there may have
been any erasement, substitution, interpolation, or interlinea-
tion? Is not the librarian at Geneva, M. Diodati, to be trusted?
I am sure, to judge from the trouble he has given himself to
reply to my letters, he would do as much for your correspon-
dent. He would tell him truly everything that may be said.
of the MS., of Girard's memoranda, and of those "renseigne-
ments" of M. Favre Bertrand, communicated to M. Raynouard,"
which excited the suspicions expressed in vol. xix., pp. 19, 20.
Mr. Favre Bertrand is still living at Geneva. Let him be
questioned. I am confident that both Mr. F. Bertrand and M.
Diodati would report frankly and correctly on all the points of
your correspondent's doubts and misgivings. It is certainly
much easier and more tempting to indulge in critical conjec-
tures, in smart witticisms, and in all that running fire by which
controversialists can distinguish themselves, than to pursue
the slow process of scrutinizing existing records in their place
of deposit, and of collating documents in manuscript with
copies of them in print. Let us go to the original sources, and
let us get together all the facts we can, or we shall remain
where we are; and we shall continue to express ourselves as
if we were more suspicious and uncharitable than we really
are.
*
For my own part, I would rather state one fact, or produce
one document, than hazard a hundred clever but somewhat
ungenerous conjectures; and in this work of collecting authentic
materials I have been toiling for years, and continue to labour,
and I have not been unrewarded. Your correspondent in a
note has given me creditt for bringing forward one piece of
documentary evidence which has never before, to his know-
"Poems of the Poor of Lyons ;" and, if it is thought that it will throw any
light on the matter, he will be very happy to have it engraved.
* [See pp. 147, 148, supra.]
+ Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 261 [p. 179, supra].
190
APPENDIX.
ledge or to mine, appeared in any controversy relating to Waldo,
or the Subalpine Waldenses-viz., the "Chronicon Laudu-
nense, " and yet this is the only full contemporary record of
Waldo's first steps towards separation from the Church of
Rome. I have been equally fortunate in other attempts to
throw light upon the Waldensian question.
Through the kindness of Dr. Bandinel, the highly re-
spected librarian of the Bodleian Library, and a friend at Ox-
ford, I have been enabled to put the whole of Walter Mapes'
treatise concerning the "Poor Men of Lyons" in print, Ussher
having given a short extract only. My appeals to the assis-
tance of the librarians of the public libraries of Grenoble and
Zurich have also been successful in rescuing from their ob-
scurity two ancient codices—vernacular translations of Scrip-
ture in the language of the Subalpine Waldenses. One of
these I described in my last letter to the British Magazine*
(though your correspondent took no notice of it), and it has
led to the announcement of a MS. copy of the Grenoble Codex
of the year 1522, preserved in the library of Trinity College,
Dublin, an account of which, and of some of the Ussher
MSS., will shortly appear, I trust, in your Magazine, from the
pen of Dr. Todd. Le Long, in his "Bibliotheca Sacra," de-
scribes this as an Italian version, and my letter of inquiry on
the subject was answered by a very courteous communication
from Dr. Todd.
These are proofs sufficient of the kind and ready attention
which the conservators of public libraries pay to requests made
to them, such as I recommend your correspondent to make for
the removal of some of his suspicions.
I care not what transpires, so as we do but get hold of the
truth. In proof, Mr. Editor, of my readiness to produce what
makes in favour of the hypothesis of others, as well as my
own, I now furnish you with an account of the Zurich Codex,
* [See p. 164, supra.]
DR. GILLY'S SECOND LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS.
191
which confirms in part one of Mr. Maitland's doubts, expressed
in his "Facts and Documents," p. 130 [n., in these words]:-
S
"Le Long refers to a duodecimo of which he only says, 'N. Testamentum
lingua Pedemontano-Vallensi per Barbetum quemdam seu ministrum Vallen-
sem translatum. Codex in 12 scriptus post annum MC. Bibl. Civica Tigurina:
Ottius.' That this MS. was written after the year 1100, I fully believe;
and if the writer styles himself a Barbe and a Vallesian minister, I should
imagine, a good while after. It does not appear that Le Long knew any
more about it than I have extracted from chap. viii. p. 162.”
Dr. Orelli's* opinion, in his account of the Zurich Codex,
corresponds with Mr. Maitland's conjecture:-
"Codex MS. Novi Testamenti 83 Chartaceus, Sæculi XIV., formæ 12º,
nunc constans foliis DIII. Index Latinus a manu recentiore circiter annum
1700 scriptus, idem prorsus atque ille, quem cum Le Longio olim communi-
cavit Io. Baptista Ottius, omissis tamen verbis: 'Scriptus post annum M. C.'
quæ quidem per se verissima, sed nimis infinita, et propterea pæne ridicula,
sunt. Etenim ego, qui prope omnes Helvetiæ Codices, nonnullos etiam Ger-
maniæ satis accurate inspexi, hunc scriptum censeo inter annos M.CCC.L. et
M.CCCC.
"Initio desunt folia aliquot, ita ut codex nunc incipiat a dimidia parte
ultimi (XVII) Vers. Cap. III. Evangelii S. Mathæi: diczent. Aqst (Aquest)
es lo meo filhama al ĝl xxxxx. (legi nunc nequit :) placami. Excepto vero
initio codex est integer atque optime conservatus. Specimen (fac-simile),
quod optas omni qua par est, observantia tibi mittimus, vides, vers. 2 omissa
esse verba: Ἐπὶ αρχιερέως " Αννα καὶ Καϊάφα, sive in Vulgata Latina, ex
qua Valdenses N. T. suam in dialectum converterunt: sub principibus sacerdo-
tum, Anna et Caipha.”
K
It will be worth while to collate the Zurich Codex with that
at Grenoble. At present I can only assist your readers in tak-
ing a comparative view of the two by presenting them with the
following extracts, which I have received, with fac-similes,
from the beginning of the third chapter of St. Luke:
-
* Communicated to me in a letter received from Dr. Orelli, the present
librarian of Zurich, at the beginning of the current month (March) [1841].
192
APPENDIX.
ZURICH Codex,* 12mo, said to be of GRENOBLE CODEX,† 4mo, said to be
the fourteenth century.
of the thirteenth century.
“Al quinzen an de lenperi de Ti-
beri Cesar quant pilat segnoriiava en
iudea, e herode era Segnor de Ga-
lilea, e lo seo frayre Phelip segnor de
la region de Iturea e de Traconite, e
Lisania segnor de la region de Abelina,
la parolla fo fayta sobre hiohan filh de
Zacaria al desert sot li princi de li
preyre Anna et Cayphas."
"Mas la parolla del segnor fo faita
sobre Johan filh de Zacharia al de-
sert al 15 an de lemperi de Thiberi
cesar, ponc pilath procurant Judea, e
herode quart princi de Galilea, e felip
lo fraire de lui quart princi de Yturea
e de la region de trachonitient, e
lisania quart princi de Abelina sot li
princi de li prever Anna e Caypha."
I have not yet been able, at this distance from public libra-
ries, to ascertain whether the very peculiar reading in the Gre-
noble Codex (which begins with mention of the Word of the
Lord coming upon John before it gives the date of the year, or
states the names of the emperor and the tetrarchs), agrees with
any other ancient version; and I shall be much obliged by
information on this subject.
In the Grenoble MS. the year is denoted by Arabic charac-
ters, a mode of notation which was not commonly used in the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries; but it had been introduced
by the Moors and Saracens into the Sub-Alpine and Pyrenean
regions long before.
The dialect of each is called, very properly, Pedemontano-
Provençal, and was understood on each side of the Alps. Par-
taking, therefore, of the vernacular language of Italy, the Gre-
noble MS. furnishes us with an early version, which is a curiosity
in literature, it having been unknown, according to the author
of "Facts and Documents," p. 130, to Le Long, Muratori,
and Magliabecchi; for, though the former refers to a codex in
* The Zurich Codex seems to contain a translation of the New Testament
only.
+ The Grenoble MS. has not only the whole of the New Testament, but
also the five books of Solomon, as they are called-viz., Proverbs, Ecclesi-
astes, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, and the Song of Solomon.
DR. GILLY'S SECOND LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS. 193
the same language, on the authority of Thomassin de Ma-
zangue, and Remerville de St. Quintin, he had never seen it
himself. I hope I may therefore take some credit to myself
for bringing this litigated point to a close, as far as the exis-
tence of such a version goes, and for making this accession to
our stock of biblical information.
The description of the codex by Thomassin de Mazangue
corresponds with that of the MS. now at Grenoble in so many
particulars that it must be of the same family, to say the least.
He recognised traces in his copy of the antiquity of 400 years,
“canitiem 400 annorum,” and contended that it was from a
version much more ancient, "versionem vero esse antiquiorem.”*
There is no difficulty, therefore, in believing that the Greno-
ble Codex is a MS. of the thirteenth century, and that the
version it contains may have been of a still older date. Many
vernacular translations were then in use, and why may not
the Sub-Alpine Waldenses have had theirs? James I., King
of Arragon, and Count of Provence, in the year 1213 prohi-
bited the circulation of Books of the Old and New Testament,
translated into the Romaunt dialect.†
Pope Innocent III., in 1199 or 1200, wrote to the clergy of
Metz to make inquiries about a vernacular translation of the
Gospels, the Epistles of St. Paul, the Psalms, the Book of Job,
and other passages of holy writ. And about 1180, Peter
Waldo circulated his vernacular translations, some of which I
still believe were made in the Romaunt dialect, for the use of
*
Le Long, "Bibl. Sacr.," i., 368; and Suppl. Nat. Alex. 19, p. 75.
+ The book which Robert Playce, Rector of Brompton, left in his will in
1345, as stated in my last letter, may have been a transcript of the Grenoble
Codex, because it is called "Bibula (Biblia?) in Romanam linguam trans-
latam," and therefore contained more than the New Testament.
many questions about them :-Who were they?
translating the Scriptures? For whom was the
was their faith, &c.
The translators of this version were unknown, for Innocent asks a great
What was their object in
version intended? What
0
194
APPENDIX.
the Sub-Alpine Waldenses, by whatever territorial name they
may have been called; for it is certain that, when Waldo fled
from Lyons, he and his "Poor Men of Lyons" took refuge
among the mountaineers of Provence and Lombardy, whom he
found to be, and not whom he caused to be, impugners of Romish
errors. (See Stephen de Borbone, who derived his account.
from one whom Waldo had employed to make his translations.)
Vernacular Scripture was abroad at a still earlier period, even
in the retired spot from which I write this letter. The Book
of the Monk Reginald, written about the year 1172, relates an
anecdote of a "layman" employed in the repairs of Norham
Castle by Bishop Pudsey (who presided over the diocese from
1153 to 1194). This layman carried a book with him, out of
which he recited passages from the Scripture, especially from
the Gospels, very much to the surprise of his hearers. They
were amazed, says Reginald, that he should have built his
faith on those texts, especially as they were "non autentica,
non tamen fidei canonem excedentia.”—(See vol. i. of the pub-
lications of the Surtees Society, 1835, pp. 94-98.)
I venture to make a digression to a kindred subject. In
your Notice to Correspondents at the end of the last Number
[Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 368], there is the following query :—
"It is known that there are editions of the French New Tes-
tament which translate Acts, xiii. 2, by Or comme ils offroient
au Seigneur le Sacrifice de la Messe,' &c. Will any reader,
who is able, say how many, and which ?"
6
Mr. Hartwell Horne, in his "Introduction to the Study of
Scripture,” vol. ii., part 1, sec. vi. § 3, p. 99, in a note, gives the
information your querist asks for :— "Le Nouveau Testament
de notre Seigneur J. C. traduit de Latin en François par les
Théologiens de Louvain; imprimé à Bordeaux, chez Jacques
Mongiron-Millanges, Imprimeur du Roi et du College, 1686.
Avec approbation et permission." "Two copies are at Ox-
ford, one in the Bodleian Library, and another in that of Christ
Church College; two others are in Dublin, in the University
DR. GILLY'S SECOND LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS. 195
Library, and in the library founded by Archbishop Marsh;
and a fifth is in the possession of His Royal Highness the Duke
of Sussex."
To this list given by Mr. Horne I am able to add one more.
The library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham has a copy of
this notorious mistranslation of the Theologians of Louvain.
The reason given by one of the translators for the falsification
“because he had often been asked by Calvinists what
Scripture affirmed the apostles said mass. Horne, ibid.*
I remain, my dear Sir, yours truly,
W. S. GILLY.
was,
""
NORHAM VICARAGE, March 9, 1841.
* The Editor [of Brit. Mag.] is much obliged to Dr. Gilly; and his thanks
are also due to Mr. Milliken for a letter on the subject. His inquiry, however,
was rather to elicit information respecting other editions containing the same
mistranslation as that of Bordeaux. He thinks he has heard of one at Mons.
At any rate, Leslie, in the 16th section of his "Case stated between the Church
of England and the Church of Rome," makes the Romish lord say, "Have you
any objection against the Louvain translation now printed and sold at Paris,
with the approbation of the doctors and divines there?" and the English gen--
tleman replies, "Yes, my lord, here is one in my hand, bought in the Rue
St. Jacques, in Paris, where they are printed, with the approbations before
them, in the year 1701. And in this translation there are many mistransla-
tions; I will show your lordship one; it is said, Acts, xiii. 2," &c. It may be
presumed that he referred to the edition of 1699, of which the Editor has
now before him the only copy which he remembers to have seen, and which he
met with lately at a shop in Holborn. The title page is, "Le Nouveau Tes-
tament de Notre Seigneur Jesus Christ de la traduction des Docteurs de
Louvain. Reveuë et corrigée de nouveau, si exactement qu'elle est au vray
une nouvelle Traduction, sur l'ancienne Edition Latine, reconnuë par le Com-
mandement du Pape Sixte V. et publiée par l'autorité de Clement VIII.
Avec deux Tables, l'une des Epistres et des Evangiles, et l'autre des choses
principales. Nouvelle Edition. A Paris. Chez Nicolas le Gras au troisième
Pilier de la grand' Salle du Palais, à l'L couronnée. M.DC.XCIX. Avec ap-
probation. It has not been collated with the Bourdeaux edition; but the
translation of Acts, xiii. 2, is as it stands above; and in the "Table des choses
Principales contenues au Nouveau Testament" (which is not in the Bour-
deaux edition) we find, "Messe celebrée par les Apostres, Act. 13, 2." In-
""
0 2
196
APPENDIX.
par-
deed, this Table is very explicit, and worthy of the work. For instance,
"L'adoration faite aux bois, aux hommes et aux Anges. Heb. xi. 21; Act. x.
25; Apoc. xix. 10 et xii. 9."—"Les Apostres étoient sans femmes, et si
quelqu'un d'eux en a eu une, il l'a quittée quand il a été fait Apôtre. Matt.xix.
27.” &c.—“ La Confession des pechez se doit faire au Pasteur. Marc, i. 5,”
&c.-"Les Apostres ont donné aux fideles la Communion, sous une espece.
Acts, xx. 42," &c.—“ Indulgence. Dieu use d'indulgence, Matt. xi. 22, 24,
29. Il veut aussi que son Eglise en use, Matt. xviii. 18, 22," &c.—“ Marie
elle avoit fait vœu de Virginité, Luc. i. 34.”—“Pelerins et Pelerinage
approuvez de Dieu, et authorisez dans l'Ecriture, ceux qui leur font du bien,
seront sauvez; et ceux qui ne leur en font point seront damnez, Marc [read
Matt.] xxv. 35, &c."- "Purgatoire, Matt. v. 25, et xii. 33.".
