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THE
STORY OF CANADA
BY
J. G. BOURINOT, C.M.G., LL.D., D.C.L.
CLERK OF THE CANADIAN HOUSE OF COMMONS: HONORARY SECRETARY OF THE
ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA ; DOCTEUR-às-LETTRES OF LAVAL UNIVERSITY
HONORARY MEMBER OF THE AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
AUTHOR OF SEVERAL WORKS ON THE CONSTITUTION
AND H ISTORY OF CANADA
NEW YORK
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
LONDON : T. FISHER UNWIN
1896
CopyRIGHT, 1896
BY
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
Entered at Stationers' Hall, London
By T. FISHER U NWIN
(Ibe ſkmickerbocket ſpregg, ſºlew 1}ork
I DEDICATE THIS STORY OF CANADA
BY PERMISSION
TO
HER EXCELLENCY THE COUNTESS OF ABERDEEN
WHO HAS WON THE ESTEEM AND AFFECTION OF ALL CLASSES
OF THE CANADIAN PEOPLE BY THE EARNESTNESS WITH
WHICH SHE HAS IDENTIFIED HERSELF WITH
EVERY MOVEMENT AFFECTING THE SOCIAL
AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS OF
THE NEW DOMINION
*** ***, r****
*::::::::$32;
tºº
***º
PREFATORY NOTE.
IN writing this story of Canada I have not been
able to do more, within the limited space at my
command, than briefly review those events which
have exercised the most influence on the national
development of the Dominion of Canada from the
memorable days bold French adventurers made their
first attempts at settlement on the banks of the
beautiful basin of the Annapolis, and on the pictu-
resque heights of Quebec, down to the establish-
ment of a Confederation which extends from the
Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. Whilst the narrative
of the French régime, with its many dramatic epi-
sodes, necessarily Occupies a large part of this story,
I have not allowed myself to forget the importance
that must be attached to the development of in-
stitutions of government and their effect on the
social, intellectual, and material conditions of the
people since the beginning of the English régime.
Though this story, strictly speaking, ends with the
successful accomplishment of the federal union of
all the provinces in 1873, when Prince Edward Island
became one of its members, I have deemed it neces-
sary to refer briefly to those events which have
W

vi AAEA. FA 7'OR Y AWO ZZ.
happened since that time—the second half-breed re-
bellion of I885, for instance—and have had much ef-
fect on the national Spirit of the people. I endeavour
to interest my reader in the public acts of those emi-
nent men whose names stand out most prominently
on the pages of history, and have made the deepest
impress on the fortunes and institutions of the
Dominion. In the performance of this task I have
always consulted original authorities, but have not
attempted to go into any historical details except
those which are absolutely necessary to the intelli-
gent understanding of the great events and men
of Canadian annals. I have not entered into the
intrigues and conflicts which have been so bitter
and frequent during the operation of parliamentary
government in a country where politicians are so
numerous, and statesmanship is so often hampered
and government injuriously affected by the selfish
interests of party, but have simply given the con-
spicuous and dominant results of political action
since the concession of representative institutions to
the provinces of British North America. A chapter
is devoted, at the close of the historical narrative,
to a very brief review of the intellectual and material
development of the country, and of the nature of its
institutions of government. . A survey is also given
Of the customs and conditions of the French Cana-
dian people, so that the reader outside of the Domin-
ion may have some conception of their institutions
and of their influence on the political, social, and
intellectual life of a Dominion, of whose population
they form so important and influential an element.
FA’EFA 7'OA’ \' AVO TE. vii
The illustrations are numerous, and have been care-
fully selected from various sources, not accessible to
the majority of students, with the object, not simply
of pleasing the general reader, but rather of eluci-
dating the historical narrative. A bibliographical
note has also been added of those authorities which
the author has consulted in writing this story, and to
which the reader, who wishes to pursue the subject
further, may most advantageously refer.
House OF COMMONS, OTTAWA,
Dominion Day, 1896.
}
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CONTENTS.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE º º º º o e º
I.
INTROL UCTION.—T IIE CANADIAN DOMINION FROM OCEAN TO
OCEAN . º - º º e e - º o
II.
THE DAWN OF DISCOVERY IN CANADA (1497–1525) e
III.
A BRETON SAILOR DISCOVERS CANADA AND ITS GREAT RIVER
(I534–1536) . - º - - * - & º
IV.
FROM CARTIER TO DE MONTs (1540–1603) . - º º
V.
THE FRENCH OCCUPATION OF ACAIDIA AND THE FOUNDATION
OF PORT ROYAL (I6O4–1614) . º º -> e º
VI.
SAMUEL CHAMPLAIN IN THE WALLEY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE
(1608–1635) , - º e º º - * &
VII.
GENTI.EMEN-ADVENTURERS IN ACADIA (1614–1677) ſº e
I9
29
44
5 I
67
92

1X
X COAZ 7'EAV 7"S.
VIII.
PAGE
THE CANADIAN INDIANS AND THE IROQUOIS : THEIR ORGAN-
ISATION, CHARACTER, AND CUSTOMS º • º . I IO
IX.
CONVENTS AND HOSPITALS-VILLE-MARIE-MARTYRED MIS-
SIONARIES.–VICTORIOUS IROQUOIS – HAPLESS HURONS
(1635–1652) . - º º º e * - . I29
X.
YEARS OF GLOOM-THE KING COMES TO THE RESCUE OF
CANADA—THE IROQUOIS HUMBLED (1652–1667) . . I46
XI.
CANADA As A ROYAL PROVINCE—CHURCH AND STATE (1663–
I759) is º º e g º e e tº . I56
sº
XII.
THE PERIOD OF EXPLORATION AND DISCOVERY--PRIESTs,
FUR-TRADERs, AND Coureurs de Bois IN THE WEST (1634–
1687) e & º e - & º ſº º . I68
XIII.
THE PERIOD OF EXPLORATION AND IDISCOVERY-FRANCE IN
THE WALLEY OF THE MISSISSIPPI (1672–1687) . - . I 77
XIV.
CANADA AND ACADIA—FROM FRONTENAC TO THE TREATY
. OF UTRECHT (1672–1713). & º º e - . IQ2
XV.
ACADIA AND ILE ROYALE—FROM THE TREATY OF UTRECHT TO
THE TREATY OF AIx-LA-CHAPELLE (1713–1748) - . 2 IO
XVI.
THE STRUGGLE FOR DOMINION IN THE GREAT WALLEYS OF
NORTH AMERICA—PRELUDE (1748–1756). • • • 22I
COAV 7'EAV7'S. xi
XVII.
PAGE
THB STRUGGLE FOR DOMINION IN THE GREAT WALLEYS OF
NORTH AMERICA—ENGLISH REVERSES AND FRENCH VIC-
TORIES-FALL OF LOUISBOURG AND FORT DUQUESNE
(1756–1758) . & e g & º e te • 237
XVIII,
THE STRUGGIE FOR DOMINION IN THE WALLEY OF THE ST.
LAWRENCE—CANADA IS WON BY WOLFE ON THE PLAINS
OF ABRAHAM (1759–1763) & t iº g tº . 247
XIX.
A PERIOD of TRANSITION.—PONTIAC's WAR–THE QUEBEC
ACT (1760–1774) . * g g ſº & g , 267
XX.
“Jes
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.—INVASION OF CANADA—DEATH
OF MONTGOMERY-PEACE (1774–1783) . º g . 28O
XXI.
CoMING OF THE LOYALISTS (1783–1791). t © § . . 29I
XXII.
FOUNDATION OF NEW PROVINCES-ESTABLISHMENT OF REPRE- -
SENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS (1792–1812) te e e . 3O2
XXIII.
THE WAR OF 1812–1815–PATRIOTISM OF THE CANADIANS , 316
XXIV.
POLITICAL STRIFE AND REBELLION (1815–1840) . º . 338
XXV.
RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT AND ITS RESULTS-FEDFRAL
UNION.—RELATIONS BETWEEN CANADA AND THE UNITED
STATES (1839–1867) º tº & e e e g 36 I
xii COAV 7'AºAV 7’.S.
XXVI.
PAGE
END OF THE RULE OF FUR-TRADERS–ACQUISITION OF THE
NORTHWEST-FORMATION OF MANITOBA—RIEL's REBEL-
LIONS-THE INDIANS (1670–1885). t & e . 380
XXVII.
BRITISH COLUMBIA AND PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND ENTER THE
UNION.—NATIONAL EVENTS SINCE I867—MAKERS OF THE
DOMINION (1867–1891) . e º e * e , 4O4
XXVIII.
CANADA As A NATION.—MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL DE-
VELOPMENT—POLITICAL RIGHTS . 6 º © . 4I5
XXIX.
FRENCH CANADA . e ſº º * & e e . 426
INDEX . g tº & & & * & tº * . 45I

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º º § º: §
sº º
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
* PAGE
CHATEAU OF ST. LOUIS (1694–1834) * DESTROYED
BY FIRE IN 1834 º * & . Frontispiece.
A’rom a drawing by W. S. Seve// in Hawkins's
“Pictures of Quebec” (Quebec, 1834).
MAP OF CAN AIDA . g e g * tº tº I
A'evised to date by Surveyor-General Dezi//e, F. K. S.C.
VIEW OF CAPE TRINITY ON THE LAURENTIAN
RANGE ſº & wº e § g tº tº 9
Afrom a photograph by 7'opley, Ottawa.
ROCKY MOUNTAINS AT DONALD, BRITISH COLUMBIA, I 3
From Sir W. Van Horne's Collection of B. C. photo,
graphs.
UPPER ENID OF FIR ASER CANON, BRITISH COLUMBIA . I5
Ajay.
SKETCH OF JUAN DE LA COSA’s MAP, A.D. I 500 . 25
Prom Dr. S. A. Dawson’s “Cabot Voyages,” in Zºrams.
A’oy. Soc. Cam., 1894.
*To explain these dates it is necessary to note that Champlain
lived for years in one of the buildings of the Fort of Saint Louis
which he first erected, and the name château is often applied to that
structure ; but the château, properly so-called, was not commenced
until I647, and it as well as its successors was within the limits of the
fort. It was demolished in 1694 by Governor Frontenac, who re-
built it on the original foundations, and it was this castle which, in
a remodelled and enlarged form, under the English regime, lasted
until 1834.

xiii
xiv A/S 7" OA' //, / US7RA 7/OAVS,
PAGE
PORTRAIT OF JACQUES CARTIER de & e * 3 I
A’rome A. Sze/te’s “AZistoire des Canadiens-Français"
(Montreal, 1882–84).
ANCIENT HOCHELAG A & tº g g g e 39
From Ramusio’s “AWazigationi e Viaggi’” (Venice, 1565).
THE “DAUPHIN MAP " OF CANADA, circa 1543,
SHOWING CARTIER’s DISCOVERIES tº º • 44
Prom collection of maps in Parliamentary Zibrary at
Ottawa.
PLAN OF PORT ROYAL IN ACADIA IN 1605 . . 57
From Champlain's works, rare Paris ed. of 1613.
CHAMPLAIN’s PORTRAIT . * * & * . 69
From B. Sulte’s “Aſſistoire des Canadiens-A'rançais.”
HABITATION DE QUEBEC * g * 71
Afrom Champlain's works, rare Paris ed. of 1613.
CHAMPLAIN's LOST ASTROLABE . {º º . 79
From sketch by A. J. Russell, of Ottawa, 1879.
ONONDAGA FORT IN THE IROQUOIS COUNTRY tº 83
A rom Champlain's works, rare Paris ed. of 1613.
INT) IAN COSTU MES te º e * e ... III
From Zafttau’s “Maeurs des Sauzſages” (Paris, 1724).
IROQUOIS LONG HOUSE g tº & . I I 9
From Morgan’s “Aſouses and Home Life of the
Aborigines” (Washington, 1881).
PORTRAIT OF MARIE GUYARD (MERE MARIE DE
L'INCARNATION). & & ſº * & I31
From B. Sulte’s “A ſistoire des Canadiens-Français.”
PORTRAIT OF MAISONNEUVE . º tº * . I 35
Jöza.
PORTRAIT OF LAVAL, FIRST CANADIAN BISHOP . I 59
Abid.
FAST OF /// U.S TRA TWOMS.
XV
CARD ISSUE (PAPER MONEY) OF 1729, FOR 12
LIVRES o º & o e & e
From Breton’s “A//ustrated Aſistory of Coins and
Tokens Æelating to Canada " (Montreal, 1892).
CAN AIDIAN FIFTEEN SOL PIECE & g o e
Jóźd.
CANADIAN TRAPPER g e e o º &
From Za Pothérie's “Aistoire de l’Amérique Septem-
trionale” (Paris, I753).
PORTRAIT AND AUTOGRAPH OF CAVELIER DE LA
SALLF. . - * ſº © *
A. Sulte’s “Aistoire des Canadiens-Français.”
FONTENAC, FROM HéBERT'S STATUE AT QUEBEC
From Dr. Stewart's collection of Quebec photographs.
CAPTURE OF FORT NELSON IN HUDSON BAY, By
THE FREN CH & tº © * e tº
From Za Pothérie's “Aſistoire de l’Amérique Septem-
trionale.”
PORTRAIT OF CHEVALIER D'IBERVILLE . e
Prom a portrait in Margry’s “ Découvertes et établisse-
ments des Français dans le Sud de l’Amérique
Septemtrionale” (Paris, 1876–83).
VIEW OF LOTUISBOU RG IN I73 I e ſº e
A’rom a sketch in the Paris Archizes.
MAP OF FRENCH FORTS IN AMERICA, 1750–60
From Bourinot's “Cape Breton and its Memorials of
the French Régime” (Montreal, 1891).
PORTRAIT OF MONTCALM e o e
From B. Sulte’s “Aistoire des Canadiens-Français.”
LOUISBOURG MEDALS OF 1758 º e º
From Bourinot's “Cape Breton,” etc.
PAGE
I62
I 73
185
I 93
2O5
2O9
2 IO
22 I
239
244
xvi Z/ST OF /ZZUSTRA 7ſoAVs.
PAGE
|PORTRAIT OF WOLFE . º . º e . 249
From print in “A Complete Aſistory of the Late War,”
etc. (London and Dublin, I774), by Wright.
PLAN OF OPERATIONS AT SIEGE OF QUEBEC . . 25 I
Made from a more extended plan in “The Unizersa/
Magazine” (Zondon, Z26c., 1859).
MONTCALM AND WOLFE MONUMENT AT QUEBEC . 26 I
From Dr. Stewart's collection of Quebec photographs. -
VIEW OF QUEBEC IN 1760 . o 263
From “The Universal Magazine” (London, 1760).
VIEW OF MONTREAL IN 1760 p º e . 265
Jóża.
PORTRAIT AND AUTOGRAPH OF JOSEPH BRANT
(THAYENDANEGEA) - e - e -
From Stone's “Zife of Joseph Brant,” original ed. (AVew
York, 1838).
299
PRESCOTT GATE AND BISHOP's PALACE IN 1800 . 307
From a sketch by A. J. Russell in Hawkins's “Pictures
of Quebec.” *
PORTRAIT OF LIEUT.-G ENERAL SIMCOE . e . 3 II
From Dr. Scadding’s “ 7'oronto of Old’’ (7'oronto,
1873).
PORTRAIT OF MAJ.-GENERAL BROCK º e º
A rom a picture in possession of J. A. Macdonell, AEsq.,
of Alexandria, Ontario.
323
PORTRAIT OF COLONEL DIE SALABERRY . º . 329
A rom Femmings Taylor’s “Portraits of British Ameri-
cans” (W. AVotman, Montreal, 1865–67).
MONUMENT AT LUNDY'S LANE º º e e
A’rom a photograph through courtesy of Æez. Canon
Bull, AViagara South, Ont.
f/S 7" OA' /ZZ US 7/8A 7/OAVS.
PORTRAIT OF LOUIS J. P.APINEAU . e & &
A rom Fennings Zaylor’s “A”ortraits of British Ameri-
} %
C&??.S.
PORTRAIT OF BISHOP STRACH AN
Abia.
PORTRAIT OF W. LY ON M A C KEN ZIE g te
From C. Zindsey’s “Life and 7%mes of W. Z. Mac-
Æenzie” (Toronto, 1863).
PORTRAIT OF JUDGE HALIBURTON, AUTHOR OF
“THE CLOCK-MAKER" g * s , a
From a portrait given to author Ay A/r. F. B/a/e Cro/ton
of Zegislative Zibrary, Halifax, AV. S.
PORTRAIT OF JOSEPH HOW E . g & & *
From Femmings 7aylor’s “Portraits of Aritis/. Ameri-
3 y
C (272.S.
PORT R A IT OF ROBERT BALT) W IN
Jóid.
PORTRAIT OF L. H. T., A FONTAIN E
Jöza.
PORTRAIT OF I. A. WILM OT º e &
From Zathern’s “Biographical Sketch of judge Wilmot"
(Zoronto, 1881).
FORT G ARRY AND A RED RIVER STFAMER IN 1870,
From A. 9. A'ussel/'s “A’ed A'izer Country” (A/ontrea/,
1870).
PORTRAIT OF LIEUT.-COILONEL WILLIAMS
A’rom a photograp/, by 7'opley, Ottazwa.
INDIAN CARVED POSTS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA
From photograph by Dr. Dawson, C.M.G., Director of
Geological Survey of Canada.
PORTRAIT OF SIR JOHN MACDONALD * &
From Z. A. Taché’s “Canadian Portrai/ Gallery”
(Mon/rea/, 1890–'93).
PAGE
34. I
347
359
363
365
37 I
389
399
4O I
405
xviii JAS 7" OA: /ZZ US 7RA 7/OAVS.
ARMS OF THE PROVINCES g • . . . $ &
A’rom Bouzinot's “How Canada is Governed ” (7'oronto,
I895).
PORTRAIT OF HON. GEORGE BROWN
From photograph.
PORTRAIT OF SIR GEORGE E. CARTIER .
A rom B. Szelle’s “Aſistoire des Canadiens-Français.”
PARLIAMENT BUILT) ING AT OTT AWA
From a photograp/, by 7'opley, Ottawa.
QUEBEC IN 1896 g & & iº
From Dr. Stewart's collection of Quebec //hotographs.
STREET SCENE IN A FR EN C H CAN AIDIAN VILL AGE
NEAR QUEBEC g º º iº tº
Jóźd.
OLD CHURCH AT BONNE STE. ANNE, WHERE
MIRACLES WERE PER FORMED te g §
Jóżań.
A CANADIAN CALECHE OF OLD TIMES . e g
A rom Weld’s “Travels in AVorſ/ America’’ (Zondon,
I799).
PORTRAIT OF LOUIS FRéCHETTE, THE FREN CH
CAN AIDIAN POFT . g tº e *
A rom Z. }. Taché’s “Canadian Portrait Gallery.”
PORTRAIT OF HON. wilPRID LAURIER, FIRST
FRENCH CANADIAN PREMIER OF THE DOMINION,
Józd,
PAGE
4O7
4O9
4 II
42 I
427
429
44 I
447

:::::::::::::::::º
º; º:
º º:
ºś
** Sº
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE,
Jacques Cartier's Voyages, in English, by Joseph Pope (Ottawa,
1889), and H. B. Stephens (Montreal, 1891); in French, by N. E.
Dionne (Quebec, 1891); Totion de Longrais (Rennes, France), H.
Michelant and E. Ramé (Paris, 1867). L’Escarbot's AWew France,
in French, Tross's ed. (Paris, I866), which contains an account also
of Cartier's first voyage. Sagard’s History of Canada, in French,
Tross's ed. (Paris, 1866). Champlain's works, in French, Laver-
dière's ed. (Quebec, 1870); Prince Society’s English ed. (Boston,
I878–80). Lafitau's Customs of the Sazages, in French (Paris, 1724).
Charlevoix's History of AVew France, in French (Paris, 1744);
Shea's English version (New York, 1866). Jesuit Relations, in
French (Quebec ed., 1858). Ferland's Course of Canadian Aſistory,
in French (Quebec, 1861–1865). Garneau's Aſistory of Canada, in
French (Montreal, 1882). Sulte's French Canadians, in French
(Montreal, 1882–84). F. Parkman's series of histories of French
Régime, viz.: Pioneers of France in the AVew World; ZThe jesuits
in AVorth America : 7%e old Régime ; Frontenac : The Discovery of
the Great West, A A/a/f Century of Com/?ict, Montcalm and Wolfe;
Conspiracy of Pontiac (Boston, 1865–1884). Justin Winsor's From
Cartier to Frontenac (Boston, I894). Hannay's Acadia (St. John,
N. B., 1879). W. Kingsford's History of Canada, 8 vols. so far
(Toronto and London, 1887–1896), the eighth volume on the war of
1812 being especially valuable. Bourinot's “Cape Breton and its
Memorials of the French Régime,” Trans. Aoy. Soc. Cam., vol. ix, and
separate ed. (Montreal, 1891). Casgrain's Montcalme and Zézis, in
French (Quebec, 1891). Haliburton's AVova Scotia (Halifax, 1829).
Murdoch's AVova Scotia (Halifax, 1865–67). Campbell's AVova Scotia
(Halifax, IS73). Campbell's Prince Edward Island (Charlottetown,

XIX
XX A /A//OG/CAAA//CAM, AVO 7A.
1875). Lord Durham's Report, 1839. Christie's History of Zower
Canada (Quebec, 1848–1855). Dent's Story of the Upper Canadian
A'ebellion (Toronto, I855). Lindsey's W. Zyon Mackenzie (Toron-
to, I873). Dent's Canada since the Union of 1841 (Toronto, 1880–
81). Turcotte's Canada under the Union, in French (Quebec, 1871).
Bourinot's Manual of Constitutional History (Montreal, 1888), “Fed-
eral Government in Canada’’ (Johns Hopæins Unizersity Studies,
Baltimore, 1889), and How Canada is Governed (Toronto, 1895).
Withrow's Popular Aſistory of Canada (Toronto, 1888). MacMul-
len's History of Canada (Brockville, 1892). Begg's History of the
AVorthwest (Toronto, 1894). Canniff's History of Ontario (Toronto,
1872). Egerton Ryerson’s Zoyalists of America (Toronto, 1880).
Mrs. Edgar's Zen Years of Opper Canada in Aeace and War
(Toronto, 1890).
For a full bibliography of archives, maps, essays, and books relat-
ing to the periods covered by the Story of Canada, and used by the
writer, see appendix to his “Cape Breton and its Memorials,” in
which all authorities bearing on the Norse, Cabot, and other early
voyages are cited. Also, appendix to same author's “Parliamentary
Government in Canada’’ (Trans. Roy. Soc. Cam., vol. xi., and Ameri-
can Hist. Ass. Report, Washington, I891). Also his “Canada's In-
tellectual Strength and Weakness” (Trans. Roy. Soc. Cam., vol. xi,
and separate volume, Montreal, 1891). Also, Winsor's AWarrative
and Critical Aſistory of America (Boston, 1886–89).

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THE STORY OF CANADA.
I.
INTRODUCTION.
THE CANADIAN DOMINION FROM OCEAN TO OCEAN.
THE view from the spacious terrace on the verge
of the cliffs of Quebec, the ancient capital of Canada,
cannot fail to impress the imagination of the states-
man or student versed in the history of the Ameri-
can continent, as well as delight the eye of the lover
of the picturesque. Below the heights, to whose
rocks and buildings cling so many memories of the
past, flows the St. Lawrence, the great river of
Canada, bearing to the Atlantic the waters of the
numerous lakes and streams of the valley which was
first discovered and explored by France, and in
which her statesmen saw the elements of empire.
We see the tinned roofs, spires and crosses of quaint
churches, hospitals and convents, narrow streets
winding among the rocks, black-robed priests and
I

I
2 TAA STOR V OF CAAVA DA.
sombre nuns, habitans in homespun from the neigh-
bouring villages, modest gambrel-roofed houses of
the past crowded almost out of sight by obtrusive
lofty structures of the present, the massive buildings
of the famous seminary and university which bear
the name of Laval, the first great bishop of that
Church which has always dominated French Canada.
Not far from the edge of the terrace stands a monu-
ment on which are inscribed the names of Montcalm
and Wolfe, enemies in life but united in death and
fame. Directly below is the market which recalls
the name of Champlain, the founder of Quebec, and
his first Canadian home at the margin of the river.
On the same historic ground we see the high-peaked
roof and antique spire of the curious old church,
Notre-Dame des Victoires, which was first built to
commemorate the repulse of an English fleet two
centuries ago. Away beyond, to the left, we catch
a glimpse of the meadows and cottages of the beau-
tiful Isle of Orleans, and directly across the river are
the rocky hills covered with the buildings of the
town, which recalls the services of Lévis, whose fame
as a soldier is hardly overshadowed by that of Mont-
calm. The Union-jack floats on the tall staff of the
citadel which crowns the summit of Cape Diamond,
but English voices are lost amid those of a people
who still speak the language of France.
As we recall the story of these heights, we can see
passing before us a picturesque procession : Sailors
from the home of maritime enterprise on the Breton
& -º- “ -, --
Savage finery, gentlemen-adventurers and pioneers,
INTRODUCTION. 3
* * - ------
of high ambition, gentle and cultured women who
gave up their lives to alleviate suffering and teach
the young, missionaries devoted to a faith for which
many have died. In the famous old castle of Saint
Louis,” long since levelled to the ground—whose
foundations are beneath a part of this very terrace—
statesmen feasted and dreamt of a French Empire
in North America. Then the French dominion
passed away with the fall of Quebec, and the old
English colonies were at last relieved from that
pressure which had confined them so long to the
Atlantic coast, and enabled to become free common-
wealths with great possibilities of development be-
fore them. Yet, while England lost so much in
America by the War of Independence, there still
remained to her a vast northern territory, stretching
far to the east and west from Quebec, and containing
all the rudiments of national life—
rovers of the forest and river, states nd Soldiers
“The raw materials of a State,
Its muscle and its mind.”
A century later than that Treaty of Paris- which
was signed in the palace of Versailles, and Ceded
Canada finally to England, the statesmen of the
provinces of this northern territory, which was still
a British possession,-statesmen of French as well as
English Canada—assembled in an old building of
this same city, so rich in memories of Old France,
*See frontispiece. The first terrace, named after Lord Durham,
was built on the foundations of the castle. In recent years the plat-
form has been extended and renamed Dufferin, in honour of a popu-
lar governor-general.
4 TAZA) S 7'OA’ Y OF CA AVA /O A.
and took the first steps towards the establishment
of that Dominion, which, since then, has reached the
Pacific shores.
It is the story of this Canadian Dominion, of its
founders, explorers, missionaries, soldiers, and states-
men, that I shall attempt to relate briefly in the fol-
lowing pages, from the day the Breton sailor ascend-
ed the St. Lawrence to Hochelaga until the forma-
tion of the confederation, which united the people
of two distinct nationalities and extends over so
wide a region—So far beyond the Acadia and Canada
which France once called her own. But that the
story may be more intelligible from the beginning,
it is necessary to give a bird's-eye view of the coun-
try, whose history is contemporaneous with that of
the United States, and whose territorial area from
Cape Breton to Vancouver—the sentinel islands of
the Atlantic and Pacific approaches—is hardly in-
ferior to that of the federal republic.
Although the population—of Canada at present
does not exceed five millions of souls, the country
has, within a few years, made great strides in the
path of national development, and fairly takes a
place of considerable importance among those na.
tions whose stories have been already told ; whose
history goes back to centuries when the Laurentian
Hills, those rocks of primeval times, looked down on
an unbroken wilderness of forest and stretches of
silent river. If we treat the subject from a strictly
historical point of view, the confederation of prov-
inces and territories comprised within the Do-
minion may be most conveniently grouped into
JAW 7'RO/) {VC / /OM, 5
several distinct divisions. Geographers divide the
whole country-lying between the two oceans into
sº regions: I. The Eastern, extend-
ing from the Atlantic to the head of Lake Superior.
2. The Central, stretching across the prairies and
plains to the base of the Rocky Mountains. 3. The
Western, comprising that sea of mountains which
at last unites with the waters of the Pacific. For
the purposes of this narrative, however, the Eastern
and largest division—also the oldest historically—
must be separated into two distinct divisions,
known as Acadia and Canada in the early annals
of America.
\The first division of the Eastern region now com-
prises the provinces of Nova Scotia, New Bruns-
wick, and Prince Edward Island, which, formerly,
with a large portion of the State of Maine, were best
known as Acadie,” a memorial of the Indian occupa-
tion before the French régime. These provinces are
indented by noble harbours and bays, and many
deep rivers connect the sea-board with the interior.
They form the western and southern boundaries of
that great gulf or eastern portal of Canada, which
maritime adventurers explored from the earliest
period of which we have any record. Ridges of the
Appalachian range stretch from New England to
* A Adde means a place or district in the language of the Micmacs
or Souriquois, the most important Indian tribe in the Eastern pro-
vinces, and is always united with another word, signifying some natu-
ral characteristic of the locality. For instance, the well-known river
in Nova Scotia, Shubenacadie (Ségébün-ākāde), the place where the
ground-nut or Indian potato grows.
6 TA/AF S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA DA.
the east of these Acadian provinces, giving pictur-
esque features to a generally undulating surface, and
find their boldest expression in the northern region
of the island of Cape Breton. The peninsula of
Nova Scotia is connected with the neighbouring
province of New Brunswick by a narrow isthmus,
on one side of which the great tides of the Bay of
Fundy tumultuously beat, and is separated by a
very romantic strait from the island of Cape Breton.
Both this isthmus and island, we shall see in the
course of this narrative, played important parts in
the struggle between France and England for do-
minion in America. This Acadian division possesses
large tracts of fertile lands, and valuable mines of
coal and other minerals. In the richest district of
the peninsula of Nova Scotia were the thatch-
roofed villages of those Acadian farmers whose sad
story has been told in matchless verse by a New
England poet, and whose language can still be heard
throughout the land they loved, and to which some
of them returned after years of exile. The inex-
haustible fisheries of the Gulf, whose waters wash
their shores, centuries ago attracted fleets of adven-
turous sailors from the Atlantic coast of Europe,
and led to the discovery of Canada and the St.
Lawrence. It was with the view of protecting these
fisheries, and guarding the great entrance to New
France, that the French raised on the southeastern
shores of Cape Breton the fortress of Louisbourg, the
ruins of which now alone remain to tell of their ambi-
tion and enterprise.
Leaving Acadia, we come to the provinces which
JAV7'A’O DUC 7"/O AV. 7
are watered by the St. Lawrence and the Great
Lakes, extending from the Gulf to the head of Lake
Superior, and finding their northern limits in the
waters of Hudson's Bay. The name of Canada ap-
pears to be also a memorial of the Indian nations
that once occupied the region between the Ottawa
and Saguenay rivers. This name, meaning a large
village or town in one of the dialects of the Huron-
Iroquois tongue, was applied, in the first half of the
sixteenth century, to a district in the neighbourhood
of the Indian town of Stadacona, which stood on the
site of the present city of Quebec. In the days of
French occupation the name was more generally
used than New France, and sometimes extended to
the country now comprised in the provinces of On-
tario and Quebec, or, in other words, to the whole
region from the Gulf to the head of Lake Superior.
Finally, it was adopted as the most appropriate
designation for the new Dominion that made a step
toward national life in 1867.
The most important feature of this historic coun-
try is the remarkable natural highway which has
given form and life to the growing nation by its side
—a river famous in the history of exploration and
war—a river which has never-failing reservoirs in
those great lakes which occupy a basin larger than
Great Britain—a river noted for its long stretch of
navigable waters, its many rapids, and its unequalled
Falls of Niagara, around all of which man's enter-
prise and skill have constructed a system of canals
to give the west a continuous navigation from Lake
Superior to the Ocean for over two thousand miles.
8 THE STOR Y OF CAAVA DA.
The Laurentian Hills—“ the nucleus of the North
American continent "–reach from inhospitable,
rock-bound Labrador to the north of the St. Law-
rence, extend up the Ottawa valley, and pass event-
ually to the northwest of Lakes Huron and Superior,
as far as the “ Divide " between the St. Lawrence
valley and Hudson's Bay, but display their boldest
forms on the north shore of the river below Quebec,
where the names of Capes Eternity and Trinity have
been so aptly given to those noble precipices which
tower above the gloomy waters of the Saguenay,
and have a history which “ dates back to the very
dawn of geographical time, and is of hoar antiquity
in comparison with that of such youthful ranges as
the Andes and the Alps.” ”
From Gaspé, the southeastern promontory at the
entrance of the Gulf, the younger rocks of the Ap-
palachian range, constituting the breast-bone of the
continent, and culminating at the north in the
White Mountains, describe a great curve southwest-
erly to the valley of the Hudson; and it is between
the ridge-like elevations of this range and the older
Laurentian Hills that we find the valley of the St.
Lawrence, in which lie the provinces of Quebec and
Ontario.
The province of Quebec is famous in the song and
story of Canada; indeed, for a hundred and fifty
years, it was Canada itself. More than a million and a
quarter of people, speaking the language and profess-
*Sir J. W. Dawson, Salient Points in the Science of the Earth, p.
99.
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IO 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA/D4.
ing the religion of their forefathers, continue to oc-
cupy the country which extends from the Gulf to
the Ottawa, and have made themselves a power in
the intellectual and political life of Canada. Every-
where do we meet names that recall the ancient
régime—French kings and princes, statesmen, sol-
diers, sailors, explorers, and adventurers, compete
in the national nomenclature with priests and saints.
This country possesses large tracts of arable land,
especially in the country stretching from the St.
Lawrence to Lake Champlain, and watered by the
Richelieu, that noted highway in Canadian history.
Even yet, at the head-waters of its many rivers, it
has abundance of timber to attract the lumberman.
The province of Ontario was formerly known as
Upper or Western Canada, but at the time of the
union it received its present name because it largely
lies by the side of the lake which the Hurons and
more famous Iroquois called “great.” It extends
from the river of the Ottawas—the first route of the
French adventurers to the western lakes as far as
the northwesterly limit of Lake Superior, and is the
most populous and prosperous province of the Do-
minion on account of its wealth of agricultural land,
and the energy of its population. Its history is
chiefly interesting for the illustrations it affords of
Englishmen's successful enterprise in a new country.
The origin of the province must be sought in the
history of those “United Empire Loyalists,” who
left the old colonies during and after the War of
Independence and founded new homes by the St.
Lawrence and great lakes, as well as in Nova Scotia
IAW 7"A’O DUCT/OAV. II
and New Brunswick, where, as in the West, their
descendants have had much influence in moulding
institutions and developing enterprise.
In the days when Ontario and Quebec were a
wilderness, except on the borders of the St. Law-
rence from Montreal to the Quebec district, the fur-
trade of the forests that stretched away beyond the
Laurentides, was not only a source of gain to the
trading companies and merchants of Acadia and
Canada, but was the sole occupation of many adven-
turers whose lives were full of elements which as-
sume a picturesque aspect at this distance of time. A
It was the fur-trade that mainly led to the discovery
of the great West and to the opening up of the
Mississippi valley. But always by the side of the
fur-trader and explorer we see the Recollet or
Jesuit missionary pressing forward with the cross in
his hands and offering his life that the savage might
learn the lessons of his Faith.
As soon as the Mississippi was discovered, and
found navigable to the Gulf of Mexico, French Can-
adian statesmen recognised the vantage-ground that
the command of the St. Lawrence valley gave them
in their dreams of conquest. Controlling the Riche-
lieu, Lake Champlain, and the approaches to the
Hudson River, as well as the western lakes and rivers
which gave easy access to the Mississippi, France
planned her bold scheme of confining the old Eng-
lish colonies between the Appalachian range of
mountains and the Atlantic Ocean, and finally domi-
nating the whole continent.
So far we have been passing through a country
Í 2 7 H.A. STOA Y OF CAAVAZ)A.
where the lakes and rivers of a great natural basin
or valley carry their tribute of waters to the Eastern
Atlantic; but now, when we leave Lake Superior
and the country known as Old Canada, we find our-
selves on the northwestern height of land and over-
looking another region whose great rivers—notably
the Saskatchewan, Nelson, Mackenzie, Peace, Atha-
basca, and Yukon—drain immense areas and find
their way after many circuitous wanderings to Arctic
SČa.S. t
The Central region of Canada, long known as
Rupert's Land and the Northwestern Territory,
gradually ascends from the Winnipeg system of
lakes, lying to the , northwest of Lake Superior, as
far as the foothills of the Rocky Mountains, and
comprises those plains and prairies which have been
opened up to civilisation within two decades of
years, and offer large possibilities of power and
wealth in the future development of the New Do-
minion. It is a region remarkable for its long rivers,
in places shallow and rapid, and extremely erratic in
their courses through the plains.
Geologists tell us that at some remote period these
great central plains, now so rich in alluvial deposits,
composed the bed of a sea which extended from the
Arctic region and the ancient Laurentian belt as far
as the Gulf of Mexico and made, in reality, of the
continent, an Atlantis—that mysterious island of the
Greeks. The history of the northwest is the history
of Indians hunting the buffalo and fur-bearing ani-
mals in a country for many years under the control
of companies holding royal charters of exclusive
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I4. 7A/A. S. 7'OA’ V OA’ CA AVA /O A.
trade and jealously guarding their game preserves
from the encroachments of settlement and attendant
civilisation. French Canadians were the first to
travel over the wide expanse of plain and reach the
foothills of the Rockies a century and a half ago,
and we can still see in this country the Métis or
half-breed descendants of the French Canadian
hunters and trappers who went there in the days
when trading companies were supreme, and married
Indian women. A cordon of villages, towns, and
farms now stretches from the city of Winnipeg,
built on the site of the old headquarters of the
Hudson's Bay Company, as far as the Rocky Moun-
tains. Fields of golden grain brighten the prairies,
where the tracks of herds of buffalo, once so numer-
ous but now extinct, still deeply indent the surface
of the rich soil, and lead to some creek or stream, on
whose banks grows the aspen or willow or poplar
of a relatively treeless land, until we reach the more
picturesque and well-wooded and undulating country
through which the North Saskatchewan flows. As
we travel over the wide expanse of plain, only
bounded by the deep blue of the distant horizon,
we become almost bewildered by the beauty and
variety of the flora, which flourish on the rich soil;
crocuses, roses, bluebells, convolvuli, anemones, as-
ters, sunflowers, and other flowers too numerous
to mention, follow each other in rapid succession
from May till September, and mingle with
“The billowy bays of grass ever rolling in shadow and sunshine.”
Ascending the foothills that rise from the plains
-

I6 TA/A. S. 7'OA’ Y OF CAAWAZDA.
to the Rocky Mountains we come to the Western
region, known as British Columbia, comprising
within a width varying from four to six hundred
miles at the widest part, several ranges of great
mountains which lie, roughly speaking, parallel to
each other, and give sublimity and variety to the
most remarkable scenery of North America. These
mountains are an extension of the Cordilleran
range, which forms the backbone of the Pacific
coast, and in Mexico rises to great volcanic ridges,
of which the loftiest are Popocatepétl and Iztac-
cíhuatl. Plateaus and valleys of rich, gravelly
soil lie within these stately ranges.
Here we find the highest mountains of Canada,
some varying from ten to fifteen thousand feet, and
assuming a grandeur which we never see in the far
more ancient Laurentides, which, in the course of
ages, have been ground down by the forces of nature
to their relatively diminutive size. Within the re-
cesses of these stupendous ranges there are rich
stores of gold and silver, while coal exists most
abundantly on Vancouver. -
The Fraser, Columbia, and other rivers of this
region run with great Swiftness among the caſions
and gorges of the mountains, and find their way at
last to the Pacific. In the Rockies, properly so
called, we see stupendous masses of bare, rugged
rock, crowned with snow and ice, and assuming all
the grand and curious forms which nature loves to
take in her most striking upheavals. Never can one
forget the picturesque beauty and impressive grand-
eur of the Selkirk range, and the ride by the side of
JAW TRODUCT/OAV. 17
the broad, rapid Fraser, over trestle-work, around
curves, and through tunnels, with the forest-clad
mountains ever rising as far as the eye can reach,
with glimpses of precipices and Cañons, of cataracts
and cascades that tumble down from the glaciers or
snow-clad peaks, and resemble so many drifts of snow
amid the green foliage that grows on the lowest
slopes. The Fraser River valley, writes an observer,
“is one so singularly formed, that it would seem that
Some Superhuman sword had at a single stroke cut
through a labyrinth of mountains for three hundred
miles, down deep into the bowels of the land.” ”
Further along the Fraser the Cascade Mountains lift
their rugged heads, and the river “flows at the bot-
tom of a vast tangle cut by nature through the heart
of the mountains.” The glaciers fully equal in
magnitude and grandeur those of Switzerland. On
the coast and in the rich valleys stand the giant
pines and cedars, compared with which the trees of
the Eastern division seem mere saplings. The coast
is very mountainous and broken into innumerable
inlets and islands, all of them heavily timbered to
the water's edge. The history of this region offers
little of picturesque interest except what may be
found in the adventures of daring sailors of various
nationalities on the Pacific coast, or in the story of
the descent of the Fraser by the Scotch fur-trader
who first followed it to the Sea, and gave it the name
which it still justly bears.
The history of the Western and Central regions of
the Dominion is given briefly towards the end of this
* H. H. Bancroft, British Columbia, p. 38.
I 8 TAZAZ S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA/DA.
narrative, as it forms a national sequence or supple-
ment to that of the Eastern divisions, Acadia and
Canada, where France first established her dominion,
and the foundations were laid for the present Cana-
dian confederation. It is the story of the great
Eastern country that I must now tell in the
following pages.

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II.
THE DAWN OF DISCOVERY IN CANADA.
(1497–1525.)
ON one of the noble avenues of the modern part
of the city of Boston, so famous in the political and
intellectual life of America, stands a monument of
bronze which some Scandinavian and historical en-
thusiasts have raised to the memory of Leif, son of
Eric the Red, who, in the first year of the eleventh
century, sailed from Greenland where his father, an
Icelandic jarl or earl, had founded a settlement.
This statue represents the sturdy, well-proportioned
figure of a Norse sailor just discovering the new
lands with which the Sagas or poetic chronicles of
the North connect his name. At the foot of the
pedestal the artist has placed the dragon's head
which always stood on the prow of the Norsemen's
ships, and pictures of which can still be seen on the
famous Norman tapestry at Bayeux.
The Icelandic Sagas possess a basis of historical
truth, and there is reason to believe that Leif Eric-
son discovered three countries. The first land he
made after leaving Greenland he named Helluland
on account of its slaty rocks. Then he came to a

I9
2O THAE STOA' V O/7 CAAWA DA.
flat country with white beaches of sand, which he
called Markland because it was so well wooded.
After a sail of some days the Northmen arrived on a
coast where they found vines laden with grapes, and
very appropriately named Vinland. The exact situ-
ation of Vinland and the other countries visited by
Leif Ericson and other Norsemen, who followed in
later voyages and are believed to have founded set-
tlements in the land of vines, has been always a sub-
ject of perplexity, since we have only the vague Sagas
to guide us. It may be fairly assumed, however,
that the rocky land was the coast of Labrador; the
low-lying forest-clad shores which Ericson called
Markland was possibly the southeastern part of
Cape Breton or the southern coast of Nova Scotia;
Vinland was very likely somewhere in New England.
Be that as it may, the world gained nothing from
these misty discoveries—if, indeed, we may so call
the results of the voyages of ten centuries ago. No
such memorials of the Icelandic pioneers have yet
been found in America as they have left behind them
in Greenland. The old ivy-covered round tower at
Newport in Rhode Island is no longer claimed as a
relic of the Norse settlers of Vinland, since it has
been proved beyond doubt to be nothing more than
a very substantial stone windmill of quite recent
times, while the writing on the once equally famous
rock, found last century at Dighton, by the side of
a New England river, is now generally admitted to
be nothing more than a memorial of one of the
Indian tribes who have inhabited the country since
the voyages of the Norsemen,
7A/A. DA WAV OA' Z)/SCO WAEAE V ZAV CAAVA/DA. 2 I
Leaving this domain of legend, we come to the
last years of the fifteenth century, when Columbus
landed on the islands now often known as the
Antilles—a memorial of that mysterious Antillia, or
Isle of the Seven Cities, which was long supposed to
exist in the mid-Atlantic, and found a place in all
the maps before, and even some time after, the
voyages of the illustrious Genoese. A part of the
veil was at last lifted from that mysterious western
Ocean—that Sea of Darkness, which had perplexed
philosophers, geographers, and sailors, from the days
of Aristotle, Plato, Strabo, and Ptolemy. As in the
case of Scandinavia, several countries have en-
deavoured to establish a claim for the priority of dis-
covery in America. Some sailors of that Biscayan
coast, which has given so many bold pilots and
mariners to the world of adventure and exploration
—that Basque country to which belonged Juan de la
Cosa, the pilot who accompanied Columbus in his
voyages—may have found their way to the North
Atlantic coast in search of cod or whales at a very
early time; and it is certainly an argument for such
a claim that John Cabot is said in 1497 to have heard
the Indians of northeastern America speak of Bacca-
laos, or Basque for cod—a name afterwards applied
for a century and longer to the islands and countries
around the Gulf. It is certainly not improbable that
the Normans, Bretons, or Basques, whose lives from
times immemorial have been passed on the sea,
should have been driven by the winds or by some
accident to the shores of Newfoundland or Labra-
dor or even Cape Breton, but such theories are not
22 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ Y OA' CA A/4 /) A.
based upon sufficiently authentic data to bring them
under the consideration of the serious historian.
It is unfortunate that the records of history should
be so wanting in definite and accurate details, when
we come to the voyages of John Cabot, a great nav-
igator, who was probably a Genoese by birth and a
Venetian by citizenship. Five years after the first
discovery by Columbus, John Cabot sailed to un-
known seas and lands in the Northwest in the ship
Matthew of Bristol, with full authority from the King
of England, Henry the Seventh, to take possession
in his name of all countries he might discover.
On his return from a successful voyage, during
which he certainly landed on the coast of British
North America, and first discovered the continent of .
North America, he became the hero of the hour and
received from Henry, a very economical sovereign,
a largess of ten pounds as a reward to “hym that
founde the new ile.” In the following year both he
and his son Sebastian, then a very young man, who
probably also accompanied his father in the voyage
of 1497, sailed again for the new lands which were
believed to be somewhere on the road to Cipango
and the countries of gold and spice and silk. We
have no exact record of this voyage, and do not
even know whether John Cabot himself returned
alive; for, from the day of his sailing in 1498, he dis-
appears from the scene and his son Sebastian not
only becomes henceforth a prominent figure in the
maritime history of the period, but has been given
by his admirers even the place which his father alone
fairly won as the leader in the two voyages on which
7 H.A. DA WAV OF DISCO WAEA y ZAV CAAA DA. 23
England has based her claim of priority of discovery
on the Atlantic coast of North America. The
weight of authority so far points to a headland of
Cape Breton as the prima tierra vista, or the landfall
which John Cabot probably made on a June day,
the four hundredth anniversary of which arrives in
I897, though the claims of a point on the wild Lab-
rador coast and of Bonavista, an eastern headland
of Newfoundland, have also some earnest advocates.
It is, however, generally admitted that the Cabots,
in the second voyage, sailed past the shores of Nova
Scotia and of the United States as far south as
Spanish Florida. History here, at all events, has
tangible, and in some respects irrefutable, evidence
on which to dwell, since we have before us a cele-
brated map, which has come down from the first
year of the sixteenth century, and is known beyond
doubt to have been drawn with all the authority that
is due to So famous a navigator as Juan de la Cosa,
the Basque pilot. On this map we see delineated
for the first time the coast apparently of a conti-
nental region extending from the peninsula of
Florida as far as the present Gulf of St. Lawrence,
which is described in Spanish as mar descubierta por
los Ingleses (sea discovered by the English), on one
headland of which there is a Cavo de Ynglaterra, or
English Cape. Whether this sea is the Gulf of St.
Lawrence and the headland is Cape Race, the south-
eastern extremity of Newfoundland, or the equally
well-known point which the Bretons named on the
southeastern coast of Cape Breton, are among the
questions which enter into the domain of specula-
24 THE S 7'OA: Y OF CAAWAZ) A.
tion and imagination. Juan de la Cosa, however, is
conclusive evidence in favour of the English claim to
the first discovery of Northern countries, whose
greatness and prosperity have already exceeded the
conceptions which the Spanish conquerors formed
when they won possession of those rich Southern
lands which so long acknowledged the dominion of
Spain.
L. But Cabot's voyages led to no immediate practical
results. The Bristol ships brought back no rich
cargoes of gold or silver or spices, to tell England
that she had won a passage to the Indies and Cathay.
The idea, however, that a short passage would be
discovered to those rich regions was to linger for
nearly two centuries in the minds of maritime ad-
venturers and geographers.
If we study the names of the headlands, bays,
and other natural features of the islands and
countries which inclose the Gulf of St. Lawrence
we find many memorials of the early Portuguese and
French voyagers. In the beginning of the sixteenth
century Gaspar Cortereal made several voyages to
the northeastern shores of Newfoundland and Lab-
rador, and brought back with him a number of
natives whose sturdy frames gave European specta-
tors the idea that they would make good labourers;
and it was this erroneous conception, it is generally
thought, gave its present name to the rocky, forbid-
ding region which the Norse voyagers had probably
called Helluland five hundred years before. Both
Gaspar Cortereal and his brother Miguel disappeared
from history somewhere in the waters of Hudson's
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25
26 7A/A S7OA' V OA’ CAAVA Z54.
Bay or Labrador; but they were followed by other
adventurous sailors who have left mementos of their
nationality on such places as Cape Raso (Race), Boa
Ventura (Bonaventure), Conception, Tangier, Porto
Novo, Carbonear (Carboneiro), all of which and other
names appear on the earliest maps of the north-
eastern waters of North America.
Some enterprising sailors of Brittany first gave a
name to that Cape which lies to the northeast of the
historic port of Louisbourg. These hardy sailors were
certainly on the coast of the island as early as 1504,
vº and Cape Breton is consequently the earliest French
name on record in America. Some claim is made
for the Basques—that primeval people, whose origin
is lost in the mists of tradition—because there is a
Cape Breton on the Biscayan coast of France, but
the evidence in support of the Bretons' claim is by
far the strongest. For very many years the name of
Bretons' land was attached on maps to a continental
region, which included the present Nova Scotia, and
it was well into the middle of the sixteenth century,
after the voyages of Jacques Cartier and Jehan
Alfonce, before we find the island itself make its
appearance in its proper place and form.
It was a native of the beautiful city of Florence, in
the days of Francis the First, who gave to France
some claim to territory in North America. Giovanni
da Verrazano, a well-known corsair, in 1524, received
a commission from that brilliant and dissipated king,
Francis the First, who had become jealous of the
enormous pretensions of Spain and Portugal in the
new world, and had on one occasion sent word to
THE DA WM OF DISCOPEA y ZAV CANADA. 27
his great rival, Charles the Fifth, that he was not
aware that “our first father Adam had made the
Spanish and Portuguese kings his sole heirs to the
earth.” Verrazano's voyage is supposed on good
authority to have embraced the whole North Ameri.
can coast from Cape Fear in North Carolina as far
as the island of Cape Breton. About the same time
Spain sent an expedition to the northeastern coasts
of America under the direction of Estevan Gomez,
a Portuguese pilot, and it is probable that he also
coasted from Florida to Cape Breton. Much disap-
pointment was felt that neither Verrazano nor Gomez
had found a passage through the straits which were
then, and for a long time afterwards, supposed to lie
somewhere in the northern regions of America and
to lead to China and India. Francis was not able to
send Verrazano on another voyage, to take formal
possession of the new lands, as he was engaged in
that conflict with Charles which led to his defeat at
the battle of Pavia and his being made subsequently
a prisoner. Spain appears to have attached no im-
portance to the discovery by Gomez, since it did not
promise mines of gold and silver, and happily for the
cause of civilisation and progress, she continued to
confine herself to the countries of the South, though
her fishermen annually ventured, in common with
those of other nations, to the banks of Newfound-
land. However, from the time of Verrazano we find
on the old maps the names of Francisca and Nova
Gallia as a recognition of the claim of France to
important discoveries in North America. It is also
from the Florentine's voyage that we may date the
28 7A/AE S 7'OA: Y OF CAAVA /) A.
discovery of that mysterious region called Norum-
bega, where the fancy of sailors and adventurers
eventually placed a noble city whose houses were
raised on pillars of crystal and silver, and decorated
with precious stones. These travellers' tales and
sailors' yarns probably originated in the current be-
lief that somewhere in those new lands, just discov-
ered, there would be found an El Dorado. The
same brilliant illusion that led Ralegh to the South
made credulous mariners believe in a Norumbega in
the forests of Acadia. The name clung for many
years to a country embraced within the present limits
of New England, and sometimes included Nova
Scotia. Its rich capital was believed to exist some-
where on the beautiful Penobscot River, in the present
State of Maine. A memorial of the same name still
lingers in the little harbours of Norumbec, or Lor-
ambeque, or Loran, on the southeastern coast of
Cape Breton. Enthusiastic advocates of the Norse
discovery and settlement have confidently seen in
Norumbega, the Indian utterance of Norbega, the
ancient form of Norway to which Vinland was sub-
ject, and this belief has been even emphasised on a
stone pillar which stands on some ruins unearthed
close to the Charles River in Massachusetts. S7 moſt
& vero è ben trovato. All this serves to amuse, though
it cannot convince, the critical student of those
shadowy times. With the progress of discovery
the city of Norumbega was found as baseless as
the fables of the golden city on the banks of the
Orinoco, and of the fountain of youth among the
forests and everglades of Florida.
III.
A BRETON SAILOR DISCOVERS CANADA AND ITS
GREAT RIVER,
(1534–36.)
IN the fourth decade of the sixteenth century we
find ourselves in the domain of precise history. The
narratives of the voyages of Jacques Cartier of St.
Malo, that famous port of Brittany which has given
so many sailors to the world, are on the whole suffi-
ciently definite, even at this distance of three centu-
ries and a half, to enable us to follow his routes, and
recognise the greater number of the places, in the
gulf and river which he revealed to the old world.
The same enterprising king who had sent Ver-
razano to the west in 1524, commissioned the Breton
sailor to find a short passage to Cathay and give a
new dominion to France.
At the time of the departure of Cartier in 1534 for
the “new-found isle '' of Cabot, the world had made
considerable advances in geographical knowledge.
South America was now ascertained to be a separate
continent, and the great Portuguese Magellan had

29
3O TA/A2 S 7'OA’ V OA’ CA AVA DA.
passed through the straits, which ever since have
borne his name, and found his way across the Pacific
to the spice islands of Asia. As respects North
America beyond the Gulf of Mexico and the coun-
try to the North, dense ignorance still prevailed,
and though a coast line had been followed from
Florida to Cape Breton by Cabot, Gomez, and Ver-
razano, it was believed either to belong to a part of
Asia or to be a mere prolongation of Greenland. If
one belief prevailed more than another it was in the
existence of a great sea, called on the maps “the sea
of Verrazano,” in what is now the upper basin of the
Mississippi and the Great Lakes of the west, and
which was only separated from the Atlantic by a
narrow strip of land. Now that it was clear that no
short passage to India and China could be found
through the Gulf of Mexico, and that South Amer-
ica was a continental region, the attention of hope-
ful geographers and of enterprising sailors and
adventurers was directed to the north, especially as
Spain was relatively indifferent to enterprise in that
region. No doubt the French King thought that
Cartier would find his way to the sea of Verrazano,
beyond which were probably the lands visited by
Marco Polo, that enterprising merchant of Venice,
whose stories of adventure in India and China read
like stories of the Arabian Nights.
Jacques Cartier made three voyages to the conti-
nent of America between I 534 and I 542, and proba-
bly another in 1543. The first voyage, which took
place in I534 and lasted from April until September,
was confined to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which he
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3I
32 7TA/A2 S 7'OA” Y OF CA AVA ZOA.
explored with some thoroughness after passing
through the strait of Belle Isle, then called the Gulf
of Castles (Chasteaux). The coast of Labrador he
described with perfect accuracy as extremely forbid-
ding, covered with rocks and moss and “as very
likely the land given by God to Cain.” In one of
the harbours of the Labrador coast he found a fish-
ing vessel from La Rochelle, the famous Protestant
town of France, on its way to the port of Brest, then
and for some time after a place of call for the fisher-
men who were already thronging the Gulf, where
walrus, whales, and cod were so abundant. A good
deal of time has been expended by historical writers
on the itinerary of this voyage, the record of which
is somewhat puzzling at times when we come to fix
Cartier's names of places on a modern map. Con-
fining ourselves to those localities of which there is
no doubt, we know he visited and named the isle of
Brion in honour of Admiral Philip de Chabot, Seig.
neur de Brion, who was a friend and companion of
Francis, and had received from him authority to
send out Cartier's expedition. The Breton saw the
great sand-dunes, and red cliffs of the Magdalens
rising from the sea like so many cones. It was one
of these islands he probably called Alezay, though
there are writers who recognise in his description a
headland of Prince Edward Island, but it is not cer-
tain that he visited or named any of the bays or
lagoons of that island which lies so snugly ensconced
in the Gulf. We recognise the bay of Miramichi
(St. Lunaire) and the still more beautiful scenery of
the much larger bay of Chaleur (Heat) which he so
A BAEAE TOM SAILOR DISCOVERS CAAWADA. 33
named because he entered it on a very hot July
day. There he had pleasant interviews with the
natives, who danced and gave other demonstrations
of joy when they received some presents in exchange
for the food they brought to the strangers. These
people were probably either Micmacs or Etchemins,
one of the branches of the Algonquin nation who
inhabited a large portion of the Northern continent.
Cartier was enchanted with the natural beauties of
“as fine a country as one would wish to see and live
in, level and smooth, warmer than Spain, where
there is abundance of wheat, which has an ear like
that of rye, and again like oats, peas growing as
thickly and as large as if they had been cultivated,
red and white barberries, strawberries, red and
white roses, and other flowers of a delightful
and sweet perfume, meadows of rich grasses, and
rivers full of salmon "-a perfectly true descrip-
tion of the beautiful country watered by the Resti-
gouche and Metapedia rivers. Cartier also visited
the picturesque bay of Gaspé, where the scenery is
grand but the trees smaller and the land less fertile
than in the neighbourhood of Chaleur and its rivers.
On a point at the entrance of the harbour of Gaspé
—an Indian name having probably reference to a
split rock, which has long been a curiosity of the
coast—Cartier raised a cross, thirty feet in height, on
the middle of which there was a shield or escutcheon
with three fleurs-de-lis, and the inscription, Vive le
Roy de France. Cartier then returned to France by
way of the strait of Belle Isle, without having seen
the great river to whose mouth he had been so close
3 -
34 7TAZAZ S Z'OA’ Y OF CA AVA /OA.
when he stood on the hills of Gaspé or passed around
the shores of desolate Anticosti.
Cartier brought back with him two sons of the
Indian chief of a tribe he saw at Gaspé, who seem
to have belonged to the Huron-Iroquois nation he
met at Stadacona, now Quebec, when he made the
second voyage which I have to describe. The ac-
counts he gave of the country on the Gulf appear
to have been sufficiently encouraging to keep up the
interest of the King and the Admiral of France in
the scheme of discovery which they had planned.
In this second voyage of I535–36, the most memor-
able of all he made to American waters, he had the
assistance of a little fleet of three vessels, the Grande
A/ermine, the Petite Hermine, and the Emérillon, of
which the first had a burden of one hundred and
twenty tons—quite a large ship compared with the
two little vessels of sixty tons each that were given
him for his first venture. This fleet, which gave
Canada to France for two centuries and a quarter,
reached Newfoundland during the early part of July,
passed through the strait of Belle Isle, and on the
Ioth of August, came to a little bay or harbour on
the northern shore of the present province of Que-
bec, but then known as Labrador, to which he gave
the name of St. Laurent, in honour of the saint
whose festival happened to fall on the day of his
arrival. This bay is now generally believed to be
the port of Sainte Geneviève, and the name which
Cartier gave it was gradually transferred in the course
of a century to the whole gulf as well as to the river
itself which the Breton sailor was the first to place
A BA’Aº 7'O/W SA/LOA’ D/SCO VAEA?,S CAAVA/OA. 35
definitely on the maps of those days of scanty
geographical knowledge. Cartier led his vessels
through the passage between the northern shores of
Canada and the island of Anticosti, which he called
Assomption, although it has long since resumed its
old name, which has been gradually changed from
the original Natiscotic to Naticousti, and finally to
Anticosti. When the adventurers came near the
neighbourhood of Trinity River on the north side of
the Gulf, the two Gaspé Indians who were on board
Cartier's vessel, the Grande Hermaine, told them that
they were now at the entrance of the kingdom of
Saguenay where red copper was to be found, and
that away beyond flowed the great river of Hoche-
laga and Canada. This Saguenay kingdom extended
on the north side of the river as far as the neighbour-
hood of the present well-known Isle aux Coudres;
then came the kingdom of Canada, stretching as far
as the island of Montreal, where the King of Hoche-
laga exercised dominion over a number of tribes in
the adjacent country.
Cartier passed the gloomy portals of the Saguenay,
and stopped for a day or two at Isle aux Coudres
(Coudrières) over fifty miles below Quebec, where
mass was celebrated for the first time on the river of
Canada, and which he named on account of the
hazel-nuts he found “as large and better tasting
than those of France, though a little harder.” Car-
tier then followed the north shore, with its lofty,
well-wooded mountains stretching away to the north-
ward, and came at last to an anchorage not far from
Stadacona, somewhere between the present Isle of
36 7A/A2 ,S 7'OA” Y OF CAAVA ZDA.
Orleans and the mainland. Here he had an inter-
view with the natives, who showed every confidence
in the strangers when they found that the two
Gaspé Indians, Taignoagny and Domagaya, were
their companions. As soon as they were satisfied of
this fact—and here we have a proof that these two
Indians must have belonged to the same nation—
“they showed their joy, danced, and performed
various antics.” Subsequently the lord of Donna-
cona, whose Indian title was Agouahana, came with
twelve canoes and “made a speech according to the
fashion, contorting the body and limbs in a remark-
able way—a ceremony of joy and welcome.” After
looking about for a safe harbour, Cartier chose the
mouth of the present St. Charles River, which he
named the River of the Holy Cross (Sainte Croix)
in honour of the day when he arrived. The fleet
was anchored not far from the Indian village of
Stadacona, and soon after its arrival one of the
chiefs received the Frenchmen with a speech of wel-
come, “while the women danced and sang without
ceasing, standing in the water up to their knees.”
Moored in a safe haven, the French had abundant
opportunity to make themselves acquainted with the
surrounding country and its people. They visited
the island close by, and were delighted with “its
beautiful trees, the same as in France,” and with
the great quantities of vines “such as we had never
before seen.” Cartier called this attractive spot the
Island of Bacchus, but changed the name subse-
quently to the Isle of Orleans, in honour of one of
the royal sons of France. Cartier was equally
A BRAE ZOA, SAILOR DISCO WAEAS CANADA. 37
charmed with the varied scenery and the fruitful soil
of the country around Stadacona.
It was now the middle of September, and Cartier
determined, since his men had fully recovered from
the fatigues of the voyage, to proceed up the river
as far as Hochelaga, of which he was constantly
hearing accounts from the Indians. When they
heard of this intention, Donnacona and other chiefs
used their best efforts to dissuade him by inventing
stories of the dangers of the navigation. The two
Gaspé Indians lent themselves to the plans of the
chief of Stadacona. Three Indians were dressed as
devils, “with faces painted as black as coal, with horns
as long as the arm, and covered with the skins of black
and white dogs.” These devils were declared to be
emissaries of the Indian God at Hochelaga, called
Cudragny, who warned the French that “there was
SO much snow and ice that all would die.” The
Gaspé Indians, who had so long an acquaintance
with the religious customs and superstitions of the
French, endeavoured to influence them by appeals
to “Jesus” and “Jesus Maria.” Cartier, however,
only laughed at the tricks of the Indians, and told
them that “their God Cudragny was a mere fool,
and that Jesus would preserve them from all danger
if they should believe in Him.” The French at last
started on the ascent of the river in the Emérillon
and two large boats, but neither Taignoagny nor
Domagaya could be induced to accompany the ex-
pedition to Hochelaga.
Cartier and his men reached the neighbourhood of .
Hochelaga, the Indian town on the island of Mont-
38 7"HE STOA” Y OF CAAVA DA.
real, in about a fortnight's time. The appearance
of the country bordering on the river between
Stadacona and Hochelaga pleased the French on
account of the springs of excellent water, the beauti-
ful trees, and vines heavily laden with grapes, and
the quantities of wild fowl that rose from every bay
or creek as the voyagers passed by. At one place
called Achelay, “a strait with a stony and danger-
ous current, full of rocks,”—probably the Richelieu
Rapids” above Point au Platon—a number of Indians
came on board the Emérillon, warned Cartier of the
perils of the river, and the chief made him a present
of two children, one of whom, a little girl of seven
or eight years, he accepted and promised to take
every care of. Somewhere on Lake St. Peter they
found the water very shallow and decided to leave
the Eméri//om and proceed in the boats to Hochelaga,
where they arrived on the second of October, and
were met by more than “a thousand savages who
gathered about them, men, women, and children, and
received us as well as a parent does a child, showing
great joy.” After a display of friendly feeling on
the part of the natives and their visitors, and the
exchange of presents between them, Cartier returned
to his boat in the stream. “All that night,” says
the narrative, “the savages remained on the shore
near our boats, keeping up fires, dancing, crying out
‘Aguaze,” which is their word for welcome and joy.”
The king or chief of this Indian domain was also
called Agouahana, and was a member of the Huron-
Iroquois stock.
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4O 7A/AE S 7'O/8 ºf OA’ CA AVA DA.
The French visitors were regarded by the Indians
of Hochelaga as superior beings, endowed with
Supernatural powers. Cartier was called upon to
touch the lame, blind, and wounded, and treat all
the ailments with which the Indians were afflicted,
“as if they thought that God had sent him to cure
them.”
Cartier's narrative describes the town as circular,
inclosed by three rows of palisades arranged like a
pyramid, crossed at the top, with the middle stakes
standing perpendicular, and the others at an angle
on each side, all being well joined and fastened after
the Indian fashion. The inclosing wall was of the
height of two lances, or about twenty feet, and there
was only one entrance through a door generally kept
barred. At several points within the inclosure there
were platforms or stages reached by ladders, for the
purpose of protecting the town with arrows, and
rocks, piles of which were close at hand. The town
contained fifty houses, each about one hundred feet
in length and twenty-five or thirty in width, and
constructed of wood, covered with bark and strips
of board. These “long houses,” were divided into
several apartments, belonging to each family, but all
of them assembled and ate in common. Storehouses
for their grain and food were provided. They dried
and smoked their fish, of which they had large quanti-
ties. They pounded the grain between flat stones
and made it into dough which they cooked also on
hot rocks. This tribe lived, Cartier tells us, “by
ploughing and fishing alone,” and were “not no-
madic like the natives of Canada and the Saguenay.”
A BAEAE TOM S.A./ZOA D/SCO PAEAES CAMA PA. 41
Cartier and several of his companions were taken
by the Indians to the mountain near the town of
Hochelaga, and were the first Europeans to look on
that noble panorama of river and forest which
stretched then without a break over the whole con-
tinent, except where the Indian nations had made,
as at Hochelaga, their villages and settlements. From
that day to this the mountain, as well as the great
city which it now overlooks in place of a humble
Indian town, has borne the name which Cartier gave
as a tribute to its unrivalled beauty. As we look
from the royal mountain on the beautiful elms and
maples rising in the meadows and gardens of an
island, bathed by the waters of two noble rivers—
the green of the St. Lawrence mingling with the
blue of the Ottawa—on the many domes and towers
of churches, convents, and colleges, on the stately
mansions of the rich, on the tall chimneys of huge
factories and blocks upon blocks of massive stores
and warehouses, on the Ocean steamers on their way
to Europe by that very river which Cartier would
not ascend with the Emérillon , as we look on this
beauteous and inspiriting scene, we may well under-
stand how it is that Canada has placed on Montreal
the royal crown which Cartier first gave to the moun-
tain he saw on a glorious October day when the
foliage was wearing the golden and crimson tints of
a Canadian autumn.
On Cartier's return to Stadacona he found that
his officers had become suspicious of the intentions
of the Indians and had raised a rude fort near the
junction of the river of St. Croix and the little stream
42 THAE S TOA’ Y OF CAAVA DA.
called the Lairet. Here the French passed a long
and dreary winter, doubtful of the friendship of the
Indians, and suffering from the intense cold to which
they were unaccustomed. They were attacked by
that dreadful disease, the scurvy, which caused the
death of several men, and did not cease its ravages
until they learned from an Indian to use a drink
evidently made from spruce boughs. Then the
French recovered with great rapidity, and when the
spring arrived they made their preparations to return
to France. They abandoned the little Hermine, as
the crew had been so weakened by sickness and
death. They captured Donnacona and several
other chiefs and determined to take them to France
“to relate to the king the wonders of the world
Donnacona [evidently a great story-teller] had seen
in these western countries, for he had assured us
that he had been in the Saguenay kingdom, where
are infinite gold, rubies, and other riches, and white
men dressed in woollen clothing.” In the vicinity
of the fort, at the meeting of the St. Croix and
Lairet, Cartier raised a cross, thirty-five feet in height
under the cross-bar of which there was a wooden
shield, showing the arms of France and the inscrip-
tion
FRANCISCUS PRIMUS DEI GRATIA FRANCORUM
REX REGNAT.
When three centuries and a half had passed, a
hundred thousand French Canadians, in the presence
of an English governor-general of Canada, a French
Canadian lieutenant-governor and cardinal arch-
A BAEAE 7'OAV SA/ZOA D/SCO WAEA'S CAAVA DA. 43
bishop, many ecclesiastical and civil dignitaries,
assisted in the unveiling of a noble monument in
memory of Jacques Cartier and his hardy com-
panions of the voyage of I535–36, and of Jean de
Brebeuf, Ennemond Massé, and Charles Lalemant,
the missionaries who built the first residence of the
Jesuits nearly a century later on the site of the old
French fort, and one of whom afterwards sacrificed
his life for the faith to which they were all so devoted.
On the return voyage Cartier sailed to the south-
ward of the Gulf, saw the picturesque headlands of
northern Cape Breton, remained a few days in some
harbours of Newfoundland, and finally reached St.
Malo on the sixteenth of July, with the joyful news
that he had discovered a great country and a noble
river for France.