"—" Reliques des
Saints sont à avoir et reserver, puisque Dieu fait beaucoup de miracles par elles,
Matt. ix. 20, et xiv. 36, &c." "Il ne faut pas converser avec ceux qui re-
jettent les Traditions, 2 Thess. iii. 6, 14." One circumstance about this
ticular copy may be worth mentioning. Whether the binder made a mistake,
or whether the owner was ashamed to be known to have the book on his shelf,
and wished it to pass for one which few would wish to take down, cannot now
be determined, but certain it is (from the legible impression on the back,
though the lettering piece is gone), that the volume has been lettered COKE
ON LITTLETON. With regard to the Bordeaux edition, the Editor appre-
hends that several copies might be added to the five mentioned above; and
that, like many other libri rarissimi, this Testament is not so very scarce as
has been imagined. Perhaps one of the five may be a copy from Cæsar de
Missy's collection, which was sold by auction, by Mr. Evans, in 1821, and
which fetched, the writer believes, £22; but the catalogue of that sale men-
tions three other copies (one in the Duke of Devonshire's library, a second in
the Archiepiscopal Library, at Lambeth, and a third the writer does not re-
member where), and it is certain that all of these three copies cannot be in-
cluded in those mentioned by Mr. Horne. Can any one give information as
to the identity or difference between the editions of Bourdeaux and Paris, or
point out any other editions?
}
DR. GILIY'S THIRD LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS. 197
DR. GILLY'S THIRD LETTER ON THE WALDEN-
SIAN MANUSCRIPTS.
[IN this letter* Dr. Gilly pointed out that the Morland MSS. G. and H. were
safe in Cambridge. Finding copies, or perhaps the originals, of some of the
documents they contain in the Dublin MS. C. 1. 6. and believing at the
time that all the Morland MSS. had disappeared, I had too hastily thrown
out the suggestion (see p. 21, supra), that portions at least of the vols. G.
and H. may have found their way to Dublin. I may add here that, although
the volume C. 1. 6. is in the same press with the Ussher MSS., there is no
absolute proof that it ever formed a part of the Archbishop's Collection. See
above, p. 74.—J. H. T.]
MY DEAR SIR,—The discussion of the Waldensian question
in the British Magazine has at length led to the production
of documents which will extricate it from many of its difficul-
ties. I beg, therefore, to offer you my very sincere thanks for
the space which you have allowed me to occupy in your pages;
and to acknowledge, at the same time, the service which Dr.
Todd has rendered to the cause, by his description, in your two
last Numbers, of the Waldensian manuscripts preserved in
the library of the University of Dublin.
It is indeed refreshing to find, in the rough and rugged
path of controversy, a few green spots, on which we may rest
with confidence, and interchange some of those kindnesses
which generate mutual esteem.
I have lately been to Ireland to inspect the Waldensian do-
cuments; and Dr. Todd not only granted me that unrestricted
access to the MSS. in the University Library at Dublin which
his office of librarian enabled him to give, but he also favoured
[This letter appeared in the Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 637. The letter is,
of course, addressed to the Editor of the Magazine.]
198
APPENDIX.
me with much of his valuable time, and assisted me in decy-
phering them. And, more than this, I am indebted to him
for permission, from the Provost and Fellows of the Uni-
versity to bring away with me (to have them transcribed)
"The Waldensian New Testament," and "The Collection
of Letters and other Documents relating to the Mission
of George Maurel and Pierre Masson to Bucer and Ecolam-
padius, in 1530;" of which Dr. Todd has given so impartial
an account in the British Magazine, vol. xix., p. 396. [See
above, p. 8, sq.]
I find the Ussher Collection of MSS. in Dublin contains the
substance, if not the counterparts, of almost all the ancient
treatises which Morland deposited in the library at Cambridge,
in volumes, marked A, B, C, D, E, and F, and which have
been since removed, nobody knows how or when. But I have
no reason to think that any of those missing books or parch-
ments have found their way to Dublin. The portions which
Dr. Todd believed he had discovered in the Dublin library are
transcripts, in a more modern handwriting, of part of volumes
G and H, which are still remaining in the Morland Collection
at Cambridge. The Ussher Collection of Waldensian MSS. was
made many years before Morland's.
A letter from Ussher to Lydyat, in 1611, speaks of his search
after documents to throw light on the history of the Waldenses;
and in July, 1634, one of the Egerton family wrote thus of an
interview which he had with Archbishop Ussher:-" I had
much private conference with him; and, after dinner, hee tooke mee
into his closett, where, although there bee not verye many bookes,
yet those that are, are much used and imployed. Herein he shewed
mee the whole workes of the Waldenses, which are verye rare;
they cost him 221. sterling. They are in folio and octavo, about
ten or twelve volumes. The language wherein they are printed
is a miscellaneous language, mixt French and Spanish; these
were sent him from a councellor in Fraunce, as alsoe a copie
DR. GILLY'S THIRD LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS. 199
1
of the plotts, and designes, and proceedings of the Inquisiteors in
Fraunce.'
"1%
As far as I can judge, most of the parchments and papers in
the Ussher Collection of Waldensian MSS. contain copies from
more ancient documents. Some few may be originals; but the
New Testament, for example, completed in 1522, is unques-
tionably transcribed from the Grenoble Codex of the thirteenth
century, or from the same archetype.
The collection of letters relating to the mission of Maurel
and Masson to the Swiss and German Reformers is a transla-
tion, in the Waldensian dialect, of the correspondence, which
was originally conducted in Latin. In fact, Gilles, the Wal-
densian historian, relates that Perrin was supplied with trans-
lations, and other materials for his history, by the Piedmontese
pastors, especially by a pastor of Angrogna; and this confirms
Dr. Todd's opinion, that the little book containing the sub-
stance of the Maurel correspondence is the identical “Livre de
George Morel" described by Perrin, and out of which he cited
several passages.† The discrepancies between Maurel's account
of Waldensian doctrine and discipline and the representations
which are given in other relations, in that of Archbishop
Claude Seyssel, for example, admit of explanation. Maurel and
Masson were pastors of two of the scattered congregations of
French Waldenses, and described the condition of the French
Waldensians. Claude Seyssel's statements, on the other hand,
* This statement is taken from the "Christian Examiner," vol. ii., p. 219.
[where extracts are published "from an old MS.," entitled "Travels in
Ireland in 1635;" but it is not said in whose possession the MS. then was.
The owner proposed to publish the work (iii., p. 34), but subscribers, it would
seem, were not to be had. The statement quoted by Dr. Gilly favours the
supposition that the documents in the vol. C. 1. 6. were in Ussher's Collec-
tion.-J. H. T.]
(L
† In page 106, Perrin refers to George Morel en ses Mémoires, p. 54;"
and in the MS. Book of the Correspondence which passed between the two
pastors and the reformers we find, in p. 54, so altered from fol. 27, the very
passage to which Perrin directs attention.
200
APPENDIX.
relate to the Waldenses of the valleys of Piedmont only, whose
locality and franchises enabled them to abide by a more settled
and consistent form of church government than their brethren
on the western side of the Alps.
With respect to other MSS., also, in the Ussher Collection,
I observed that many different treatises were written out on
pages of a uniform size, to make up into a volume, such as that
which contains the "Liber Virtutum," or Book of Virtues,
and other tracts on a variety of subjects. Perrin makes refe-
rence to this volume under three different titles, "Livre des
Vertus," pp. 16, 17, 24, 57, 182; "Almanach Spirituel," pp.
18, 20, 79, 211, 217; "Lumiere et thresor de la foy," pp. 24,
25, 201. I agree with Dr. Todd in thinking that "a careful
comparison of these MSS. will certainly throw much light on the
manner in which the documents published by Perrin, Morland,
and Leger, were compiled." I have now seen enough to believe
that these writers made an unskilful and unfaithful use of the
materials which fell into their hands, and that they unfairly
endeavoured to show therefrom that the ancient Waldenses
held tenets nearer to the doctrine and discipline of the German
and Swiss Reformers than was really the fact.
The inspection of the Ussher MSS. satisfies me, at the same
time, that a case will be made out, favourable alike to the anti-
quity and religious character of the community of sub-Alpine
Christians, in the Cottian Alps, especially in the valleys of
Piedmont.
Dr. Todd thinks that some of these treatises may be “iden-
tified with something which already exists in Latin." I think
so too; but I am of opinion that they have come down from a
purer and earlier period than the middle ages; and that the
very tracts of the middle ages which they resemble, Wickliffe's
"Trialogus" among the rest, contain the substance of passages
*
* In the third book of Wicliffe's "Trialogus," the seven mortal sins, and their
remedies, are placed in the same order as they appear in the treatise in the
DR. GILLY'S THIRD LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS. 201
in some of the ancient Fathers. I believe the originals of most
of the oldest of these Waldensian documents to have been the
celebrated translations from Scripture, and from the ancient
Fathers, made by Waldo between the years 1173 and 1189—
that is before Waldo was excommunicated from the Latin
Church, and whilst he was a reformer and a protestor against
her errors, being yet within her bosom.
At that time the Christian communities also of the Cottian
Alps, since called territorially and ecclesiastically the Wal-
denses, had not separated from the provincial churches under
the jurisdiction of the Bishops of Turin and Embrun. They
may be compared with the Wesleyan Methodists of the last
century. There was then no occasion for them to separate or
to come out," because, under the security of chartered fran-
chises* peculiar to themselves, they might protest in safety
against the errors of Romanism, and be witnesses of the truth
on the great principles which afterwards became the basis of
the Reformation.
For the use of these people, therefore, Waldo was likely to
have translations of holy writ, and of sacred treatises, made in
the vernacular tongue of their country-one of the dialects of
the Romaunt. The Romaunt was the universal language of
the Sub-Alpine and Pyrenean regions, and of the south of
France, and the language in which some of Waldo's transla-
tions were made. Walter Mapes says that Waldo translated
into the Gallic; Stephen of Bourbon, into the Romaunt. Each
meant probably the same. That Waldo did make such trans-
lations of Scripture, and of treatises of the ancient Fathers,
which bear witness against Romish corruptions, is clear, on
the authority of writers who were contemporary, or nearly so,
MS. closet of the library of the dean and chapter of Durham, which seems to
have been collected from the Latin Fathers.
* See "Historiæ Patriæ Monumenta," Chartarum tomus i. passim. This
volume was published at Turin by the Royal Historical Commission, 1836.
202
APPENDIX.
with Waldo, and who show that he proceeded in his work of
reformation without losing sight of order and concurrent anti-
quity.
Walter Mapes relates that he was present at the Lateran
Council, held under Alexander III., in 1189, and there saw
the Valdesians, who were so called from their primate Valdo,
a citizen of Lyons; and who presented a volume to the pope,
written in the Gallic tongue, which contained the text and
glosses of the Book of Psalms, and several other Books of the
Old and New Testaments.* The author of the Chronicle of
Laon confirms this by stating that Waldo was present at that
council, and that the pope embraced him.†
Reiner represents Waldo as having conduced to the teaching
of Scripture in the vulgar tongue.‡
Moneta states that Waldo went to the pope, and promised to
conform his teaching to that of the four doctors, Ambrose,
Augustin, Gregory, and Jerome.§
* "Vidimus in Concilio Romano sub Alexandro Papâ tertio celebrato
Valdesios homines ydiotas illiteratos a primate ipsorum Valde dictos, qui
fuerat civis Lugduni super Rodanum, qui librum Domino Papæ præsenta-
verunt linguâ conscriptum Gallicâ, in quo textus et glosa Psalterii plurimo-
rumque legis utriusque librorum continebantur."-MS. Bodl. 851.
† "Anno Domini 1178, Concilium Lateranense a Papa Alexandro hujus
nominis tertio celebratur. Damnavit hoc Concilium hæreses et omnes hære-
ticorum fautores, necnon et defensores. Valdesium amplexatus est Papa ap-
probans votum quod fecerat voluntariæ paupertatis, inhibens eidem ne vel
ipse aut socii sui predicationis officium præsumerent, nisi rogantibus sacerdo-
tibus.”—Bouquet, "Recueil des Hist.," vol. xiii., p. 682.
+
"Cum autem esset aliquantulum literatus, Novi Testamenti textum docuit
eos vulgariter; pro qua temeritate cum fuisset reprehensus, contempsit, et
cœpit insistere doctrinæ suæ dicens discipulis suis; quod Clerus, quando malæ
vitæ esset, invideret sanctæ vitæ ipsorum, et doctrinæ."-"Bib. Patr.," tom. iv.,
p. ii. 749 Paris, 1624.
§ "Vos venistis a Valdesio, dicatis unde ipse venit; constat quod non nisi
a Papa Romanæ Ecclesiæ; ergo Papa est solus hæres Ecclesiæ primitivæ. Si
autem dicant quod non sit a Papa; ad quid ergo venit ad Papam? et pro-
misit servare quatuor Doctores, scilicet Ambrosium, Augustinum, Gregorium,
DR. GILLY'S THIRD LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS. 203
Stephen of Bourbon's evidence is still more express; he af-
firms, on the authority of one of the translators employed by
Waldo, who was then alive, and communicated the information
to him, that Waldo had translations made of Scripture (in Ro-
maunt, "in Romano," and the Vulgar tongue," in vulgari”),
and of passages out of the ancient Fathers, which he collected
together in volumes under their several heads, and called them
"Sentences."* Stephen adds, that when Waldo and his fol-
lowers were banished from Lyons, they went into Lombardy
and Provence, and joined themselves to heretics, among whom
they sowed error and imbibed error.†
The mention of Lombardy and Provence connectively iden-
tifies the Waldensian region, which formed part of Lombardy‡
on one side of the Alps, and of Provence on the other side of
the Alps. And that this region was infected with what was
called heresy before Waldo went thither, appears first on the
evidence of Peter of Clugny,§ who, distinctly speaking of this
locality, wrote in the year 1127 and 1143 against the heretics
et Hieronymum, et sic accepit a Papa prædicationis officium, cujus rei testi-
monium facile potest inveniri."-Moneta, "Contra Valdenses," lib. 5, c. i.,
p. 402. Editio Ricchini: Romæ, 1743.
*“Quidam dives rebus in dicta urbe dictus Waldensis audiens evangelia,
cum non esset multum literatus, curiosus intelligere quid dicerent, fecit
pactum cum dictis sacerdotibus, alteri ut transferret ei in vulgari, alteri ut
scriberet quæ ille dictaret, quod fecerunt: similiter multos libros Bibliæ, et
auctoritates sanctorum multas per titulos congregatas, quas sententias appel-
labant."-Step. de Borbone, apud Echart "Script. Ord. Præd.," vol. i., p. 192.
It was a very common practice in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries to
select miscellaneous passages from the Fathers, and to transcribe them in
scrolls, which formed one volume or bundle. Many of these are preserved in
the MS. library at Durham.
"Postea in Provinciæ terra et Lombardiæ cum aliis hæreticis se admi-
scentes, et errorem eorum bibentes et serentes hæretici sunt judicati ecclesiæ
infestissimi."—Ibid.
$
In those days the whole of the country of Piedmont, up to the summit of
the Cottian Alps, was included under the name of Lombardy.
§ See "Bib. Patr.," vol. xii., pars. 2, p. 208, ed. Col. 1618.
204
APPENDIX.
of the diocese of Embrun; and, secondly, of a passage in vol. 3
of "Historia Patriæ Monumenta," which states that the
whole of that mountain territory was infected with heresy in
1164.*
Many of the books and treatises in the Dublin collection of
Waldensian MSS. offer internal evidence of having been trans-
lated into the Waldensian dialect at a time previous to the
separation from Rome. The New Testament, for example, is
evidently a translation from a version in use in the Latin
Church,† for it contains the following readings:-" Lo filh de
la vergena," Matt. viii. 20, and wherever the words the Son of
man occur in our version. "Ma Yeshu regardant en li seo de-
ciple dis a Simont Peyre Si lo tes frayre," &c. An interpolation
between the 14th and 15th verses of Matt. xviii.
There are also many treatises in the collection which, when
more closely examined, will, I am convinced, be identified
with passages in the ancient Fathers, especially Ambrose,
Augustine, Jerome, and Gregory. I earnestly beg, therefore,
with Dr. Todd, that some learned reader will turn his atten-
tion to this subject, and assist us in tracing them to their
rightful sources.
At this moment, not having the MSS. before me, and being
too far from public libraries to make an accurate investigation,
I can only state that I have found myself closely on the track
of some of them. Take the following as samples :—
The paper volume of the Dublin Waldensian MSS., C. 5. 22.
*See "Storia delle Alpi Marittime." Hist. Pat. Mon. 1839, p. 844.
+ Waldo's assistants were ecclesiastics, according to Stephen of Bourbon :—
"Incepit autem illa secta per hunc modum, secundùm quod ego a pluribus
qui priores eorum viderunt, et a sacerdote illo qui satis honoratus erat et
dives in civitate Lugdunensi et amicus Fratrum nostrorum, qui dictus fuit
Bernardus Ydros, qui cum esset juvenis et scriptor, scripsit dicto Waldensi
priores libros pro pecunia in Romano quos ipsi habuerunt, transferente, et
dictante ei Stephano de Ansa, qui postea beneficiatus in Ecclesia majore Lug-
dunensi."
DR. GILLY'S THIRD LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS.
205
described by Dr. Todd, Brit. Mag., vol. xix. [see above, p. 22,
sq.] pp. 502–511, and called by Perrin, " Almanach Spirituel,”
“Liber Vertutum,”* and “ Lumière et Thresor de la Foi,” is a
fasciculus of treatises. After fol. 94 follows a chapter on the
remedies of sins of the tongue, "Lo remedi contra lo pecca de
la lenga." With fol. 119 begins the first of several chapters
on the seven deadly sins, in the following order--" Superbia"
(or Vana Gloria), "Envidia," "Ira," "Tristicia," " Ava-
ricia," " Golicia," "Luxuria.”
In the MSS. Library at Durham, there is a volume contain-
ing fourteen tracts. B. II. 4, principally taken from the works
of Chrysostom, Augustin, Jerome, and Gregory. They are all
written by the same hand; and Rudd, in his catalogue, made
between the years 1707 and 1725, calls them MSS. about 400
years old, i. e., written between 1307 and 1325, or thereabouts.
No. II. is thus described:-" De veneno (peccati) et remedio
ejus, sic incipit. Ratio veneni potissime convenit peccato. Auc-
toris nomen non apponitur. Agitur hic de 7 Capitalibus Pec-
catis, quibus singulis Remedium proponitur. Scilicet, Superbiæ,
Humilitas. Invidia, Charitas. Ira, Patientia. Accidiæf
* In the Appendix of the sixth volume of the Benedictin edition of Au-
gustin a work is inserted, with the title, "Liber de Conflictu Vitiorum et
Virtutum."
+ It is singular, that in "Wicliffe's Trialogus," liber 3, the same word accidia
occurs, for tristitia. But was not Wicliffe more likely to borrow from a MS.
at Durham, or its archetype, than Rudd to be ignorant that the Durham MS.,
which is tied up with treatises of orthodox Fathers, should be the work of the
heterodox Wicliffe? Besides, all of the same fasciculus were written, says
Rudd, “ab eadem manu-ante annos circiter 400;" and at the beginning of
it, "e coi libraria Monachor. Dunelm." The copies of the "Trialogus" are very
Could it have escaped all the editors and collectors of Wicliffe's works
[Wickliffe's works have never yet been edited or collected-J. H. T.], and all
the deans, prebendaries, and librarians of Durham, that at Durham there was
part of the "Trialogus" to be seen in manuscript? But a collation of the
MS. with the "Trialogus" will show.
rare.
206
APPENDIX.
1
(Tî' Akŋdią), Prudentia. Avaricia, Restitutio. Gulæ, Absti-
nentia. Luxuriæ, Continentia.” It is a remarkable coinci-
dence, that the order of the seven deadly sins should be the
same in the Waldensian and in the Durham manuscript.
In another Durham volume of MSS., containing five tracts,
B. IV. 42, No. 2, is thus described—“ Excerpta Patribus La-
tinis de Septem Vitiis Mortalibus. Sic incipiunt. Intentio
nostra in isto opere est colligere, de libris originalium 4 Doc-
torum (Augustini, scilicet Hieronymi, Ambrosii, Gregorii), et
copulare sub compendio dicta eorum, et primo de mortalibus 7
peccatis."
These are curious facts to help us to identify the age and
character of the MSS. in circulation among the Waldenses. Mo-
neta and Stephen de Bourbon both attest that Waldo sent forth
his translations of Scripture with passages from the ancient
fathers. Moneta names those fathers-Ambrose, Augustin,
Gregory, and Jerome. But it was not an unusual practice in
the middle ages to select passages from these fathers for tran-
scription. There are proofs of it, as I have shown, still ex-
isting in the MS. Library at Durham.
To follow this clue in our labyrinth :—
In the Dublin volume of Waldensian MSS., C. 5. 22, “On
the back of fol. 120," says Dr. Todd, "there is a chapter en-
titled in rubric la Cubiticia, beginning, 'Autre pecca eys de
Superbia loqual non es de li sept peeca mortal. Enayma dis
Ambroys, Cubiticia non se po partir de superbia.'
"Waldo se-
lected sentences from Ambrose. The Durham MSS. contain
extracts from Ambrose, in treatises, some of which, Rudd says,
were as old as the time of William of Careleph, who died
Bishop of Durham, 1096.
Fol. 133 of the Dublin vol. C. 5. 22, has a chapter entitled
Meczonia. Augustin wrote treatises "De Mendacio,'
"" Contra
Mendacium;" one of which begins, "Magna questio est de
Mendacio, quæ nos in ipsis quotidianis actibus.sepe disturbat.”
DR. GILLY'S THIRD LETTER ON THE WALDENSIAN MSS. 207
Fol. 172. A tract on the punishment of hell; beginning, "A
lenfern es mancament de tot ben, e habundancia de tot mal.” Au-
gustin has a treatise, “De Pena Inferni.”
""
Fol. 173. On Paradise. "De li ben del paradis ;" beginning,
"Tota humana eloquencia non es sufficient a recointar de la lausor."
Fol. 330, "Goy de Paradis.' Augustin wrote treatises on this
subject, "De Gaudiis Paradisi," "Quæstio de Paradiso.” “De
Gaudio Electorum et damnatorum supplicio." Ambrose also
wrote an epistle, "De Paradiso."
Fol. 242–254," De la Penitencia." Fol. 247, "Falsa Pe-
nitentia." Fol. 254,
Fol. 254, "Penitencia vera." Augustin wrote
"De vera et falsa penitentia Liber."
"De Penitentia.”
Ambrose also wrote an epistle,
Fol. 301. "Di li 8 Pensier." Can this be part of Augus-
tin's epistle, or treatise, "De octo questionibus"?
Fol. 385. Sermon; beginning, "O frayres sabent a quest
temp, car hora es ia a nos levar del sopu."
There is a sermon in the Durham collection of MSS., attri-
buted to Augustin, from the text Rom. xiii. 12.
Fol. 150. "Sermon d' Erodiana;" beginning, "Enaquel temp
herode fey pilhar e ligar e encarcerrar Joh. baptista.”
St. Chrysostom has a sermon on the beheading of John the
Baptist.
Fol. 353. Sermon on the Nativity; beginning, "Ecũ Yeshu
fossa na em bellem d'iuda en li dia de herode lo rey." St. Gre-
gory has a sermon on this text, Matt. ii. 1.
Fol. 158. "Li parlar del phillosophe."
Fol. 171. “ De li parlar d alcun Doctors."
"The doctors quoted are Seneca, Jerome, Augustin, Basil,
and the Decretum."
"Eas
The Durham volume of MSS,, B. II., 20, said to be written
about the year 1307-1325, contains No. 17, "Sententiæ quo-
rundam Philosophorum." No. 17, Proverbia Seneca.
sequuntur sententiæ aliæ a Christiano aliquo conscriptæ."
208
APPENDIX.
I think I have now pointed out marks enough to direct to
further inquiry, and to give weight to my conjectures that
many of the Waldensian MSS. in the Dublin Collection were
translations made by Waldo between 1173 and 1179, for the
Sub-Alpine community protesting against the errors of the
Latin Church; and that Waldo made the same use of the four
Latin Fathers, Ambrose, Augustin, Jerome, and Gregory,
which was the usual practice in the middle ages before and
after his time-viz., to transcribe passages from ancient autho-
rities, and make them up in a miscellaneous fasciculus.
More might have been done, if I had been writing in the
MS. closet at Durham, with the Dublin volume C. 5. 22. in
my hands, and with the folios of the Fathers within reach ; but
these remarks have been hazarded, to put the learned upon a
critical investigation of the subject.
In a second letter, written last month to the British Maga-
zine, my friend, Dr. Todd, at the same time that he allows
that the line of the "Noble Lesson" which contains its supposed
date, 1100, is not an interpolation, alluding, I suppose, to the
particular copy, and not to the original, speaks of the absurdity
of calling the Genevan Codex of the "Noble Lesson” a MS. of the
twelfth century. He assigns it to 1450, or thereabouts. Who
shall decide when doctors disagree? Mr. Senebier and Mr.
Raynouard have pronounced it to be their opinion that the Ge-
nevan MS. is a document of the twelfth century; and the
author of the papers "On the Poems of the Poor of Lyons"
concludes that the original of the "Noble Lesson" " was
composed in, or shortly after, the year 1200."—(See Brit. Mag.
vol. xix., p. 264 [p. 184, supra]).
We are advancing towards the truth, notwithstanding our
present disagreement.
I remain, my dear Sir, yours faithfully,
W. S. GILLY.
NORHAM VICARAGE, May 15, 1841.
4
ON THE AGE OF THE GENEVAN MS. OF THE NOBLE LESSON. 209
ON THE AGE OF THE GENEVAN MS. OF THE
NOBLE LESSON.
[THE letter alluded to by Dr. Gilly at the close of the foregoing communica-
tion is as follows. It was addressed to the Editor of the British Magazine*]:-
((
TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN,
Easter Tuesday, 1841.
ON THE AGE OF A MS. OF THE NOBLE LESSON.
DEAR SIR,-The fac-simile of the Genevan MS. of the
"Noble Lesson," alluded to by Dr. Gilly [see p. 188, supra;
and cf. p. 185], was sent to me with a request that I would
give my opinion of its age.
I should be disposed to pronounce it, from the character of
the writing, a MS. of the latter end of the fifteenth, or begin-
ning of the sixteenth century, and to have been written by a
German rather than an Italian scribe. It appears to me quite
absurd to speak of it as a MS. of the twelfth century, and
I shall be much surprised if it should turn out to have been
written before the year 1450.
There is nothing in the fac-simile sent me to lead to the
supposition that the line by which the date of the "Noble
Lesson" has generally been determined is an interpolation. It
was evidently written at the same time, and by the same hand
as the rest of the manuscript.
>>
Your faithful servant,
J. H. TODD.
[I am tempted to add here that my opinion of the date of the Genevan MS.
has since been fully confirmed, notwithstanding the authority of Senebier and
Raynouard, which may be quoted against me.
Dr. Gilly was quite correct in supposing that I spoke in the above letter of
the age of the Genevan manuscript only, for that was the question proposed
to me, and not of the date of the "Noble Lesson" itself.-J. H. T.]
* See Brit. Mag., vol. xix., p. 512.
P
ཐ
210
APPENDIX.
+
DISCOVERY OF THE LONG LOST MORLAND MANU-
SCRIPTS. BY HENRY BRADSHAW, M. A., F. S. A., FELLOW
OF KING'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
[The following remarkable paper, here reprinted with the permission of the
Author, forms a fitting conclusion to the documents collected in the present
volume. It was read before the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, March 10,
1862, and is published in the twelfth number of the "Communications,"
made to that body, p. 203, sq. The Author has added to this reprint one or
two additional notes, which are marked with his initials. In addition to the
important discovery of the Morland MSS., about whose supposed loss so
much has been said, a most important inquiry is opened up in this Paper,
as to the original and true reading of the celebrated line-"Ben ha mil e
cent an compli entierement." Mr. Bradshaw proves beyond all question that
the date implied in these words has been tampered with; and having had an
opportunity myself, since his paper was published, of examining the MSS.
at Cambridge, I can add my testimony to his, that the reading of the Mor-
land MS. B. was originally " Ben ha mil e 4 an," &c., the Arabic number
"4" being still visible, notwithstanding the attempt to erase it, and that the
MS. C reads distinctly, "Ben ha mil e cccc. an," &c.
The Dublin MS., which is on paper, and written in the early part of
the sixteenth century (see p. 43, supra) has the verse thus:-
е
"Ben ha mil cent an," &c.
The e having been interlined as a correction, apparently in the handwriting
of the original scribe.-J. H. T.]
It will be known to all who have interested themselves in the
history of the Vaudois, that Morland, the envoy from the Pro-
tector Cromwell to the Duke of Savoy on their behalf in 1655,
wrote, on his return in 1658, what he calls a History of the
Evangelical Churches in Piedmont, based not only upon pre-
vious writers, but upon authentic documents which he brought
home and deposited in the Public Library of this University.
He tells us that it was Archbishop Ussher who stirred him
DISCOVERY OF THE LOST MORLAND MSS.
211
up to lose no opportunity of securing any old books or papers
which could throw light upon the early history and religious
opinions of the Vaudois; and the results of his efforts may be
appreciated by any one who will read the detailed catalogue
of his books and papers which is prefixed to his History.
At the close of the last century, Mr. Nasmith, who was
employed to make a fresh Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the
Library, and under whose eye every single volume must have
passed, stated that the papers were almost all safe, but that the
six books or volumes mentioned by Morland had unacountably
disappeared. During the last forty years much has been written
on the subject, and infinite trouble has been taken by Dr. Mait-
land, Dr. Todd, Dr. Gilly, and other writers at home and abroad
after them, both to search out any existing remains of the early
Vaudois literature, and to account for the mysterious disap-
pearance of these treasures from Cambridge. Their loss, it was
justly alleged, was the more provoking, because they contained
copies of portions of the Bible, of religious treatises, and spe-
cimens of poetry, all written in the old Vaudois dialect, and to
which Morland assigned very early dates, ranging from the
10th to the 13th century. The copies were so old, says Mor-
land, and the writings probably much older.
It was a point of considerable importance that the Cambridge
manuscripts should be examined; for not only Morland and his
Vaudois friends, but also their advocates in our own time,
agreed in maintaining the claim of this community to have
held the pure Genevan doctrines long before the time of Calvin.
The historians of the 17th century, knowing that in the 13th
the followers of Peter Waldo had been separated from the Roman
communion, and knowing that their descendants in the 17th
held the doctrines of Geneva, were illogical enough to conclude
that therefore their ancestors in the 13th had anticipated Cal-
vin's views by three centuries.
P 2
212
APPENDIX.
A long controversy was carried on in the "British Magazine"
about twenty years since. Amongst the good results of this, it
elicited from Dr. Todd a most minute and careful description
of the whole of the Ussher Collection of Waldensian MSS. in
the Dublin University Library; and from this it appears that
all the books there were written from 1520 to 1530, or at any
rate in the 16th century. A volume at Geneva was also de-
scribed, which was attributed by the librarian there to the
12th century, but which, from the writing, Dr. Todd and other
judges assigned without hesitation to the middle or latter half
of the 15th.
One poem in particular, the "Noble Lesson," was the subject
of much discussion. Near the beginning occur the two lines
which Morland prints and translates thus:
Ben ha mil e cent an compli entierament,
Que fo scripta lora, Car son al derier temp.
There are already a thousand and one hundred years fully accomplished,
Since it was written thus, For we are in the last time.
The Geneva and Dublin copies both appear to agree with
Morland's representation of the Cambridge copy, as far as the
date goes, and all parties were accordingly at a loss for an ex-
planation of the appearance of a clearly Waldensian poem be-
fore the days of Peter Waldo. It even afforded to the followers
of Leger and Morland an additional argument for the deriva-
tion of the name from Vallenses, or Churches of the Valleys,
rather than from the name of the founder of the sect.
P
It will be readily believed, therefore, that it was with much
pleasure and some surprise that I laid my hand upon the whole
of these volumes a few weeks ago. In the same binding as the
rest of the documents,-three of them with Morland's and the
donors' names and the date on the first page,—all six with the
reference-letters A, B, C, D, E, F, clearly written inside the
cover, and all standing on the shelves as near to the "docu-
DISCOVERY OF THE LOST MORLAND MSS.
213
ments" as the difference of size would allow,-the only wonder
is how they could ever have been lost sight of.