A
NJ’
IV.
FROM CARTIER TO DE MONTS.
(I 540–1603.)
THE third voyage made by Cartier to the new
world, in 1541, was relatively of little importance.
Donnacona and the other Indians of Stadacona,
whom the French carried away with them, never
returned to their forest homes, but died in France.
During the year Cartier remained in Canada he built a
fortified post at Cap Rouge, about seven miles west
of the heights of Quebec, and named it Charlesbourg
in honour of one of the sons of Francis the First.
He visited Hochelaga, and attempted to pass up
the river beyond the village, but was stopped by the
dangerous rapids now known as the St. Louis or
Lachine. He returned to France in the spring of
I542, with a few specimens of worthless metal re-
sembling gold which he found among the rocks of
Cap Rouge, and some pieces of quartz crystal
which he believed were diamonds, and which have
given the name to the bold promontory on which
stand the ancient fortifications of Quebec.

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THE “DAUPHIN MAP’’ OF CANADA, circa 1543, §How ING CARTIER’s DISCOVERIES.


















AºA'OM CA R 7/A5/8 7"O DAZ MOAV 7'.S. 45
Cartier is said to have returned on a fourth voy-
age to Canada in 1543—though no record exists—
for the purpose of bringing back Monsieur Roberval,
Otherwise known to the history of those times as
Jean François de la Roque, who had been appointed
by Francis his lieutenant in Canada, Hochelaga,
Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle, Carpunt, Lab-
rador, the Great Bay (St. Lawrence), and Baccalaos,
as well as lord of the mysterious region of Norum-
bega—an example of the lavish use of titles and the
assumption of royal dominion in an unknown wilder-
ness. Roberval and Cartier were to have sailed in
company to Canada in 1541, but the former could
not complete his arrangements and the latter sailed
alone, as we have just read. On his return in 1542
Cartier is said to have met Roberval at a port of the
Gulf, and to have secretly stolen away in the night
and left his chief to go on to the St. Lawrence
alone. But these are among historic questions in
dispute, and it is useless to dwell on them here.
What we do know to a certainty is that Roberval
spent some months on the banks of the St. Law-
rence,—probably from the spring of 1542 to late
in the autumn of I543,-and built a commodious
fort at Charlesbourg, which he renamed France-Roy.
He passed a miserable winter, as many of the colo-
nists he had brought with him had been picked up
amongst the lowest classes of France, and he had to
govern his ill-assorted company with a rigid and even
cruel hand. Roberval is said to have visited the
Saguenay and explored its waters and surrounding
country for a considerable distance, evidently hoping
46 7A/B, S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAWA DA.
to verify the fables of Donnacona and other Indians
that gold and precious stones were to be found
somewhere in that region. His name has been given
to a little village at Lake St. John, on the assump-
tion that he actually went so far on his Saguenay
expedition, while romantic tradition points to an isle
in the Gulf, the Isle de la Demoiselle, where he is said
to have abandoned his niece Marguérite, who had
loved not wisely but too well—her lover, and an old
nurse. This rocky spot appears to have become in
the story an isle of Demons who tormented the poor
wretches, exposed to all the rigours of Canadian win-
ters, and to starvation except when they could catch
fish or snare wild fowl. The nurse and lover as well
as the infant died, but Marguérite is said to have
remained much longer on that lonely island until at
last Fate brought to her rescue a passing vessel and
carried her to France, where she is said to have told
the story of her adventures.
After this voyage Roberval disappeared from the
history of Canada. Cartier is supposed to have
died about I 577 in his old manor house of Limoilou,
now in ruins, in the neighbourhood of St. Malo.
He was allowed by the King to bear always the
name of “Captain "-an appropriate title for a hardy
sailor who represented so well the heroism and enter-
prise of the men of St. Malo and the Breton coast.
* . The results of the voyages of Cartier, Roberval, and
the sailors and fishermen who frequented the waters
of the Great Bay, as the French long called it, can
be seen in the old maps that have come down to us,
and show the increasing geographical knowledge.
FÅ’OM CAA’ 7/A, R TO DE MOAV 7"S. 47
To this knowledge, a famous pilot, Captain Jehan
Alfonce, a native of the little village of Saintonge in
the grape district of Charente, made valuable contri-
butions. He accompanied Roberval to Canada, and
afterwards made voyages to the Saguenay, and
appears to have explored the Gulf and the coasts of
Cape Breton, Nova Scotia, and even Maine as far as
the Penobscot, where he believed was the city of
Norumbega.
After the death of Francis there came dark days
for France, whose people were torn asunder by civil
war and religious strife. With the return of peace
in France the Marquis de la Roche received a com-
mission from Henry the Fourth, as lieutenant-
general of the King, to colonise Canada, but his
ill-fated expedition of 1597 never got beyond the
dangerous sandbanks of Sable Island. French fur-
traders had now found their way to Anticosti and
even Tadousac, at the mouth of the Saguenay,
where the Indians were wont to assemble in large
numbers from the great fur-region to which that
melancholy river and its tributary lakes and rivers
give access, but these traders like the fishermen
made no attempt to settle the country.
From a very early date in the sixteenth century
bold sailors from the west country of Devon were
fishing in the Gulf and eventually made the safe and
commodious port of St. John's, in Newfoundland,
their headquarters. Some adventurous Englishmen
even made a search for the land of Norumbega, and
probably reached the bay of Penobscot. Near the
close of the century, Frobisher attempted to open up
48 THE STORY OF CAAVA DA.
the secrets of the Arctic seas and find that passage
to the north which remained closed to venturesome
explorers until Sir Robert McClure, in 1850, success-
fully passed the icebergs and ice-floes that barred his
way from Bering Sea to Davis Strait. In the reign
of the great Elizabeth, when Englishmen were at
last showing that ability for maritime enterprise
which was eventually to develop such remarkable
results, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, the half-brother of
Sir Walter Ralegh, the founder of Virginia, the Old
Dominion, took possession of Newfoundland with
much ceremony in the harbour of St. John's, and
erected a pillar on which were inscribed the Queen's
arms. Gilbert had none of the qualities of a coloniser,
and on his voyage back to England he was lost at
sea, and it was left to the men of Devon and the
West coast in later times to make a permanent
settlement on the great island of the Gulf.
The first years of the seventeenth century were
propitious for important schemes of colonisation and
trade in the western lands. The sovereign of France
was Henry the Fourth, the intrepid Prince of Béarn,
as brave a soldier as he was a Sagacious statesman.
Henry listened favourably—though his able minister,
Sully, held different views—to the schemes for open-
ing up Canada to commerce and settlement that were
laid before him by an old veteran of the wars, and
a staunchy friend, Aymar de Chastes, governor of
Dieppe. Tºontgravé, a rich Breton merchant of St.
Malo, had the charge of the two vessels which left
France in the spring of 1603, but it is a fact that a
great man, Samuel Champlain, accompanied the ex-
FROM CAA’ 7/AEA 7'O DE MOAV 7"S. 49
pedition that gives the chief interest to the voyage.
Champlain, who was destined to be the founder of
New France, was a native of Brouage in the Bay of
Biscay, and belonged to a family of fishermen. Dur-
ing the war of the League he served in the army of
Henry the Third, but when Henry of Navarre was
proclaimed King of France on the assassination of
his predecessor, and abjured the Protestant faith of
which he had previously been the champion, Cham-
plain, like other Frenchmen, who had followed the
Duke of Guise, became an ardent supporter of the
new régime and eventually a favourite of the Bernese
prince. He visited the West Indies in a Spanish
ship and made himself well acquainted with Mexico
and other countries bordering on the Gulf. He has
described all his voyages to the Indies and Canada
in quaint quarto volumes, now very rare, and valu-
able on account of their minute and truthful narra-
tive—despite his lively and credulous imagination—
and the drawings and maps which he made rudely
of the places he saw. His accounts of the Indians
of Canada are among the most valuable that have
come to us from the early days of American history.
He had a fair knowledge of natural history for those
times, though he believed in Mexican griffins, and
was versed in geography and cartography.
y In 1603 Pontgravé and Champlain ascended the
River St. Lawrence as far as the island of Montreal,
where they found only a few wandering Algonquins
of the Ottawa and its tributaries, in place of the peo-
ple who had inhabited the town of Hochelaga in the
days of Cartier's visits. Champlain attempted to
4
5O 7TAZAZ S 7'OAº V OA’ CAMA DA.
pass the Lachine rapids but was soon forced to give
up the perilous and impossible venture. During
this voyage he explored the Saguenay for a consider-
able distance, and was able to add largely to the in-
formation that Cartier had given of Canada and the
country around the Gulf. When the expedition
reached France, Aymar de Chastes was dead, but
two months had hardly elapsed after Champlain's
return when a new company was formed on the usual
basis of trade and colonisation. At its head was
Sieur de Monts, Pierre du Guast, the governor of
Pons, a Calvinist and a friend of the King. After
much deliberation it was decided to venture south
of Canada and explore that ill-defined region, called
“La Cadie’ in the royal commission given to De
Monts as the King's lieutenant in Canada and adja-
cent countries, the first record we have of that
Acadia where French and English were to contend
during a century for the supremacy. For a few
moments we must leave the valley of the St. Law-
rence, where France was soon to enthrone herself on
the heights of Quebec, and visit a beautiful bay on
the western coast of Nova Scotia, where a sleepy
old town, full of historic associations, still stands to
recall the efforts of gentlemen-adventurers to es-
tablish a permanent settlement on the shores of the
Atlantic.
V.
THE FRENCEI OCCUPATION OF ACADIA AND THE
FOUNDATION OF PORT ROYAL.
(1604–1614.)
IN the western valley of that part of French Acadia,
now known as Nova Scotia, not only do we tread on
historic ground, but we see in these days a land-
scape of more varied beauty than that which so
delighted the gentlemen-adventurers of old France
nearly three centuries ago. In this country, which
the poem conceived by Longfellow amid the elms of
Cambridge has made so famous, we see the rich
lands reclaimed from the sea, which glistens a few
miles to the north, and every day comes rushing up
its estuaries. There to the north is dark, lofty
Blomidon—whose name is probably a memorial of a
Portuguese voyager—with its overhanging cliff under
which the tumultuous tides struggle and foam. Here,
in a meadow close by, is a long row of Lombardy
poplars, pointing to another race and another country.
There, on a slight acclivity, among the trees, is a pile
of white college buildings, there a tall white spire

5I
52 TH/AE S TO/8 V OA’ CAAVA DA,
rises into the pure blue sky. We see cottages covered
with honeysuckle and grapevine; with their gardens
of roses and lilies, and many old-fashioned flowers.
In the spring, the country is one mass of pink and
white blossoms, which load the passing breeze with
delicate fragrance; in autumn the trees bend beneath
rosy and yellow apples.
We drive through a fertile valley, where runs, a
placid river amid many meadows, gardens, and or-
chards, until at last it empties into a picturesque
basin, where the landscape shows a harmonious
blending of mountain and water, of cultivated fields
and ancient forest trees. Here we see a quiet old
town, whose roofs are green with the moss of many
years, where willows and grassy mounds tell of a
historic past, where the bells of Ox-teams tinkle in
the streets, and commerce itself wears a look of
reminiscence. For we have come to the banks of
that basin where the French, in the first years of the
seventeenth century, laid the foundations of a settle-
ment which, despite all its early misfortunes, has
lasted until the present time, though it is the English
tongue that is now spoken and the Englishman who
is now the Occupant.
Early in the leafy month of June, 1604, the French
under De Monts sailed into this spacious basin, and
saw for the first time its grassy meadows, its numer-
ous streams, its cascades tumbling from the hills, its
forest-clad mountains. “This,” said Champlain,
who called it Port Royal, “was the most commodi-
ous and pleasant place that we had yet seen in this
country.”
THE FRAEAVCA OCCUPA 7/OM OF ACA DIA. 53
It appears that the adventurers left France in the
early part of April. When the King had been once
won over to the project, he consented to give De
Monts and his associates an entire monopoly of the
fur-trade throughout the wide domain of which he
was to be the viceroy. The expedition was chiefly
supported by the merchants of the Protestant town
of La Rochelle, and was regarded with much jeal-
ousy by other commercial cities. Protestants were
to enjoy in the new colony all the advantages they
were then allowed in France. The Catholics were
appeased by the condition that the conversion of the
natives should be reserved especially for the priests
of their own church.
The man of most note, after De Monts and Cham-
plain, was Jean de Biencourt, a rich nobleman of
Picardy, better known in Acadian history as the
Baron de Poutrincourt, who had distinguished him-
self as a soldier in the civil wars. A man of energy
and enterprise, he was well fitted to assist in the
establishment of a colony.
De Monts and his associates reached without acci-
dent the low fir-covered shores of Nova Scotia,
visited several of its harbours, and finally sailed into
the Bay of Fundy, which was named Baie Française.
The French explored the coast of the bay after leav-
ing Port Royal, and discovered the river which the
Indians called Ouigoudi, or highway, and De Monts
renamed St. John, as he saw it first on the festival
of that saint. Proceeding along the northern shores
of the bay the expedition came to a river which falls
into Passamaquoddy Bay, and now forms the boun-
54 THE STO/8 Y OF CAAVA DA.
dary between the United States and the eastern
provinces of Canada. This river ever since has been
called the river of the Holy Cross (Sainte-Croix)
though the name was first given by De Monts to an
islet, well within the mouth of the stream, which he
chose as the site of the first French settlement on
the northeast coast of America. Buildings were
Soon erected for the accommodation of some eighty
persons, as well as a small fort for their protection
on the rocky islet. *
While the French settlement was preparing for
the winter, Champlain explored the eastern coast
from the St. Croix to the Penobscot, where he came
to the conclusion that the story of a large city on its
banks was evidently a mere invention of the imagi-
native mind. He also was the first of Europeans, so
far as we know, to look on the mountains and cliffs
of the island—so famous as a summer resort in these
later times—which he very aptly named Monts-
Déserts. During the three years Champlain re-
mained in Acadia he made explorations and surveys
of the southern coasts of Nova Scotia from Canseau
to Port Royal, of the shores of the Bay of Fundy,
and of the coast of New England from the St. Croix
to Vineyard Sound.
Poutrincourt, who had received from De Monts
a grant of the country around Port Royal, left his
companions in their dreary home in the latter part
of August and sailed for France, with the object of
making arrangements for settling his new domain in
* Now known as Douchet Island ; no relics remain of the French
occupation.
7"HAE FRAEMCH/ OCCUA’A 7TWOAV OA' A CA/D/4. 55
Acadia. He found that very little interest was
taken in the new colony of which very unsatisfactory
reports were brought back to France by his com-
panions though he himself gave a glowing account
of its beautiful scenery and resources.
While Poutrincourt was still in France, he was sur-
prised to learn of the arrival of De Monts with very
unsatisfactory accounts of the state of affairs in
the infant colony. The adventurers had very soon
found St. Croix entirely unfitted for a permanent
settlement, and after a most wretched winter had
removed to the sunny banks of the Annapolis, which
was then known as the Equille,” and subsequently as
the Dauphin. Poutrincourt and De Monts went
energetically to work, and succeeded in obtaining the
services of all the mechanics and labourers they
required. The new expedition was necessarily com-
posed of very unruly characters, who sadly offended
the staid folk of that orderly bulwark of Calvinism,
the town of La Rochelle. At last on the 13th of
May, 1606, the Şomas, with its unruly crew all on
board, left for the new world under the command of
Poutrincourt. Among the passengers was L'Escar-
bot, a Paris advocate, a poet, and an historian, to
whom we are indebted for a very sprightly account
of early French settlement in America. De Monts,
however, was unable to leave with his friends.
On the 27th July, the Şomas entered the basin of
Port Royal with the flood-tide. A peal from the
rude bastion of the little fort bore testimony to the
* Champlain says the river was named after a little fish caught there,
de grandeur d'un esplan.
56 7"HA. STORY OF CAAVA DA.
joy of the two solitary Frenchmen, who, with a
faithful old Indian chief, were the only inmates of
the post at that time. These men, La Taille and
Miquellet, explained that Pontgravé and Champlain,
with the rest of the colony, had set sail for France
a few days previously, in two small vessels which
they had built themselves. But there was no time
to spend in vain regrets. Poutrincourt opened a
hogshead of wine, and the fort was soon the scene
of mirth and festivity. Poutrincourt set energeti-
cally to improve the condition of things, by making
additions to the buildings, and clearing the sur-
rounding land, which is exceedingly rich. The fort
stood on the north bank of the river—on what is
now the Granville side—opposite Goat Island, or
about six miles from the present town of Annapolis.
L’Escarbot appears to have been the very life of
the little colony. If anything occurred to dampen
their courage, his fertile mind soon devised some
plan of chasing away forebodings of ill. When
Poutrincourt and his party returned during the sum-
mer of 1606 in ill spirits from Malebarre, now Cape
Cod, where several men had been surprised and
killed by the savages, they were met on their land-
ing by a procession of Tritons, with Neptune at
their head, who saluted the adventurers with merry
songs. As they entered the arched gateway, they
saw above their heads another happy device of
L’Escarbot, the arms of France and the King's
motto, “Duo proteg it unus,” encircled with laurels.
Under this were the arms of De Monts and Poutrin-
court, with their respective mottoes—“Dabit deus
Z.A.F. FRAEAVC// OCCUPA 7/0A/ OF ACA D/A. 57
Žis quogue finem,” and “In vić virtuți mu//a est via,”
—also surrounded with evergreens. -
L’Escarbot's ingenious mind did not fail him,
even in respect to the daily supply of fresh provi-
sions, for he created a new order for the especial
benefit of the principal table, at which Poutrincourt,
he himself, and thirteen others sat daily. These
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CHAMPLAIN'S PLAN OF PORT ROYAL IN ACADIA IN 1605.
Key to illustration : A, Workmen's dwelling ; B, Platform for cannon ; C,
Storehouse ; D, Residence for Champlain and Pontgravé ; E, Blacksmith's forge ;
F, Palisade; G, Bakehouse ; H, Kitchen ; I, Gardens ; K, Burying ground ; L,
; Lawrence River; M, Moat; N, Dwelling of De Monts; and O, Ships' store-
OUISC.
fifteen gentlemen constituted themselves into "Ordre
de Bon Temps, one of whom was grandmaster for a
day, and bound to cater for the company. Each
tried, of course, to excel the other in the quantity of
game and fish they were able to gather from the





























58 THE STO/8 Y OF CAAVA DA.
Surrounding country, and the consequence was,
Poutrincourt's table never wanted any of the luxu-
ries that the river or forest could supply. At the
dinner hour the grandmaster, with the insignia of
his order, a costly collar around his neck, a staff in
his hand, and a napkin on his shoulder, came into
the hall at the head of his brethren, each of whom
carried some dish. The Indians were frequent
guests at their feasts, especially old Membertou, a
famous Micmac or Souriquois chief, who always
retained a warm attachment for the pale-faced
strangers. Songs of La Belle France were sung;
many a toast was drunk in Some rare vintage, the
flames flew up the huge chimney, the Indians
squatted on the floor, laughing like the merry
Frenchmen. When the pipe went around — with
its lobster-like bowl and tube elaborately worked
with porcupine quills—stories were told, and none
excelled the Indians themselves in this part of the
entertainment. At last, when the tobacco was all
exhausted, the grandmaster resigned his regalia of
office to his successor, who lost no time in perform-
ing his duties. Thus the long winter evenings passed
in that lonely French fort at the verge of an untamed
continent. -
Then came bad news from France. Late in the
spring of 1607, a vessel sailed into the basin with
letters from De Monts that the colony would have
to be broken up, as his charter had been revoked,
and the Company could no longer support Port
Royal. The Breton and Basque merchants, who
were very hostile to De Monts's monopoly, had suc-
7"HAE FREAVCH, OCCUPA TVOAW OF ACA/D/A. 59
ceeded in influencing the government to withdraw
its patronage from him and his associates. Soon
afterwards the little colony regretfully left Port
Royal, which never looked so lovely in their eyes as
they passed on to the Bay of Fundy, and saw the
whole country in the glory of mid-summer. The
Indians, especially Membertou, watched the depart-
ure of their new friends with unfeigned regret, and
promised to look carefully after the safety of the
fort and its contents.
As soon as Poutrincourt reached his native coun-
try he did his best to make friends at the Court, as
he was resolved on returning to Acadia, while
Champlain decided to venture to the St. Lawrence,
where I shall take up his memorable story later.
Poutrincourt's prospects, for a time, were exceed-
ingly gloomy. De Monts was able to assist him but
very little, and the adventurous Baron himself was
involved in debt and litigations, but he eventually
succeeded in obtaining a renewal of his grant from
the King, and interesting some wealthy traders in
the enterprise. Then some difficulties of a religious
character threatened to interfere with the success of
the expedition. The society of Jesuits was, at this
time, exceedingly influential at court, and, in conse-
quence of their representations, the King ordered
that Pierre Biard, professor of theology at Lyons,
should accompany the expedition. Though Poutrin-
court was a good Catholic, he mistrusted this reli-
gious order, and succeeded in deceiving Father
Biard, who was waiting for him at Bordeaux, by
taking his departure from Dieppe in company with
•º:
ÓO TAA STORY OF CAAWAA) A.
Father Fléché, who was not a member of the
Jesuits.
The ship entered Port Royal basin in the begin-
ning of June, 1610. Here they were agreeably
surprised to find the buildings and their contents
perfectly safe, and their old friend Membertou, now
a centenarian, looking as hale as ever, and over-
whelmed with joy at the return of the friendly pale-
faces. Among the first things that Poutrincourt
did, after his arrival, was to make converts of the
Indians. Father Fléché soon convinced Membertou
and all his tribe of the truths of Christianity. Mem-
bertou was named Henri, after the king; his chief
squaw Marie, after the queen. The Pope, the Dau-
phin, Marguérite de Valois, and other ladies and
gentlemen famous in the history of their times,
became sponsors for the Micmac converts who were
gathered into mother church on St. John’s day,
with the most imposing ceremonies that the French
could arrange in that wild country.
Conscious of the influence of the Jesuits at Court,
and desirous of counteracting any prejudice that
might have been created against him, Poutrincourt
decided to send his son, a fine youth of eighteen
years, in the ship returning to France, with a state-
ment showing his zeal in converting the natives of
the new colony. -
When this youthful ambassador reached France,
Henry of Navarre had perished by the knife of
Ravaillac, and Marie de' Medici, that wily, cruel,
and false Italian, was regent during the minority of
her son, Louis XIII. The Jesuits were now all-
7 HE FRAEAVCH OCCUPA TYON OF ACAD/A. 61
powerful at the Louvre, and it was decided that
Fathers Biard and Ennemond Massé should accom-
pany Biencourt to Acadia. The ladies of the Court,
especially Madame de Guercheville, wife of Duke
de la Rochefoucauld de Liancourt, whose reputation
could not be assailed by the tongue of scandal, even
in a state of society when virtue was too often the
exception, interested themselves in the work of con-
verting the savages of Acadia. The business of the
Protestant traders of Dieppe was purchased and
made over to the Jesuits. Thus did these indefati-
gable priests, for the first time, engage in the work of
converting the savage in the American wilderness.
The vessel which took Biencourt and his friends
back to Port Royal arrived on the 22nd of July,
I6I I, off the fort, where Poutrincourt and his col-
onists were exceedingly short of supplies. His very
first act was to appoint his son as vice-admiral, while
he himself went on to France with the hope of ob-
taining further aid about the middle of July.
The total number of persons in the colony was
only twenty-two, including the two Jesuits, who
immediately commenced to learn Micmac, as the
first step necessary to the success of the work they
had in hand. The two priests suffered many hard-
ships, but they bore their troubles with a patience
and resignation which gained them even the admira-
tion of those who were not prepossessed in their
favour. Massé, who had gone to live among the
Indians, was nearly starved and Smoked to death in
their rude camps; but still he appears to have perse-
vered in that course of life as long as he possibly
62 TAZ2 STOA’ Y OF CAAVA DA.
could. About this time the priests had the consola-
tion of performing the last offices for the veteran
Membertou, the staunch friend of the French colo-
nists. On his death-bed he expressed a strong desire
to be buried with his forefathers, but the arguments
of his priestly advisers overcame his superstition,
and his remains were finally laid in consecrated
ground.
Matters looked very gloomy by the end of Febru-
ary, when a ship arrived very opportunely from
France with a small store of supplies. The news
from Poutrincourt was most discouraging. Unable
to raise further funds on his own responsibility, he
had accepted the proffer of assistance from Mme. de
Guercheville, who, in her zeal, had also bought from
De Monts all his claims over the colony, with the
exception of Port Royal, which belonged to Pou-
trincourt. The King not only consented to the
transfer but gave her a grant of the territory extend-
ing from Florida to Canada. The society of Jesuits
was therefore virtually in possession of North Amer-
ica as far as a French deed could give it away. But
the French king forgot when he was making this lav-
ish gift of a continent, that the British laid claims to
the same region and had already established a col-
ony in Virginia, which was then an undefined terri-
tory, extending from Florida to New France. Both
France and England were now face to face on the
new continent, and a daring English adventurer was
about to strike in Acadia the first blow for English
Supremacy.
Such was the position of affairs at the time of the
7A/A A'RAZAVCA/ OCCUA’A 7TWOAV OA' A CA/D/4. 63
arrival of the new vessel and cargo, which were
under the control of Simon Imbert, who had for-
merly been a servant to Poutrincourt. Among the
passengers was another Jesuit father, Gilbert Du
Thet, who came out in the interests of Mme. de
Guercheville and his own order. The two agents
quarrelled from the very day they set out until they
arrived at Port Royal, and then the colony took the
matter up. At last the difficulties were settled by
Du Thet receiving permission to return to France.
A few months later, at the end of May, I613, an-
other French ship anchored off Port Royal. She
had been sent out with a fine supply of stores, not
by Poutrincourt, but by Mme. de Guercheville, and
was under the orders of M. Saussaye, a gentleman
by birth and a man of ability. On board were two
Jesuits, Fathers Quentin and Gilbert Du Thet and a
number of colonists. Poutrincourt, it appeared, was
in prison and ill, unable to do anything whatever
for his friends across the Ocean. This was, indeed,
sad news for Biencourt and his faithful allies, who
had been anxiously expecting assistance from
France.
At Port Royal the new vessel took on board the
two priests Biard and Massé, and sailed towards the
coast of New England; for Saussaye's instructions
were to found a new colony in the vicinity of Pen-
tagoët (Penobscot). In consequence of the prevalent
Sea-fogs, however, they were driven to the island of
Monts-Déserts, where they found a harbour which,
it was decided, would answer all their purposes on
the western side of Soames's Sound. Saussaye and
64 7A/A2 S 7'OA' V OA’ CAAWA/OA.
his party had commenced to erect buildings for the
new colony, when an event occurred which placed a
very different complexion on matters.
A man-of-war came Sailing into the harbour, and
from her masthead floated, not the fleur-de-lis, but
the blood-red flag of England. This new-comer was
Samuel Argall, a young English Sea captain, a
coarse, passionate, and daring man, who had been
some time associated with the fortunes of Virginia.
In the spring of 1613 he set sail in a stout vessel of
I 30 tons, carrying 14 guns and 60 men, for a cruise
to the coast of Maine for a supply of cod-fish, and
whilst becalmed off Monts-Déserts, some Indians
came on board and informed him of the presence of
the French in the vicinity of that island. He looked
upon the French as encroaching upon British terri-
tory, and in a few hours had destroyed the infant
settlement of St. Sauveur. Saussaye was perfectly
paralysed, and attempted no defence when he saw
that Argall had hostile intentions; but the Jesuit
Du Thet did his utmost to rally the men to arms,
and was the first to fall a victim. Fifteen of the
prisoners, including Saussaye and Massé, were
turned adrift in an open boat; but fortunately, they
managed to cross the bay and reach the coast of
Nova Scotia, where they met with some trading
vessels belonging to St. Malo. Father Biard and
the others were taken to Virginia by Argall. Biard
subsequently reached England, and was allowed to
return home. All the rest of the prisoners taken at
St. Sauveur also found their way to France.
But how prospered the fortunes of Poutrincourt
THE FREAVCH OCCUPATION OF ACAD/A. 65
whilst the fate of Port Royal was hanging in the
scale As we have previously stated, he had been
put into prison by his creditors, and had there lain
ill for some months. When he was at last liberated,
and appeared once more among his friends he suc-
ceeded in obtaining some assistance, and fitting out
a small vessel, with a limited supply of stores for his
colony. In the spring of 1614 he entered the basin
of Annapolis for the last time, to find his son and
followers wanderers in the woods, and only piles of
ashes marking the site of the buildings on which he
and his friends had expended so much time and
money. The fate of Port Royal may be very briefly
told. The Governor of Virginia, Sir Thomas Dale,
was exceedingly irate when he heard of the encroach-
ments of France on what he considered to be British
territory by right of prior discovery—that of John
Cabot—and immediately sent Argall, after his return
from St. Sauveur, on an expedition to the north-
ward. Argall first touched at St. Sauveur, and com-
pleted the work of destruction, and next stopped at
St. Croix, where he also destroyed the deserted
buildings. To such an extent did he show his
enmity, that he even erased the fleur-de-lis and the
initial of De Monts and others from the massive
stone on which they had been carved. Biencourt
and nearly all the inmates of the fort were absent
some distance in the country, and returned to see
the English in complete possession.
The destruction of Port Royal by Argall ends the
first period in the history of Acadia as a French col-
ony. Poutrincourt bowed to the relentless fate that
5
66 TAA STOR Y OF CAAVA DA.
drove him from the shores he loved so well, and
returned to France, where he took employment in
the service of the king. Two years later he was
killed at the siege of Méri on the upper Seine, dur-
ing the civil war which followed the successful in-
trigues of Marie de' Medici with Spain, to marry the
boy king, Louis XIII., to Anne of Austria, and his
sister, the Princess Elisabeth, to a Spanish prince.
On his tomb at St. Just, in Champagne, there was
inscribed an elaborate Latin epitaph, of which the
following is a translation:
“Ye people so dear to God,
inhabitants of New France,
whom I brought over to the
Faith of Christ. I am Poutrincourt, your
great chief, in whom was once your hope.
If envy deceived you, mourn for me.
My courage destroyed me. I could not
hand to another the glory
that I won among you.
Cease not to mourn for me.
Port Royal, in later years, arose from its ashes,
and the fleur-de-lis, or the red cross, floated from its
walls, according as the French or the English were
the victors in the long struggle that ensued for the
possession of Acadia. But before we continue the
story of its varying fortunes in later times, we must
proceed to the banks of the St. Lawrence, where the
French had laid the foundation of Quebec and New
France in the great valley, while Poutrincourt was
struggling vainly to make a new home for himself
and family by the side of the river of Port Royal.
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VI.
SAMUEL CHAMPLAIN IN THE WALLEY OF THE ST.
LAW RIENCE.
(1608–1635.)
WHEN Samuel Champlain entered the St. Law-
rence River for the second time, in 1608, after his
three years' explorations in Acadia, and laid the
foundation of the present city of Quebec, the only
Europeans on the Atlantic coast of America were a
few Spaniards at St. Augustine, and a few English-
men at Jamestown. The first attempt of the En-
glish, under the inspiration of the great Ralegh, to
establish a colony in the fine country to the north of
Spanish Florida, then known as Virginia, is only
remembered for the mystery which must always
surround the fate of Virginia Dare and the little
band of colonists who were left on the island of
Roanoke. Adventurous Englishmen, Gosnold,
Pring, and Weymouth, had even explored the coast
of the present United States as far as the Kennebec
before the voyages of Champlain and Poutrincourt,
and the first is said to have given the name of Cape