The insinuation in the "British Magazine" that the collection
was placed here but a few weeks before Cromwell's death, and
that, on that event, these books were removed to some safer
stronghold of the Genevan views with the connivance of the
Puritan librarian of the day, I had long since felt to be ground-
less. Not only was the place then held by the model librarian
and devoted loyalist William Moore,* of Caius College, but I
some time since found a cancelled receipt (dated 1689) for four
of these very volumes, in the handwriting of Peter Allix, who
seems to have examined them for his "Remarks on the Eccle-
siastical History of the Ancient Churches of Piedmont," pub-
lished in 1690.
* It must be borne in mind that ever since the death of William Moore (in
1659), under whom every part of the library seems to have been thoroughly
explored, all the librarians and their assistants have uniformly, though unac-
countably, declined to make themselves in any way acquainted with the
manuscripts under their charge. So, when fresh catalogues were required,
both Mr. Nasmith and, more recently, the laborious compilers of the printed
catalogue, were employed, at a large cost to the University, as being sup-
posed to know a good deal of the subjects of the works existing in MS., but
a knowledge of the history of the individual volumes was not to be expected
from them. These facts afford the only possible explanation of the reputed
loss of the Waldensian MSS. as well as others from our library. Their history
was lost sight of, and they had come to be regarded as miscellaneous pieces,
apparently in Spanish, of no particular importance.
[It is curious that the same mistake was also made in Dublin. The volume,
No. V., described above, p. 47, sq., has been lettered by the binder, "Trac-
tatus in Hispanica lingua ;" and in the unpublished Catalogue of the MSS.,
compiled by Dr. John Lyon, about 1780, this volume, together with some
others (viz., No. II., p. 8, No. III., p. 22, No. IV., p. 43, and No. VI., p.
54), is spoken of as Hispanice scripta." Dr. Lyon had described the
Waldensian New Testament (No. I., p. 1) as being in Italian; but the word
"Italice" has been erased, and "Hispanice" written over it in the hand-
writing of the late Dr. Nash, formerly Fellow of Trinity College.— J. H. T.]
(6
214
APPENDIX.
It will be sufficient for the present purpose to give but a
brief description of these six diminutive volumes; for, though
undoubtedly the oldest extant relics of Vaudois literature, even
when brought down from the 10th, 12th and 13th centuries
(to which Morland ascribes them) to the 15th, yet it cannot
be doubted that, when they are once brought into due notice,
which it is the object of this paper to procure, they will engage
the attention of some scholar who is able to use them. To take
them in the probable order of age :—
F is a parchment volume measuring 5 by 41 inches, and
written, I should say, at the close of the 14th century. It con-
tains the greater part of the New Testament, and certain chap-
ters of Proverbs and Wisdom, in the following order: St. Mat-
thew (beginning gone), no St. Mark, of St. Luke only i. 1-
iii. 6, followed at once by St. John, no Romans, 1st (no 2nd)
Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, no Colossians,
of 1st Thessalonians only the first few words, and that clearly by
mistake, and without heading, no 2nd Thessalonians, 1st and 2nd
Timothy, Titus, no Philemon, of Hebrews only ch. xi. followed
at once by Proverbs, ch. vi., and Wisdom, ch. v. and vi., Acts,
James, 1st and 2nd Peter, followed possibly by the Epistles
and Revelation of St. John, but all after f. 158, 2 Pet. ii. 5, is
wanting. There are leaves missing in several places, but in
no case (except at the end) so as to prevent our knowing what
the contents originally were.
B is a parchment volume measuring 41 by 3 inches, and
written probably in the first half of the 15th century. It con-
sists of three portions, but the handwriting is uniform. The
first portion (ff. 1-124) contains (1) the Seven Penitential
Psalms, and (2) the In principio from St. John, in Latin; (3)
Glosa Pater noster, partly printed from this by Morland (His-
tory, p. 133), (4) Treçenas, (5) Doctor, (6) Penas, (7) Li goy
de paradis, (8) La pistola de li amie, and the poems, (9) Novel
DISCOVERY OF THE LOST MORLAND MSS.
215
confort, (10) Lo novel sermon, (11) La nobla leyçon, printed
from this by Morland (History, p. 99), (12) Payre eternal, and
(13) La barca. The second portion (ff. 125-241) consists of a
long treatise on the (1) ten commandments, (2) twelve articles
of the faith, (3) seven deadly sins, (4) seven gifts of the Holy
Ghost, (5) theological virtues, (6) cardinal virtues, (7) De li
ben de fortuna e de natura e de gratia, (8) De seys cosas que son
mot honorivol en aquest mont; and the remaining nine pages are
occupied by two sermons* and a paragraph De las abusions.
The third portion (ff. 242–271) is imperfect at both ends, but
now contains seven sermons.
C is on paper, measuring 33 by 24 inches, and written about
the middle of the 15th century. It consists of three portions,
all in one handwriting. The first (ff. 1-24) contains two ser-
mons (1) De la confession, and (2) De la temor del segnor, the
latter printed from this by Morland (History, p. 119). The
second (ff. 25–32) contains one sermon; and the third portion
(ff. 33-112, &c.) consists of (1) a sermon headed Tribulacions,
(2) 7 folios, that is, a translation of 2 Macc. vii. from the Vul-
gate, (3) Job, a translation of Job i. ii. iii. and xlii. from the Vul-
gate, (4) Tobia, a translation of the whole book of Tobit from
* [These two sermons are on the following texts:-
Mat. 12.-Mas yo dic a vos que de tota parola auciosa.
Eph. 4.-Sia renovella perlesperit de la vestra pensa.
The others are these:-
K
1. Beginning gone; headed Bernart.
2. Lo fantin yhesus remas
3. Yhesus fo amena del esperit eldesert. Beginning :—En aquest present
avangeli lesperit es demostra en 4. manieras.
·
•
4. O segnor salva nos peren.
5. Luc. 14.- Un home era ric lo cal vestia polpra e bis.
6. Jo. 6. Cum sera fossa fayta la nao era almeç.
7. Mat. 13.-Lo regne de li cel es fayt semblant a lome lo cal semenc bon
semeny al sio camp. Imperfect at the end.-H. B.]
216
APPENDIX.
the Vulgate, (5) La nobla leyçon, which breaks off abruptly at
the beginning of the fourteenth verse, the rest of the volume
being lost.
A is on paper and parchment, measuring 37 by 27 inches,
and written in the latter half of the 15th century. It consists
of six different portions, all in one handwriting, except, per-
haps, the last. Part I. (ff. 2-99) contains (1) Genesis, a trans-
lation of Gen. i.-x. from the Vulgate; (2) a Treatise on the
nature of different animals; (3) Lo tracta de li pecca; (4) a
sermon De la parolla di dio. Part II. (f. 100) is in Latin, and
contains instructions to the clergy, headed Sequitur de imposi-
cione penitencie. Part III. (f. 136) is a discourse beginning
Alcuns volon ligar la parolla de dio segont la lor volunta, on the
quatre manieras de trametament, that is, of God, of God and
man, of man alone, and of usurping preachers. Part IV. (f.
172) is a treatise entitled Herman. Part V. (f. 180) is a col-
lection of Latin pieces. Part VI. (f. 232) contains, after three
short paragraphs, a small historical passage on the voluntary
poverty of the Church, unfortunately imperfect at the end,
but of peculiar interest.
D is on parchment, measuring 3 by 24 inches, and written
also in the latter half of the 15th century. It is imperfect at
both ends, but now contains (1) a collection of medical recipes
(beginning gone); (2) a discourse on tribulations, headed
Ayci comença sant ysidori; (3) a sermon on the seven deadly
sins and their remedies, on the text Donca vos mesquins perque
*
[On a more careful examination, I should say that the last sheet of Part I.,
and Parts II., III., and V. of volume A are by a different scribe, and they are
certainly rubricated by a different hand from the rest. It is this hand which
has written the sermon on the word of God, with the date 1530; and it is the
same hand which refers in one place (fol. 159, verso) to the 11th verse of
the Epistle of St. Jude, which throws the date later still. The treatise
headed Herman is, I find, a translation of a small portion of the Pastor of
Hermas.-H. B.]
(
DISCOVERY OF THE LOST MORLAND MSS.
217
•
tarçen de ben far, &c.; (4) a sermon on almsgiving, on the text
O vos tuit li qual lavora, &c.; (5) three short pieces beginning
Dio bat li ome en .5. modo ... Nota che la son quatre cosas que
nos apellan ... Nos vesen esser na .3. perilh en aquisti temp.
; (6) several short moral paragraphs; (7) a short Discourse
on the twelve joys of paradise, on the text Voç dalegreça e de
salu es en li tabernacle de li iust; (8) a general but brief expo-
sition of Christian doctrine, commencing A tuit li fidel karis-
simes christians sia salu en yh❝ xpt lo nostre redemptor Amen.
and arranged under eight heads, but unfortunately breaking off
in the middle of the third.
""
E is on paper, measuring 41 by 3 inches, and consists of
four parts, the handwriting not uniform throughout, but agree-
ing well with the dates 1519, 1521, which are found in the
book. Parts I. and II. are parts of a Latin grammar. (1) De
interrogationibus, De participiis, De casu genitivo locali, De
comparativis, De gerundivis, with some Flores legum on one of
the blank leaves at the end; (2) De verbis, with the transla-
tion of the verbs in the Vaudois dialect. In rubric at the be-
ginning is: Anno domini millesimo q :1521: dies :9: mensis
Januarii. Part III. contains Latin abstracts of (1) Proverbs,
(2) Ecclesiastes, (3) Ecclesiasticus, followed by (4) some sen-
tences from St. Gregory; (5) a poem of 24 lines, beginning:
Tout ce que la terre nourist;
(6) a poem of 282 lines, headed: Sequuntur mettra ceneche
(or ceueche) and beginning:
Commensament de tout ben es
Temer diou soubre tout quant es;
(7) a piece contained on one leaf, headed: Sequitur liber Arith-
metti[cus] extractus a Johannono Albi filio mgri Johannis Albi
notarii de Fenestrellis sub Anno domini ·1519. et die .22. mensis
Augusty, and beginning, Per ben entendre lart.... Part IV.
218
APPENDIX.
I
contains (1) Albertani moralissimi opus de loquendi ac tacendi
modo, an abridgment only; (2) liber primus de amore et dilec-
tione dei et proximi et de forma vite, ejusdem domini Albertani,
also an abridgment; (3) versus morales, beginning:
Est caro nostra cinis,
modo principium modo finis;
(4) Exortation de bien vivre et bien mourir, in 100 lines, be-
ginning:
Qui a bien vivre veult entendre;
(5) Optima consilia; (6) Sentences headed Philosophus, with
translations in verse; (7) 42 versus morales, beginning :
Au jorn duy qui se auausse trop,
with which the volume concludes.
Judging from Dr. Gilly's edition of St. John, the text and
dialect of our New Testament closely resemble the Grenoble,
Zurich, and Dublin copies; and, but for the alleged antiquity
of the Grenoble and Zurich copies, the incompleteness of this
one might suggest the inference that at this date the entire
* [This was Albertinus of Brescia, "Brixiensis Causidicus," flor. circ.
1240. His works here mentioned have been printed, but are of extreme
rarity. For some account of him see Oudin, De Scriptt. Eccl. iii. 189.-
J. H. T.]
† An examination of Dr. Gilly's facsimiles rather confirms than weakens
the suggestions made in the text. To judge from these, the Grenoble MS.
must bear a very strong resemblance to our F, and the Zurich MS. to our C,
the former of which I should assign to the close of the 14th, and the latter
to the early part of the 15th century. The truth is that so very few volumes
bear an actual date, that persons who are familiar with MSS. may gain a
fairly correct notion of the relative age of different volumes, and yet differ
from other critics as to the actual age. I have very little doubt that most
judges, if the four copies were placed open before them, would range them
(1) Cambridge, (2) Grenoble, (3) Zurich, (4) Dublin. Of the Lyons copy
I can say nothing, as no facsimile is given.
DISCOVERY OF THE LOST MORLAND MSS.
219
New Testament was not as yet in circulation among the Vau-
dois. Those parts which were read as Epistles and Gospels in
Church would naturally be the first translated, and we find
thesc in MS. B; and were this suggestion confirmed, we should
have no proof of the existence of a regular translation of the
New Testament earlier than the period which produced the
Wycliffite versions in our own country.
In B the most noticeable pieces are the Treçenas and the
Nobla Leyçon. The four treçenas are the four quarters of the
year, each containing thirteen Sundays, and the Epistles and
Gospels are headed 1st, 2nd, 3rd. . Sunday of the 1st, 2nd..
treçena, without any further distinctive name derived from the
season. On a minute comparison, however, with the unreformed
Roman, as well as other missals, they appear to be precisely
the same, with only such small variations as are found to exist
between the uses of different churches at the same time; and
this is particularly interesting, as so very few relics of the
early Vaudois ritual are still in existence. The copy of the
Nobla Leyçon in this volume is the one which has created all
the discussion, by the expression which I have quoted before,
"Ben ha mil e cent an," &c. It is, therefore, highly satisfac-
tory to notice that the line runs in this copy:
Ben ha mil e * cent an compli entierament,
with an erasure before cent, where, by the aid of a glass, the
Arabic numeral 4 is visible, of the same shape as those fre-
quently used in this volume. The only thing which could be
needed to prove the certainty of this reading, is that in MS. C
there is the commencement of another copy of this same poem,
which, as it is but a short fragment, and has escaped the atten-
tion of Leger and Morland altogether, I shall give entire. It
agla
220
APPENDIX.
is written continuously, the divisions being marked by points
and coloured initial letters. It runs as follows* :
AYCI COMENÇA | LA NOBLA LEYÇON. |
O frayres entende una nobla leyçon. I
Sovent deven velhar e istar ennauracion.
Car nos ven aquest mont esser pres | del chauon.
Mot curios deoran esser de bonas obras | far.
Car nos ven aquest mont || a la fin apropiar.
Beu hamil e .cccc. anz compli en tiernment.
Que fo scrita lo|ra ara sen al derier temps. |
Pauc daurian cubitar | car sen al romanent. |
Tot iorn ven las ensegnas | venir a compliment.
Acre/ysament de mal e amerma|ment de bens.
Ayço son | li perilh que lescritura di. |
Li auangelin o recoytan | e saint paul atresy.
Car | neun home que viva non | po saber sa fin.
Perço|| ... [The leaves which should follow are wanting.]
There can be no doubt that the Geneva and Dublin copies
are both later than our two; and, however we may explain
the omission from them, it is at least the evidence of two
earlier against two later copies, and this added to the great
difficulty of giving a reasonable explanation of the lines, seems
enough to satisfy the most strenuous advocates of the antiquity
of the poem.
A is the volume which, at the end of the sermon De la parolla
de dio, contains the supposed date of transcription, 1230. The
conclusion of the sermon is as follows:-
Da 4ª. endurczis enayci fay alio me la
parolla dedio, &c.
1530.
I can see nothing in the second figure but a badly made 5,
though I confess it is difficult to explain the meaning of it. It
* The divisions mark the ends of the lines on the page in the MS.; the
italics denote the abbreviations of the original.
DISCOVERY OF THE LOST MORLAND MSS.
221
seems to be in the original ink, and beyond any suspicion of
tampering, but the handwriting and figures are clearly not those
of the year 1530, nor indeed of 1430; while 1230, as the date
of transcription, even apart from palæographical considerations,
is out of the question. In Part V. the collection of Latin pieces,
the Doctor Evangelicus (Wyclif) is cited. And further, in the
historical passage at the close of the volume, after speaking of
Piero de Vaudia and his excommunication, mention is made of
the success of his followers until, two hundred years (dui cent
an) after his time, a persecution arose, which continued even to
the times of the writer. This brings the date of the composi-
tion to the beginning of the 15th century at the earliest. It is
true that dui has been partly erased, but even cent an would
bring the piece down much later than 1230; while it must be
allowed that it is somewhat suspicious, that Morland has taken
no notice in his catalogue either of this piece or of the fragment
of the Nobla Leyçon containing the true date, even though his
list in many cases deals with the most insignificant details.*
*
*
D contains no indication of a date, as far as I have examined,
but the headings of the eight divisions of the Exposition of
Christian Doctrine are worth noticing, though, from the mu-
tilation of the volume, only three chapters remain. The pro-
logue enumerates these divisions thus:
"Donca prumierament nos diren breoment coma la ley del
veray Dio e veray home Yhu Xi per si sola es suficient a la salu
de tota la generacion humana, E es plus breo e plus comuna e
* [Here Mr. Bradshaw has inserted the passage On the voluntary po-
verty of the Church, which is contained in part VI. of vol. A. I have
omitted it, as not being necessary to the immediate purpose of the present
work. The reader who wishes to refer to it can see it in the "Communica-
tions made to the Cambridge Antiquarian Society," No. XII. (No. 3 of
vol. ii.), p. 212, sq.—J. H. T.]
222
APPENDIX.
plus legiera a complir, e esley de perfeita liberta, a la qual non
besogna aiogner ni mermar alcuna cosa, E non es alcuna cosa de
ben la qual non sia suficientment enclusa en aquella meseyma
soa ley. Segondariament diren de la sancta fe catholica, la
qual se conten en li article e en li sacrament e en li comanda-
ment de Dio. 3ªment diren de la vera e de la falsa penitencia
e de la vera confession e de la satisfacion. La 4ª diren alcuna
cosa del vero purgatori e segur e de la falseta e meçonia se
mea sobre lui. La 5ª diren de la envocacion de li sant e de li
herror sobre semea. La 6ª diren de la auctorita pastoral dona
de Dio a li sacerdot de X¹. La 7ª diren de las clavs aposto-
licas donas de Yh" Xi a sant Peyre e a li autre seo veray suc-
La 8 diren de las veras endulgencias." fol. 81.
cessor.
In Ch. 2, the sacraments are enumerated thus:
(C
Sept son li sacrament de la sancta gleysa. Lo prumier es
lo batisme lo qual es dona a nos en remesion de pecca. Lo .2.
es la penitencia. Lo .3. es la cumunion del cors e del sanc de
Xpt. Lo .4. es lo matrimoni ordena de Dio. Lo .5. es loli sant.
Lo .6. es lenpusament de las mans. Lo .7. es ordenament de
preyres e de diaques. fol. 88. "
To sum up then, briefly; after the most important fact—the
determination of the true date of the Nobla Leyçon-the pri-
mary results gained from the recovery of these manuscripts, and
a comparison of them with what we already know of others of
the kind, is, that besides the Dublin collection, all of which
seem to have been written in the 16th century, we have two
miscellaneous volumes at Geneva (MSS. 207 and 209) and four
at Cambridge (A, B, C, D), as well as more than one copy of the
New Testament, all assignable to the 15th century; and in ad-
dition to these, at Cambridge and at Grenoble, one incomplete
and one complete copy of the New Testament, which may be
ascribed to the close of the 14th century. It is a small collec-
tion, doubtless; but it is a very precious one, even though not
DISCOVERY OF THE LOST MORLAND MSS.
223
carrying us back to the 10th and 12th centuries, as we were led
to expect; and it is much to be hoped that the authorities at our
University Press will soon offer some encouragement towards
bringing out a careful edition of at least the most important.
treatises in the collection. Whatever Cromwell and his friends
were politically, it is at least certain that, as a literary body, we
owe them a debt which it would take us a long time to repay,
and which at present we refuse to acknowledge even in our
annual commemoration of benefactors. We have for two hun-
dred years ignored both the gift and the giver, and it is time that
we should begin to make some reparation.
INDEXES.
INDEX
WALDENSIAN TREATISES.
ABSOLUCION czo es remission o in-
dulgencia, 41.
Aici commença levangeli deli 4 se-
mencz, 43.
Aici commenczan alcunas sposicions
sobre alcuns passages de sant Mt.
sobre Johan Crisostomo, 46.
Alcuns son liqual saper sumisson de
far veniancza, 40, 60.
Alcuns testimonis de lapoccalis, 39.
Alcuns volen ligar la parolla de dio
segont la lor volonta, 216.
A lenfern es mancament de tot ben
e habundancia de tot mal, 30, 207.
Angel second che di Aug³. es sos-
tancia spirital e non corporal o
entelectual, 30.
A quel es benayra loqual legis, 39.
A quel es uerament christian lo qual
fay misericordia a tuit, 30.
A questa differencia es entre li bon
e li mal, 62.
A quest confort de vertuos lavor, 43.
A quilh que fameian e seteian iusticia,
27, 55.
OF
Ara di lo segnor cun vertevos ami en
tot lo nostre cor, 62.
Ara es a dire d'li sept sacrament de
la sancta gleysa, 33.
Ara parlen d'lavangeli deli quatre
semencz, 43.
Ara sensec del deiuni, 38.
Ara sensec d'las 4 vertucz cardenals,
55.
Ara sensec d'las vertues teologials,
czo es fe, sperancza, e carita, 54,
Ascuminicament del qual po prime-
rament valer, 40, 58.
A tuit li fidel e carissimas xtans sia
salu en y" x¹, 31, 217.
Au jornduy qui si auausse trop,
218.
Autre pecca eys de superbia loqual
non es deli sept pecca mortel, 26,
206.
Ayci comencza lo prolic del libro
apella tresor e lume de fe, 31.
Ayci commença sant ysidori, 216.
Ayci commenczan las tribulacions,
38, 216.
Ayci commenczan li commandment
di dio, 36.
Ayci parla d'la penitencia, 37, 207.
Ayci volen parlar de li bal demon-
strant premierament per testimo-
nis, 39, 60.
Ayci volen parlar de li pecca de la
lenga, 26.
Ayci vollen parlar del Matrimoni,
25, 57.
Ayczo es la causa del departiment
d'la gleysa Romana, 47. This tract,
a translation made in Bohemia,
114; made from an imperfect ex-
emplar, 49; erroneously attri-
buted to the Vaudois, 51; the
MS. of it used by Perrin now in
Dublin, 52, 53.
BARCA, 43, 215.
Bernart (a sermon), 215, n.
Bon Pastor, 61.
Q 2
228
INDEX OF WALDENSIAN TREATISES.
CANT VOS devian non volha esser
fait enayma, 62.
Car coma di Seneca qui non pensa
alcun cosa de lavenir, 30.
Causa del nostre departiment de la
gleisa Romana, 47. See Ayczo es
la causa, &c.
Commandement du Roy pour resti-
tuer les biens de ceux de la Valoise
Freissinière, 88.
Commensament de tout ben es, 217.
Contra Pauperes de Lugduno, a tract
falsely ascribed to Peter of Pilich-
dorf, 179, n.
Crisostomo di, Tota la gloria d'dio
e tota la salu d'li home es pausa
en la mort d' X', 63.
Cubiticia, 26, 206.
Cum lo filh d'lavergna sere vengu
la soa maiesta e tuit li angel d' lt
cun lui, 62.
in
Cum sera fossa fayta la nao era almeg
(Jo. 6), 215, n.
DAR enayma dis Peyre Apostol li
sant home parleron yspira per lo
sant sprit de Dio. 67.
Date et dabitur vobis (the first ser-
mon on usury), 61.
De discessu Valdensium ad Delphi-
natum, 70.
De imposicione penitencie, 216.
De la confession, 215.
De la correpcion ecclesiastica, 48.
De la Disciplina ecclesiastica, 48.
De la desperacion, 40.
De la envocation de li sant, 41.
De la familiarita, 29.
De la honesta. 29.
De la justicia, 27.
De lalegrecza deli salva, 39, 66.
De lalmona, 38.
De la parolla di dio, 216, 220.
De la penitencia, 62.
De la potesta ordonativa, 48.
De la propriotas de la aminanças, 45.
De las abusions, 215.
De las 4 cosas che son avenir, 39, 65,
66.
De las vertucz teologials, 54.
De la sapientia de Dio, 30. ·
De la secunda causa del nre depar-
timent, 49.
De la taverna, 39, 60.
De la temor del segnor, 215.
De la ubriota, 29.
De la veniencza, 40.
De la xianita, 30.
Del deiuni, 38.
De l'ensegnament de li filh, 24.
De li articles d'la fe, 32, 215.
De li Bal, 39, 60.
De li ben de fortuna e de natura e de
gratia, 215.
De li ben del paradis, 30, 207.
De li parler dalcuns doctors, 30, 171.
De li perilh, 27.
De li soyme, 25.
Del judici avenador, 62.
De li .x. Lebrous, 37.
Deli 8 pensier, 39, 56, 207.
Del mesquin, 44.
Del pecca dela desubidiencza ascu-
minigament del qual po primera-
ment valer, 40, 58.
Del purgatori soyma, 41.
Del sacrament del cors e del sang d'
Xt, 48.
De seys cosas que son mot honorivol
en aquest mont, 215.
Dio bat li ome en 5. modo, 217.
Dio paire eternal poysant confor-
taer, 43.
Doctor, 214.
Dona aldemandant a tu e non volhis
contrastar, 61.
Donca lo es certana cosa que li just
sleyt hauren o questa sobre dicta
gloria, 66.
Donca vos mesquins per que tarczen
deben far, e per que volen mal
obrar, 40, 44, 58, 216.
Donca nos sen a parlar da questa
envocacion de li sant, 41.
En a quellas contras debellem eran
pastors guardant las vigillias de
la noyt, 40, 59.
Ecu yu fossa na embellem d'iuda en
li dia de herode lo rey, 40, 59, 207.
En a quel temp herode fey pilhar
e ligar e encarcerrar ioh. baptista,
28, 58.
En a quel temp zo es li savi atroba e
adora lo fantin se partiron e re-
torniron en las loras contras, 59.
Enaquest evangeli son notta quatre
sperit: czo es sperit divin: sperit
human; sperit maligne: sperit
angelical, 61, 215, n.
Enayma la uocz trapassa e de falh
viaczament, 28.
INDEX OF WALDENSIAN TREATISES.
229
En qual modo lo poble se deo haver,
48.
Enterrogations menors, 38.
Euangeli second S. Mt e Luc. lo
qual tracta, 37.
Eve vos fene Cananea yssic da quel-
las en contars e cridava diczent a
lui, 62, 63.
Examinationes factæ in materia hæ-
resis sectæ Valdentium (1501), 75.
Exortation de bien vivre et bien
mourir, 218.
Eyci es denota la miseria d'la con-
dicion, 62.
GLOSA Sobre lo Pater nostre, 37, 65,
214.
Grant tribulacions sere d'uant lo dia
del judicii, 38.
HERMAN, 216; a translation of the
Pastor of Hermas, ib., n.
JHESU di a li seo deciples, li olh son
benayra li qual veon czo que vos
vee, 40. See Yesu and Yhesu.
Informationes continuatæ, 83.
Inquisitionalis processus coram
DD. Antonio Fabri, et Christ. de
Salhiente, 86.
Johan diczia al poble lo cal annava
a luy, 40.
See Barca.
La barca, 215.
La causa del nre departiment de lu-
nita de la custuma de la romana
gleysa, 47.
La consideracion de la breveta de la
vita e a gradivol ufferta a dio, 30.
La cubiticia, 26, 206.
La disciplina a la beata vita avena-
dor, 48.
La epistola al serenissimo rey Lan-
celau, 50.
La familiarita de las fenas e la lor
cumpagnia des esser greo a tuit,
29.
La femna cant ilh aperturis a tris-
ticia car lora d'ley ven, 62.
La honesta es considera en la con-
versacion, 29.
La parolla di Dio, 27.
La pistola de li amie, 214.
La 4ª e ultima part de salu, 47.
La regne de li cel es fayt semblant a
lome lo cal semeng bon semeng el
sio camp. (Mat. 13), 215, n.
La sancta Trinita nos done parlar,
43.
La sapientia di Dio es non saber so-
lament li parler d'dio, 30.
La taverna es fontana de pecca e le
scola del diavol, 39, 60.
Lautra part de verita es appella mi-
nisterial, 47.
La verita ministerial es departia en
3. part, 47.
L'Beneuranczas, 55.
Le teo payre e yo dolent querian te,
59.
Liber de preciosa cosa, 54.
Liber Vertutum, 24, 205.
Lidon dona ali testimoni convenivols,
48.
Li filh liqual naison alipayrons car-
nals, 24, 57.
Li
goy de paradis, 214, 217.
Li parler del phillosophe, 28, 207.
Li sept sacrament, 33.
Li teo olh vean dreytas cosas. Czo
es li olh mental e corporal bean
dreytas cosas, 59.
Lobrament de las vertucz per que es
dona, 48.
Lo credo in unum Deum, 39.
Lo es dentendre au cascun che 4
cosas son avenir, 39.
Lo es de saber que enapres la gene-
ral resurecion li eyleyt auren glo-
ria, 39.
Lo es dubita si las animas de li mort
pon esser aiudas per li aiutori de
li vio, 30.
Lo es saber che 4 son las raysons per
lasquals lome se sol desperar, 40,
60.
Lo nostre segnor dio celestial mege
non vol la mort del peccador,
60.
Lo novel sermon, 215.
Lo segnor di per lo propheta yo non
volh la mort d'l peccador, 60.
Lo fantin y" remas en ierlm, 41, 59.
Lo fellon abandone la so via e lo
baron, 40, 58.
Lo pecca dela superbia, 26.
Lo remedi contra la pecca de la
lenga, 205.
Lo symbolo d'anastais, 32.
Lo tracta de li pecca, 216.
230
INDEX OF WALDENSIAN TREATISES.
Lumiere et thresor de la foy, 31, 42;
the Dublin MS. of, the same used
by Perrin, ib.; garbled extracts
from, printed by Leger, 31, n.,
205.
Luxuria, 29.
Luxuria desira de complir la volunta
de la carnalita, 29.
MALIDICIONS a li desubidient, 37.
Mas alquillas cosas que non se pon
esmendar, 38.
Mas lo es d'nota que loraczon domi-
nical, 38-
Mas yo dic a uos que de tota parolla
auciosa la qual home parlaren,
[Matt. xii.] 28, 60, 61, 215, n,
Meczonia, 26, 206.
Mesquins, 40, 44, 58.
Mettra censche, 217.
Motas cosas son que deorian moure
lome ala diligent garda de la lenga,
26.
O Frayres
NOBLA Leyczon, inc.
entenda una nobla leyczon, 44, 215,
217, 219.
the second tract so called, inc.
Oli meo fiayres karissimes en-
tende lo meo parlar, 44; same as
the Novel Sermon, 64.
Nos annes cal cosa xi amonesta al
premier sermon, 61.
Nos vesen esser na 3 greos perilh en
a quisti temp, 27, 58, 217.
Nos deuen saber que lo baptisme de
penitencia es conceopu de la te-
mor d'dio, 38.
Nota che la son quatre cosas que nos
apellan, 217.
Nota de li orde de Angel de Paradis,
67.
Notitia Imperii, 128, its date, ib. n.
Novel Confort, 43, 214. See Nobla
Leyczon.
Novel Sermon, 64, 214.
O CARISSIMES mete ayci la vestra
cura, 44.
O Carissimes nos saven la luie de
tanti grant conoyssencia, 67.
O Dio d'li rey, e Segnor deli segnor,
yo me confesso a tu, 45.
O es d'entendre que lo son con orden
d'Angels en Paradis, 67.
Q Frares sabent a quest temp, car
hora es ia a nos levar del sopa,
41, 207.
O Frares entenda una nobla leyc-
zon, 44.
O li meo frayres karissimes entende
lo mio parlar, 44.
Optima consilia, 218.
Oragon, 45.
Oratio excusatoria Waldensium, 51.
Origo Waldensium et processus
contra eos facti, 74.
O Segnor tu me pocz monda si tu
voles, 58.
O Segnor salva nos peren, 215, n.
O Senhor filh david marceneia d' mi
la mia filha es trabalda, 63.
O Tu lo nostro Payre lo quel, sies
en li ciel, 65.
O vos tuit li qual lavora, 217.
Oyt cosas son que nos deven pensar
per cascun dia, 39, 56.
PATER noster (glosa sobre lo), 65.
Payre eternal, 43, 216.
Pecca lo tracta de li, 216.
Penas, 214.
Per ben entendre lart, 217.
Perque comande a li pastor velhar,
48,
sian ordona li ministres exte-
riors et per qual fin, 47.