67
68 7A/A2 S 7'OA' V OA’ CA AVA Z)A.
Cod to the point named Malebarre by the French.
It was not, however, until 1607 that Captain New-
port, representing the great company of Virginia, to
whom King James II. gave a charter covering the
territory of an empire, brought the first permanent
English colony of one hundred persons up the
James River in Chesapeake Bay.
... From this time forward France and England be-
came rivals in America. In the first years of the
seventeenth century were laid the foundations not
only of the Old Dominion of Virginia, which was in
later times to form so important a state among the
American commonwealths, but also of the New
Dominion whose history may be said to commence
on the shores of Port Royal. But Acadia was not
destined to be the great colony of France—the cen-
tre of her imperial aspirations in America. The
story of the French in Acadia, from the days of De
Monts and Poutrincourt, until the beginning of the
eighteenth century when it became an English pos-
session, is at most only a series of relatively unim-
portant episodes in the history of that scheme of
conquest which was planned in the eighteenth
century in the palace of Versailles and in the old
castle of St. Louis on the heights of Quebec, whose
interesting story I must now tell.
When Champlain returned to France in 1607 De
Monts obtained from Henry the Fourth a monop-
oly of the Canadian fur-trade for a year, and imme-
diately fitted out two vessels, one of which was given
to Pontgravé, who had taken part in previous expe-
ditions to the new world. Champlain was appointed
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69
7o THE STORY OF CANA DA.
by De Monts as his representative, and practically
held the position of lieutenant-governor under dif-
ferent viceroys, with all necessary executive and
judicial powers, from this time until his death,
twenty-seven years later.
Champlain arrived on the 3rd of July off the
promontory of Quebec, which has ever since borne
the name given to it by the Algonquin tribes, in
whose language Kebec means such a strait or narrow-
ing of a river as actually occurs at this part of the
St. Lawrence. The French pioneers began at once
to clear away the trees and dig cellars on an accessi-
ble point of land which is now the site of Champlain
market in what is called “ the lower town '' of the
modern city. Champlain has left us a sketch of the
buildings he erected—habitation as he calls them—
and my readers will get from the illustration oppo-
site an idea of the plan he followed. Champlain
made one of the buildings his headquarters for
twelve years, until he built a fort on the heights,
which was the beginning of that famous Fort and
Castle of St. Louis to which reference is so con-
stantly made in the histories of New France.
Champlain was obliged immediately after his
arrival at Quebec to punish some conspirators who
had agreed to murder him and hand over the prop-
erty of the post to the Basque fishermen frequenting
Tadousac. The leader, Jean du Val, was hanged
after a fair trial and three of his accomplices sent to
France, where they expiated their crime in the gal-
leys. Great explorers had in those days to run such
risks among their followers and crews, not affected
SAM UAEZ CHAMAZA/AW. 71
by their own enthusiasm. Only three years later a
famous Sailor and discoverer of new seas and lands,
was left to die among the waste of waters which ever
since have recalled the name of Henry Hudson.
* * ** -
Fº
ABITATION
QVEBECQ.
HABITATION DE QUEBEC, FROM CHAMPLAIN'S SKETCH.
Key to illustration : A, Storehouse ; B, Dovecote : C, Workmen’s lodgings and
armoury ; D, Lodgings for mechanics; E, Dial ; F, Blacksmith's shop and work-
men’s lodgings; G, Galleries; H, Champlain’s residence ; I, Gate and draw-
bridge ; L, Walk; M, Moat; N., Platform for cannon; O, Garden ; P, Kitchen ;
P, Vacant space; R, St. Lawrence. .
During the summer of 1609 Champlain decided to
join an expedition of the Algonquin and Huron
Indians of Canada against the Iroquois, whose coun-
try lay between the Hudson and Genesee rivers and
westward of a beautiful lake which he found could
be reached by the river, then known as the River of


72 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ Y O F CAAVAZOA.
the Iroquois—because it was their highway to the
St. Lawrence—and now called the Richelieu.
Canada was to pay most dearly in later years, as
these pages will show, for the alliance Champlain
made with the inveterate enemies of the ablest and
bravest Indians of North America. Nowhere in
his own narrative of his doings in the colony does
he give us an inkling of the motives that influenced
him. We may, however, fairly believe that he
underrated the strength and warlike qualities of the
Iroquois, and believed that the allied nations of
Canada would sooner or later, with his assistance,
win the victory. If he had shown any hesitation to
ally himself with the Indians of Canada, he might
have hazarded the fortunes, and even ruined the fur-
trade which was the sole basis of the little colony’s
existence for many years. The dominating purpose
of his life in Canada, it is necessary to remember,
was the exploration of the unknown region to which
the rivers and lakes of Canada led, and that could
never have been attempted, had he by any cold or
unsympathetic conduct alienated the Indians who
guarded the waterways over which he had to pass
before he could unveil the mysteries of the western
wilderness.
In the month of June Champlain and several
Frenchmen commenced their ascent of the Richelieu
in a large boat, in company with several bark canoes
filled with sixty Canadian Indians. When they
reached the rapids near the lovely basin of Chambly
—named after a French officer and seignior in later
times—the French boat could not be taken any fur-
SAM UEL CHAMP LA/AW. 73
ther. It was sent back to Quebec while Champlain
and two others, armed with the arquebus, a short
gun with a matchlock, followed the Indians through
the woods to avoid this dangerous part of the river.
The party soon reached the safe waters of the Rich-
elieu and embarked once more in their canoes. For
the first time Champlain had abundant opportunities
to note the customs of the Indians on a war-path,
their appeals to evil spirits to help them against their
enemies, their faith in dreams, and their methods of
marching in a hostile country. The party passed
into the beautiful lake which has ever since that day
borne the great Frenchman's name; they saw its
numerous islets, the Adirondacks in the west, and
the Green Mountains in the east. Paddling cau-
tiously for some nights along the western shore, they
reached at last on the evening of the 29th of July a
point of land, identified in later days as the site of
Ticonderoga, so celebrated in the military annals of
America. Here they found a party of Iroquois, who
received them with shouts of defiance, but retreated
to the woods for the night with the understanding
On both sides that the fight would take place as
Soon as the sun rose next morning. The allies re-
mained in their canoes, dancing, singing, and hurling
insults at their foes, who did not fail to respond with
similar demonstrations.
Next morning, two hundred stalwart Iroquois
warriors, led by three chiefs with conspicuous plumes,
marched from their barricade of logs and were met
by the Canadian Indians. Champlain immediately
fired on the chiefs with such success that two of
74 7A/A2 S 7'O/º V OA’ CA AWA PA.
them fell dead and the other was wounded and died
later. “Our Indians,” writes Champlain, “shouted
triumphantly, and then the arrows began to fly furi-
ously from both parties. The Iroquois were clearly
amazed that two chiefs should have been so suddenly
killed although they were protected from arrows by
a sort of armour made of strong twigs and filled with
cotton. While I was reloading, one of my men,
who was not seen by the enemy, fired a shot from
the woods and so frightened the Iroquois, no longer
led by their chiefs, that they lost courage and fled
precipitately into the forest, where we followed and
succeeded in killing a number and taking ten or
twelve prisoners. On our side only ten or fifteen
were wounded, and they very soon recovered.”
On their return to the St. Lawrence, the Indians
gave Champlain an illustration of their cruelty
towards their captives. When they had harangued
the Iroquois and narrated some of the tortures that
his nation had inflicted on the Canadians in previous
times, he was told to sing, and when he did so, as
Champlain naïvely says, “ the song was sad to hear.’’
A fire was lit, and when it was very hot, the In-
dians seized a burning brand and applied it to the
naked body of their victim, who was tied to a tree.
Sometimes they poured water on his wounds, tore
off his nails, and poured hot gum on his head from
which they had cut the scalp. They opened his
arm near the wrists, and pulled at his tendons and
when they would not come off, they used their
knives. The poor wretch was forced to cry out now
and then in his agony, and it made Champlain heart-
SAM UAE / CAAMAZA ZAV. 75
sick to see him so maltreated, but generally he ex-
hibited so much courage and stoicism that he seemed
as if he were not suffering at all. Champlain remon-
strated with them, and was at last allowed to put a
speedy end to the sufferings of the unhappy warrior.
But even when he was dead, they cut the body into
pieces and attempted to make the brother of the
victim swallow his heart. Champlain might well say
that it was better for an Indian to die on the battle-
field or kill himself when wounded, than fall into the
hands of such merciless enemies.
Soon after this memorable episode in the history
of Canada, Champlain crossed the Ocean to consult
De Monts, who could not persuade the king and his
minister to grant him a renewal of his charter. The
merchants of the seaboard had combined to repre-
sent the injury the trade of the kingdom would sus-
tain by continuing a monopoly of Canadian furs.
De Monts, however, made the best arrangements he
could under such unfavourable conditions, and
Champlain returned to the St. Lawrence in the
spring of 16IO. During the summer he assisted the
Canadian allies in a successful assault on a large
body of the Iroquois who had raised a fortification
at the mouth of the Richelieu, and all of whom were
killed. It was on this occasion, when a large num-
ber of Canadian nations were assembled, that he
commenced the useful experiment of sending
Frenchmen into the Ottawa valley to learn the cus-
toms and language of the natives, and act as inter-
preters afterwards.
The French at Quebec heard of the assassination
76 THE STORY OF CAAWA DA,
of Henry the Fourth who had been a friend of the
colony. Champlain went to France in the autumn
of 16Io, and returned to Canada in the following
spring. In the course of the summer he passed
some days on the island of Mont Royal where he
proposed establishing a post where the allied nations
could meet for purposes of trade and consultation,
as he told the Ottawa Indians at a later time when
he was in their country. He made a clearing on a
little point to which he gave the name of Place Roy-
ale, now known as Pointe-à-Callières, on a portion
of which the hospital of the Grey Nuns was subse-
quently built. It was not, however, until thirty
years later that the first permanent settlement was
made on the island, and the foundations laid of the
great city which was first named Ville-Marie.
During the next twenty-four years Champlain
passed some months in France at different times,
according to the exigencies of the colony. One of
the most important changes he brought about was
the formation of a new commercial association, for
the purpose of reconciling rival mercantile interests.
To give strength and dignity to the enterprise, the
Count de Soissons, Charles of Bourbon, one of the
royal sons of France, was placed at the head, but he
died suddenly, and was replaced by Prince de Condé,
Henry of Bourbon, also a royal prince, best known
as the father of the victor of Rocroy, and the oppo-
nent of Marie de' Medici during her intrigues with
Spain. It was in this same year that he entered
into an engagement with a rich Calvinist, Nicholas
Boullé, to marry his daughter Helen, then a child,
SA M UEZ, CHAMPLA/MV. 77
when she had arrived at a suitable age, on the con-
dition that the father would supply funds to help
the French in their Canadian experiment. The
marriage was not consummated until ten years later,
and Champlain's wife, whose Christian name he gave
to the pretty islet opposite Montreal harbour, spent
four years in the settlement. The happiness of a
domestic life was not possible in those early Cana-
dian days, and a gentle French girl probably soon
found herself a mere luxury amid the savagery of
her surroundings. Helen Champlain has no place
in this narrative, and we leave her with the remark
that she was converted by her husband, and on his
death retired to the seclusion of an Ursuline con-
vent in France. No child was born to bear the
name and possibly increase the fame of Champlain.
On his return to Canada, in the spring of 1613,
Champlain decided to explore the western waters of
Canada. L’Escarbot, who published his “ New
France,” soon after his return from Acadia, tells us
that “Champlain promised never to cease his efforts
until he has found there [in Canada] a western or
northern sea opening up the route to China which
so many have so far sought in vain.” While at
Paris, during the winter of 1612, Champlain saw a
map which gave him some idea of the great sea
which Hudson had discovered. At the same time
he heard from a Frenchman, Nicholas de Vignau,
who had come to Paris direct from the Ottawa val-
ley, that while among the Algonquin Indians he had
gone with a party to the north where they had found
a salt water sea, on whose shores were the remains
78 7A/A S 7'O/e Y OA’ CA AWA ZOA.
of an English ship. The Indians had also, accord-
ing to Vignau, brought back an English lad, whom
they intended to present to Champlain when he
made his promised visit to the Upper Ottawa.
Champlain probably thought he was at last to
realise the dream of his life. Accompanied by
Vignau, four other Frenchmen, and an Indian guide,
he ascended the great river, with its numerous lakes,
cataracts, and islets. He saw the beautiful fall to
which ever since has been given the name of Rideau
—a name also extended to the river, whose waters
make the descent at this point—on account of its
striking resemblance to a white curtain. Next he
looked into the deep chasm of mist, foam, and rag-
ing waters, which the Indians called Asticou or
Cauldron (Chaudière), on whose sides and adjacent
islets, then thickly wooded, now stand great mills
where the electric light flashes amid the long steel
saws as they cut into the huge pine logs which the
forests of the Ottawa yearly contribute to the com-
merce and wealth of Canada. At the Chaudière the
Indians evoked the spirits of the waters, and offered
them gifts of tobacco if they would ward off misfor-
tune. The expedition then passed up the noble
expansion of the river known as the Chats, and saw
Other lakes and cataracts that gave variety and gran-
deur to the scenery of the river of the Algonquins,
as it was then called, and reached at last, after a
difficult portage, the country around Allumette lake,
where Nicholas de Vignau had passed the previous
winter. Two hundred and fifty-four years later, on
an August day, a farmer unearthed on this old por-
S.-1 // UAE / CA/A A/A/LA /AW. 79
tage route in the district of North Renfrew, an old
brass astrolabe of Paris make, dated 1603; the in-
strument used in those distant days for taking
astronomical observations and ascertaining the lati-
tude. No doubt it had belonged to Champlain,
who lost it on this very portage by way of Muskrat
CHAMPLAIN’s LOST ASTROLABE.
and Mud lakes, as from this place he ceases to give
us the correct latitudes which he had previously
been able to do.
Among the Algonquin Indians of this district,
who lived in rudely-built bark cabins or camps, and
were hunters as well as cultivators of the soil, he
soon found out that there was not a word of truth
in the story which Nicholas de Vignau had told him

8O TAZAZ S 7'OR Y OF CAAVA DA.
of a journey to a northern sea, but that it was the
invention of “the most impudent liar whom I have
seen for a long time.” Champlain did not punish
him, though the Indians urged him to put him to
death. ~4-
Champlain remained a few days among the In-
dians, making arrangements for future explorations,
and studying the customs of the people. He was
especially struck with their method of burial. Posts
supported a tablet or slab of wood on which was a
rude carving supposed to represent the features of
the dead. A plume decorated the head of a chief;
his weapons meant a warrior; a small bow and one
arrow, a boy; a kettle, a wooden spoon, an iron pot,
and a paddle, a woman or girl. These figures were
painted in red or yellow. The dead slept below,
wrapped in furs and surrounded by hatchets, knives,
or other treasures which they might like to have in
the far-off country to which they had gone; for, as
Champlain says, “ they believe in the immortality
of the soul.”
Champlain made no attempt to proceed further up
the river. Before leaving the Upper Ottawa, he
made a cedar cross, showing the arms of France—a
custom of the French explorers, as Cartier's narra-
tive tells us—and fixed it on an elevation by the side
of the lake. He also promised Tessouat to return
in the following year and assist him against the
Iroquois.
The next event of moment in the history of the
colony was the arrival in 1615 of Fathers Denis
Jamay, Jean d’Olbeau, and Joseph Le Caron, and
SA MUAE / CA/A A/A/A/AW. 8 I
the lay brother Pacifique du Plessis, who belonged
to the mendicant order of the Recollets, or reformed
branch of the Franciscans, so named from their foun-
der, St. Francis d’Assisi. They built near the French
post at Quebec a little chapel which was placed in
charge of Father Jamay and Brother Du Plessis,
while Jean d’Olbeau went to live among the Mon-
tagnais and Joseph Le Caron among the Hurons of
the West.
During the summer of 1615 Champlain fulfilled
his pledge to accompany the allied tribes on an ex-
pedition into the country of the Iroquois. This was
the most important undertaking of Champlain's life
in Canada, not only on account of the length of the
journey, and the knowledge he obtained of the lake
region, but of the loss of prestige he must have sus-
tained among both Iroquois and Canadian Indians
who had previously thought the Frenchman invin-
cible. The enemy were reached not by the usual
route of the Richelieu and Lake Champlain, consid-
ered too dangerous from their neighbourhood to the
Iroquois, but by a long detour by way of the Ottawa
valley, Georgian Bay, Lake Simcoe, and the port-
ages, rivers, and lakes that lead into the River Trent,
which falls into the pretty bay of Quinté, at the
eastern end of Lake Ontario, whence they could pass
rapidly into the country of the Five Nations.
Accompanied by Stephen Brulé, a noted Indian
interpreter, a servant, and eight Indians, Champlain
left Montreal about the middle of July, ascended
the Ottawa, and paddled down the Mattawa to the
lake of the Nipissings, where he had interviews with
6
82 TH/AE STORY OF CAAVA DA.
the Indians who were dreaded by other tribes as
SOI. Cel erS.
The canoes of the adventurous Frenchmen went
down French River, and at last reached the waters of
the great Fresh Water Sea, the Mer Douce of Cham-
plain's maps, and now named Lake Huron in mem-
ory of the hapless race that once made their home
in that wild region. Passing by the western shore
of the picturesque district of Muskoka, the party
landed at the foot of the bay and found themselves
before long among the villages of the Hurons, whose
country lay then between Nottawasaga Bay and
Lake Simcoe. Here Champlain saw the triple pali-
sades, long houses, containing several households,
and other distinctive features of those Indian vil-
lages, one of which Cartier found at the foot of
Mont Royal.
In the village of Carhagouaha, where the palisades
were as high as thirty-five feet, Champlain met
Father Le Caron, the pioneer of these intrepid mis-
sionaries who led the way to the head-waters and
tributaries of the great lakes. For the first time in
that western region the great Roman Catholic cere-
mony of the Mass was celebrated in the presence of
Champlain and wondering Indian warriors. At the
town of Cahiagué, the Indian capital, comprising
two hundred cabins, and situated within the modern
township of Orillia, he was received with great re-
joicings, and preparations immediately made for the
expedition against the Iroquois. Stephen Brulé
undertook the dangerous mission of communicating
with the Andastes, a friendly nation near the head-
SAMUEL CHAMPLA/AW. 83
waters of the Susquehanna, who had promised to
bring five hundred warriors to the assistance of the
Canadian allied forces.
The expedition reached the eastern end of Lake
Ontario at the beginning of October by the circui-
tous route I have already mentioned, crossed to the
ONONDAGA FORT IN THE IROQUOIS COUNTRY ; FROM CHAMPLAIN'S
SKETCH.
other side somewhere near Sackett's harbour, and
soon arrived in the neighbourhood of the Onondaga
fort, which is placed by the best authorities a few
miles to the south of Lake Oneida. It was on the
afternoon of the Ioth of October, when the woods

84 7TA/AS STOR Y OF CA MA DA.
wear their brightest foliage, that the allied Indians
commenced the attack with all that impetuosity
and imprudence peculiar to Savages on Such occa-
sions. The fort was really a village protected by
four concentric rows of palisades, made up of pieces
of heavy timber, thirty feet in height, and support-
ing an inside gallery or parapet where the defenders
were relatively safe from guns and arrows. The
fort was by the side of a pond from which water
was conducted to gutters under the control of the
besieged for the purpose of protecting the Outer
walls from fire. Champlain had nine Frenchmen
under his direction—eight of them having accom-
panied Father Le Caron to the Huron village. It
was utterly impossible to give anything like method
to the Indian assaults on the strong works of the
enemy. Champlain had a high wooden platform
built, and placed on it several of his gunners who
could fire into the village, but the Iroquois kept
well under cover and very little harm was done.
The attempts to fire the palisades were fruitless on
account of the want of method shown by the attack-
ing parties. At last the allied Indians became dis-
heartened when they saw Champlain himself was
wounded and no impression was made on the fort.
They returned to the cover of the woods, and awaited
for a few days the arrival of Stephen Brulé and the
expected reinforcements of Andastes. But when
nearly a week had passed, and the scouts brought
no news of Indians from the Susquehanna, the Ca-
nadians determined to return home without making
another attack on the village. And here, I may
S 1 M UAE /. CAE/AA//?/LA /AV. 85
mention, that Stephen Brulé was not seen at Quebec
until three years later. It appeared then, from his
account of his wanderings, that he succeeded after
some vexatious delay in bringing the Andastes to
Oneida Lake only to find that they had left the
country of the Iroquois, who tortured him for a
while, and then, pleased with his spirit, desisted,
and eventually gave him his liberty. He is reported
to have reached in his wanderings the neighbourhood
of Lake Superior, where he found copper, but we
have no satisfactory information on this point.*
On their return to Canada, the Indians carried
Champlain and other wounded men in baskets made
of withes. They reached the Huron villages on the
20th of December after a long and wearisome jour-
ney. Champlain remained in their country for four
months, making himself acquainted with their cus-
toms and the nature of the region, of which he has
given a graphic description. Towards the last of
April, Champlain left the Huron villages, and arrived
at Quebec near the end of June, to the great delight
of his little colony, who were in doubt of his ever
coming back.
Another important event in the history of those
days was the coming into the country of several
Jesuit missionaries in 1625, when the Duke of Ven-
tadour, a staunch friend of the order, was made
viceroy of the colony in place of the Duke of Mont-
morency, who had purchased the rights of the
Prince of Condé when he was imprisoned in the
* Brulé was murdered by the Hurons in 1634 at Toanché, an
Indian village in the West.
86 TAZAZ S 7'OA’ V OA' C4 AVA DA.
Bastile for having taken up arms against the King.
These Jesuit missionaries, Charles Lalemant, who
was the first superior in Canada, Jean de Brebeuf,
Ennemond Massé, the priest who had been in Acadia,
François Charton, and Gilbert Buret, the two latter
lay brothers, were received very coldly by the offi-
cials of Quebec, whose business interests were at
that time managed by the Huguenots, William and
Emeric Caen. They were, however, received by
the Recollets, who had removed to a convent,
Notre-Dame des Anges, which they had built by
the St. Charles, of sufficient strength to resist an
attack which, it is reported on sufficiently good
authority, the Iroquois made in 1622. The first
Jesuit establishment was built in 1625 on the point
at the meeting of the Lairet and St. Charles, where
Cartier had made his little fort ninety years before.
We come now to a critical point in the fortunes
of the poor and struggling colony. The ruling spirit
of France, Cardinal Richelieu, at last intervened in
Canadian affairs, and formed the Company of New
France, generally called the company of the Hun-
dred Associates, who received a perpetual monopoly
of the fur-trade, and a control of all other commerce
for sixteen years, beside dominion over an immense
territory extending from Florida to the Arctic Seas,
and from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the great
Fresh Water Sea, the extent of which was not yet
known. Richelieu placed himself at the head of the
enterprise. No Huguenot thenceforth was to be
allowed to enter the colony under any conditions.
The company was bound to send out immediately a
SA MÖVAEZ CA/A/A/.4/AV. 87
number of labourers and mechanics, with all their
necessary tools, to the St. Lawrence, and four
thousand other colonists in the course of fifteen
years, and to support them for three years. Not
only was the new association a great commercial
corporation, but it was a feudal lord as well.
Richelieu introduced in a modified form the
old feudal tenure of France, with the object of
creating a Canadian noblesse and encouraging men
of good birth and means to emigrate and develop
the resources of the country. This was the begin-
ning of that seigniorial tenure which lasted for two
centuries and a quarter.
Champlain was re-appointed lieutenant-governor
and had every reason to believe that at last a new
spirit would be infused into the affairs of the colony.
Fate, however, was preparing for him a cruel blow.
In the spring of 1628, the half-starved men of Que-
bec were anxiously looking for the provisions and
men expected from France, when they were dis-
mayed by the news that an English fleet was off the
Saguenay. This disheartening report was immedi-
ately followed by a message to surrender the fort of
Quebec to the English admiral, David Kirk. War
had been declared between England and France,
through the scheming chiefly of Buckingham, the
rash favourite of Charles the First, and an intense
hater of the French King for whose queen, Anne of
Austria, he had developed an ardent and unrequited
passion. English settlements were by this time
established on Massachusetts Bay and England was
ambitious of extending her dominion over North
88 7A/AE STOA Y OF CAAVA DA.
America, even in those countries where France had
preceded her.
Admiral Kirk, who was the son of a gentleman in
Derbyshire, and one of the pioneers of the colonisa-
tion of Newfoundland, did not attempt the taking
of Quebec in 1628, as he was quite satisfied with the
capture off the Saguenay, of a French expedition,
consisting of four armed vessels and eighteen trans-
ports, under the command of Claude de Roquemont,
who had been sent by the new company to relieve
Quebec. Next year, however, in July, he brought
his fleet again to the Saguenay, and sent three ships
to Quebec under his brothers, Lewis and Thomas.
Champlain immediately surrendered, as his little
garrison were half-starved and incapable of making
any resistance, and the English flag floated for the
first time on the fort of St. Louis. Champlain and
his companions, excepting thirteen who remained
with the English, went on board the English ships,
and Lewis Kirk was left in charge of Quebec. On
the way down the river, the English ships met a
French vessel off Malbaie, under the command of
Emeric Caen, and after a hot fight she became also
an English prize.
When the fleet arrived in the harbour of Ply-
mouth, the English Admiral heard to his amazement
that peace had been declared some time before, and
that all conquests made by the fleets or armies of
either France or England after 24th April, 1629,
must be restored. The Kirks and Alexander used
every possible exertion to prevent the restoration of
Quebec and Port Royal, which was also in the pos-
SAM UAEL CHA MAE/A/AW. 89
session of the English. Three years elapsed before
Champlain obtained a restitution of his property,
which had been illegally seized. The King of
England, Charles I., had not only renewed a char-
ter, which his father had given to a favourite, Sir
William Alexander, of the present province of Nova
Scotia, then a part of Acadia, but had also extended
it to the “county and lordship of Canada.” Under
these circumstances Charles delayed the negotiations
for peace by every possible subterfuge. At last the
French King, whose sister was married to Charles,
agreed to pay the large sum of money which was
still owing to the latter as the balance of the dower
of his queen. Charles had already commenced that
fight with his Commons, which was not to end until
his head fell on the block, and was most anxious to
get money wherever and as soon as he could. The
result was the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, signed
on March 29, 1632. Quebec as well as Port Royal
—to whose history I shall refer in the following
chapter—were restored to France, and Champlain
was again in his fort on Cape Diamond in the last
week of May, 1633. A number of Jesuits, who were
favoured by Richelieu, accompanied him and hence-
forth took the place of the Recollets in the mission
work of the colony. In 1634, there were altogether
eight Jesuit priests in the country. They appear to
have even borrowed the name of the Recollet Con-
vent, Wotre Dame des Anges, and given it to their
own establishment and seigniory by the St. Charles.
During the last three years of Champlain's life in
Canada no events of importance occurred. The
90 THE STORY OF CAAVA DA. .
Company of Me Hundred Associates had been most
seriously crippled by the capture of the expedition
in 1628, and were not able to do very much for the
colony. The indefatigable lieutenant-governor, true
to his trust, succeeded in building a little fort in 1634
at the mouth of the St. Maurice, and founded the
present city of Three Rivers, as a bulwark against
the Iroq \is. It had, however, been for years a
trading place, where Brother Du Plessis spent some
time in instructing the Indian children and people in
the Catholic religion, and was instrumental in pre-
venting a rising of the Montagnais Indians who had
become discontented and proposed to destroy the
French settlements. e
On Christmas Day, 1635, Champlain died from a
paralytic stroke in the fort, dominating the great
river by whose banks he had toiled and struggled for
so many years as a faithful servant of his king and
country. Father Le Jeune pronounced the eulogy
over his grave, the exact site of which is even now a
matter of dispute.
What had the patient and courageous Frenchman
of Brouage accomplished during the years—nearly
three decades—since he landed at the foot of Cape
Diamond On the verge of the heights a little fort
of logs and a château of masonry, a few clumsy and
wretched buildings on the point below, a cottage
and clearing of the first Canadian farmer Hébert,
the ruins of the Recollet convent and the mission
house of the Jesuits on the St. Charles, the chapel
of Notre-Dame de Recouvrance, which he had built
close to the fort to commemorate the restoration of
SAMUEL CHAMPLA/M. 9I
*
Quebec to the French, the stone manor-house of
the first seignior of Canada, Robert Giffard of Beau-
port, a post at Tadousac and another at Three
Rivers, perhaps two hundred Frenchmen in the
whole valley. These were the only visible signs of
French dominion on the banks of the St. Lawrence,
when the cold blasts of winter sighed Champlain's
requiem on the heights whence his fancy had so
often carried him to Cathay. The results look small
when we think of the patience and energy shown, by
the great man whose aspirations took so ambitious
and hopeful a range. It is evident by the last map
he drew of the country, that he had some idea of
the existence of a great lake beyond Lake Huron,
and of the Niagara Falls, though he had seen
neither. He died, however, ignorant of the magni-
tude, number, and position of the western lakes, and
still deluded by visions, as others after him, of a
road to Asia. No one, however, will deny that he
was made of the heroic mould from which come
founders of states, and the Jesuit historian Charle-
voix has, with poetic justice, called him the
‘‘ Father of New France.’’