Petit e non verre mi, e d'reco petit
c veyre mi, 62.
Philosophus, 218.
Po es iusta cosa efort, 24.
Procès contre deux Barbes, 72, 85;
Procès et abjuration d'Antoyne
Blasii, 88; Procès contre Peyro-
nette relaissèe de Pierre Beraud
de Valence, 86.
Processus contra Waldenses, 74;
Processus factus per Archiepisco-
pum Ebredun. contra Anth. Blasii
de Angrogina, 78; Processus sive
Inquisitio facta per D. Berthol.
Pascalis, 85.
Professio Fidei Waldensium ad Vla-
dislaum regem, 51.
Protestatio facta per Castellanum
Vallis Loysiæ, 77.
QUAL cosa es lo ministeri principal,
48.
Qual cosa sia Antichrist, 94.
Qual deo esser la cura papal, 49.
INDEX OF WALDENSIAN TREATISES.
231
Qual differencia es entre lo sacra-
ment e la cosa del sacrament, 48.
Qual sia la vita deli modern, 49.
Quanta pena sia reposta enaquilh,
51.
Qui a bien vivre veult entendre,
218.
SEMILHAMENT de lautra part del
sacrament, 48.
Sermon d'Erodiana, 28, 207; de las
noczas [Joh.2], 28; d'las parollas
auciosas, 28, 61; del fantin yhu, 41,
See 215, n.
Sia renovella per lesperit de la ves-
tra pensa (Eph. 4), 215, n.
Si la vita de li present se conven
cum li premier, 49.
Si li Roman sacerdot son d'la gene-
racion de Xpt., 49.
Si tu departires la preciosa cosa de
la vil, 54.
Si tu fossas demanda qui es tu.
Respont, Yo soy creatura de Dio,
38.
Sobre aqlla parolla Mt. 13. Deuos
aqual que semena illic semenar lo
seo semencz, 27.
Salamon di che li soyme ensegon
motas curas, 25.
Superbia es reyna d'tuit li pecca,
26.
Tor don noble, et tot don perfect
es desus deysendent del payre, 27,
61.
Tota humana eloquencia non e suf-
ficient a recointar de la lausor, 30,
207.
Tout ce que la terre nourist, 217.
Tracta de loracion, 37.
Treçenas, 214, 219.
Tresor e lume de fe, 31, 32.
Tribulacions (a sermon), 215.
Tu sies sol pelegrin en ierusalem e
non conaguies aquillas cosas, 59.
UBRIOTA Segond chi di Augustinus
e uil sepulchre de la raczon, 29.
Ue uos vn mort unial filh de la soa
meyre era apresenta, 28.
Un home era ric lo cal vestia pol-
pra e bis, 215.
Unitas fratrum, 50.
Ut vobis Reverendissimo in Christo
Patri, &c., 75.
VERGER de consolacion, 65, 67.
Vertutum Liber, 24.
Ve vos a qual que semena issic se-
menar lo seo semencz, 63.
Vie des prestres moderns, 49.
Vos dalegrega e de salu es en li ta-
bernacle de li iust, 217.
YESU fo mena de l'esprit al desert
quil fossa tempta del diavol, 61,
215, n.
Yhesu montant en la naveta, 40.
Yhu fu apella a las noczas e li deci-
ple de luy, 29.
Yhesus iste al mey de li seo deci-
ples e dis a lor pacz sia a vos, 40.
Yo entendo d' dire cal cosa sia ma-
trimoni, 25, 57.
Yo fameiey e vos non dones a mi
amaniar, 62.
Yo soy bon pastor. Io. 10. Vos d've
saber que 6 son las propriotas del
bon pastor, 62.
Yo soy conpira alfanc e soy asimilha
a la bellua e a la cenre, Job. 30.
Eyci es denota la misera d'la con-
dicion, 62.
INDEX OF MATTERS.
ABSOLUTION, Waldensian tract on,
41,
Accidia, for tristitia, 205, n.
Action against two Barbs, 72; same
in French, 85.
Acts of the Apostles in Waldensian,
4.
Alanus de Insulis, the first who
names Peter Waldo, 178, n.
Albertanus, or Albertinus, of Bres-
cia, 217, 218, n.
Albertinus Moralissimus [of Bres-
cia], De loquendi ac tacendi
modo, abridged in Waldensian,
218; De amore et dilectione Dei,
ib.; Versus morales, ib.
Albi, Johannonus, his book on arith-
metic, in Waldensian, 217.
Albigensian and Paulician sects, 32.
Alexander VI. (Pope), his bull Cum
nos alias te, 79.
his bull Cum nos hodie, 79.
his bull Ab eo qui humani ge-
neris, 79.
Allix (Peter), 86.
Almanac spirituel, quoted by Leger,
what? 31, n. 205.
Almsgiving, Waldensian tract on,
38.
Ambrun, Rostain Archbishop of,
petition against him from inhabi-
tants of Fraissinière, &c., 71, 72.
letter to him, 73, 88.
statement made by him of the
state of his diocese, 1497-1501,
69; French version of, 87.
Hurre, Jeane, Archevesque
d'Ambrun, 85.
Anabaptists, 15.
Angel de Paradis, orde de, 67.
Angelia uxor Petri Pelegrini, 83.
Angroma (or Angrogna), confe-
rence at, 18.
Animals, Waldensian tract on, 45,
216.
Ansa (Stephanus de), translated
into Romance the Sententia of
Bernard Ydros, 99.
Anthometa filia Ysoardi Aufossi, 82.
Antichrist, doctrine of, in the "No-
ble Lesson," 126; inconsistent
with the doctrine of the Walden-
sian confession, 132.
Waldensian tract on, 94; a for-
gery, 95, 132.
Apocalypse in Waldensian, 4, 39.
Apocrypha,-the books of Wisdom
and Ecclus. received as canonical
by the Vaudois, 6.
Appellations bestowed on the Wal-
denses, 107.
Argenteria, 72.
Arithmeticus liber (in Waldensian),
217.
Arnold of Brescia, his history, 105.
Arnoldo, Mr., a Piedmontese Barbe,
105; his disciples said to have
been called Arnoldists, ib.
confounded with Arnold of
Brescia, ib.
Arnoux (John), 75.
Arnulfi, or Arnulphi (Michael), f.
Bruneti Arnulfi, 83.
Arnulphi (Barthol.), f. Bruneti, 83.
Articles of heresy against the Vau-
dois of Fraissinière, 110.
represent the doctrine of the
ancient Pauperes de Lugduno,
110, 111.
Articles of the faith, tract on, 32, 215.
Athanasius, symbol of, 32.
Audoni. See Gay.
INDEX OF MATTERS.
233
Audonis (Johannes), alias May, 82.
Augeri, an inquisitor, 81.
Auricular confession, Waldensian,
129.
Aymon, Synodes nation aux des
Eglises reformées de France, 117.
BABYLON, application of the title to
the Church of Rome, not a new
feature in Waldism, 111.
applied by the Pauperes de
Lombardia, 13th century, ib. ; but
not in the language of Protes-
tantism, 111, 112.
Balls, Waldensian tract on, 39, 59,
60.
Perrin's extract from it, 39.
Baptism, 14, 15.
Barb, meaning of the word, 105, n.
Barb Martin, his real name, 72, 85.
his examination published by
Allia, 86.
Barbs, action against, 72, 85.
summary of their teaching, 83.
catalogue of Barbs for 500
years, 105; bears internal evi-
dence of forgery, ib.
Baridoni (Antonius), de Castro
Rudolpho, 75.
Barthelemy (John), 75.
Bartholomew of Carcassone, dele-
gate of Bartholomew, Paulician
primate of Bulgaria, 106.
inserted in the list of Vaudois
Pastors, 106.
the name Bartholomew proba-
bly common to all the Bulgarian
primates, 106, n.
Beghards. See Fratres liberi spi-
ritus.
Bellesmains or a Bellis manibus
(John), 181.
Beneti (Genetus), fil. Ludovici de
valle Loysia, 82.
Berardi (Jacobus), f. Pauli de Ar-
genteria, 82.
Beraud (Pierre), alias Fernerii, 86.
Berengaria, filia Lud. Beneti de
valle Loysia, 82.
Bernardi (Joh.), f. Gingonis, 83.
Berra (Blaxensis de), O. P., 77.
Bertrand (M. Favre), 147; his let-
ter on the Genevan MSS. 157-
161, 189.
Bertrandi (Michael), alias Barba de
Fraxineria, 82.
Biatrisa filia Joh. Alardi de Fray-
sineria, 83.
Bibliander, Epistt. virorum docto-
rum, 10.
Blasii (Anthon.), process against
him, 78.
examinations of, 79, 80.
tortured, 80; abjures his he-
resy, 80.
Blasii, Antoyne, 88.
Bleu, Hippolyte, 75.
Bohemia, Le pape ne peut juger
du Royaume de Boheme, 49.
Mathias Corvin, king of, ib.
Vaudois emissaries to, 108.
whether any Waldensian
churches in, 108, 109.
petition of Bohemian pseudo-
Waldenses to King Ladislaus, 109,
114.
their letter to Sigismund, King
of Poland, 109, n.
Bonnefoy, Jacques, 75.
Borbone (Stephen de), 171, 181,
194, 201, 203, 206.
Bordeaux, French New Testament,
194, 195. Paris edition of, 196.
Bradshaw (Henry), his discovery of
the lost Morland MSS., 210, sq.
Breti (Guill.), f. Michaelis Breti,83.
Brinetus (Poncius), 82.
Bucer (Martin), his correspondence
with the Vaudois, 11, 18, 113.
Bulgaria, Paulician Primate of. See
Bartholomew.
Bulle d'absolution en faveur des
usuriers, 79.
du Pape Innocent et Commis-
sion contre Vaudois, 77.
pour absoudre de tout crime,
et particulierement d'heresie, 79.
pour absoudre les Vaudoys au
legat, 78.
of Alexander VI. (1501), en-
dorsed, "en faveur des usuriers,”
78, 79.
of Lucius III., 181.
Bureau (Laurentius), episcopus Sif-
farien, 75, 88.
Burgess (Rev. Richard), 158 n.
Burgo (Honoratus de), de S. Cris-
pino, 75.
Burgo (Johannes de), de S. Cris-
pino, 75.
CALENDAR of the Church, 22.
234
INDEX OF MATTERS.
Cambridge, Morland MSS. depo-
sited there before Cromwell's
death, 103.
their supposed disappearance,
103, 104.
discovery of them by Mr. Brad-
shaw, 210, sq.
Camerarius (Joach.), extract from
his Narratio Historica, 50.
Canon of Scripture, answer of the
Reformers to the Vaudois re-
specting, 17.
rejection of the Apocalypse,
James, Jude, 2 Peter, and 1, 2
John, by the Swiss Reformers,
17, 18.
Cantica Canticorum, Waldensian
translation of, 5.
Capel, 51.
Capitaneis (Albert de), Archdeacon
of Cremona, 71, 77.
his 22 articles of heresy against
the Vaudois of Fraissinière, 110.
Catalogue of appellations bestowed
on the Waldenses, 107.
of the Barbs, 105. See Barbs.
Catechism entitled, " Enterroga-
tions menors," 38.
misrepresented by Perrin, 39.
printed by Morland, 96.
reprinted by Leger, with the
date 1100, ib.
its language borrowed from
Calvinistic Protestantism, ib.
why dated 1100, 97.
Caterina, filia Petri Pani, 83.
Catharina filia Berti Oliverii, 82.
Catherina relicta Guill. Raymundi,
83.
Catherina uxor Peyronii Riply, de
Pallono, 83.
Cecilia filia Mich. Baridonis, 83.
Celibacy of clergy, answer of the
Reformers to the Vaudois respect-
ing, 17.
Certificate of Anthonius de Medu-
lion Breissiam et de Rippeins, 88,
89.
Chambon (Jacques), 76.
Champollion-Figeac, his opinion fa-
vourable to the antiquity of the
Waldensian MSS., 156, n.
Christian Doctrine, Waldensian
tract on, 31, 217, 221.
Chronicon Laudunense, 171, 179 n.,
190.
Chrysostom (St.), Waldensian
abridgment of his Homilies on St.
Matthew, 46.
Church, voluntary poverty of the,
216, 221, n.
Claves, De clavibus ecclesiæ, answer
of the Reformers to the Vaudois,
respecting, 16, 17.
Claves for finding Easter, 23.
Clugny, Peter of, his testimony to
the ancient heresy in Lombardy
and Provence, 203.
Commandments, ten, Waldensian
tract on, 36, 215.
misrepresentations of it by
Perrin and Leger, ib.
Confession, auricular, 15; practised
by the Vaudois, 129.
of faith, Waldensian, brought
to England by Sir Samuel Mor-
land, 131; its doctrine of Anti-
christ proves it spurious, 132.
dated by Leger 1120, but really
of the Reformation period, 13,
113.
Serdar Key
Conrad of Ursperg, 181.
Corvin (Mathias), king of Bohemia
and Hungary, 49, 51.
Creed, Athanasian, 32.
Nicene, 39.
Crispini, alias Valois (Audinus),
70.
examinations of, 80, 81.
Crucifixion of our Lord, supposed to
have taken place on the anniver-
sary of the Annunciation, 23 n.
DANIEL of Valenza, 108.
Deadly sins, tract on, 215.
Devotions in prose, genuine remains
of the Pauperes of Lyons, 98.
Dictes of the philosophers, printed
by Caxton, 28.
Dio, Johannes de, 33.
Discipline, 48.
Dreams, tract on, 25, 26.
Durham MSS., 205, 206, 207.
EBRONIUM, 69. See Ambrun.
Ecclesiastes, book of, in Waldensian,
5; Latin extracts from, 217.
Ecclesiasticus, book of, in Walden-
sian, 6; Latin extracts from,
217.
1.
Eight things on which we should
meditate every day,” 39, 56.
INDEX OF MATTERS.
235
Epistles, canonical, in Waldensian, 4.
Esperone, Mr., a barb of Piedmont,
105; his followers Esperonists,
105; explanation of the mistake,
105.
Esperonists, or Speronists, correctly
Paronistæ, their origin unknown,
105, 106.
Examinations of Vaudois, 75, 79; of
the inhabitants of Frassinière,
81 ; of Vaudois in the house of
Poncius Brinetus, 82; of Peter
Valoy, 84.
FABRI (Anthonius), canonicus El-
redunensis, heretice pravitatis
Inquisitor, 86.
Fabri (John), 75.
Fasting, Waldensian tract on, 38;
Perrin's account of it, ib.; trans-
lated from a foreign language,
114.
Ferrier (Jeremic), appointed to as-
sist Perrin in his history, 119; his
high position at the synods of Gap
and Maixent, ib.; accusations
against him at the synod of Privas,
ib.; excommunicated, 121; de-
clared deposed from the ministry,
and apostate, 121.
Ferrerius (Vincentius), O. P.,
preached to the Sub-Alpine Wal-
denses in 1406, 170.
Flores legum, 217.
France, Reformed Church of, their
restrictions on private judgment,
117.
Frassinière, Peter Valois of, 69.
Stephanus Ruffus, or Le Roux,
of, 70, 81.
Petition of the inhabitants of,
71, 72.
Letters patent obtained by
them from Louis XII., 88.
Commandment du roi pour res-
tituer leur biens, 88.
Fratres liberi spiritus, called Beg-
hards and Picards, 110, n.
Freher, Scriptores rerum Bohemi-
carum, 51.
Frederick II., his famous constitu-
tion, 105; the sects enumerated
in it gave occasion to some names
in the fictitious Catalogue of
Barbes, 105, 106.
Fraxineria, Barba de, 82.
GAY (Fazion), 75.
Gay (Fazius Audoni), f. Joh. Au-
donis, 83.
Gebaude (N.), notary, 84.
Gena uxor Poncii Violini, 82.
Genesis, i.-x., Waldensian version
of, 216.
Genevan MS. of Noble Lesson, Age
of, 188 sq., 209, 212.
Gerundino (Franciscus de), called
Barb Martin, 72, 85.
Gifts, seven, of the Holy Ghost,
tract on, 215.