VII.
GENTILEMEN-ADVENTURE RS IN ACADIA.
(1614–1677.)
WE must now leave the lonely Canadian colonists
on the snow-clad heights of Quebec to mourn the
death of their great leader, and return to the shores
of Acadia to follow the fortunes of Biencourt and
his companions whom we last saw near the smoking
ruins of their homes on the banks of the Annapolis.
We have now come to a strange chapter of Canadian
history, which has its picturesque aspect as well as
its episodes of meanness, Cupidity, and inhumanity.
As we look back to those early years of Acadian
history, we see rival chiefs with their bands of
retainers engaged in deadly feuds, and storming each
other's fortified posts as though they were the cas-
tles of barons living in mediaeval times. We see
savage Micmacs and Etchemins of Acadia, only too
willing to aid in the quarrels and contests of the
white men who hate each with a malignity that
even the Indian cannot excel; closely shorn, ill-clad
mendicant friars who see only good in those who

92
GAEAV 7/2/2///5AV-A /) J’AºAV /"UA’AºA2S ZAV ACA/D/A. 93
help their missions; grave and cautious Puritans try-
ing to find their advantage in the rivalry of their
French neighbours; a Scotch nobleman and courtier
who would be a king in Acadia as well as a poet in
England; Frenchmen who claim to have noble blood
in their veins, and wish to be lords of a wide Ameri-
can domain; a courageous wife who lays aside the
gentleness of a woman's nature and fights as bravely
as any knight for the protection of her home and
what she believes to be her husband's rights. These
are among the figures that we see passing through
the shadowy vista which opens before us as we look
into the depths of the Acadian wilderness two cen-
turies and a half ago.
Among the French adventurers, whose names are
intimately associated with the early history of
Acadia, no one occupies a more prominent position
than Charles de St. Etienne, the son of a Huguenot,
Claude de la Tour, who claimed to be of noble birth.
The La Tours had become so poor that they were
forced, like so many other nobles of those times, to
seek their fortune in the new world. Claude and his
son, then probably fourteen years of age, came to
Port Royal with Poutrincourt in 1610. In the vari-
ous vicissitudes of the little settlement the father
and his son participated, and after it had been de-
stroyed by Argall, they remained with Biencourt
and his companions. In the course of time, the
elder La Tour established a trading post on the
peninsula at the mouth of the Penobscot—in Aca-
dian history a prominent place, as often in posses-
sion of the English as the French.
94 7//E STOA’ Y OF CAA/A/).A.
Biencourt and his companions appear to have had
some accessions to their number during the years
that followed the Virginian's visit. They built rude
cabins on the banks of the Annapolis, and cultivated
patches of ground after a fashion, beside raising a
fort of logs and earth near Cape Sable, called in-
differently Fort Louis or Lomeron. It has been
generally believed that Biencourt died in Acadia
about 1623, after making over all his rights to
Charles La Tour, who was his personal friend and
follower from his boyhood. Recently, however, the
discovery of some old documents in Paris throws
some doubt on the generally accepted Statement of
the place of his death.*
It is quite certain, however, whether Biencourt
died in France or Acadia, young La Tour assumed
after 1623 the control of Fort St. Louis and all other
property previously held by the former. In 1626
the elder La Tour was driven from the Penobscot by
English traders from Plymouth who took possession
of the fort and held it for some years. He now rec-
Ognised the urgent necessity of having his position
in Acadia ratified and strengthened by the French
king, and consequently went on a mission to France
in 1627.
About this time the attention of prominent men
in England was called to the fact that the French
had settlements in Acadia. Sir William Alexander,
afterwards the Earl of Stirling, a favourite of King
James the Fourth of Scotland and First of England,
and an author of several poetical tragedies, wished
* See Zºrahs, Roy, Soc, Canada, vol. x., sec. 2, p. 93,
GEAVTLA, MAEAV-AD VENTURERS ZAV ACA DIA. 95
to follow the example of Sir Frederick Gorges, one
of the promoters of the colonisation of New Eng-
land. He had no difficulty in obtaining from James,
as great a pedant as himself, a grant of Acadia, which
he named Nova Scotia. When Charles the First
became king, he renewed the patent, and also, at
the persuasion of the ambitious poet, created an
order of Nova Scotia baronets, who were obliged to
assist in the settlement of the country, which was
thereafter to be divided into ‘‘ baronies.” Sir Will-
iam Alexander, however, did not succeed in making ,
any settlement in Nova Scotia, and did not take any
definite measures to drive the French from his
princely, though savage, domain until about the
time Claude de la Tour was engaged in advocating
the claims of his son in Europe, where we must fol-
low him.
The elder La Tour arrived at an opportune time
in France. Cardinal Richelieu had just formed the
Company of the Hundred Associates, and it was
agreed that aid should at once be sent to Charles de
la Tour, who was to be the King's lieutenant in
Acadia. Men and supplies for the Acadian settle-
ment were on board the squadron, commanded by
Roquemont, who was captured by Kirk in the sum-
mer of 1628. On board one of the prizes was Claude
de la Tour, who was carried to London as prisoner.
Then to make the position for Charles de la Tour
still more hazardous, Sir William Alexander's son
arrived at Port Royal in the same year, and estab-
lished on the Granville side a small Scotch colony
as the commencement of a larger settlement in the
96 7"A/A2 S TOA’ Y OF CAAVA DA.
future. Charles de la Tour does not appear to have
remained in Port Royal, but to have retired to the
protection of his own fort at Cape Sable, which
the English did not attempt to attack at that time.
In the meantime the elder La Tour was in high
favour at London. He won the affections of one
of the Queen's maids of honour, and was easily per-
suaded by Alexander and others interested in
American colonisation, to pledge his allegiance to
the English king. He and his son were made baro-
nets of Nova Scotia, and received large grants of
land or ‘‘ baronies '' in the new province. As Alex-
ander was sending an expedition in 1630 with addi-
tional colonists and supplies for his colony in Nova
Scotia, Claude de la Tour agreed to go there for the
purpose of persuading his son to accept the honours
and advantages which the King of England had con-
ferred upon him. The ambitious Scotch poet, it
was clear, still hoped that his arguments in favour
of retaining Acadia, despite the treaty of Susa,
made on the 24th of April, 1629, would prevail with
the King. It was urged that as Port Royal was on
soil belonging to England by right of Cabot’s
discovery, and the French had not formally claimed
the sovereignty of Acadia since the destruction of
their settlement by Argall, it did not fall within
the actual provisions of a treaty which referred only
to conquests made after its ratification.
Charles de la Tour would not yield to the appeals
of his father to give up the fort at Cape Sable, and
obliged the English vessels belonging to Alexander
to retire to the Scotch settlement by the Annapolis
GENTZAMAEAV-A D VEAVTURAEA'S IN A CAD/A. 97
basin. The elder La Tour went on to the same
place, where he remained until his son persuaded
him to join the French at Fort St. Louis, where the
news had come that the King of France was deter-
mined on the restoration of Port Royal as well as
Quebec. It was now decided to build a new fort on
the River St. John, which would answer the double
purpose of strengthening the French in Acadia, and
driving the British out of Port Royal. Whilst this
work was in course of construction, another vessel
arrived from France with the welcome news that the
loyalty of Charles de la Tour was appreciated by the
King, who had appointed him as his lieutenant-
governor over Fort Louis, Port La Tour, and
dependencies.
By the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye the French
regained Acadia and were inclined to pay more
attention to the work of colonisation. Richelieu
sent out an expedition to take formal possession of
New France, and Isaac de Launoy de Razilly, a
military man of distinction, a Knight of Malta, and
a friend of the great minister, was appointed gover-
nor of all Acadia. He brought with him a select
colony, composed of artisans, farmers, several Capu-
chin friars, and some gentlemen, among whom were
two whose names occupy a prominent place in the
annals of Acadia and Cape Breton. One of them
was Nicholas Denys, who became in later years the
first governor of Cape Breton, where he made settle-
ments at Saint Anne's and Saint Peter's, and also
wrote an historical and descriptive account of the
French Atlantic possessions. The most prominent
7
98 TA/A2 S 7'O/8 Y OF CAAVA/OA.
Frenchman after Razilly himself, was Charles de
Menou, Chevalier d'Aunay and son of René de
Menou, lord of Charnizay, who was of noble family,
and became one of the members of the King's coun-
cil of state at the time the disputes between his son
and Charles de la Tour were at their height. Charles
de Menou, or d'Aunay, as I shall generally name
him, was made Razilly's deputy, and consequently
at the Outset of his career assumed a prominence in
the country that must have deeply irritated young
La Tour, who still remained one of the King's lieu-
tenants and probably expected, until Razilly’s arri-
val, to be the head of the colony. -
Captain Forrester, in command of the Scotch
colony at Port Royal, gave up the post to Razilly in
accordance with the Orders of the English king, who
had acted with much duplicity throughout the nego-
tiations. The fort was razed to the ground, and the
majority of the Scotch, who had greatly suffered
from disease and death, left Acadia, though several
remained and married among the French colonists.
This was the end of Alexander’s experiment in col-
Onising Acadia and founding a colonial noblesse.
Razilly made his settlement at La Hève, on the
Atlantic shore of Nova Scotia, and Denys had a mill
and trading establishment in the vicinity. Port
Royal was improved and the post at Penobscot
occupied. D'Aunay was given charge of the divi-
sion west of the St. Croix, and during the summer
of 1632 he came by sea to the Plymouth House on
the Penobscot, and took forcible possession of the
post with all its contents. A year later La Tour
GAEAVTLEMEAV-AD VENTUREAES IN ACAD/A. 99
/
{
also seized the “trading wigwam ” at Machias, in
the present State of Maine, but not before two of
the English occupants were killed. La Tour had
by this time removed from Cape Sable to the mouth
of the River St. John, where he had built a strong
fort on, probably, Portland Point, on the east side
of the harbour of the present city of St. John, and
was engaged in a lucrative trade in furs until a quar-
rel broke out between him and D'Aunay.
Soon after Razilly’s death in the autumn of 1635,
D'Aunay asserted his right, as lieutenant-governor
of Acadia and his late chief's deputy, to command
in the colony. He obtained from Claude de Razilly,
brother of the governor, all his rights in Acadia, and
removed the seat of government from La Hève to
Port Royal, where he built a fort on the site of the
present town of Annapolis. It was not long before
he and La Tour became bitter enemies.
La Tour considered, with much reason, that he
had superior rights on account of his long services
in the province that Ought to have been acknowl-
edged, and that D'Aunay was all the while working
to injure him in France. D'Aunay had certainly a
great advantage over his opponent, as he had power-
ful influence at the French Court, while La Tour was
not personally known and was regarded with some
suspicion on account of his father being a Hugue-
not, and friendly to England. As a matter of fact,
the younger La Tour was no Protestant, but a luke-
warm Catholic, who considered creed subservient to
his personal interests. This fact explains why the
Capuchin friars always had a good word to say for
IOO 7A/A2 S 7'OA' V OA’ CA AVA DA.
his rival who was a zealous Catholic and did much to
promote their mission.
The French Government attempted at first to
decide between the two claimants and settle the dis-
pute, but all in vain. La Tour made an attempt in
1640 to surprise D'Aunay at Port Royal, but the
result was that he as well as his bride, who had just
come from France, were themselves taken prisoners.
The Capuchin friars induced D'Aunay to set them
all at liberty on condition that La Tour should keep
the peace in future. The only result was an aggra-
vation of the difficulty and the reference of the dis-
putes to France, where D'Aunay won the day both
in the courts and with the royal authorities. La
Tour's commission was revoked and D'Aunay event-
ually received an order to seize the property and
person of his rival, when he proved contumacious
and refused to obey the royal command, on the
ground that it had been obtained by false represen-
tations. He retired to his fort on the St. John,
where, with his resolute wife and a number of
faithful Frenchmen and Indians, he set D'Aunay at
defiance. In this crisis La Tour resolved to appeal
to the government of Massachusetts for assistance.
In 1630, the town of Boston was commenced on the
peninsula of Shawmut, and was already a place of
considerable commercial importance. Harvard Col-
lege was already open, schools were established,
town meetings were frequent, and a system of rep-
resentative government was in existence. Not only
so, the colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New
Haven, and Plymouth had formed themselves into
GAEAV 7/A, MA: M-A D VEAV7'U.R.E.R.S ZAV ACA/O/A. IOI
a Confederacy “ for preserving and propagating the
truth and liberties of the Gospel, and for their own
mutual safety and welfare.’’
Much sympathy was felt in Boston for La Tour,
who was a man of very pleasing manners, and was
believed to be a Huguenot at heart. He explained
the affair at Machias and his relations with the
French Government to the satisfaction of the Boston
people, though apparently with little regard to
truth. The desire to encourage a man, who prom-
ised to be a good customer of their own, finally
prevailed over their caution, and the cunning Puri-
tans considered they got out of their quandary
by the decision that, though the colony could not
directly contribute assistance, yet it was lawful for
private citizens to charter their vessels, and offer
their services as volunteers to help La Tour. The
New Englanders had not forgotten D'Aunay's
action at Penobscot some years before, and evidently
thought he was a more dangerous man than his
rival.
Some Massachusetts merchants, under these cir-
cumstances, provided La Tour with four staunch
armed vessels and seventy men, while he on his part
gave them a lien over all his property. When
D'Aunay had tidings of the expedition in the Bay
of Fundy, he raised a blockade of Fort La Tour and
escaped to the westward. La Tour, assisted by
some of the New England volunteers, destroyed his
rival’s fortified mill, after a few lives were lost on
either side. A pinnace, having on board a large
quantity of D'Aunay's furs, was captured, and the
IO2 7 HE STOR Y OF CAAVAZ)A.
booty divided between the Massachusetts men and
La Tour.
From his wife, then in France, where she had
gone to plead his cause, La Tour received the un-
welcome news that his enemy was on his return to
Acadia with an overwhelming force. Thereupon he
presented himself again in Boston, and appealed to
the authorities for further assistance, but they would
not do more than send a remonstrance to D'Aunay
and ask explanations of his conduct.
At this critical moment, La Tour's wife appeared
on the scene. Unable to do anything in France for
her husband, she had found her way to London,
where she took passage on a vessel bound for Boston;
but the master, instead of carrying her directly to
Fort La Tour, as he had agreed, spent some months
trading in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and on the coast
of Nova Scotia. D'Aunay was cruising off Cape
Sable, in the hope of intercepting her, and searched
the vessel, but Madame La Tour was safely con-
cealed in the hold, and the vessel was allowed to go
on to Boston. On her arrival there, Madame La
Tour brought an action against the master and con-
signee for a breach of contract, and succeeded in
obtaining a judgment in her favour for two thousand
pounds. When she found it impossible to come to
a settlement, she seized the goods in the ship, and
on this security hired three vessels and sailed to
rejoin her husband. In the meantime an envoy from
D'Aunay, a Monsieur Marie, always supposed to be
a Capuchin friar, presented himself to the Massachu-
setts authorities, and after making a strong remon-
GEAVTLEMEAV-AID VEN 7'OA'A'RS ZAV ACAD/A. IO3
strance against the course heretofore pursued by the
colony, proffered terms of amity in the future on
the condition that no further aid was given to La
Tour. After some consideration the colonial gov-
ernment, of which Governor Endicott was now the
head, agreed to a treaty of friendship, which was not
ratified by D'Aunay for some time afterwards, when
La Tour was a fugitive. Then the terms were sanc-
tioned by the commissioners of the confederated
colonies. -
Having succeeded in obtaining the neutrality of
the English colonists through his agent Marie,
D’Aunay then determined to attack La Tour's fort
on the St. John, as he had now under his control a
sufficient number of men and ships. In the spring
of the same year, however, when La Tour was ab-
sent, D'Aunay mustered all his vessels and men,
and laid siege to the fort, but he met with most
determined resistance from the garrison, nerved and
stimulated by the voice and example of the heroic
wife. The besiegers were almost disheartened, when
a traitor within the walls—a “mercenary Swiss,”
according to a contemporary writer—gave them
information which determined them to renew the
assault with still greater vigour. D'Aunay and his
men again attempted to scale the walls, but were
forced to retire with a considerable force. Then
D'Aunay offered fair terms if the fort was immedi-
ately given up. Madame La Tour, anxious to spare
the lives of her brave garrison, which was rapidly
thinning, agreed to the proposal, and surrendered
the fort; and then D'Aunay is said to have broken
IO4 7A/A. S.7'OA” Y OF CAAWAZ)A.
his solemn pledge, and hanged all the defenders ex-
cept one, whose life was spared on the condition of
his acting as executioner.
One would fain not believe what the contempo-
rary historian adds, that D'Aunay forced Madame
La Tour to remain with a rope round her own neck,
and witness the execution of the brave men who
had so nobly assisted her in defending the fort.
The poor lady did not long survive this tragedy, as
she died a prisoner a few weeks later. All the acts
of her adventurous and tragic career prove her to
have been a good woman and a courageous wife, and
may well be an inspiring theme for poetry and
romance.*
D'Aunay now reigned supreme in Acadia. He
had burdened himself heavily with debt in his efforts
to ruin his rival, but he had some compensation in
* This story of the capture of Fort La Tour rests on the authority
of Denys (Description Géographique et Historique de l’Amérigue
Septemárionale, Paris, 1672), who was in Acadia at the time and must
have had an account from eyewitnesses of the tragedy. The details
which make D'Aunay so cruel and relentless are denied by a Mr.
Moreau in his Histoire de l'Acadie Française (Paris, 1873). This
book is confessedly written at the dictation of living members of the
D'Aunay family, and is, from the beginning to the end, an undis-
criminating eulogy of D'Aunay and an uncompromising attack on the
memory of La Tour and his wife. He attempts to deny that the fort
was seized by treachery, when on another page he has gone so far as
to accuse some Recollets of having made, at the instigation of
D'Aunay himself, an attempt to win the garrison from Madame La
Tour who was a Protestant and disliked by the priests. He also admits
that a number of the defenders of the fort were executed, while
others, probably the traitors, had their lives spared. The attacks on
Madame La Tour's character are not warranted by impartial history,
and clearly show the bias of the book.
GEAVTLEMEAV-A D VENTURERS IN A CAZ)/A. IO5
the booty he found at St. John. By the capture of
his fort La Tour lost jewels, plate, furniture, and
goods valued at ten thousand pounds, and was for a
time a bankrupt. His debts in Boston were very
heavy, and Major Gibbons, who had sent vessels to
Fort La Tour in 1643, was never able to recover the
mortgage he had taken on his estate. Bereft of wife
and possessions, La Tour left Acadia and sought aid
from Sir David Kirk, who was then governor of
Newfoundland, but to no purpose. Various stories
are told of his career for two years or longer, and it
is even reported that he robbed a Boston vessel in
his necessities, “ whereby it appeared, as the Scrip-
ture saith,’’ mournfully exclaims Governor Win-
throp, “that there is no confidence in any unfaithful
or carnal man.” Boston merchants and sailors had
suffered a good deal from both D'Aunay and La
Tour, and such a story would naturally obtain cre-
dence among men who found they had made a bad
investment in Fort La Tour and its appendages.
D'Aunay continued his work of improving Port
Royal and surrounding country, and the colony he
founded was the parent of those large settlements
that in the course of time stretched as far as the
isthmus of Chignecto. He was accidentally drowned
in the Annapolis River some time in 1650. French
Canadian writers call him cruel, vindictive, rapacious,
and arbitrary, but he has never been the favourite
of historians. His plans of settlement had a sound
basis and might have led to a prosperous and popu-
lous Acadia, had he not wrecked them by the malig-
nity with which he followed La Tour and his wife.
foé TATA: STOA' V OA’ CAAWA/OA.
La Tour, in the year 1648, visited Quebec, where
he was received with the most gratifying demonstra-
tions of respect by his countrymen, who admired his
conduct in the Acadian struggle. Then D'Aunay
died and La Tour immediately went to France,
where the government acknowledged the injustice
with which it had treated him in the past, and ap-
pointed him governor of Acadia, with enlarged priv-
ileges and powers. In 1653 he married D'Aunay's
widow, Jeanne de Motin, in the hope—to quote the
contract—‘‘ to secure the peace and tranquillity of
the country, and concord and union between the
two families.” Peace then reigned for some months
in Acadia ; many new settlers came into the coun-
try, the forts were strengthened, and the people
were hoping for an era of prosperity. But there
was to be no peace or rest for the French in Acadia.
One of D'Aunay's creditors in France, named Le
Borgne, came to America in 1654 at the head of a
large force, with the object of obtaining possession
of D'Aunay's property, and possibly of his position
in Acadia. He made a prisoner of Denys, who was
at that time engaged in trade in Cape Breton, and
treated him with great harshness. After a short
imprisonment at Port Royal, which was occupied by
Le Borgne, Denys was allowed to go to France,
where he succeeded eventually in obtaining a redress
of his grievances, and an appointment as governor
of Cape Breton.
Whilst Le Borgne was preparing to attack La
Tour, the English appeared on the scene of action.
By this time the civil war had been fought in Eng-
GAEAV 7/A, MAEAV-AA) WAAV7'0A'AºA'S /AV ACAD/A. iO7
land, the King beheaded, and Cromwell proclaimed
Lord Protector of the Commonwealth. In 1653
very strong representations were made to the latter
by the colonists of New England with respect to the
movements of the French in Acadia, and the neces-
sity of reducing the country to the dominion of
England. Peace then nominally prevailed between
France and Great Britain, but we have seen, as the
case of Argall proved, that matters in America were
often arranged without much reference to inter-
national obligations. A fleet, which had been sent
out by Cromwell to operate against the Dutch col-
ony at Manhattan, arrived at Boston in June, 1654,
and the news came a few days later that peace had
been proclaimed between the English and Dutch.
Thereupon an expedition was organised against the
French under the command of Major Robert Sedge-
wick of Massachusetts. Le Borgne at Port Royal
and La Tour on the St. John immediately surren-
dered to this force, and in a few days all Acadia was
once more in the hands of the English. Denys was
almost ruined by these events and obliged to retire
for a time from the country. La Tour was now far
advanced in years, and did not attempt to resist the
evil destiny that seemed to follow all the efforts of
France to establish herself in Nova Scotia. No
doubt the injuries he had received from his own
countrymen, together with the apathy which the
French Government always displayed in the affairs
of Acadia, were strong arguments, if any were
needed, to induce him to place himself under the
protection of the English. The representations he
IO8 7'HE STOA’ Y OF CAAVA ZXA.
made to the Protector met with a favourable re-
sponse, and obtained for him letters patent, dated
August 9, 1656, granting to him, Sir Charles La
Tour, in conjunction with Sir Thomas Temple and
William Crowne, the whole territory of Acadia, the
mines and minerals alone being reserved for the
government. Sir Thomas Temple, a man of gener-
ous disposition and remarkably free from religious
prejudices, subsequently purchased La Tour's rights,
and carried on a large trade in Acadia with much
energy. La Tour now disappears from the scene,
and is understood to have died in the country he
loved in the year 1666, at the ripe age of seventy-
four. He left several descendants, none of whom
played a prominent part in Acadian history, though
there are persons still in the maritime provinces of
Canada who claim a connection with his family. His
name clings to the little harbour near Cape Sable,
where he built his post of Lomeron, and antiquaries
now alone fight over the site of the more famous
fort at the mouth of the St. John, where a large and
enterprising city has grown up since the English oc-
cupation. About the figure of this bold gentleman-
adventurer the romance of history has cast a veil of
interest and generous appreciation on account of the
devotion of his wife and of the obstinate fight he
waged under tremendous disadvantages against a
wealthy rival, supported by the authority of France.
He was made of the same material as those brave
men of the west coast of England who fought and
robbed the Spaniard in the Spanish Main, but as he
plundered only Puritans by giving them worthless
GENTLEMEAV-AD VENTUREA'S IN A CAD/A. IOg
mortgages, and fought only in the Acadian wilds,
history has given him a relatively small space in its
pages.
Acadia remained in possession of England until
the Treaty of Breda, which was concluded in July
of 1667, between Charles II. and Louis XIV. Tem-
ple, who had invested his fortune in the country,
was nearly ruined, and never received any compen-
sation for his efforts to develop Acadia. In a later
chapter, when we continue the chequered history of
Acadia, we shall see that her fortunes from this time
become more closely connected with those of the
greater and more favoured colony of France in the
valley of the St. Lawrence.

VIII.
THE CANADIAN INDIANS AND THE IROQUOIS :
THEIR ORGANISATION, CHARACTER,
AND CUSTOMS.
AT the time of Champlain's death we see gather-
ing in America the forces that were to influence the
fortunes of French Canada—the English colonies
growing up by the side of the Atlantic and the Iro-
quois, those dangerous foes, already irritated by the
founder of Quebec. These Indians were able to buy
firearms and ammunition from the Dutch traders at
Fort Orange, now Albany, on the beautiful river
which had been discovered by Hudson in 1609.
From their warlike qualities and their strong natural
position between the Hudson and Niagara rivers,
they had now become most important factors in the
early development of the French and English colo-
nies, and it is consequently important to give some
particulars of their character and organisation. In
the first place, however, I shall refer to those
Indian tribes who lived in Canada, and were closely
identified with the interests of the French settle-
ments. These Indians also became possessed of

IIQ
“NIQÒNOÐTV “Z : SIOmòOXII ‘I
nv LIHV I WOH H ‘SGIJN/mLSO： NVICINI

I I 2 7/7A2 S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA/OA.
firearms, sold to them from time to time by greedy
traders, despite the interdict of the French authori-
ties in the early days of the colonies.
Champlain found no traces of the Indians of Car-
tier's time at Stadacona and Hochelaga. The tribes
which had frequented the St. Lawrence seventy
years before had vanished, and in their place he saw
bands of wandering Algonquins. It was only when
he reached the shores of Georgian Bay that he came
to Indian villages resembling that Hochelaga which
had disappeared so mysteriously. The St. Lawrence
in Cartier's day had been frequented by tribes
speaking one or more of the dialects of the Huron-
Iroquois family, one of the seven great families that
then inhabited North America east of the Missis-
sippi, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Hudson's Bay.
The short and imperfect vocabulary of Indian words
which Cartier left behind, his account of Hochelaga,
the intimacy of the two Gaspé Indians with the in-
habitants of Stadacona—these and other facts go to
show that the barbarous tribes he met were of the
Iroquois stock.
The Indians have never had any written records,
in the European sense, to perpetuate the doings of
their nations or tribes. From generation to genera-
tion, from century to century, however, tradition
has told of the deeds of ancestors, and given us
vague stories of the origin and history of the tribes.
It is only in this folk-lore—proved often on patient
investigation to be of historic value—that we can
find some threads to guide us through the labyrinth
of mystery to which we come in the prehistoric
CAAWAD/AAV AAVD /A’OQUO/S ZAVO/AAVS. II 3
times of Canada. Popular tradition tells us that the
Hurons and Iroquois, branches of the same family,
speaking dialects of one common language, were liv-
ing at one time in villages not far from each other
—the Hurons probably at Hochelaga and the Sene-
cas on the opposite side of the mountain. It was
against the law of the two communities for their
men and women to intermarry, but the potent influ-
ence of true love, so rare in an Indian's bosom, soon
broke this command. A Huron girl entered the
cabin of an Iroquois chief as his wife. It was an
unhappy marriage, the husband killed the wife in an
angry moment. This was a serious matter, requir-
ing a council meeting of the two tribes. Murder
must be avenged, or liberal compensation given to
the friends of the dead. The council decided that
the woman deserved death, but the verdict did not
please all her relatives, one of whom went off secretly
and killed an Iroquois warrior. Then both tribes
took up the hatchet and went on the warpath
against each other, with the result that the village
of Hochelaga, with all the women and children, was
destroyed, and the Hurons, who were probably
beaten, left the St. Lawrence, and eventually found
a new home on Lake Huron.*
Leaving this realm of tradition, which has prob-
ably a basis of fact, we come to historic times. In
Champlain's interesting narrative, and in the Jesuit
Relations, we find very few facts relating to Indian
history, though we have very full information re-
*See Horatio Hale's “Fall of Hochelaga,” in journal of Ameri-
can Polklore, Cambridge, Mass., 1894.
8 -- * *
II 4 7A/A2 S 7'OA” Y OF CAAVA DA.
specting their customs, superstitions, and methods
of living. The reports of the missionaries, in fact,
form the basis of all the knowledge we have of the
Canadian tribes as well as of the Five Nations them-
selves.
It is only necessary that we should here take ac-
count of the Algonquins and Huron-Iroquois, two
great families separated from one another by radical
differences of language, and not by special racial or
physical characteristics. The Eskimo, Dacotah,
Mandan, Pawnee, and Muskoki groups have no
immediate connection with this Canadian story, al-
though we shall meet representatives of these natural
divisions in later chapters when we find the French
in the Northwest, and on the waters of the Missouri
and Mississippi. The Algonquins and Huron-
Iroquois occupied the country extending, roughly
speaking, from Virginia to Hudson's Bay, and from
the Mississippi to the Atlantic. The Algonquins
were by far the most numerous and widely distrib-
uted. Dialects of their common language were
heard on the Atlantic coast all the way from Cape
Fear to the Arctic region where the Eskimo hunted
the seal or the walrus in his skin kayak. On the
banks of the Kennebec and Penobscot in Acadia we
find the Abenakis, who were firm friends of the
French. They were hunters in the great forests of
Maine, where even yet roam the deer and moose.
The Etchemins or Canoemen, inhabited the country
west and east of the St. Croix River, which had been
named by De Monts. In Nova Scotia, Cape Bre-
ton, and Prince Edward Island, we see the Micmacs
CAAWAZ)/AAV AAVZ) /A’OQUO/S ZAVZ)/A W.S. II 5
or Souriquois, a fierce, cruel race in early times,
whose chief, Membertou, was the first convert of
the Acadian missionaries. They were hunters and
fishermen, and did not till the soil even in the lazy
fashion of their Algonquin kindred in New England.
The climate of Nova Scotia was not so congenial to
the production of maize as that of the more southern
countries. It was the culture of this very prolific
plant, so easily sown, gathered, and dried, that
largely modified and improved the savage conditions
of Indian life elsewhere on the continent. It is
where the maize was most abundant, in the valley
of the Ohio, that we find relics of Indian arts—such
as we never find in Acadia or Canada.
On the St. Lawrence, between the Gulf and Que-
bec, there were wandering Algonquin tribes, gener-
ally known as Montagnais Or Mountaineers, living
in rude camps covered with bark or brush, eking a
precarious existence from the rivers and woods, and
at times on the verge of starvation, when they did
not hesitate at cannibalism. Between Quebec and
the Upper Ottawa there were no village communi-
ties of any importance; for the Petite Nation of the
river of that name was only a small band of Algon-
quins, living some distance from the Ottawa. On
the Upper Ottawa we meet with the nation of the
Isle (Allumette) and the Nipissings, both Algon-
quin tribes, mentioned in a previous chapter. They
were chiefly hunters and fishermen, although the
former cultivated some patches of ground. On
Georgian Bay we come to a nation speaking one of
the dialects of a language quite distinct from that
I I6 7A/E S TO/8 V OA’ CAAVA DA.
of the Algonquins. These were Hurons, numbering
in all some twenty thousand souls, of whom ten
thousand or more were adults, living in thirty-two
villages, comprising seven hundred dwellings of the
same style as Cartier saw at Hochelaga. These vil-
lages were protected by Stockades or palisades, and
by some natural features of their situation—a river,
a lake, or a hill. Neither the long houses nor the
fortifications were as strongly or as cleverly con-
structed as those of the Iroquois. Maize, pumpkins,
and tobacco were the principal plants cultivated.
Sunflowers were also raised, chiefly for the oil with
which they greased their hair and bodies. Their
very name meant ‘‘ Shock-heads ''--a nickname
originating from the exclamation of some French-
men, when they first saw their grotesque way of
wearing their hair, “Quelles hures / '' (What a head
of hair!) Champlain speaks of a tribe whom he met
after leaving Lake Nipissing, in 1615, and called the
Cheveux Releves, or people with the stiff hair, but
they were wandering Algonquins. Champlain called
the Hurons, Attigouantans, though their true name
was Ouendat, afterwards corrupted to Wyandot;ée.
which still clings to a remnant of the race in
America.
They were brave and warlike, with perhaps more
amiable qualities than the more ferocious, robust
Iroquois. The nation appears to have been a con-
federacy of tribes, each of which was divided into
clans or genţes on the Iroquois principle, which I
shall shortly explain. Two chiefs, one for peace and
one for war, assisted by a council of tribal chiefs,
CAAVAD/AAV AAWD IROQUOIS AAWD/AAVS. II 7
constituted the general government. Each tribe
had a system of local or self-government—to use a
phrase applicable to modern federal conditions—
consisting of chiefs and council. The federal organ-
isation was not; however, so carefully framed and
adjusted as that of their kin, the Iroquois. At
council meetings all the principal men attended and
votes were taken with the aid of reeds or sticks, the
majority prevailing in all cases. The whole organi-
sation was essentially a democracy, as the chiefs,
although an oligarchy in appearance, were controlled
by the voices and results of the councils. In this as
in other American savage nations, the rule govern-
ing the transmission of hereditary honours and pos-
sessions was through the female line. -
Beyond the Huron villages, south of Nottawasaga
Bay—so named probably from the Nottaways, a
branch of the same family, driven by war to the
south—we come to the Tionotates or Tobacco tribe,
who were kin in language and customs to their
neighbours and afterwards joined their confederacy.
The Neutral Nation, or Attiwandaronks of Iroquois
stock, had their homes on the north shore of Lake
Erie, and reached even as far as the Niagara. They
were extremely cruel, and kept for a long while their
position of neutrality between the Hurons and Five
Nations. To the south of Lake Erie rose the smoke
of the fires of the Eries, generally translated “Cats,”
but, properly speaking, the ‘‘ Raccoons.” Like
the Andastes, near the Susquehanna, mentioned in
a previous chapter, they were famous warriors, and
for years held their own against the Iroquois, but
II 8 THE STOA’ Y OF CAAVA DA.
eventually both these nations yielded to the fury
of the relentless confederacy.
We have now come to the western door of the
“long house ’’ (Ho-dé-no-sote) of the Iroquois, who
called themselves “the people of the long house"
(//o-de-no-sau-mee), because they dwelt in a line of
villages of “ long houses,’’ reaching from the Gene-
see to the Mohawk, where the eastern door looked
toward the Hudson and Lake Champlain. The
name by which they have been best known is
considered by Charlevoix and other writers to be
originally French; derived from “ Hiro '’ (I have
spoken)—the conclusion of all their harangues—and
Koué, an exclamation of sorrow when it was pro-
longed, and of joy when pronounced shortly. They
comprised five nations, living by the lakes, that still
bear their names in the State of New York, in the
following order as we go east from Niagara : -
IROQUOIS NATIONS. ENGLISH NAMES, FRENCH NAMEs.
Nundawāona S T t
Great hill people €1162C3. SOIll].OIll'OU12.IlS
Guéugwehono $
People of the marsh } Cayuga Goyogouin
Onundagaono f
People of the hills | Onondaga Onnontagué
Onayotékāono U *
Granite people ) Oneida Onneyote
Gâneagaono g
Possessors of the flint | Mohawk Agnier
Each tribe lived in a separate village of long
houses, large enough to hold from five to twenty
families. Each family was a clan or kin—resem-
bling the gens of the Roman, the yáros of the Greek
CAAWA D/AAV AAWD /ROQUO/S ZAVZ)/AAVS. 1 IQ
—a group of males and females, whose kinship was
reckoned only through females—the universal cus-
tom in archaic times in America. As among these
people the marriage tie was easily Sundered and
chastity was the exception,-remarkably so among
the Hurons, their kindred—it is not strange that all
rank, titles, and property should be based on the
rights of the woman alone. The child belonged
consequently to the clan, not of the father, but of
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IROQUOIS LONG HOUSE (FROM MORGAN).
the mother. Each of these tenement houses, as
they may well be called, was occupied by related
families, the mothers and their children belonging to
the same clan, while the husbands and the fathers of
these children belonged to other clans; consequently,
the clan or kin of the mother easily predominated in
the household.* Every clan had a name derived
from the animal world, as a rule, and a rude picture
* In this necessarily very imperfect description of the organisation
and customs of the Five Nations I depend mainly on those valuable
and now rare books, The League of the Iroquois, and Houses and
Aſome Life of the Aborigines, by Lewis H. Morgan. The reader
should also consult Horatio Hale's Iroquois Book of Rites.