Gilles, "Hist. Eccl. des Eglises Re-
formées du Pièmont," confirms
some of Perrin's suspected state-
ments, 169; states that Perrin was
supplied with materials from An-
grogua, 199.
Gilly (Rev. William), D. D., his
ed. of the Romaunt version of St.
John's Gospel, 3 n.; his first letter
on the "Noble Lesson" and the
Waldensian MSS., 151; points to
be investigated in reference to the
antiquity of the "Noble Lesson,"
153; correspondence with M. Me-
tivier, 155, with M. Favre Ber-
trand, 157, 161, wrong done to
him, 20, 21, 162; his second let-
ter on the Waldensian MSS., 187;
his third letter, 197.
Girard, or Gerard, librarian of Ge-
neva, 158, 159, 173, 175.
Glosa Pater Noster, a genuine
Lugdunensian tract, 99, 100.
Gobaud (Vincent), Notary, 76, 86.
Granet (Thomas), de Valle, 75.
Gregory IX., decretal of, 105.
Gregory (St.), extracts from, 217.
Grenoble, Waldensian New Testa-
ment preserved there, 164, 165; a
transcript of, in Trinity College,
Dublin, 190; comparison of, with
the Zurich MS., 192.
Guilhielma filia Bertrandi, 83.
HERBERT (Hon. A.), on the Poems
of the Poor of Lyons, 93, 135, 172,
177; on the date of the "Noble
Lesson," 126, 177.
Hermes, Pastor of, 216.
Hot (Arnaud), al. Arnaldus Otho-
nis, 105 n.
Hunbert (Claudius), 75.
236
INDEX OF MATTERS.
JACOBUS, called Barb John, 72, 85.
Jacques (Hugh), 75.
Jayme uxor Petri Romani, 83.
Jayme, filia Guil. Porte. jun., 82.
Infancy of Jesus, Waldensian tract
on, 41, 59.
Innocent III., his inquiries about a
vernacular version of Scripture,
193.
Innocent VIII., his bull against the
Vaudois, 77.
original of, ib.
Inquisition, action of, against Ste-
phanus Ruffus, or Le Roux, from
Frassinière, 70, 81.
Invocation of saints, why rejected
by the Vaudois of Frassinière,
112.
Waldensian tract on, 41.
Joachim, Abbas, 126; his doctrine
of 1260 years characteristic of his
sect, 132; his system adopted in
the "Noble Lesson," 133, 179;
object of his theories, 133; how
the Vaudois differ from him in his
doctrine of three laws, 179, 180 ;
his Tritheism adopted in the
"Noble Lesson," 180.
Joanna filia Johannis Alardi de Dor-
milholla, 83.
Johanna filia Guill. Fabii de Argen-
teria, 82.
Johanna relicta Jacobi Ludovici, 82.
Johanna uxor Anthonii Blasii, 80.
Johannes de Dio, 33.
John (St.)—1 John v, 7, how ren-
dered, 4.
Gospel of, in Waldensian, 3.
edition of, by Dr. Gilly, ib., n.
John of Molines, 108.
Josepho (Mr.), a supposed barb of
Piedmont, 106.
his followers Josephists, 106.
origin of the mistake, ib.
Josephini, the, quite distinct from
the Waldenses, 106.
Jourdan (Pierre), 75.
Judgment to come" del judici
avenador" [on S. Matt. xxv. 31],
62.
Juliano relicta Antonii Arnulphi
83.
Julian (Hunet) de Valle, 75.
LADISLAUS, or, Vladislaus.
Lancelot.
See
Ladoncetti, "Histoire,
Histoire, Topogra-
phie, Antiquités, &c., des Hautes
Alpes," 163.
Lagerius (Ds. Johannes), Vicarius
de Orseria in Camposaurio, 75.
Lancelot, or Lancelau VI., King of
Bohemia and Hungary, 50, 51.
Laon, Chronicle of, 171, 202.
Lateran Council, under Alexander
III., 202.
Latin grammar, 217.
Latom or Latomus, an alias for
Pierre Masson, 9 n.
Leger (Jean), his Hist. des Vaudois,
quoted, 8, 10, 13, 102, 107, et
passim.
published, as of A. D. 1120, a
creed of the Reformation period,
13; gives garbled extracts of the
"Lumiere et thresor de la foy,"
31, n.; and from the Tract on
the Tribulation of the Last Days,
38; has published a portion only
of the Tract on the Pater Noster,
66.
the first who gives the date
of 1100 to the Waldensian Cate-
chism, 96, 102; deposits a MS. of
the "Noble Lesson" in the library
of Geneva, 136; his account of the
Cambridge and Genevan MSS.,
139; his garbled extracts from the
"Noble Lesson," 140; his dis-
honest alterations of the text, 146;
the book given by him to the Ge-
nevan library not now there, 157,
172; his account of the MS. 159,
n.; his portrait, 141, n.
Leger (Antoine), gives a copy of the
"Noble Lesson" to the Genevan
library, 157; not the same given by
Jean Leger, 157, 173; incredibi-
lity of the story, 174, 175.
Le Long, his testimony to the re-
ception of Wisdom and Ecclus.
by the Vaudois, 6.
speaks of having seen Walden-
sian MSS. in Cambridge, 7, n.
Lesson. See "Noble Lesson."
Lettres patentes du Roy Louis XII.
obtenues par ceux de Frassinière,
88.
Lettres de la Cour a l'Archevesque
d'Ambrun marquans les confisca-
tions faites par ses devanciers, 88,
89.
INDEX OF MATTERS.
237
Lollardo, named as a barb of the
Vaudois, 107.
Lombardia (Pauperes de), held the
Church of Rome to be Babylon,
111; but not in the language of
the Reformation period, 112.
Lombards and Saracens, said to have
occupied the valleys of the Cottian
Alps, 153 n.
Lord's Prayer, Waldensian exposi-
tion of, 37, 38.
Louvain, New Testament, transl. by
theologians of, 194-5.
edit. printed at Paris, 195 n.
Bourdeaux edition, 196.
Loysiæ vallis, 77.
Lucius III., his bull against the Pau-
peres de Lugd. 181; the first penal
animadversions against them, ib.
Lugduno, Pauperes de. See Pau-
S
peres.
Lukawitz (Joannes), natione Bohe-
mus, 109, n.
Luke (St.), Gospel of, in Walden-
sian, 2.
ch. i. 1-4 separated from the
rest of the chapter, 3.
Lydius (Balthasar) his "Waldensia,
i. e. conservatio veræ ecclesiæ,"
&c., 109 n.
Lyon, Dr., his Catalogue of the
Dublin MSS., 213, n.
MAITLAND (Rev. S. R.), his paper
on Perrin's History of the Vau-
dois, 116.
Manichæan errors of the Albigen-
sian and Paulician sects, 32.
the Vaudois, why called Mani-
chæans, according to Perrin, 107.
Mappeus, Gualterus, de Secta Val-
densiorum, 171; his account of
Waldo's translations, 201; his ac-
count of the Latin Council in 1189,
202.
Margarita filia Grossi Violini de
Argenteria, 82.
Masson, or Masçon, (Pierre), his
Mission to the German Refor-
mers, 8, 112, 113. See Maurel.
Matthew (St.), Gospel of, in Wal-
densian, 2.
Matthew Paris, his testimony about
the Bulgarian primates, 106.
Mathia rey de Boemia, 49.
Matrimony, Waldensian tract on,
57.
speaks of it as a sacrament, ib.
Perrin conceals this fact, ib.
Maurel, or Morel (George), his mis-
sion to the German Reformers, 8,
112, 113. See Mission.
Margarita filia Michaelis Arbaudi,
83.
Maria filia Stephani Armandi, 83.
Marie wife of William Bret, 75.
Mark (St.), Gospel of in Walden-
sian, 2.
Martha Valois, 70.
Martin, Barb, 72, 85, 86.
his account of Vaudois disci-
pline reconciled with that of Abp.
Seyssel, 199.
Maurel and Masson, Book of, 8.
their petition, 11.
the MS. used by Perrin now in
Dublin, 11, 199.
May, or Audonis (Johannes), 82.
Mazanque (Thomassin de), 164, 193.
Medical recipes, 216.
Mendicancy, Waldensian tract on,
44.
Metivier (M. G.), his correspon-
dence with Dr. Gilly on the
"Noble Lesson," 155; differs from
Reynouard as to the comparative
antiquity of the Cambridge and
Genevan MSS., 156.
Ministers, differences of degrees
among, 16.
Mirabel (Mons. de), his writings
suppressed, 124.
Mission of Maurel and Masson to the
German Reformers, 8; Perrin's
account of, 8; Leger's account of,
ib.; Blair's account of, 9, n.; their
letters translated from Latin, 199.
Moneta states that Waldo sought the
Pope's sanction, 202; his testi-
mony to Waldo's translations, 206.
Moore, William, librarian of Cam-
bridge, 213.
Morel. See Maurel.
Morland (Sam.), his mission to the
valleys of Piedmont, 131; spurious
writings brought home by him and
published as of the date 1120, 131;
why this year was fixed upon, 132;
the credit due to him, 137, n.
collected Waldensian MSS. at
Ussher's suggestion, 211; his ver-
sion of the "Noble Lesson," 144;
;
238
INDEX OF MATTERS.
receives some MSS. from An-
toine and Jean Leger, and de-
posits them in Cambridge, 102;
disappearance of the MSS. from
Cambridge, 21, 108; their dis-
covery, 210, sq.; date of the vo-
lume A, 220, sq.; conjecture that
they were withdrawn by the Pu-
ritans, 104, 213, by Morland him-
self, 149; this suspicion unfound-
ed, 162, 213; erroneous sugges-
tion that they were conveyed to
Trin. College, Dublin, 104, 143;
his volumes A, B, C, D, E, F,
alone missing, 198; mistaken for
Spanish, 213, n.; portions of his
volumes G and H exist in coun-
terpart in Trin. College, Dublin,
21, 74, 198; his MSS. all still in
Cambridge, 210, sq. See Brad-
shaw (Henry).
Müller, "Geschichten Schweize-
rischer Eidgenossenschaft," 128.
NASMITH, his Catalogue of the
Cambridge MSS., 211.
Nativity, Waldensian sermon on the,
40, 59.
New Testament, and other books in
Waldensian, 1, 214.
relative dates of the Cam-
bridge, Grenoble, Zurich, and
Dublin New Testaments, 218, n.
copies of, ascribed to the Sub-
Alpine Waldenses, 163.
Nicene Creed, 39.
Noble Lesson, the only Waldensian
document embodying a date, 97;
on the date of, by the Hon. A.
Herbert, 126, 177; written when
the term Vaudes was used in an
opprobrious sense, 127, 128; the
date commonly assigned has insur-
mountable difficulties, 129; real
meaning of the verse which was
supposed to indicate the year
1100, 129, 130; its correct trans-
lation, 177; its genuineness, 182-
183; the Lesson adopted the old
Catholic doctrine of Antichrist,
132; modified by the system of
Abbot Joachim, 133; the MSS.
of, 135; Ussher's MS. tampers
with the older readings, 136, 210;
Morland's volume B spirited away
from Cambridge, 135, 136; its
-
contents, 137; probably one and the
same with the Genevan MS., 137,
144; Leger's account of the two
MSS. 139; his garbled extracts,
140; the contents of volume B as
described by Morland, do not tally
with the Genevan MS., 141, 142
one really Waldensian copy only
exists, 144; Morland's erroneous
edition and translation, 144, 145;
conjecture as to the period and
motives of the disappearance of
the Cambridge MS., 149; its dis-
covery by Mr. Bradshaw, 97, 210;
Dr. Gilly's first letter on, 151;
the MS. given to Geneva by Jean
Leger, not now there, 157; the
book now there given by Antoine
Leger, ib.; various readings prove
the existence of old codices of the
"Noble Lesson," 166; five copies
known to have existed, 167; tâble
of various readings, 168; age of
Genevan MS. 209; not written in
or about 1100, 178; argument
against this date from its mention
of the name Vaudés, 178; argu-
ment from its allusions to the doc-
trine of the Abbot Joachim, 179;
from the Vaudois being repre-
sented as persecuted, 180; the
work not a literary imposture,
182; its true date 1200, or shortly
after, 184; later than 1400, 220,
sq.; the line containing its date
tampered with, 210, 219, sq.
ОATHS, ancient Waldensian objec-
tion to, 18.
Oecolampadius, his correspondence
with the Vaudois, 9, 10, 113.
Orelli (Dr.), Librarian of Zurich,
191.
Othonis (Arnaldus), 105, n.
Otho, Bishop of Toul, his statutes,
179, n.
PALONI (Angelinus), 75.
Paradise, twelve joys of, 214, 217.
Pari, Jacques, 75.
Paris (N.), a notary public, 78, 80,
85,87, 88.
Paronistæ, incorrectly Speronista,
105.
Paschal (Thomas), 75, 88.
Pascalis (D. Berthol.), 85.
INDEX OF MATTERS.
239
Pasqueta uxor M. Petri Ruffi, 82.
Pasqueta filia Jo. Mich. Arbaudi,
83.
Passagini, sect of, not Waldensian,
107.
Pau, Anthony, 75.
Paul (St.), Epistles of, in Walden-
sian, 3.
Pauperes de Lombardia. See Lom-
bardia.
Pauperes de Lugduno, or Poor of
Lyons, their origin, 93.
Pelegrini (Petrus), f. Petri, 83.
Penitence, Waldensian tracts on,
38, 62.
37,
Perrin (J. Paul), the probable au-
thor of the Waldensian forgeries,
95, 116; makes the Arnaldistæ
the followers of Arnaldus Otho-
nis, 105, n.; his assertion respect-
ing the Passagini, 107; his ex-
planation of the accusation of Ma-
nichæism against the Vaudois, 107,
108; his "Hist. des Vaudois'
the authorized publication of the
French Protestants, 116; history
of the compilation of the work,
118-124; his abstract of the nar-
rative of the Archbishop of Am-
brun, 69; mentions the tract
Verger de consolation," 67; his
citation of the "Lumiere et
thresor de la foi," 31, 42; the
copy of this tract used by him,
now in Dublin, 42; cited by him
under the name of "Livre des
Vertus," 31; refers to this vo-
lume under three different titles,
200.
66
-
describes the Dublin MS. con-
taining the tract, "Si tu depar-
tires la preciosa cosa de la vil,"
63.
his misquotations of the tract
on the seven sacraments, 33-35;
garbles the tract "De lensegna-
ment de li filh," 25; conceals the
fact that in the Waldensian tract
on matrimony it is called a sacra-
ment, 57; his misrepresentation
of the Waldensian Catechism, 39;
his extract from the Waldensian
tract on balls, ib; treatise "De
la Discipline des Vaudois et Albi-
geois," published by him, whence
derived, 48.
Perrin (J. Paul), his interpretation
of the letters P. O. V. 50, 52.
his writings suppressed by the
synod of Castres in 1626, 124;
speaks of but one copy of the
Noble Lesson," 144; some
proofs of his credibility, 169.
erroneously attributes to the
Vaudois the tract "Causa del
nostre departiment de la gleisa
Romana," 51; his remarks on the
MS. containing it, ib.; this MS.
identical with the Dublin copy, ib.
his alterations in the " Peti-
tion," of the Barbes Maurel and
Masson, 11; the MS. of their cor-
respondence quoted by him, now
in Dublin, ib., 199.
his "Hist. des Albigeois,"
quoted, 12.
his description of the volume
containing the "Novel Confort,"
with Poems and Tracts, 46.
his account of the Waldensian
tract on fasting, 38.
Peter of Clugny, 203.
Petition of the inhabitants of the
valley of Frassiniére, against the
Archbishop of Ambrun, 1483, 71,
76.
documents contained in it, 72.
Peyronette, relict of Pierre Beraud
of Valence, 86.
process against her, 86.
"Sumptum ex ore Peyro-
nettæ," 86.
Philosophers, sayings of, 28, 29.
Picard, a Bohemian pronunciation
of Beghard, 110, n.
Picards, or Unitas fratrum, 50.