12C) 7A/AE STOA: Y OF CAA/A/) A.
of the same was the “totem ’’ or coat-of-arms of
the kin or gens, found over the door of a long house
or tattooed on the arms or bodies of its members.
The Tortoise, Bear, and Wolf, were for a long
time the most conspicuous totems of the Iroquois.
These people were originally a nation of one stock
of eight clans, and when they separated into five
tribes or sections, each contained parts of the origi-
nal clans. Consequently, ‘‘ all the members of the
same clan, whatever tribe they belonged to, were
brothers or sisters to each other in virtue of their
descent from the same common female ancestor, and
they recognised each other as such with the fullest
cordiality.”
Whatever was taken in the hunt, or raised in cul-
tivation, by any member of the household—and the
Iroquois were good cultivators of maize, beans, and
squash—was used as a common stock for that par-
ticular household. No woman could marry a mem-
ber of her own clan or kin. The marriage might be
severed at the will of either party. Yet, while the
Iroquois women had so much importance in the
household and in the regulation of inheritance, she
was almost as much a drudge as the squaw of the
savage Micmacs of Acadia and the Gulf.
The tribe was simply a community of Indians of
a particular family or stock, speaking one of the
dialects of its language. For instance, the Five
Nations or Tribes spoke different dialects of the
Iroquoian stock language, but each could understand
the other sufficiently for all purposes of deliberation
and discussion. Each tribe was governed by its
CANAD/AAW AAWD IROQUOIS INDIA MS. 121
own council of sachems and chiefs—the latter in-
ferior in rank—elected by their respective clans, but
invested with office by the whole tribe. For all pur-
poses of tribal government the tribes had separate
territories and jurisdiction. For common purposes
they united in a confederation in which each tribe
occupied a position of complete equality—the ex-
ception being the Tuscaroras–Dusgadweh or “shirt-
wearing people ’’-who came from the south at the
beginning of the eighteenth century, and made up
the “ Six Nations.” If a tribe made peace it would
not bind the other tribes unless they had given their
consent in formal council, or by the presence of
their representatives. A general council of fifty
sachems, equal in rank and authority, administered
the affairs of the confederation. These sachems
were created in perpetuity in certain clans of the
several tribes and invested with office by the gen-
eral council. They were also sachems in their re-
spective tribes, and with other clan-chiefs formed the
council which was supreme Over all matters apper-
taining to the tribe exclusively. Women, too, had
their clan and other councils, and could make their
wishes known through the delegates they appointed
to the council of the league. In the federal council
the sachems voted by tribes, and unanimity was
essential before action was taken or a conclusion
arrived at. The general council was open to the
whole community for the discussion of public ques-
tions, but the council alone decided. The council
of each tribe had power to convene the general
council, but the latter could not convene itself.
I 22 THAE STORY OF CAAVA DA.
With the object of preventing the concentration
of too much power in one man's hands, the federal
council appointed two war chiefs, equal in authority.
The council fire or brand was always burning in the
valley of the Onondagas, where the central council
met as a rule in the autumn, or whenever a tribe
might consider a special meeting necessary. The
Onondagas had also the custody of the “Wampum,”
or mnemonic record of their structure of government,
and the Tadoda'ho, or most noble sachem of the
league, was among the same tribe. The origin of the
confederacy is attributed in legendary lore to Hā-yo-
went'-hā, the Hiawatha of Longfellow's poem.
These are the main features of that famous polity
of the Iroquois which gave them so remarkable a
power of concentration in war, and was one reason
of their decided superiority over all the other nations
of America. In council, where all common and
tribal affairs were decided, the Iroquois showed great
capacity for calm deliberation, and became quite
eloquent at times. Their language was extremely
figurative, though incapable of the expression of
abstract thought, as is the case with Indian tongues
generally. The Indian—essentially a materialist—
could only find his similes, metaphors, and illustra-
tions in the objects of nature, but these he used
with great skill. The Iroquois had a very keen ap-
preciation of their interests, and were well able to
protect them in their bargains or contracts with the
white men. In war they were a terrible foe, and a
whisper of their neighbourhood brought consterna-
tion to Indian camps and cabins from the Kennebec
CAAVAD/AAV AAWD AROQUO/S ZAVZ)/AAVS. 123
to the Delaware, from the Susquehanna to the Illi-
nois. They have been well described as “the scourge
of God upon the aborigines of the continent.” In
their political organisation, their village life, their
culture of the soil, their power of eloquence, their
skill as politicians as well as warriors, they were
superior to all the tribes in America as far as New
Mexico, although in the making of pottery and
other arts they were inferior to the mound-builders
of the Ohio and the Mississippi—probably the Alle-
gewi who gave their names to the Alleghanies and
are believed by some writers to have been either ex-
terminated by a combination of Algonquin and Iro-
quois or driven southward where they were absorbed
in other nations. At no time could the Iroquois
muster more than 30OO warriors; and yet they were
the scourge and dread of all the scattered tribes of
Algonquins, numbering in the aggregate probably
90,000 souls, and eventually crushed the Hurons and
those other tribes of their own nationality, who did
not belong to their confederacy and had evoked
their wrath. : .
The Algonquin and Huron-Iroquois nations had
many institutions and customs in common. Every
clan had some such totem as I have described in the
case of the Iroquois. Every tribe had its chiefs as
military leaders and its councils for deliberation and
decision. Consequently the democratic principle
dominated the whole organisation. Eloquence was
always prized and cultivated as a necessity of the
system of government. Some tribes had their
special orators among the chiefs. Though a general
I24 - Z.A.A. STOA Y OF CAAVA/OA.
war was dependent on the action of the council, yet
any number of warriors might go on the warpath at
any time against the enemies of the tribe. They
had no written records, but their memories were
aided in council or otherwise by reeds or sticks and
rude pictures; strings of wampum—Cleverly manu-
factured from shells—served as annals, which the
skilled men of a tribe could decipher and explain.
The wanpum belts performed an important part in
the declaration of war or peace, and the pipe was
equally effective in the deliberations of council and
in the profession of amity. Murder might be expi-
ated by presents to the family or relatives of the
dead, and crime was rarely followed by death except
there was a question of other nations, who would
not be content unless the blood of their kinsman
was washed away by blood. Charity and hospital-
ity were among the virtues of the Indian race, espe-
cially among the Iroquois, and while there was food
in a village no one need starve. The purity of love
was unknown to a savage nature, chiefly animated by
animal passion. Prisoners were treated with great
ferocity, but the Iroquois exceeded all nations in the
ingenuity of torture. Stoicism and endurance, even
heroic, were characteristics of Indians generally,
when in the hands of their enemies, and the cruel-
lest insult that a warrior could receive was to be
called a woman. Sometimes prisoners were spared
and adopted into the tribe, and among most nations
the wife or mother or sister of a dead chief might
demand that he be replaced by a prisoner to whom
they may have taken a fancy. After torture parts
CAAVAD/AAV AAVD VROQUO/S ZAVD/AAVS. I25
of the bodies of the victim would be eaten as a sort
of mystic ceremony, but this custom was peculiar
to the Hurons and Iroquois only. In their warlike
expeditions they had no special discipline, and might
be successfully met on the open field or under the
protection of fortified works. Their favourite sys-
tem was a surprise or furious onslaught. A siege
soon exhausted their patience and resources. They
were as treacherous as they were brave. In the
shades of the forest, whose intricacies and secrets
they understood so well, they were most to be feared.
Behind every tree might lurk a warrior, when once
a party was known to be on the warpath. To steal
stealthily at night through the mazes of the woods,
tomahawk their sleeping foes, and take many scalps,
was the height of an Indian’s bliss. Curious to say,
the Indians took little precautions to guard against
such surprises, but thought they were protected by
their manitous or guardian spirits.
A spirit of materialism prevailed in all their super-
stitions. They had no conception of one all-pervad-
ing, omniscient divine being, governing and watching
over humanity, when the missionaries first came
among them. It was only by making use of their
belief in the existence of a supreme chief for every
race of animals, that the priests could lead their
converts to the idea of a Great Spirit who ruled all
creation. In their original state of Savagery or bar-
barism, any conception an Indian might have of a
supernatural being superior to himself was frittered
away by his imagining that the whole material world
was under the influence of innumerable mysterious
I26 7A/E S TOA’ Y OF CAAVA/DA.
powers. In the stirring of the leaves, in the glint
of the sunbeam amid the foliage, in the shadow on
his path, in the flash of the lightning, in the crash
of the thunder, in the roar of the cataract, in the
colours of the rainbow, in the very beat of his pulse,
in the leap of the fish, in the flight of the birds, he
saw some supernatural power to be evoked. The
Indian companions of Champlain, we remember,
threw tobacco to the genius or Manitou of the great
fall of the Ottawa. The Manitou of the Algon-
quins, and the Okies or Otkons of the Hurons and
Iroquois were not always Superior, mysterious beings
endowed with supernatural powers, like the Algon-
quin Manabozho, the Great Hare, the king of all
animals; or a deified hero, like Hiawatha, the foun-
der of the Iroquois confederacy, and Glooscap, the
favourite of Micmac legends. The Manitou or Oki
might even be a stone, a fish-bone, a bird’s feather,
or a serpent’s skin, or some other thing in the ani-
mate or inanimate world, revealed to a young man
in his dreams as his fetich or guardian through life.
Dreams were respected as revelations from the spirit
world. As Champlain tells us, during his first ex-
pedition to Lake Champlain, the Indians always
questioned him as to his dreams, and at last he was
able to tell them that he had seen in a vision some
Iroquois drowning in the lake, and wished to help
them, but was not permitted to do so by the In-
dians of his own party. This dream, in their opinion,
was a portent in their favour.
A fetich became at last even the object of an
Indian's worship—to be thanked, flattered, expostu-
CAAVAD/AAV AAWD IROQUO/S ZAVD/AAVS. 127
lated with, according to the emergency. It can be
easily seen that in this Indian land of mysterious
agencies, of manitous and spirits, the medicine-man
and conjuror exercised a great power among old and
young, chiefs and women. He had to be consulted
in illness, in peace, in war, at every moment of im-
portance to individual or nation. Even in case of
illness and disease he found more value in secret
communications with the supernatural world, and in
working on the credulity of his tribesmen, than in
the use of medicines made from plants. The gross-
est superstition dominated every community. All
sorts of mystic ceremonies, some most cruel and re-
pugnant to every sense of decency, were usual on
occasions when supernatural influences had to be
called into action.
Every respect was paid to the dead, who were
supposed to have gone on a journey to a spirit
land. Every one had such a separate scaffold or
grave, generally speaking, as Champlain saw among
the Ottawas, but it was the strange custom of the
Hurons to collect the bones of their dead every few
years and immure them in great pits or ossuaries
with weirdlike ceremonies very minutely described
in the Relations. In a passage previously quoted
Champlain gave credit to the Indians for believing
in the immortality of the soul. The world to which
the Indian’s imagination accompanied the dead was
not the Heaven or Hell of the Jew or Christian.
Among some tribes there was an impression rather
than a belief that a distinction was made in the land
of the Ponemah or Hereafter between the great or
I28 ZTAZAZ SZTO/[2 Y OA’ CAAVA /OA.
useful, and the weak or useless; but generally it was
thought that all alike passed to the Spirit Land, and
carried on their vocations as in life. It was a Land
of Shades where trees, flowers, animals, men, and
all things were spirits. -
“By midnight moons, o'er moistening dews
In vestments for the chase arrayed
The hunter still the deer pursues,
The hunter and the deer a shade.”

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IX.
CONVENTS AND HOSPITALS-VILLE-MARIE-MAR-
TY RED MISSION ARIES-VICTORIOUS
IROQUOIS–HAPLESS HURONS.
(1635–1652.)
A SCENE that was witnessed on the heights of
Quebec on a fine June morning, two hundred and
sixty years ago, illustrated the spirit that animated
the founders of Canada. At the foot of a cross
knelt the Governor, Charles Hault de Montmagny,
Knight of Malta, who had come to take the place
of his great predecessor, Samuel Champlain, whose
remains were buried close by, if indeed this very
cross did not indicate the spot. Jesuits in their
black robes, soldiers in their gay uniforms, officials
and inhabitants from the little town below, all fol-
lowed the example of Montmagny, whose first
words were, according to Father Le Jeune, the his-
torian of those days : “Behold the first cross that
I have seen in this country, let us worship the
crucified Saviour in his image.” Then, this act of
devotion accomplished, the procession entered the
9 I29 -









I 3O TA/F STOA Y OF CAAVA DA.
little church dedicated by Champlain to Notre
Dame de la Recouvrance, where the priests solemnly
chanted the Te Deum and offered up prayers for the
King of France. :
The Church was first, the State second. After
the service the new governor entered the fort of St.
Louis, only a few steps from the sacred building,
received the keys amid salutes of cannon and mus-
ketry, and was officially installed as head of the civil
and military government of Canada, at this time
controlled by the Company of the Hundred Associ-
ates. Then he was called upon to act as god-father
for a dying Indian who desired baptism. In the
smoky cabin packed with Indians Montmagny stood
by the earnest Jesuit and named the Algonquin
Joseph. “I leave you to think,’’ says Father Le
Jeune, “how greatly astonished were these people
to see so much crimson, so many handsomely
dressed persons beneath their bark roofs.”
During the period of which I am now writing we
see the beginnings of the most famous educational
and religious institutions of the country. The
Hotel Dieu was founded in 1639, by the Soeurs
Hospitalières from the convent of St. Augustine, in
Dieppe, through the benefactions of the Duchess
d'Aiguillon, the niece of Cardinal Richelieu. Rich,
fascinating, and beautiful women contributed not
only their fortunes but their lives to the service of
the Church. Marie Madeleine de Chauvigny, who
belonged to a noble family in Normandy, married
at a very early age a M. de la Peltrie, who left her
a young widow of twenty-two years of age, without
- rº
MARIE GUYARD (MERE MARIE DE L'INCARNATION



13 I
I 32 TA/A2 S 7'OA’ Y OA’ CA AVA /) A.
any children. Deeply attached to her religion from
her youth, she decided to devote her life and her
wealth to the establishment of an institution for the
instruction of girls in Canada. Her father and
friends threw all possible obstacles in the way of
what they believed was utter folly for a gentle cul-
tured woman, but she succeeded by female wiles
and strategy in carrying out her plans. On the first
of August, 1639, she arrived at Quebec, in company
with Marie Guyard, the daughter of a silk manufac-
turer of Tours, best known to Canadians as Mère de
l'Incarnation, the mother superior of the Ursulines,
whose spacious convent and grounds now cover
seven acres of land on Garden Street in the an-
cient capital. She had a vision of a companion who
was to accompany her to a land of mists and moun-
tains, to which the Virgin beckoned as the country
of her future life-work. Canada was the land and
Madame de la Peltrie the companion foreshadowed
in that dream which gave Marie Guyard a vocation
which she filled for thirty years with remarkable
fidelity and ability.
Madame de la Peltrie and Marie Guyard were ac-
companied by Mdlle. de Savonnière de la Troche, who
belonged to a distinguished family of Anjou, and was
afterwards known in Canada as Mère de St. Joseph,
and also by another nun, called Mère Cécile de
Sainte-Croix. A Jesuit, Father Vimont, afterwards
superior, and author of one of the Relations, and the
three Hospital sisters, arrived in the same ship.
The company landed and “threw themselves on
their knees, blessed the God of Heaven, and kissed
COM VAZAV 7'S A AW/) A OS/2 / 7A/.S. 133
the earth of their near country, as they now called
it.” A Te Deum followed in the Jesuits' church
which was now completed on the heights near their
college, commenced as early as 1635—one year
before the building of Harvard College—through
the generosity of Réné Rohault, eldest son of the
Marquis de Gamache. The first visit of the nuns
was to Sillery, four miles to the west of Quebec, on
the north bank of the river, where an institution had
been established for the instruction of the Algon-
quin and other Indians, through the liberality of
Noël Brulart de Sillery, a Knight of Malta, and a
member of an influential French family, who had
taken a deep interest in the settlement of Canada
and proved it by his bounty. Madame de la Peltrie
and her companions, the Jesuit historian tells us
naïvely, embraced the little Indian girls “without
taking heed whether they were clean or not.”
It was during Montmagny’s term of office that
the city of Montreal was founded by a number of
religious enthusiasts. Jérôme le Royer de la Dau-
versière, receiver of taxes at La Flèche in Anjou, a
noble and devotee, consulted with Jean Jacques
Olier, then a priest of St. Sulpice in Paris, as to the
best means of establishing a mission in Canada.
Both declared they had visions which pointed to the
island of Mont Royal as the future scene of their
labours. They formed a company with large powers
as seigniors as soon as they had obtained from M.
de Lauzon, one of the members of the Company of
Hundred Associates, a title to the island. They
interested in the project Paul de Chomedey, Sieur
I 34 7"HAZ S 7'OA' V OAP CAAVA /) A.
de Maisonneuve, a devout and brave soldier, an
honest and chivalric gentleman, who was appointed
the first governor by the new company. Malle.
Jeanne Mance, daughter of the attorney-general of
Nogent-le-Roi, among the vine-clad hills of Cham-
pagne, who had bound herself to perpetual chastity
from a remarkably early age, gladly joined in this
religious undertaking. The company had in view
the establishment of communities of secular priests,
and of nuns to nurse the sick, and teach the children
—the French as well as the savages. Madame de
Bullion, the rich widow of a superintendent of
finance, contributed largely towards the enterprise,
and may be justly considered the founder of Hotel
Dieu of Montreal.
Maisonneuve and Mdlle. Mance, accompanied by
forty men and four women, arrived at Quebec in
August, 1641, when it was far too late to attempt
an establishment on the island. Governor de Mont-
magny and others at Quebec disapproved of the
undertaking which had certainly elements of danger.
The governor might well think it wisest to strengthen
the colony by an establishment on the island of Or-
leans or in the immediate vicinity of Quebec, instead
of laying the foundations of a new town in the most
exposed part of Canada. However, all these objec-
tions availed nothing against the enthusiasm of
devotees. In the spring of 1642, Maisonneuve and
his company left Quebec. He was accompanied by
Governor de Montmagny, Father Vimont, superior
of the Jesuits, and Madame de la Peltrie, who left
the Ursulines very abruptly and inconsiderately
COAV WAEAV 7'S A A//) A OS/2 / 7.4/.S. 13
under the conviction that she had a mission to fill at
Mont Royal. e
On the 17th May, Maisonneuve and his compan-
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ions landed on the little triangle of land, the Place
Royale of Champlain, formed by the junction of a
stream with the St. Lawrence. They fell immedi-
ately on their knees and gave their thanks to the
















136 THE STORY OF CANADA.
Most High. After singing some hymns, they raised
an altar which was decorated by Madame de la Pel-
trie and Mdlle. Mance, and celebrated the first great
mass on the island. Father Vimont, as he performed
this holy rite of his Church, addressed the new colo-
nists with words which foreshadowed the success of
the Roman Catholic Church in the greatest Canadian
city, which was first named Ville-Marie. -
A picket enclosure, mounted with cannon, pro-
tected the humble buildings erected for the use of
the first settlers on what is now the Custom-house
Square. The little stream—not much more than a
rivulet except in spring—which for many years rip-
pled between green, mossy banks, now struggles
beneath the paved street. - *
An obelisk of gray Canadian granite now stands
on this historic ground. Madame de la Peltrie did
not remain more than two years in Ville-Marie, but
returned to the convent at Quebec which she had
left in a moment of caprice. Mcille. Mance, who
was Madame de Bullion's friend, remained at the
head of the Hotel Dieu. The Sulpicians eventually
obtained control of the spiritual welfare, and in fact
of the whole island, though from necessity and pol-
icy the Jesuits were at first in charge. It was not
until 1653 that one of the most admirable figures in
the religious and educational history of Canada,
Margaret Bourgeoys, a maiden of Troyes, came to
Ville-Marie, and established the parent house in
Canada of the Congrégation de Notre-Dame, whose
schools have extended in the progress of centuries
from Sydney, on the island of Cape Breton, to the
Pacific coast.
COAV VAZAV 7'S AAW/D AE/OSA’/ 7.4/.S. I37
Yet during these years, while convents and hospi-
tals were founded, while brave gentlemen and cul-
tured women gave up their lives to their country and
their faith, while the bells were ever calling their
congregations to mass and vespers, the country was
defended by a mere handful of inhabitants, huddled
together at Quebec, at Three Rivers, and at the
little settlement of Ville-Marie. The canoes of the
Iroquois were constantly passing on the lakes and
rivers of Canada, from Georgian Bay to the Riche-
lieu, and bands of those terrible foes of the French
and their Indian allies were ever lurking in the
woods that came so dangerously close to the white
settlements and the Indian villages.
In 1642, Father Isaac Jogues was returning from
the missions on Lake Huron, with Couture, an
interpreter, and Goupil, a young medical attendant
—both donnés or lay followers of the Jesuits. They
were in the company of a number of Hurons who
were bringing furs to the traders on the St. Law-
rence, when the Iroquois surprised them at the
western end of Lake St. Peter's. The prisoners
were taken by the Richelieu to the Mohawk country
and Father Jogues was the first Frenchman to pass
through Lake George *—with its picturesque hills
and islets—which in a subsequent journey he named
Lac du Saint-Sacrament, because he reached it on
the eve of Corpus Christi. The Frenchmen were
carried from village to village of the Iroquois, and
* It was so called in 1753, after the reigning sovereign of Eng-
land by an ambitious and politic Irishman, Sir William Johnson,
whose name is constantly occurring in the history of the wars between
England and France. -
138 7A/E S 7'O/8 Y OF CAAVAZ)4.
tortured with all the cruel ingenuity usual in such
cases. Goupil’s thumb was cut off with a clam shell,
as one way of prolonging pain. At night the pris-
oners were stretched on their backs with their ankles
and wrists bound to stakes. Couture was adopted
into the tribe, and was found useful in later years as
an intermediary between the French and Mohawks.
Goupil was murdered and his body tossed into a
stream rushing down a steep ravine. Despite his
sufferings Father Jogues never desisted from his
efforts to baptise children and administer the rites
of his Church to the tortured prisoners. On one
occasion he performed the sacred office for a dying
Huron with some rain or dewdrops which were still
clinging to an ear of green corn which had been
thrown to him for food. After indescribable mis-
ery, he was taken to Fort Orange, where the Dutch
helped him to escape to France, but he returned to
Canada in the following year.
Bands of Iroquois continued to wage war with
relentless fury on all the Algonquin tribes from the
Chaudière Falls of the Ottawa to the upper waters
of the Saguenay. Bressani, a highly cultured Italian
priest, was taken prisoner on the St. Lawrence, while
on his way to the Huron missions, and carried to the
Mohawk villages, where he went through the cus-
tomary ordeal of torture. He was eventually given
to an old woman who had lost a member of her fam-
ily, but when she saw his maimed hands—one split
between the little finger and the ring-finger—she
sent him to the Dutch, who ransomed and sent him
to France, whence he came back like Jogues, a year
later.
MAA TYRAE Z) M/SS/OAVA R/ES. I 39
In 1645 the Mohawks made peace with the French,
but the other members of the Five Nations refused
to be bound by the treaty. Father Isaac Jogues ven-
tured into their country in 1646, and after a success-
ful negotiation returned to consult the governor at
Quebec; but unhappily for him he left behind a
Small box, filled with some necessaries of his simple
life, with which he did not wish to encumber him-
self on this flying visit. The medicine-men or sor-
cerers, who always hated the missionaries as the
enemies of their vile superstitious practices, made
the Indians believe that this box contained an evil
spirit which was the origin of disease, misfortune,
and death. When Father Jogues came back, he
found the village divided into two parties—one
wishing his death, the other inclined to show him
mercy, and after infinite wrangling between the fac-
tions, he was suddenly killed by a blow from a toma-
hawk as he was entering a long-house, to attend a
feast to which he had been invited. His body was
treated with contumely, and his head affixed to a
post of the palisades of the village. He was the
first martyr who suffered death at the hands of the
Iroquois.
The “black robe'' was now to be seen in every
Indian community of Canada; among the Hurons
and Algonquins as far as Lake Huron, among the
White Fish tribe at the head-waters of the Sague-
nay, and even among the Abenakis of the Kenne-
bec. Father Gabriel Druillétes, who had served an
apprenticeship among the Montagnais, was in charge
of this Abenaki mission, and in the course of years
f4O 7A/AE STO/8 V OAP CAAVA DA.
visited Boston, Plymouth, and Salem, in the inter-
ests of the Canadian French, who wished to enter
into commercial relations with New England, and
also induce its governments to enter into an alli-
ance against the Iroquois. The authorities of the
New England confederacy eventually refused to
evoke the hostility of the dangerous Five Nations.
Father Druillétes, however, won for Canada the
enduring friendship of the Abenakis, as Acadian
history shows. -
It is impossible within the limited space of this
chapter to give any accurate idea of the spirit of
patience, zeal, and self-sacrifice which the Jesuit
Fathers exhibited in their missions among the hap-
less Hurons. For years they found these Indians
very suspicious of their efforts to teach the lessons
of their faith. It was only with difficulty the mis-
sionaries could baptise little children. They would
give sugared water to a child, and, apparently by
accident, drop some on its head, and at the same
time pronounce the sacramental words. Some
Indians believed for a long time that the books and
strings of beads were the embodiment of witchcraft.
But the persistency of the priests was at last re-
warded by the conversion, or at all events the sem-
blance of conversion, of large numbers of Hurons.
It would seem, according as their fears of the Iro-
quois increased, the Hurons gave greater confidence
to the French, and became more dependent on their
counsel. In fact, in some respects, they lost their
spirit of self-reliance. In some villages the converts
at last exceeded the number of unbelievers. By
M4A2 7" V/ø E/O M/SS/OAVAA’/AE.S. I4 I
I647 there were eighteen priests engaged in the work
of eleven missions, chiefly in the Huron country, but
also among the Algonquin tribes on the east and
northeast of Lake Huron or at the outlet of Lake
Superior. Each mission had its little chapel, and a
bell, generally hanging on a tree. One central mis-
sion house had been built at Ste. Marie close to a
little river, now known as the Wye, which falls into
Thunder Bay, an inlet of Matchedash Bay. This
was a fortified station in the form of a parallel-
Ogram, Constructed partly of masonry, and partly of
wooden palisades, strengthened by two bastions
containing magazines. The chapel and its pictures
attracted the special admiration of the Indians,
whose imagination was at last reached by the em-
bellished ceremonies of the Jesuits' church. The
priests, thoroughly understanding the superstitious
character of the Indians, made a lavish use of pic-
torial representations of pain and sufferings and
rewards, allotted to bad and good. Father Le
Jeune tells us that “ such holy pictures are most
useful object-lessons for the Indians.” On one
occasion he made a special request for '' three, four,
or five devils, tormenting a soul with a variety of
punishments—one using fire, another serpents, and
another pincers.” The mission house was also con-
stantly full of Indians, not simply enjoying these
pictures, but participating also in the generous hos-
pitality of the Fathers. - - -
It was in 1648 that the first blow descended on
this unhappy people who were in three years' time
to be blotted out as a warlike, united nation in
I42 ZTA/A2 ,S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA /OA.
America. In that year the Iroquois attacked the
mission of St. Joseph (Teanaustayé), fifteen miles
from Ste. Marie, where in 1638 a famous Iroquois,
Ononkwaya, had been tortured. All the people had
been massacred or taken prisoners in the absence of
the warriors who were mostly in pursuit of a band
of Iroquois. Father Daniel, arrayed in the vest-
ments of his vocation, was among the first to fall a
victim to the furious savages, who instantly cast his
body into the flames of his burning chapel,-a fitting
pyre for the brave soldier of the Cross. St. Ignace,
St. Louis, and other missions were attacked early in
the following year. Fathers Jean de Brebeuf and
Gabriel Lalemant were tortured and murdered at St.
Ignace. From village after village the shrieks of
helpless women and men and children, tied to stakes
in burning houses, ascended to a seemingly pitiless
Heaven. Many persons were tortured on the spot,
but as many or more reserved for the sport of the
Iroquois villages. Father Brebeuf was bound to a
stake, and around his neck was thrown a necklace of
red-hot tomahawks. They cut off his lower lip, and
thrust a heated iron rod down his throat. It was
doubtless their delight to force a groan or complaint
from this stalwart priest, whose towering and noble
figure had always been the admiration of the Cana-
dian Indians, but both he and Lalemant, a rela-
tively feeble man, showed themselves as brave as the
most courageous Indian warriors under similar con-
ditions.
When a party from Ste. Marie came a few days
later to the ruins of St. Ignace, they found the tor-
Aſ A A'/.../2.SS Aſ UA’OAV.S. I43
tured bodies of the dead missionaries on the ground,
and carried them to the mission house, where they
were buried in sacred earth. The skull of the
generous, whole-souled Brebeuf is still to be seen
within a silver bust in the Hotel Dieu of Quebec.
Father Garnier was killed at the mission of St. Jean
(Etarita), in the raids which the Iroquois made at a
later time on the Tobacco Nation, the kindred of
the Hurons. Father Chabanel, who was on his way
from St. Jean to Ste. Marie, was never heard of, and
it is generally believed that he was treacherously
killed and robbed by a Huron.
The Hurons were still numerous despite the losses
they had suffered—counting even then more families
than the Five Nations—but as they looked on the
smoking ruins of their villages and thought of the
undying hatred which had followed them for so many
years they lost all courage and decided to scatter
and seek new homes elsewhere. Father Rague-
neau, the superior of the Jesuits, after consultation
with the Fathers and Frenchmen at Ste. Marie,
some fifty persons altogether, felt they could no
longer safely remain in their isolated position when
the Hurons had left the country. They removed
all their goods to the Isle of St. Joseph, now one of
the Christian Islands, near the entrance of Matche-
dash Bay, where they erected a fortified post for the
protection of several thousand Hurons who had
sought refuge here. Before many months passed,
the Hurons believed that their position would be
untenable when the Iroquois renewed their attacks,
and determined to leave the island. Some ventured
I44 7"H AE S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAWAZ)A.
even among the Iroquois and were formally received
into the Senecas and other tribes. A remnant
remained a few months longer on the island, but
they soon left for Quebec after killing some thirty
of the bravest Iroquois warriors, who had attempted
to obtain possession of the fort by a base act of
treachery. A number belonging to the Tobacco
Nation eventually reached the upper waters of the
Mississippi where they met the Sioux, or Dacotahs,
a fierce nation belonging to a family quite distinct
from the Algonquins and Iroquois, and generally
found wandering between the head-waters of Lake
Superior and the Falls of St. Anthony. (After vari-
ous vicissitudes these Hurons scattered, but some
found their rest by the side of the Detroit River,
where they have been always known as Wyandots.]
Some three hundred Hurons, old and young, left
St. Joseph for Quebec, where they were most kindly
received and given homes on the western end of the
Isle of Orleans, where the Jesuits built a fort for
their security; but even here, as we shall see, the
Iroquois followed them, and they were eventually
forced to hide themselves under the guns of Quebec.
War and disease soon thinned them out, while not a
few cast in their lot with the Iroquois who were at
last themselves seeking recruits. The Huron rem-
nant finally found a resting-place at Lorette on the
banks of the St. Charles, a few miles from the heights
of the Capital.
The only memorials now in Canada of a once
powerful people, that numbered at least twenty
thousand souls before the time of their ruin and dis-
AAA’/.A.S.S. Aſ UA’OAV.S. - I45
persion, are a remnant still retaining the language
of their tribe on the banks of the Detroit; a larger
settlement on the banks of the St. Charles, but
without the distinguishing characteristics of their
ancestors who came there from Isle St. Joseph ; the
foundations of the old mission house of Ste.
Marie, and the remarkable graves and ossuaries
which interest the student and antiquary as they
wander in the summer-time through the picturesque
country where the nation was once Supreme.
IO

§ &\º §§
5 %. § § &
|ſº
:
X.
YEARS OF GLOOM –THE KING COMES TO
THE RESCUE OF CANADA—THE
IROQUOIS HUMBLED.
(1652–1667.)
IT was noon on the 20th May, 1656, when the
residents of Quebec were startled by the remarkable
spectacle of a long line of bark canoes drawn up on
the river immediately in front of the town. They
could hear the shouts of the Mohawk warriors making
boast of the murder and capture of unhappy Hu-
rons, whom they had surprised on the Isle of Orleans
close by. The voices of Huron girls—“ the very
flower of the tribe,” says the Jesuit narrator—were
raised in plaintive chants at the rude command of
their savage captors, who even forced them to dance
in sight of the French, on whose protection they
had relied. The governor, M. de Lauzon, a weak,
incapable man, only noted for his greed, was per-
fectly paralysed at a scene without example, even
in those days of terror, when the Iroquois were
virtually masters of the St. Lawrence valley from
Huron to Gaspé.












I46
YEARS OF GM. OOM. I47
At this very time a number of Frenchmen—
probably fifty in all—were in the power of the
Iroquois, and the governor had no nerve to make
even an effort to save the Hurons from their fate.
To understand the situation of affairs, it is neces-
sary to go back for a few years. After the dis-
persion of the Hurons, the Iroquois, principally
the Mohawks, became bolder than ever on the St.
Lawrence. M. du Plessis-Bochat, the governor of
Three Rivers, lost his life in a courageous but ill-
advised attempt to chastise a band of warriors that
were in ambush not far from the fort. Father
Buteux was killed on his way to his mission of
the Attikamegs or White Fish tribe, at the head-
waters of the St. Maurice. In 1653, Father Poucet
was carried off to a Mohawk village, where he was
tortured in the usual fashion, and then sent back to
Canada with offers of peace. The Senecas and
Cayugas were then busily engaged in exterminating
the Eries, who had burned one of their most famous
chiefs, whose last words at the stake were prophetic:
“ Eries, you burn in me an entire nation ’’
A peace, or rather a truce, was declared formally
in the fall of 1653. Then, at the request of the
Onondagas, Father Simon le Moyne, a missionary
of great tact and courage, who was the first French-
man to ascend the St. Lawrence as far as the Thou-
sand Isles, ventured into the Iroquois country, where
he soon became a favourite. As a result of the nego-
tiations which followed this mission, Governor de
Lauzon was persuaded to send a colony to the vil-
lages of the Onondagas. This colony was composed
I48 7A/A2 ,S 7'OA’ Y O AP CAAVA /XA.
of Captain Dupuy, an officer of the garrison, ten
soldiers, and between thirty and forty volunteers,
Father Dablon, who had previously gone with
Father Chaumonot among the Onondagas, and had
brought back the request for a colony, accompanied
the expedition, which left Quebec in the month of
June, 1656. On the way up the river the Onon-
dagas were attacked by a band of Mohawks, when
the boats carrying the French had gone ahead and
were not within sight. Some of the Onondagas were
killed and wounded, and then the Mohawks found
out that they had surprised and injured warriors
belonging to a tribe of their own confederacy.
They endeavoured to explain this very serious act of
hostility against their own friends and allies by the
excuse that they had mistaken them for Hurons,
whom they were on the way to attack. There is
little doubt that they well understood the character
of the expedition, and attacked it through envy of
the success of the Onondagas in obtaining the set-
tlement of Frenchmen in their villages.
When the Mohawks had made their explanations,
they allowed the angry Onondagas to proceed on
their journey, while they themselves went on to
Quebec where, as we have already seen, they showed
their contempt of the French by assailing the Hu-
rons under the very guns of the fort of St. Louis.
As soon as the French colony arrived at the Onon-
daga villages, they took possession of the country
in the name of Jesus. On an eminence overlooking
the lake they erected the mission of St. Mary of
Gannentaha, the correct Iroquois name for Onondaga,
yeaks of GZoo.u. I49
in the vicinity of the present city of Syracuse. The
Onondagas generally appeared delighted at the pres-
ence of the French, though at this very time the
Mohawks continued to paddle up and down the St.
Lawrence to the consternation of the French and
Canadian Indians alike. The Jesuit priest Garreau
was killed in one of these excursions while accom-
panying a party of Ottawas to Lake Superior.
The colonists at Gannentaha at last found that their
own lives were threatened by a conspiracy to destroy
them, but they succeeded in deceiving the Indians
and in escaping to Canada in the month of March,
after living only two years among the Onondagas.
Whilst the Indians were sleeping away the effects of
one of those mystic feasts, at which they invariably
stuffed themselves to repletion, the Frenchmen es-
caped at night and reached the Oswego River, which
they successfully descended by the aid of flat-boats
which they had secretly constructed after the dis-
covery of the plot. The party reached the French
settlement with the loss of three men, drowned in the
descent of the rapids of the St. Lawrence, probably
the Cedars. The enterprise was most hazardous at
this season when the ice had to be broken on the
rivers before the boats could be used. But this very
fact had its advantage, since the bark canoes of the
Indians would have been useless had they followed
the party. This exploit is one of the most remark-
able ever performed by the French in those early
days, and shows of what excellent material those
pioneers of French colonisation were made.
In the spring of 1660 it was discovered that an
I 50 7A/A2 ,S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA Z)A.
organised attack was to be made on all the settle-
ments by a large force of Over a thousand Iroquois,
who were to assemble at the junction of the Ottawa
and St. Lawrence rivers. It is stated on credible
authority that Montreal–Canada in fact—was saved
at this critical juncture by the heroism of a few
devoted Frenchmen. Among the officers of the
little garrison that then protected Montreal, was
Adam Daulac or Dollard, Sieur des Ormeaux, who
obtained leave from Maisonneuve, the governor, to
lead a party of volunteers against the Iroquois, who
were wintering in large numbers on the upper Ot-
tawa. Sixteen brave fellows, whose names are all
recorded in the early records of Montreal, took a
solemn oath to accept and give no quarter, and after
settling their private affairs and receiving the sacra-
ment, they set out on their mission of inevitable
death. Dollard and his band soon reached the im-
petuous rapids of the Long Sault of the Ottawa,
destined to be their Thermopylae. There, among
the woods, they found an old circular inclosure of
logs, which had been built by some Indians for de-
fensive purposes. This was only a wretched bulwark,
but the Frenchmen were in a state of exalted enthu-
siasm, and proceeded to strengthen it. Only two or
three days after their arrival, they heard that the
Iroquois were descending the river. The first attacks
of the Iroquois were repulsed, and then they sent
out scouts to bring up a large force of five hundred
warriors who were at the mouth of the Richelieu.
In the meantime they continued harassing the in-
mates of the fort, who were suffering for food and
YAAA’S OA' GZOO/W. 1 5 I
water. A band of Hurons who had joined the
French just before the arrival of the Iroquois, now
deserted them, with the exception of their chief, who
as well as four Algonquins, remained faithful to the
end. The forests soon resounded with the yells of
the Iroquois, when reinforced. Still Dollard and his
brave companions never faltered, but day after day
beat back the astonished assailants, who knew the
weakness of the defenders, and had anticipated an
easy victory. At last a general assault was made,
and in the struggle Dollard was killed. Even then
the survivors kept up the fight, and when the Iro-
quois stood within the inclosure there was no one
to meet them. Four Frenchmen, still alive, were
picked up from the pile of corpses. Three of these
were instantly burned, while the fourth was reserved
for continuous torture a day or so later. The faith-
less Hurons gained nothing by their desertion, for
they were put to death, with the exception of five
who eluded their captors, and took an account of
this remarkable episode to the French at Montreal.
The Iroquois were obviously amazed at the courage
of a few Frenchmen, and decided to give up, for
the present, their project of attacking settlements
defended by men so dauntless.
Even the forces of nature seemed at this time to
conspire against the unfortunate colony. A remark-
able earthquake, the effects of which can still be
seen on the St. Lawrence,—at picturesque Les
Eboulements, which means ‘‘ earth slips,” for in-
stance,—commenced in the month of February, 1663,
and did not cease entirely until the following summer.
152 7A/E STORY OF CANADA.
Fervent appeals for assistance were made to the
King by Pierre Boucher, the governor of Three
Rivers, by Monseigneur Laval, the first bishop, by
the Jesuit Fathers, and by the governors of New
France, especially by M. d’Avaugour, who recom-
mended that three thousand soldiers be sent to the
colony, and allowed to become settlers after a cer-
tain term of service. By 1663, the total population
of Canada did not exceed two thousand Souls, the
large majority of whom were at Quebec, Montreal,
and Three Rivers. It was at the risk of their lives
that men ventured beyond the guns of Montreal.
The fur-trade was in the hands of monopolists. The
people could not raise enough food to feed them-
selves, but had to depend on the French ships to a
large extent. The Company of the Hundred Asso-
ciates had been found quite unequal to the work of
settling and developing the country, or providing
adequate means of defence. Under the advice of
the great Colbert, the King, young Louis Quatorze,
decided to assume the control of New France and
make it a royal province. The immediate result of
the new policy was the coming of the Marquis de
Tracy, a veteran soldier, as lieutenant-general, with
full powers to inquire into the state of Canada. He
arrived at Quebec on the 30th June, 1665, attended
by a brilliant retinue. The Carignan-Salières Regi-
ment, which had distinguished itself against the
Turks, was also sent as a proof of the intention of
the King to defend his long-neglected colony. In
a few weeks, more than two thousand persons, sol-
diers and settlers, had come to Canada. Among
RAESCO AE OF CAAVAZ)4. I 53
the number were M. de Courcelles, the first gover-
nor, and M. Talon, the first intendant, under the
new régime. Both were fond of state and ceremony,
and the French taste of the Canadians was now
gratified by a plentiful display of gold lace, ribbons,
wigs, ornamented swords, and slouched hats. Prob-
ably the most interesting feature of the immigration
was the number of young women as wives for the
bachelors—as the future mothers of a Canadian
people. -
The new authorities went energetically to work.
The fortifications at Quebec, Three Rivers, and
Montreal were strengthened, and four new forts
erected from the mouth of the Richelieu to Isle La
Mothe on Lake Champlain. The Iroquois saw the
significance of this new condition of things. The
Onondagas, led by Garacontié, a friend of the Jesu-
its, made overtures of peace, which were favourably
heard by “Onontio,” as the governor of Canada
had been called ever since the days of Montmagny,
whose name, “Great Mountain,’’ the Iroquois so
translated. The Mohawks, the most dangerous tribe,
sent no envoys, and Courcelles, in the inclement
month of January, went into their country with a
large force of regular soldiers and fur hunters, but
missed the trail to their villages, and found himself
at the Dutch settlements, where he learned, to his
dismay, that the English had become the possessors
of the New Netherlands. On its return, the expedi-
tion suffered terribly from the severe cold, and lost
a number of persons who were killed by the Indians,
always hovering in the rear. The Mohawks then
Í 54 7'HAE STOA: Y OF CAAVA DA.
thought it prudent to send a deputation to treat for
peace, but the Marquis de Tracy and Governor de
- Courcelles were suspicious of their good faith, and
sent a Jesuit priest to their country to ascertain the
real sentiment of the tribe. He was recalled, while
on the way, on account of the news that several
French officers—one of them a relative of the
lieutenant-general—had been murdered by the
Mohawks. The lieutenant-general and governor at
once organised a powerful expedition of the regular
forces and Canadian inhabitants—some thirteen
hundred in all—who left Quebec, with those two
distinguished officers in command, on the day of
the Exaltation of the Cross, the 14th September,
1666, as every effort was made to give a religious
aspect to an army, intended to avenge the death of
martyred missionaries, as well as to afford Canada
some guarantees of peace. It took the expedition
nearly a month to reach the first village of the Mo-
hawks, but only to find it deserted. It was the
same result in three other villages visited by the
French. The Mohawks had made preparations for
defence, but their courage failed them as they
heard of the formidable character of the force that
had come into the country. They deserted their
homes and great stores of provisions. Villages and
provisions were burned, and the Iroquois saw only
ashes when they returned after the departure of the
French. It was a great blow to these formidable
foes of the French. Peace was soon made between
the Five Nations and the French. The Marquis de
Tracy then returned to France, and for twenty years
THE IROQUO/S HUMAZED. Í 55
Canada had a respite from the raids which had so
seriously disturbed her tranquillity, and was enabled
at last to organise her new government, extend her
settlements, and develop her strength for days of
future trial,

XI.
CANADA AS A ROYAL PROVINCE—CHURCH AND
STATE.
(1663–1759.)
WE have now come to that period of Canadian
history when the political and social conditions of
the people assumed those forms which they retained,
with a few modifications from time to time, during
the whole of the French régime. Four men now
made a permanent impress on the struggling colony
so long neglected by the French Government. First,
was the King, Louis Quatorze, then full of the arro-
gance and confidence of a youthful prince, imbued
with the most extravagant idea of his kingly at-
tributes. By his side was the great successor of
Mazarin, Jean Baptiste Colbert, whose knowledge of
finance, earnest desire to foster the best resources of
the kingdom, acknowledged rectitude, as well as
admirable tact, gave him not only great influence
in France, but enabled him to sway the mind of the
autocratic king at most critical junctures. Happily
for Colbert and Canada, Louis was a most industri-

I56
CAAVA DA A S A ROYAL ARO V/AVCE. I57
ous as well as pleasure-seeking sovereign, and studied
the documents, which his various servants, from
Colbert to the intendants in the colonies, sent him
from time to time respecting their affairs.
In Canada itself the great minister had the aid of
the ablest intendant ever sent by the King to Can-
ada. This was Jean Baptiste Talon, who was not
inferior to Colbert for his knowledge of commerce
and finance, and clearness of intellect.
We see also in the picture of those times the
piercing eyes and prominent nose of the ascetic face
of the eminent divine who, even more than Colbert
and Talon, has moulded the opinions of the Cana-
dian people in certain important respects down to
the present time. Monseigneur Laval was known
in France as the Abbé de Montigny, and when the
Jesuits induced him to come to Canada he was ap-
pointed grand vicar by the Pope, with the title of
Bishop of Petroea.
Before the Canadian bishops and their agents in
France decided on the Abbé de Montigny as a
bishop they had made an experiment with the
Abbé Queylus, one of the four Sulpician priests who
came to Montreal in 1657, to look after the spiritual,
and subsequently its temporal, interests. The Abbé
had been appointed vicar-general of Canada by the
Archbishop of Rouen, who claimed a certain eccle-
siastical jurisdiction in the country, and the Jesuits
at Quebec were at first disposed to make him bishop
had they found him sufficiently ductile. After some
experience of his opinions and character, they came
to the conclusion that he was not a friend of their
I 58 THA. S. 7'O/8 V OF CAAWADA.
order, and used all their influence thenceforth to
drive him from Canada. Then they chose the Abbé
there ensued a conflict of authority, which ended
eventually in the defeat of the latter, as well as of
the Archbishop of Rouen. The Abbé, divested of
his former dignity and pretensions, returned in later
years to the island of Montreal, of which the Sulpi-
cians had become the seigniorial proprietors, when
the original company were too weak to carry out the
objects of their formation. The same order remains
in possession of their most valuable lands in the city
and island, where their seminary for the education of
priests and youth generally Occupies a high position
among the educational institutions of the province.
Bishop Laval was endowed with an inflexible will,
and eminently fitted to assert those ultramontane
principles which would make all temporal power sub-
ordinate to the Pope and his vicegerents on earth.
His claim to take precedence even of the governor
on certain public occasions indicates the extremes
to which this resolute dignitary of the Church was
prepared to go on behalf of its supremacy.
No question can be raised as to Bishop Laval's
charity and generosity. He accumulated no riches
for himself—he spent nothing on the luxuries,
hardly anything on the conveniences of life, but
gave freely to the establishment of those famous
seminaries at Quebec, which have been ever since
identified with the religious and secular instruction
of the French Canadians, and now form part of the
noble university which bears his name.
CAAVA /) A A S A /&O Y.4 /, /2/('O V/AVCAE. I 59
With a man like Laval at the head of the Church
in Canada at this early period, it necessarily exer-
cised a powerful influence at the council board, and
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PORTRAIT OF LAVAL, FIRST CANADIAN BISHOP.
in the affairs of the country generally. If he was
sometimes too arbitrary, too arrogant in the asser-
tion of his ecclesiastical dignity, yet he was also

I6O TA/A S 7'OA’ Y OA’ CAAVA/XA.
animated by very conscientious motives with respect
to temporal questions. In the quarrel he had with
the governor, Baron Dubois d’Avaugour, an old
soldier, as to the sale of brandy to the Indians, he
showed that his zeal in the discharge of what he
believed to be a Christian and patriotic duty pre-
dominated above all such mercenary and commercial
considerations as animated the governor and officials,
who believed that the trading interests of the coun-
try were injured by prohibition. Laval saw that the
very life-blood of the Indians was being poisoned by.
this traffic, and succeeded in obtaining the removal
of D’Avaugour. But all the efforts of himself and
his successor, Saint-Vallier, could not practically
restrain the sale of Spirituous liquors, as long as the
fur-trade so largely depended on their consumption.
At this time, and for a long time afterwards, Prot-
estantism was unknown in Canada, for the King and
Jesuits had decided to keep the colony entirely free
from heresy. The French Protestants, after the
revocation of the edict of Nantes, gave to England
and the Netherlands the benefit of their great indus-
try and manufacturing knowledge. Some of them
even found their way to America, and stimulated
the gathering strength of the southern colonies of
Virginia and the Carolinas.
The new régime under Colbert was essentially
parental. All emigration was under the direction of
the French authorities. Wives were sent by ship-
loads for the settlers, newly-wedded couples received
liberal presents suitable to their condition in a new
country; early marriages and large families were
CAAWA DA A S A ROYA/, PA’O V/AVCAE. I6 I
encouraged by bounties. Every possible care was
taken by the Officials and religious communities who
had charge of such matters, that the women were of
good morals, and suitable for the struggles of a
colonial existence.
While State and Church were providing a popu-
lation for the country, Colbert and Talon were
devoting themselves to the encouragement of manu-
factures and commerce. When the Company of the
Hundred Associates, who appear to have been
robbed by their agents in the colony, fell to pieces,
they were replaced by a large organisation, known
as the Company of the West, to which was given
very important privileges throughout all the French
colonies and dependencies. The company, how-
ever, never prospered, and came to an end in 1674,
after ten years' existence, during which it inflicted
much injury on the countries where it was given so
many privileges. The government hereafter con-
trolled all commerce and finance. Various manufac-
tures, like shipbuilding, leather, hemp, and beer,
were encouraged, but at no time did Canada show
any manufacturing or commercial enterprise. Under
the system of monopolies and bounties fostered by
Colbert and his successors, a spirit of self-reliance
was never stimulated. The whole system of govern-
ment tended to peculation and jobbery—to the
enrichment of worthless officials. The people were
always extremely poor. Money was rarely seen in
the shape of specie. The few coins that came to
the colony soon found their way back to France.
From 1685 down to 1759 the government issued a
I62 THA. S. Z'OA' Y OF CAAVAZ),4.
& 4
paper currency, known as ‘‘ card money,” because
common playing cards were used. This currency
bore the crown and fleur-de-lis and signatures of
officials, and gradually became depreciated and
worthless. -
CARD ISSUE OF I729, FOR I2 LIVRES.
While the townsfolk of Massachusetts were dis-
cussing affairs in town-meetings, the French inhabi-
tants of Canada were never allowed to take part in
public assemblies but were taught to depend in the
most trivial matters on a paternal government.
Canada was governed as far as possible like a prov-
ince of France. In the early days of the colony,
when it was under the rule of the Company of the
Hundred Associates, the governors practically exer-
cised arbitrary power, with the assistance of a nomi-
nal council chosen by themselves. When, however,

CA AVA ZXA A S A A'O VA M, PA’O V/AVCAE. I63
the King took the government of the colony into his
own hands, he appointed a governor, an intendant,
and a Supreme or—as it was subsequently called—a
Sovereign council, of which the bishop was a mem-
ber, to administer under his own direction the affairs
of the country. The governor, who was generally
a Soldier, was nominally at the head of affairs, and
had the direction of the defences of the colony,
but to all intents and purposes the intendant, who
was a man of legal attainments, had the greater
influence. He was the finance minister, and made
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special reports to the King on all Canadian matters.
He had the power of issuing ordinances which
had the effect of law, and showed the arbitrary
nature of the government to which the people were
subject. Every effort to assemble the people for
public purposes was systematically crushed by the
orders of the government. A public meeting of the
parishioners to consider the cost of a new church
could not be held without the special permission of
the intendant. Count Frontenac, immediately after
his arrival, in 1672, attempted to assemble the
different orders of the colony, the clergy, the noblesse











I64 TAZAZ SZTOA Y QA’ CAAWA/OA.
or seigneurs, the judiciary, and the third estate, in
imitation of the old institutions of France. The
French king promptly rebuked the haughty gover-
nor for this attempt to establish a semblance of
popular government.
From that moment we hear no more of the assem-
bling of “Canadian Estates,’’ and an effort to elect
a mayor and aldermen for Quebec also failed through
the opposition of the authorities. An attempt was
then made to elect a syndic—a representative of
popular rights in towns—but M. de Mésy, then
governor, could not obtain the consent of the
bishop, who knew that his views were those of the
King. The result of the difficulties that followed
was the dismissal of the governor, who died soon
afterwards, but not until he had confessed his error,
and made his peace with the haughty bishop whom
he had dared to oppose.
The administration of local affairs throughout the
province was exclusively under the control of the
King's officers at Quebec. The ordinances of the
intendant and of the council were the law. The
country was eventually subdivided into the follow-
ing divisions for purposes of government, settle-
ment, and justice: I Districts. 2. Seigniories. 3.
Parishes. The districts were simply established for
judicial and legal purposes, and each of them bore
the name of the principal town within its limits—
viz., Quebec, also called the Prévote de Québec,
Montreal, and Three Rivers. In each of these dis-
tricts there was a judge, appointed by the king, to
adjudicate on all civil and criminal matters. An
appeal was allowed in the most trivial cases to the
CAAVAZ)A A S A A'O VA / PRO V/AVCE. 165
supreme or superior council, which also exercised
original jurisdiction. The customary law of Paris,
which is based on the civil law of Rome, was the
fundamental law of Canada, and still governs the
civil rights of the people.
The greater part of Canada was divided into large
estates or seigniories, with the view of creating a
colonial noblesse, and of stimulating settlement in a
wilderness. It was not necessary to be of noble
birth to be a Canadian seigneur. Any trader with a
few louis d’or and influence could obtain a patent
for a Canadian lordship. The seignior on his acces-
sion to his estate was required to pay homage to
the King, or to his feudal superior in case the lands
were granted by another than the King. The seign-
ior received his land gratuitously from the crown,
and granted them to his vassals, who were generally
known as /habitants, or cultivators of the soil, on
condition of their making small annual payments in
money or produce known as cens et rente. The
/habitant was obliged to grind his corn at the seign-
ior's mill (mou/in bana/), bake his bread in the seign-
ior's oven, give his lord a tithe of the fish caught in
his waters, and comply with other conditions at no
time onerous or strictly enforced in the days of the
French régime. This system had some advantages
in a new country like Canada, where the govern-
ment managed everything, and colonisation was not
left to chance. The seignior was obliged to culti-
vate his estate at a risk of forfeiture, consequently it
was absolutely necessary that he should exert him-
self to bring settlers upon his lands. The obligation
of the habitant to grind his corn in the seignior's
I66 TA/F STOA' V OA’ CAAVA DA.
mill was clearly an advantage for the settlers. In
the early days of the colony, however, the seigniors
were generally too poor to fulfil this condition, and
the habitants had to grind corn between stones, or
in rude hand mills. The seigniors had the right of
dispensing justice in certain cases, though it was one
he very rarely exercised. As respects civil affairs,
however, both lord and vassal were to all intents
and purposes on the same footing, for they were
equally ignored in matters of government.
In the days of the French régime, the only towns
for many years were Quebec, Montreal, and Three
Rivers. In remote and exposed places—like those
on the Richelieu, where officers and soldiers of the
Carignan-Salières Regiment had been induced to
settle—palisaded villages had been built. The
principal settlements were, in course of time, estab-
lished on the banks of the St. Lawrence, as affording
in those days the easiest means of intercommunica-
tion. As the lots of a seigniorial grant were limited
in area—four arpents in front by forty in depth—
the farms in the course of time assumed the appear-
ance of a continuous settlement on the river. These
various settlements became known in local phrase-
ology as Côtes, apparently from their natural situa-
tion on the banks of the river. This is the origin of
Côte des Neiges, Côte St. Louis, Côte St. Paul, and
of many picturesque villages in the neighbourhood
of Montreal and Quebec. As the country became
settled, parishes were established for ecclesiastical
purposes and the administration of local affairs.
Here the influential men were the curé, the seignior,
and the captain of the militia. The seignior, from
CA AVA DA A S A ROYA / ARO 1///VCE. 167
his social position, exercised a considerable weight
in the community, but not to the degree that the
representative of the Church enjoyed. The church
in the parishes was kept up by tithes, regulated by
Ordinances, and first imposed by Bishop Laval for
the support of the Quebec Seminary and the clergy.
Next to the curé in importance was the captain of
the militia. The whole province was formed into a
militia district, so that, in times of war, the inhabi-
tants might be obliged to perform military service
under the French governor. In times of peace these
militia officers in the parishes executed the orders of
the governor and intendant in all matters affecting
the King. In case it was considered necessary to
build a church or presbytery, the intendant author-
ised the habitants to assemble for the purpose of
choosing from among themselves four persons to
make, with the curé, the seignior, and the captain
of the militia, an estimate of the expense of the
structure. It was the special care of the captain of
the militia to look after the work, and see that each
parishioner did his full share. It was only in
church matters, in fact, that the people of a parish
had a voice, and even in these, as we see, they did
not take the initiative. The Quebec authorities
must in all such cases first issue an Ordinance.
Under these circumstances it is quite intelligible
that the people of Canada were obliged to seek in
the clearing of the forest, in the cultivation of the
field, in the chase, and in adventure, the means of
livelihood, and hardly ever busied themselves about
public matters in which they were not allowed to
take even a humble part.
XII.
THE PERIOD OF EXPLORATION AND DISCOVERY:
PRIESTS, FUR-TRADERS, AND COUREURS
DE BOIS IN THE WEST.
(1634–1687.)
WE have now come to that interesting period in
the history of Canada, when the enterprise and cour-
age of French adventurers gave France a claim to
an immense domain, stretching from the Gulf of
St. Lawrence indefinitely beyond the Great Lakes,
and from the basin of those island seas as far as the
Gulf of Mexico. The eminent intendant, Talon,
appears to have immediately understood the im-
portance of the discovery which had been made by
the interpreter and trader, Jean Nicolet, of Three
Rivers, who, before the death of Champlain, prob-
ably in 1634, ventured into the region of the lakes,
and heard of “a great water ’’—no doubt the Mis-
sissippi—while among the Mascoutins, a branch of
the Algonquin stock, whose villages were generally
found in the valley of the Fox River. He is con-
sidered to have been the first European who reached
Sault Ste. Marie—the strait between Superior and