Pilichdorf (Peter of), his enumera-
tion of the countries free from
Waldenses, 109, n.; his statement
of the reason why the Vaudois re-
jected the invocation of saints,
112; his account of the country of
Peter Waldo, 178, n.; the tract
"Contra Pauperes de Lugd." not
by him, 179, n.
Poncii (Poncius), 85.
Poems, Waldensian, and other tracts,
43.
Poor of Lyons, first excommunicated
by John Bellesmains, Archbishop
of Lyons, 181; Poems of the Poor
of Lyons. See Hon. A. Herbert.
240
INDEX OF MATTERS.
Poor men of Lyons, 93; the seven
religious poems of, 135.
Porte (Antonius), f. Anthonii, 82.
Porte (Guill.), juv., f. Eynardi, 82.
Porte (Guill.), de Argenteria, 82.
Porte (Spiritus), f. Eynardi, 82.
Porte (Spiritus), f. Johannis, 82.
P. O. V., how interpreted by Per-
rin, 50.
Poverty, voluntary, of the Church,
216, 221, n.
Prayers for the dead, 30.
Protestantism not a free and easy
system of private judgment, 116.
Proverbs, book of, in Waldensian,
5; Latin extracts from, 217.
Psalms, seven penitential, in Wal-
densian, 214.
Pudsey (Bishop), vernacular Scrip-
tures in his time, 194.
Purgatory, Waldensian tract on, 41.
printed by Perrin as a part of
the treatise on Antichrist, ib.
RAOUX. See Roux.
Raynouard, "Choix des Poesies
originales des Troubadours," 135;
published the Vaudois poetry from
the Genevan MSS., 147.
his comparison of the Cam-
bridge and Genevan MSS., 147;
his mistake, 148; passages from
his work bearing on the antiquity
of the "Noble Lesson," 154.
Raymundi (Johannes), 82.
Raymundi (Joh.), f. Johannis, 83.
Raymond (Peter), 75.
Reginald (Monk), Book of, 194.
Reinerius Sacconi, 128, 183.
Repentance. See Penitence.
Riperti (Jacobus), f. Petri, 83.
Ripert (Fazius), 75.
Romaunt, the vernacular language
of the Waldenses, 201.
Rome, Church of, Waldensian and
Joachitic view of, 133, 134.
Rostagnus (or Rostain), Archiepis-
copus Ebredunensis, 75, 87; letter
to, 73, 88.
Roux (de), alias Ruffus, 75, 81.
Rudiger (Esrom), 181, n.
Ruffi, or de Roux (Giraud), 76.
Ruffi (Petrus), f. Johannis, 83.
Ruffi (Petrus), accusation of, 82.
Ruffus, or de Roux (Francis), 75.
(Stephen), 81.
SACCONI (Reinerius), 128, 183.
Salhiente (Christofferus de), Cano-
nicus Vicarius et officialis Valen-
tiæ, 86.
Saracens and Lombards said to have
occupied the Valleys of the Cottian
Alps, 153, n.
Scultetus (Abrah.), his Latin ver-
sion of the correspondence of the
Vaudois with the German Re-
formers, 9, n.
Senebier, M., supposed the Gene-
van MS., of the "Noble Lesson"
to be of the 12th century, 155,
C
185.
Sentences against Peter Valois, Au-
dinus Crispini, alias Valois, his
brother, Thomasia and Martha his
sisters, 69, 70.
Sermons, 40, 62; [on the parable of
the sower, Matt. xiii.], 63; [on
S. Matt. xxv. 42], 62; [on S.
Luke, vii.], 28; [on Job, xxx. 19],
62; [on S. Matt. xv. 22], 63; [on
S. Luke, xiv. 8], 56; [on S. John,
xvi. 17], 62; [on S. Matt. iv. 1],
61; [on S. John, xvi. 21], 62; [on
the Nativity, 40, 59; on Usury,
61. See 215, n.
Sermons, Waldensian, 215; probably
translations from medieval writ-
ers, 41, 200.
Seven deadly sins, 205, 215, 216.
Seven gifts of the Holy Ghost, 215.
Seven sacraments, Waldensian tract
on; its date, 33; quotes Wick-
liffe's "Trialogus," Jacobus de
Missa, and Thomas Aquinas, 33,
36; misquoted by Perrin, ib.
Seyssel (Claude), Archbishop of
Turin, the first prelate who had
episcopally visited the Piedmont
Vaudois, 169; alludes to their ver-
nacular books, 170.
Silvester, pope, why regarded by
the Vaudois as the last pope who
could bind and loose, 133.
Sins, seven deadly, tract on, 26, 215;
titles of its chapters, 26, 205.
Sixtus. See St. Sixtus.
Socrates, 29.
Solomon, Song of, extracts from
Exposition of, 161.
Spanish, Waldensian MSS. in Cam-
bridge and Dublin, mistaken for,
213, n.
INDEX OF MATTERS.
241
Speronists, really Paronistæ, 105.
See Esperonists.
Stephen, a Waldensian of Austria,
burnt for heresy, 110, n.; claim-
ed by the Moravians of Count
Zinzendorf as their first bishop,
110, n.
St. Quentin (Remerville de), 164,
193.
St. Sixtus, means Sextius the Py-
thagorean; translated by Rufinus,
under the name of Pope Sixtus,
98.
Synod, first national, of French re-
formed Church, 117.
of Orleans (reformed Church),
ib.
of Rochelle (ditto), 117, 118.
of Montauban (ditto), 117.
of Montpelier (ditto), 118.
of St. Maixent, 119; its sanc-
tion of Perrin's history, ib.
of Gap, 119.
of Privas, 119, 121.
of Lower Languedoc, 120.
of Tonneins, 121.
of Dauphiné, 122.
of Vitré, ib.
of Alais, 123.
of Charenton, 123.
of Castres, 124.
S
TABORITÆ, 109, n.
Taverns, Waldensian tract against,
39, 60; published by Perrin, 39.
Telina uxor Ysoardi Aufossi, 82.
Testamenta Eboracensia (Surtees
Society), quoted, 165.
Testament (New) in Waldensian
dialect, 1, 163.
Testament, French translation by
the theologians of Louvain, 194-
195.
Thomani (Joh.), f. Johannis, 83.
Thomasia, Valois, 70.
Thomette, wife of Fazius Ripert,
75.
Tilloit, le Sieur, requested by the
Synod of Charenton to undertake
a history of the Albigeois, 124.
Tract [on S. Luke xxiv. 18], 58,
59.
Tracts, miscellaneous prose in Wal-
densian, 22.
Translations, Waldensian, 200, 217,
218.
Ꭱ
Translations, evidence that Waldo
made such, 201, sq.
made before separation from
Rome, 204.
made from the Latin fathers,
204; evidences of this, 204, sq.
Tribulations of the last days, Wal-
densian tract on, 38.
garbled extracts from, by Le-
ger, ib.
a genuine tract of the old Poor
of Lyons, 98.
Twelve joys of paradise, 66, 217.
USSHER, Archbishop, his collection
of Waldensian MSS., 198-9.
letter to Lydyate on, 198.
interview between him and
one of the Egerton family, re-
specting these MSS., ib.; sug-
gests to Morland to collect Wal-
densian MSS., 211.
Usury, Waldensian sermons on, 61.
VALLENSES, inhabitants of Le Va-
lais, or Vallesia, in the Graian
(or Grecian) Alps, 128.
Vallesia, 72.
Valois (Peter), of Frassinière, 69.
Valoy, alias Crispini (Audinus), of
Frassinière, 70, 84; his examina-
tions and confession, 80, 81.
Valoy (Peter), examination of, 84;
his sentence in Latin, 69; in
French, 84.
Vaudes, the word not derived from
vallis, 127, 178.
not identical with Vaudois,
127; spelt also Valdés, 178; de-
clared to be a term of reproach,
178; its Spanish and English
equivalent, ib. ; argument from
its occurrence in the
"Noble
Lesson" against the early date of
that poem, 178-9.
Vaudois, short note on their history,
70, 81; inhabitants of the Pays
de Vaud, or pagus Waldensis,
127, 128.
Veileti, an inquisitor, 81.
Viere, Chancellor, his letter to the
Archbishop of Ambrun, 71.
Violini (Johannes), fil. Johannis de
Campo disderio, 82.
(Johannes) Gros, jun., fil. Jo.
hannis de Argenteria, 82.
242
INDEX OF MATTERS.
Violini (Poncius), fil. Petri, 82.
Virtues theological and cardinal,
tracts on, 215.
Vladislaus. See Lancelot.
Vole (Peter), examination of, 79.
WALDENSES, retained the ancient
characteristics of Waldism until
the close of the 15th century, 112;
remodelled on the principles of
Calvin in the early years of the
16th century, 112; two Barbs in
1530 sent to communicate with
the German Reformers, 113; coun-
tries free from Waldenses, 109, n.;
meaning of the name, 127, 128;
no instance of the name being
given to a sect before 1192, 179;
Waldenses of Languedoc came
from Burgundy, 179, n.
published documents of, are
of two distinct classes, 94; their
dates, ib.; documents of the Re-
formation period not forgeries,
113; in what sense spurious, ib. ;
may possibly be translations, 114;
MSS. of 1120, 94; their antiquity
fully refuted, 94, 95.
Waldensian tongue, identical with
the Romaunt, or langue Romane
primitive, 163; mistaken for Spa-
nish, 212, n.
Waldensium tractatus tres, 65.
Waldis, the region so called, 179, n.
Waldo (Peter), first came into no-
tice in 1173, 170; circumstance
which led to his religious move-
ment, ib.; contemporary autho-
rities for his history, 171; cor-
rect form of the name, 178, n.;
called Waldus by Alanus de Insu-
lis, ib.; and "de civitate Wal-
den" by Peter of Pilichdorf, ib. ;
found the mountaineers of Pro-
vence and Lombardy impugners
of Romish errors, 194; testimo-
nies to his vernacular translations,
200-1, sq.; his appearance at the
Council of Lateran in 1189, 202;
his assistant translators were ec-
clesiastics, 204, n,
Wicliffe, "Trialogus," 27, 33, n.;
42, 200, 205, n,
Wisdom, book of, in Waldensian, 6,
214.
Wise Man, his sayings, 99.
YDROS (Bernard), compiled, "Sen-
tentiæ," or authorities of saints,
99.
ZURICH Codex of N. T. in Walden-
sian, 100-1.
Dr. Orelli's opinion of, 191;
comparison of with the Grenoble
codex, 192.
THE END.
WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
DISCOURSES ON THE PROPHECIES RELATING TO
ANTICHRIST IN THE WRITINGS OF DANIEL AND ST.
JOHN. Preached before the University of Dublin, at the Donnellan
Lecture, 8vo. Dublin: 1840. 14s.
From a Letter of Bishop Copleston addressed to Archbishop Whately, dated January 27,
1841.
"I have resumed the publication of two antipapal sermons, preached at Newport
I had intended to introduce my own views, generally, not critically, of the New
Testament Prophecies as to the 'Man of Sin,' &c.; but the reading of Todd's Lectures,
· and his coadjutor's writings in the same strain-Maitland of Lambeth Palace-has made
me pause. I should like to know what your opinion is of Todd's view. He has cer-
tainly thrown great light upon the historical view of this question, and has compelled me
to give up the ȧraλaiπwpos Šýrnas, to which we have been so long prone, taking for
granted Mede's theory, and looking no further back than his expositions for the prin-
ciples by which to guide our opinions.
"At first I was prejudiced against both Maitland and Todd, but a diligent perusal has
satisfied me that they are both sincere and orthodox Christians, men of remarkably
strong intellect, perspicuous writers, accurate and indefatigable in their researches, and
acute reasoners.”—Memoirs of Edward Copleston, D. D.,Bishop of Llandaff, London, 1851,
p. 172.
...
THE LAST AGE OF THE CHURCH. By JOHN WYCLIFFE,
D.D. Now first printed from a MS. in the University Library, Dublin;
with Notes. 12mo. Dublin: 1840. 5s.
AN APOLOGY FOR LOLLARD DOCTRINES: a Work
attributed to Wycliffe. Now first printed from a MS. in the Library of
Trinity College, Dublin; with an Introduction and Notes. 4to. London:
1842 (for the Camden Society).
THE BOOK OF OBITS AND MARTYROLOGY OF THE
CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF THE HOLY TRINITY, DUBLIN.
Edited by the Rev. J. C. CROSTHWAITE, A. M. With an Introduction
by J. H. TODD, D. D. 4to. Dublin: 1844 (for the Irish Archæological
Society).
REMARKS ON SOME STATEMENTS ATTRIBUTED
TO THOMAS WYSE, ESQ., M. P., in his Speech in Parliament on
ACADEMICAL EDUCATION in Ireland, July 19, 1844. 8vo.
Dublin: 1844. 1s.
ANTICHRIST IN THE
DISCOURSES ON THE PROPHECIES RELATING TO
APOCALYPSE OF ST. JOHN.
Preached before the University of Dublin, at the Donnellan Lecture.
Svo. Dublin: 1846. 10s. 6d.
.*
Works by the same Author-continued.
THE IRISH
VERSION OF
OF THE HISTORIA BRI-
TONUM OF NENNIUS. Edited, with a Translation and Notes. 4to.
Dublin: 1848 (for the Irish Archæological Society).
[The Introduction and Additional Notes by the Hon. Algernon Herbert.]
THE SEARCH AFTER INFALLIBILITY: Remarks on
the Testimony of the Fathers to the Roman Dogma of Infallibility. 8vo.
London, 1848. 2s. 6d.
THREE TREATISES:-On the CHURCH; On the EN-
DOWING of the CHURCH; and On ANTICHRIST'S SONG in
the CHURCH. By JOHN WYCLIFFE, D. D. Now first published
from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin; with Notes,
12mo. Dublin: 1851. 7s. 6d.
THE BOOK OF HYMNS OF THE ANTIENT CHURCH
A
OF IRELAND. Fasciculus I., containing the Hymn of St. Sechnall in.
praise of St. Patrick; the Hymn of St. Ultan in praise of St. Brigid; the
Hymn of St. Cummain Fota in praise of the Apostles; the Hymn of St.
Mugint. Edited with Translation and Notes. 4to. Dublin: 1855 (for
the Irish Archæological and Celtic Society).
ST. PATRICK APOSTLE OF IRELAND.
A Memoir of
his Life and Mission. With an Introductory Dissertation. 8vo. Dublin
(Hodges, Smith and Co.): 1864. 14s.
THE MARTYROLOGY OF DONEGAL: a Calendar of the
Saints of Ireland. By MICHAEL O'CLERY, O. S. F., in the original
Irish; translated by John O'DONOVAN, LL. D. Edited, with an Intro-
duction, &c., by J. H. TODD, D.D.; and Notes and Indexes by W.
REEVES, D.D. 8vo. Dublin: 1864 (for the Irish Archæological and
Celtic Society).
CATALOGUS LIBRORUM IMPRESSORUM in Bibliotheca
Collegii SS. Trinitatis juxta Dublin adservatorum. Tomus I. (A et B).
Fol. Dublin: 1865. 20s.
IN THE PRESS.
THE BOOK OF HYMNS OF THE ANTIENT CHURCH
OF IRELAND. Fasciculus II. (for the Irish Archæological and Celtic
Society).
THE WARS OF THE DANES AND NORSEMEN IN
IRELAND; from their first appearance in the Eighth Century to the
Battle of Clontarf, A. D. 1014. From MSS. in the Burgundian Library,
Brussels, and in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. With an In-
troduction. (For the Right Hon. the MASTER OF THE Rolls of
ENGLAND.)
CORRIGENDA.
Page 28, line 5, for nos
39, 26,
40,
12,
41,
read uos.
lalegrecza.
la legrecza
renias
uos.
remas.
sen.
uos.
Job.
25.
44,
24,
13,
24,
24
Valeria
Valezia.
TIFE
contre.
5,
19,
contres
p. 68
P. 60
84, 15,
p. 70.
p. 69.
85,
26,
P. 70
p. 72.
p. 67
30,
126,
136,
p. 69.
1100.
76.
418.
1000
66
413
Gaualteri
33,
19,
19,
Pilchdorf
ལུ།སཚཚ
171,
179,
Gualteri.
Pilichdorf.

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
}
}
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