I68
EXPLORA TVOAV AAWD DISCOVER V. 169
Huron—though there is no evidence that he ven-
tured beyond the rapids, and saw the great expanse
of lake which had been, in all probability, visited
some years before by Etienne Brulé, after his escape
from the Iroquois. Nicolet also was the first
Frenchman who passed through the straits of Macki-
nac or Michillimackinac, though he did not realise
lakes of the western country. It is told of him that
he made his appearance among the Winnebagos in
a robe of brilliant China damask, decorated with
flowers and birds of varied colours, and holding a
pistol in each hand. This theatrical display in the
western forest is adduced as evidence of his belief
in the story that he had heard among the Nipis-
sings, at the head-waters of the Ottawa, that there
were tribes in the west, without hair and beards,
like the Chinese. No doubt, he thought he was
coming to a country where, at last, he would find
that short route to the Chinese seas which had
been the dream of many Frenchmen since the days
of Cartier. We have no answer to give to the ques-
tion that naturally suggests itself, whether Cham-
plain ever saw Nicolet on his return, and heard from
him the interesting story of his adventures. It was
not until 1641, or five years after Champlain's death,
that Father Vimont gave to the world an account of
Nicolet's journey, which, no doubt, stimulated the
interest that was felt in the mysterious region of the
west. From year to year the Jesuit and the trader
added something to the geographical knowledge of
the western lakes, where the secret was soon to be
17o TA/AE S 7'OA' V OA’ CAAVA/DA.
unlocked by means of the rivers which fed those
remarkable reservoirs of the continent. In 1641
Fathers Raymbault and Jogues preached their Faith
to a large concourse of Indians at the Sault between
Huron and Superior, where, for the first time, they
heard of the Sioux or Dacotah, those vagrants of
the northwest, and where the former died without
realising the hope he had cherished, of reaching
China across the western wilderness. Then came
those years of terror, when trade and enterprise were
paralysed by those raids of the Iroquois, which cul-
minated in the dispersion of the Hurons. For years
the Ottawa valley was almost deserted, and very few
traders or coureurs de bois ventured into the country
around the western lakes. An enterprising trader of
Three Rivers, Médard Chouart, Sieur de Grosseil-
liers, is believed to have reached the shores of Lake
Superior in 1658, and also to have visited La Pointe,
now Ashland, at its western extremity, in the sum-
mer of 1659, in company with Pierre d’Esprit,
Sieur Radisson, whose sister he had married. Some
critical historians do not altogether discredit the
assumption that these two venturesome traders
ascended the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, and even
reached the Mississippi, twelve years before Jolliet
and Marquette.
With the peace that followed the destruction of
the Mohawk villages by Tracy and Courcelles, and
the influx of a considerable population into Canada,
the conditions became more favourable for explora-
tion and the fur trade. The tame and steady life
of the farm had little charm for many restless spirits,
AExPAORA 7/0A AND DISCO WAR V. 171
who had fought for France in the Carignan Regi-
ment. Not a few of them followed the roving Cana-
dian youth into the forest, where they had learned
to love the free life of the Indians. The priest, the
genti//omme, and the coureur de bois, each in his
way, became explorers of the western wilderness.
From the moment the French landed on the
shores of Canada, they seemed to enter into the
spirit of forest life. Men of noble birth and courtly
associations adapted themselves immediately to the
customs of the Indians, and found that charm in the
forest and river which seemed wanting in the tamer
life of the towns and settlements. The English col-
onisers of New England were never able to win the
affections of the Indian tribes, and adapt themselves
so readily to the habits of forest life as the French
Canadian adventurer. -
A very remarkable instance of the infatuation
which led away so many young men into the forest,
is to be found in the life of Baron de Saint-Castin, a
native of the romantic Bernese country, who came
to Canada with the Carignan Regiment during 1665,
and established himself for a time on the Richelieu.
But he soon became tired of his inactive life, and
leaving his Canadian home, settled on a peninsula of
Penobscot Bay (then Pentagoët), which still bears
his name. Here he fraternised with the Abenaquis,
and led the life of a forest chief, whose name was
long the terror of the New England settlers. He
married the daughter of Madocawando, the impla-
cable enemy of the English, and so influential did
he become that, at his summons, all the tribes on
172 7A/A2 S 7'OA' V OA’ CAAVAZ)A.
the frontier between Acadia and New England
would proceed on the warpath. He amassed a for-
tune of three hundred thousand crowns in “good
dry gold,” but we are told he only used the greater
part of it to buy presents for his Indian followers,
who paid him back in beaver skins. His life at Pen-
tagoët, for years, was very active and adventurous,
as the annals of New England show. In 1781 he
returned to France, where he had an estate, and
thenceforth disappeared from history. His son, by
his Abenaqui Baroness, then took command of his
fort and savage retainers, and after assisting in the
defence of Port Royal, and making more than one
onslaught on the English settlers of Massachusetts,
he returned to Europe on the death of his father.
The poet Longfellow has made use of this romantic
episode in the early life of the Acadian settlements:
“The warm winds blow on the hills of Spain,
The birds are building and the leaves are green,
The Baron Castine, of St. Castine,
Hath come at last to his own again.”
Year after year saw the settlements almost de-
nuded of their young men, who had been lured away
by the fascinations of the fur trade in the forest
fastnesses of the west. The government found all
their plans for increasing the population and colonis-
ing the country thwarted by the nomadic habits of
a restless youth. The young man, whether son of
the gentilhomme, or of the humble habitant, was car-
ried away by his love for forest life, and no enact-
ments, however severe—not even the penalty of
CANATIAN TRAPPER, FROM LA POTHERIE,

I 73
I 74 THE STORY OF CANADA.
death—had the effect of restraining his restlessness.
That the majority of the coureurs de bois were a
reckless, dare-devil set of fellows, it is needless to
say. On their return from their forest haunts, after
months of savage liberty, they too often threw off
all restraint, and indulged in the most furious orgies.
Montreal was their favourite place of resort, for here
were held the great fairs for the sale of furs. The
Ottawas, Hurons, and other tribes came from dis-
tant parts of the North and West, and camped on
the shores in the immediate vicinity of the town.
When the fair was in full operation, a scene was
represented well worthy of the bold brush of a Doré.
The royal mountain, then as now, formed a back-
ground of rare sylvan beauty. The old town was
huddled together on the low lands near the river,
and was for years a mere collection of low wooden
houses and churches, all surrounded by palisades.
On the fair ground were to be seen Indians tricked
out in their savage finery; coureurs de bois in equally
gorgeous apparel; black-robed priests and busy mer-
chants from all the towns, intent on wheedling the
Indians and bush rangers out of their choicest furs.
The principal rendezvous in the west was Macki-
nac or Michillimackinac. Few places possessed a
more interesting history than this old headquarters
of the Indian tribes and French voyageurs. Macki-
nac may be considered, in some respects, the key
of the upper lakes. Here the tribes from the north
to the south could assemble at a very short notice
and decide on questions of trade or war. It was
long the metropolis of a large portion of the Huron
EXP/LORA 7TWOAV AAV/D DISCO WAER V. I75
and Ottawa nations, and many a council, fraught
with the peace of Canada, was held there in the
olden times. It was on the north side of the straits
that Father Marquette—whose name must ever live
in the west—some time in 1671 founded the mission
of St. Ignace, where gradually grew up the most
important settlement which the French had to the
northwest of Fort Frontenac or Cataraqui. The
French built a chapel and fort, and the Hurons and
Ottawas lived in palisaded villages in the neighbour-
hood. The coureurs de bois were always to be seen
at a point where they could be sure to find Indians
in large numbers. Contemporary writers state that
the presence of so many unruly elements at this dis-
tant outpost frequently threw the whole settlement
into a sad state of confusion and excitement, which
the priests were at times entirely unable to restrain.
Indians, soldiers, and traders became at last so
demoralised, that one of the priests wrote, in his
despair, that there seemed no course open except
“ deserting the missions and giving them up to the
brandy-sellers as a domain of drunkenness and
debauchery.”
But it would be a mistake to judge all the coureurs
de bois by the behaviour of a majority, who were
made up necessarily from the ruder elements of the
Canadian population. Even the most reckless of
their class had their work to do in the opening up
of this continent. Despising danger in every form,
they wandered over rivers and lakes and through
virgin forests, and “blazed '' a track, as it were, for
the future pioneer. They were the first to lift the
176 7"Aſ AE S TO AE V OA’ CA AVA /) 4.
veil of mystery that hung, until they came, on many
a solitary river and forest. The posts they raised
by the side of the western lakes and rivers, were so
many videttes of that army of colonisers who have
built up great commonwealths in that vast country,
where the bushranger was the only European two
centuries ago. The most famous amongst their
leaders was the quick-witted Nicholas Perrot—the
explorer of the interior of the continent. Another
was Daniel Greysolon Duluth, who became a Cana-
dian Robin Hood, and had his band of bushrangers
like any forest chieftain. For years he wandered
through the forests of the West, and founded vari-
ous posts at important points, where the fur trade
could be prosecuted to advantage. Posterity has
been more generous to him than it has been to
others equally famous as pioneers, for it has given
his name to a city at the head of Lake Superior.
Like many a forest which they first saw in its prime-
val vastness, these pioneers have disappeared into
the shadowy domain of an almost forgotten past,
and their memory is only recalled as we pass by
some storm-beat cape, or land-locked bay, or silent
river, to which may still cling the names they gave
as they swept along in the days of the old régime.

XIII. -
THE PERIOD OF EXPLORATION AND DISCOVER V :
FRANCE IN THE WALLEY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
(1672–1687.)
SAULT STE. MARIE was the scene of a memorable
episode in the history of New France during the
summer of 1671. Simon François Daumont, Sieur
St. Lusson, received a commission from the gov-
ernment of Quebec to proceed to Lake Superior to
Search for copper mines, and also to take formal pos-
session of the basin of the lakes and its tributary
rivers. With him were two men, who became more
famous than himself—Nicholas Perrot and Louis Jol-
liet, the noted explorers and rangers of the West. On
an elevation overlooking the rapids, around which
modern enterprise has built two ship-canals, St. Lus-
son erected a cross and post of cedar, with the arms of
France, in the presence of priests in their black robes,
Indians bedecked with tawdry finery, and bush-
rangers in motley dress. In the name of the “most
high, mighty, and redoubted monarch, Louis XIV.
of that name, most Christian King of France and of

I2 177
178 . 7TAZAZ S 7'O/8 Y OA' C.4 AVA /) A.
Navarre,” he declared France the owner of Sault
Ste. Marie, Lakes Huron and Superior, and Isle of
Mackinac, and “all of adjacent countries, rivers,
and lakes, and contiguous streams.” As far as
boastful words and priestly blessings could go,
France was mistress of an empire in the great
West. -
Three names stand out in bold letters on the rec-
~crºſs of western discovery: Jolliet, the enterprising
tra jer, Marquette, the faithful missionary, and La
Salle, the bold explorer. The story of their adven-
tures takes up many pages in the histories of this
fascinating epoch. Talon may be fairly considered
to have laid the foundations of western exploration,
arid it was left for Louis de Baude, Comte de Fron-
tenac, who succeeded Courcelles as governor in 1672,
to carry out the plans of the able intendant when he
left the St. Lawrence.
; Jolliet, a Canadian by birth, was wisely chosen by
Talon—and Frontenac approved of the choice—to
explore the West and find the “great water,” of
which vague stories were constantly brought back
by traders and bushrangers. Jolliet was one of the
best specimens of a trader and pioneer that Cana-
dian history gives us. His roving inclinations were
qualified by a cool, collected brain, which carried
him safely through many a perilous adventure. He
had for his companion Father Marquette, who was
then stationed at the mission of St. Ignace, and had
gathered from the Indians at his western missions—
especially at La Pointe on Lake Superior—valuable
information respecting the “great water ’’ then
FRANCE IN THE MISS/SS/PP/ VAZZE Y. 179
y
called the “ Missipi.” Both had many sympathies
in common. Jolliet had been educated by the Jesu-
its in Canada, but unlike La Salle, he was in full
accord with their objects. Marquette possessed
those qualities of self-sacrifice and religious devotion
which entitle him to rank with Lalemant, Jogues,
and Brebeuf. While Jolliet was inspired by purely
ambitious and trading instincts, the missionary had
no other hope or desire than to bring a great region
and its savage communities under the benign influ-
ence of the divine being whose heavenly face seemed
ever present, encouraging him to fresh efforts in her
service. If was in the spring of 1673 that these two
men started with five companions in two canoes
on their journey through that wilderness, which
stretched beyond Green Bay—an English corrup-
tion of Grande Baie. Like Nicolet, they ascended
the Fox River to the country of the Mascoutins,
Foxes, and Kickapoos, where they obtained guides
to lead them across the portage to the Wisconsin.
The adventurers had now reached the low “divide ’’
between the valleys of the Lakes and the Mississippi.
The Fox River and its affluents flowed tranquilly to
the great reservoirs of the St. Lawrence, while the
Wisconsin, on which they now launched their
canoes, carried them to a mighty river, which ended
they knew not where. A month after leaving St.
Ignace they found themselves “with a great and
inexpressible joy ''-to quote Marquette's words—
on the rapid current of a river which they recognised
as the Missipi. As they proceeded they saw the
low-lying natural meadows and prairies where herds
I 8C 7TA/A2 S 7'OA' Y OF CAAVA DA.
of buffalo were grazing, marshes with a luxuriant
growth of wild rice, the ruined castles which nature
had in the course of many centuries formed out of
the rocks of the western shores, and the hideous
manitous which Indian ingenuity had pictured on
the time-worn cliffs. They had pleasant interviews
with the Indians that were hunting the roebuck and
buffalo in this land of rich grasses. Their canoes
struggled through the muddy current, which the
Missouri gave as its tribute to the Missipi, passed
the low marshy shores of the Ohio, and at last came
near the mouth of the Arkansas, where they landed
at an Indian village which the natives called
Akamsea. Here they gathered sufficient informa-
tion to enable them to form the conclusion that the
great river before their eyes found its way, not to
the Atlantic or Pacific Oceans, but to the Gulf of
Mexico. Then they decided not to pursue their
expeditions further at that time, but to return home
and relate the story of their discovery. When they
came to the mouth of the Illinois River, they took
that route in preference to the one by which they
had come, followed the Des Plaines River, where
a hill still bears Jolliet's name—crossed the Chicago
portage, and at last found themselves at the south-
ern extremity of Lake Michigan. It was then the
end of September, and Jolliet did not reach Canada
until the following summer. When nearly at his
journey’s end, Fate dealt him a cruel blow, his canoe
was capsized after running the Lachine Rapids just
above Montreal, and he lost all the original notes of
his journey. Frontenac, however, received from
AºA'A MCAE, ZAV THAE MISS/SS/A2/2/ VALLE Y. I 81
him a full account of his explorations, and sent it to
France.
Two centuries later than this memorable voyage
of Jolliet, a French Canadian poet-laureate described
it in verse fully worthy of the subject, as the follow-
ing passage and equally spirited translation * go to
show :
LA DéCOUVERTE DU
MISSISSIPPI.
Jolliet
quel spectacle féérique
Dut frapper ton regard, quand ta
nef historique
Bondit sur les flots d'or du grand
fleuve inconnu e
Quel éclair triomphant, à cet in-
stant de fièvre,
Dut resplendir sur ton front
nu P
Jolliet
Le voyez-vous lä-bas, debout
comme un prophète,
L’oeil tout illuminé d'audace
satisfaite,
La main tendue au loin vers
l'Occident bronzé,
Prendre possession de ce domaine
immense,
Au nom du Dieu vivant, au nom
roi de France,
Et du monde civilisé 2 . . .
Puis, bercé par la houle, et bercé
parses rêves,
L’oreille ouverte aux bruits har-
monieux des grèves,
THE DISCOVERY OF THE
MISSISSIPPI.
O, Jolliet, what splendid faery
dream
Met thy regard, when on that
mighty stream,
Bursting upon its lonely unknown
flow,
Thy keel historic cleft its golden
tide :-
Blossomed thy lip with what stern
smile of pride?
What conquering light shone on
thy lofty brow 2
Behold him there, a prophet,
lifted high,
Heart-satisfied, with bold, illu-
mined eye,
His hand outstretched toward the
sunset furled,
Taking possession of this domain
immense,
In the name of the living God,
in the name of the King
of France,
And the mighty modern world.
Rocked by the tides, wrapt in his
glorious moods,
Breathing perfumes of lofty odor-
ous woods,
* Mr. W. Wilfrid Campbell, F.R.S.C., a well-known English-
Canadian poet, has translated for “The Story of Canada " these
verses of his French contemporary Fréchette.
I82
7A/A2 S 7'OA' V OA’ CAAVA DA.
Humant l'acre parfum des grands
bois odorants,
Rasant les ilots verts et les dunes
- d’opale,
De méandre en meandre, au fil
l'onde pâle,
Suivre le cours
errantS. .
des flots
A son aspect, du sein des flottan-
tes ramures,
Montait comme un concert de
chants et de murmures ;
Des vols d'oiseaux marins s'éle-
vaient des roseaux,
Et, pour montrer la route à la
pirogue frèle,
S’enfuyaient en avant, trainant
leur ombre grèle
Dans le pli lumineux des
€all X.
Et, pendant qu'il allait voguant
à la dérive,
On aurait dit qu'au loin, les
arbres de la rive,
En arceaux parfumés penchés sur
son chemin,
Saluaient le héros dont l'éner-
gique audace
Venait d'inscrire encor le nom de
In Otre race
Aux fastes de
humain.
1'esprit
Ears opened to the shores' har-
monious tunes,
Following in their dreams and
voices mellow,
To wander and wander in the
thread of the pale billow,
Past islands hushed and opales-
cent dunes.
I.O, as he comes, from out the
waving boughs,
A rising concert of murmurous
Song upflows,
Of winging sea-fowl lifting from
the reeds ;
Pointing the route to his swift
dripping blade,
Then skimming before, tracing
their slender shade
In luminous foldings of the
watery meads.
And as he journeys, drifting with
its flow,
The forests lifting their glad
roofs aglow,
In perfumed arches o'er his keel's
swift swell,
Salute the hero, whose undaunted
soul
IHad graved anew “LA FRANCE"
on that proud scroll
Of human genius, bright, im-
perishable.
Jolliet's companion, the Jesuit missionary, never
realised his dream of many years of usefulness in
new missions among the tribes of the immense
region claimed by France. In the spring of 1675 he
died by the side of a little stream which finds its
outlet on the western shore of Lake Michigan, soon
after his return from a painful journey he had taken,
while in a feeble state of health, to the Indian com-
munities of Kaskaskia between the Illinois and
FRANCE IV THA MVSS/SS/PP/ WAZZA. V. 183
Wabash rivers. A few months later his remains
were removed by some Ottawas, who knew and
loved him well, and carried to St. Ignace, where
they were buried beneath the little mission chapel.
His memory has been perpetuated in the nomencla-
ture of the western region, and his statue stands in
the rotunda of that marble capitol which represents,
not the power and greatness of that France which
he loved only less than his Church, but the national
development of those English colonies which, in his
time, were only a narrow fringe on the Atlantic
coast, separated from the great West by mountain
ranges which none of the most venturesome of their
people had yet dared to cross.
The work that was commenced by Jolliet and
Marquette, of solving the mystery that had so long
surrounded the Mississippi, was completed by Réné
Robert Cavalier, Sieur de la Salle, a native of
Rouen, who came to Canada when quite a young
man, and obtained a grant of land from the Sulpi-
cian proprietors of Montreal at the head of the
rapids, then known as St. Louis. Like so many
Canadians of those days he was soon carried away
by a spirit of adventure. He had heard of the “great
water ’’ in the west, which he believed, in common
with others, might lead to the Gulf of California.
In the summer of 1669 he accompanied two Sulpician
priests, of Montreal, Dollier de Casson and Gallinée,
on an expedition they made, under the authority of
Governor Courcelles, to the extreme western end of
Ontario, where he met Jolliet, apparently for the
first time, and probably had many conversations
184 THA. STOA: Y OF CANADA.
with him respecting the west and south, and their
unknown rivers. He decided to leave the party and
attempt an exploration by a southerly route, while
the priests went on to the upper lakes as far as the
Sault. Of La Salle’s movements for the next two
years we are largely in the dark—in some respects
entirely so. It has been claimed by some that he
first discovered the Ohio, and even reached the
Mississippi, but so careful an historian as Justin
Winsor agrees with Shea's conclusion that La Salle
‘‘ reached the Illinois or some other affluent of the
Mississippi, but made no report and made no claim,
having failed to reach the great river.” It was on
his return from these mysterious wanderings, that
his seigniory is said to have received the name of
La Chine as a derisive comment on his failure to find
a road to China. In the course of years the name
was very commonly given, not only to the lake but
to the rapids of St. Louis.
We now come to sure ground when we follow La
Salle's later explorations, on which his fame entirely
rests. Frontenac entered heartily into his plans of
following the Mississippi to its mouth, and setting
at rest the doubts that existed as to its course. He
received from the King a grant of Fort Frontenac
and its surrounding lands as a seigniory. This fort
had been built by the governor in 1673 at Cataraqui,
now Kingston, as an advanced trading and defensive
post on Lake Ontario. La Salle considered it a
most advantageous position for carrying on his am-
bitious projects of exploration. He visited France
in 1677 and received from the King letters-patent
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I85 -
I86 7A/A2 S7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA /) A.
authorising him to build forts south and west in
that region “through which it would seem a passage
to Mexico can be discovered. ” On his return to
Canada he was accompanied by a Recollet friar,
Father Louis Hennepin, and by Henry de Tonty,
the son of an Italian resident of Paris, both of whom
have associated their names with western explora-
tion. Of all his friends and followers, Tonty, who
had a copper hand in the place of the one blown off
in an Italian war, was the most faithful and honest,
through the varying fortunes of the explorer's career
from this time forward. To Father Hennepin I
refer in another place. - -
Both Hennepin and Tonty accompanied La Salle
on his expedition of 1678 to the Niagara district,
where, above the great falls, near the mouth of
Cayuga Creek, he built the first vessel that ever ven-
tured on the lakes, and which he named the “Grif-
fin" in honour of Frontenac, whose coat-of-arms
bore such a heraldic device. The loss of this vessel,
while returning with a cargo of furs from Green Bay
to Niagara, was a great blow to La Salle, who, from
this time until his death, suffered many misfortunes
which might well have discouraged one of less in-
domitable will and fixity of purpose. On the banks
of the Illinois River, a little below the present city of
Peoria, he built Fort Crèvecoeur, probably as a me-
morial of a famous fort in the Netherlands, not long
before captured by the French. While on a visit to
Canada, this post was destroyed by some of his own
men in the absence of Tonty, who had been left in
charge. These men were subsequently captured not
far from Cataraqui, and severely punished.
FRANCE ZAV THA. MISSISSIPPI WAZZE V. 187
In the meantime, three Frenchmen, Father Hen-
nepin, Michel Accaut, and one Du Gay, in obedi-
ence to La Salle’s orders, had ventured to the upper
waters of the Mississippi, and were made prisoners
by a wandering tribe of Sioux. Not far from the
falls of St. Anthony Father Hennepin met with the
famous forest ranger, Duluth, who was better ac-
quainted with the Sioux country than any other liv-
ing Frenchman, and was forming ambitious designs
to explore the whole western region beyond Lake
Superior. Father Hennepin, who had been adopted
by an aged Sioux chief, was free to follow Duluth
back to the French post at the Straits of Mackinac.
This adventure of Father Hennepin is famous in
history, not on account of any discoveries he actu-
ally made, but on account of the claim he attempted
to establish some years after his journey, of having
followed the Mississippi to the Gulf. In the first
edition of his book, printed in 1683—Description de
la Louisiane—no such claim was ever suggested,
and it was only in 1697 that the same work appeared
in an enlarged form, Za Nouvelle Découverte—
crediting Hennepin with having descended the great
river to its outlet. It is not necessary here to punc-
ture a falsehood which was long ago exposed by his-
torical writers. His history of having reached the
Gulf of Mexico is as visionary as the traveller's tales
of Norumbega. Indeed, he could not even claim a
gift of fertile invention in this case, as the very ac-
count of his alleged discovery was obviously plagi-
arised from Father Membré's narrative of La Salle’s
voyage of 1682, which appears in Le Clercq's Pre-
mier Ætablissement de la Foy.
I 88 THE STOA: Y OF CAAVA/) A.
When La Salle was again able to venture into the
west he found the villages of the Illinois only black-
ened heaps of ruins–sure evidence of the Iroquois
having been on the warpath. During the winter of
1681 he remained at a post he had built on the
banks of the St. Joseph in the Miami country, and
heard no news of his faithful Tonty. It was not
until the spring, whilst on his way to Canada for
men and supplies, that he discovered his friend at
Mackinac, after having passed through some critical
experiences among the Iroquois, who, in conjunction
with the Miamis, had destroyed the villages of the
Illinois, and killed a number of those Indians with
their customary ferocity. Tonty had finally found
rest and security in a village of the Pottawattomies
at the head of Green Bay.
On the 6th of February, 1682, La Salle passed
down the swift current of the Mississippi on that
memorable voyage which led him to the Gulf of
Mexico. He was accompanied by Tonty, and Father
Membré, one of the Recollet order, whom he always
preferred to the Jesuits. The Indians of the expe-
dition were Abenakis and Mohegans, who had left
the far-off Atlantic coast and Acadian rivers, and
wandered into the great west after the unsuccessful
war in New England, which was waged by the Sa-
chem Metacomet, better known as King Philip, and
only ended with his death in 1676, and the destruc-
tion of many settlements in the colony of Plymouth.
They met with a kindly reception from the In-
dians encamped by the side of the river, and, for the
first time, saw the villages of the Tačnsas and Nat-
FRANCE ZAV ZAZ M/SS/SS/PP/ VALLE Y. 189
chez, who were worshippers of the sun. At last on
the 6th of April, La Salle, Tonty, and Dautray, went
separately in canoes through the three channels of
the Mississippi, and emerged on the bosom of the
great Gulf. Not far from the mouth of the river
where the ground was relatively high and dry, a col-
umn was raised with the inscription :
“Louis le Grand, roy de France et de Navarre,
règne, le neuviesme Avril, 1682.”
And La Salle took possession of the country with
just such ceremonies as had distinguished a similar
proceeding at Sault Ste. Marie eleven years before.
It can be said that Frenchmen had at least fairly
laid a basis for future empire from the Lakes to the
Gulf. It was for France to show her appreciation
of the enterprise of her sons and make good her
claim to such a vast imperial domain. The future
was to show that she was unequal to the task.
The few remaining years of La Salle's life were
crowded with misfortunes. Duchesneau, the in-
tendant, who had succeeded Talon, was an enemy of
both Frontenac and the explorer. The distinguished
governor was recalled by his royal master, who was
tired of the constant complaints of his enemies
against him, and misled by their accusations. La
Barre, the incompetent governor who followed
Frontenac, took possession of Fort St. Louis, which
La Salle had succeeded, after his return from the
Gulf of Mexico, in erecting at Starved Rock on the
banks of the Illinois not far from the present city of
Ottawa, where a large number of Indians had re-
I90 7AA STOA: Y OF CANADA.
turned to their favourite home. In France, however,
the importance of his discovery was fully recognised,
and when he visited his native country in 1683–4 he
met with a very cordial reception from the King, and
Seignelay, who had succeeded his father, Colbert,
when he resigned. The King ordered that La Salle's
forts be restored to him, and gave him a commission
to found colonies in Louisiana, as the new country
through which the Mississippi flowed had been called
since 1682. By a strange irony of Fate, the expedi-
tion of 1684 passed the mouth of the Mississippi,
and La Salle made the first French settlement on
the Gulf somewhere in the vicinity of Matagorda
Bay, in the present State of Texas. Misery was the
lot of the little colony from the very first moment
it landed on that lonely shore. When his misfor-
tunes were most grievous, La Salle decided to make
an effort to reach the Illinois country, but he was
assassinated by two of his own men—Duhaut and
Liotot—near a branch of the Trinity River. His
nephew Moranget, Nika, a faithful Shawnee who
had been by his side for years, and Sayet, his own
servant, suffered the same fate. The leader of the
murderers was killed soon afterwards by one of his
accomplices, and the others found a refuge among
the Indians; but of their subsequent fate we know
nothing positively, except that they were never
brought to justice, if any one of them returned to
Canada or France. The few Frenchmen remaining
in Texas were either killed or captured by unfriendly
Indians, before the Spaniards could reach the place
to expel these intruders on their domain, La Salle
FRANCE A/ THE M/SS/SS/PP/ WAZZE V, 191
himself never found a burial place, for his body was
left to wolves and birds of prey. His name has not
been perpetuated in Louisiana, though it has been
given to a county of Texas as well as to a city and
County of Illinois, which was originally included in
French Louisiana. The most noteworthy tribute
to his memory has been paid by the historian Park-
man, who has elevated him almost to the dignity of
a hero. La Salle's indomitable energy, his remark-
able courage in the face of disaster, his inflexibility
of purpose under the most adverse circumstances,
must be always fully recognised, but at the same
time one may think that more tact and skill in man-
aging men, more readiness to bend and conciliate,
might have spared him much bitterness and trouble,
and even saved his life at the end. That he did
good service for France all will admit, though his
achievement in reaching the Mississippi was rendered
relatively easy after the preliminary expedition of
Jolliet and Marquette. -

XIV.
CANADA AND ACADIA : FROM FRONTENAC TO THE
TREATY OF UTRECHT.
(1672–1713.)
IN the previous chapter I have shown the im-
portant part that the Count de Frontenac took in
stimulating the enterprise of La Salle and other ex-
plorers, and it now remains for me to review those
other features of the administration of that great
governor, which more or less influenced the fortunes
of the province committed to his charge.
A brave and bold soldier, a man of infinite re-
sources in times of difficulty, as bold to conceive as
he was quick to carry out a design, dignified and
fascinating in his manner when it pleased him,
arrogant and obstinate when others thwarted him,
having a keen appreciation of the Indian character,
Selfish where his personal gain was concerned, and
yet never losing sight of the substantial interests of
France in America, the Count de Frontenac was
able, for nineteen years, to administer the affairs of
New France with remarkable ability, despite his

I92
Frontenac, from Hèbert's Statue at Quebec.

I3
I93
I94 THE STORY OF CANADA.
personal weaknesses, to stimulate and concentrate
her energies and resources, and to make her when
he died a power in America far beyond what her
population or actual strength seemed to justify.
The Iroquois learned at last to tremble at his name,
and the Indian allies of Canada, from the Abenakis
of Acadia to the Illinois of the West, could trust in
his desire and ability to assist them against their
ferocious enemy. As is the case with all great men,
his faults and virtues have been equally exaggerated.
The Recollets, whom he always favoured, could
never speak too well of him, whilst the Jesuits,
whom he distrusted, did all they could to tarnish
his reputation.
It is not profitable or necessary in this story of
Canada to dwell on the details of Frontenac's ad-
ministration of public affairs during the first years
of his régime (1672–1682), which were chiefly noted
for the display of his faults of character—especially
his obstinacy and impatience of all opposition. He
was constantly at conflict with the bishop, who was
always asserting the Supremacy of his Church, with.
the intendant Duchesneau, who was simply a spy
on his actions, with the Jesuits, whom he disliked
and accused of even being interested in the sale of
brandy, and with traders like Governor Perrot of
Montreal who eventually found himself in the Bas-
tile for a few days for having defied the edict of the
King against the coureurs de bois who were under his
influence and helped him in the fur trade.
The complaints against Frontenac from influential
people in Canada at last became so numerous that
CAAVA DA AAVD A CAD/A. I95
he was recalled to France in 1682. His successor,
La Barre, proved himself thoroughly incapable.
The interests of the province were seriously threat-
ened at that time by the intention of the Iroquois
to destroy the Illinois and divert the western traffic
to the Dutch and English, whose carriers they
wished to become. La Barre was well aware how
much depended on the protection of the Illinois and
the fidelity of the Indians on the lakes. La Hon-
tan, a talkative but not always veracious writer, who
was in Canada at this time, gives us an insight into
the weakness of the governor, whose efforts to awe
the Iroquois ended in an abortive expedition which
was attacked by disease and did not get beyond La
Famine, now Salmon River, in the Iroquois country.
The famous “La Grande Gueule,” or Big Mouth,
—so called on account of his eloquence,—made a
mockery of the French efforts to deceive him by a
pretence of strength, and openly declared the inten-
tion of the Iroquois to destroy the Illinois, while La
Barre dared not utter a defiant word in behalf of his
allies. This incapable governor was soon recalled
and the Marquis de Denonville, an officer of dra-
goons, sent in his place. One of the most notable
incidents of the new administration was the capture
of the fortified trading-posts belonging to the Eng-
lish Company of Hudson's Bay, by the Chevalier de
Troyes and a number of Canadians from Montreal,
among whom were the three famous sons of Charles
Le Moyne, Iberville, Sainte-Hélène, and Maricourt,
the former of whom became ere long the most dis-
tinguished French Canadian of his time. The next
I96 7TA//Z S 7'OA’ Y OA’ CA A' A DA.
event of importance was the invasion of the country
of the Senecas, and the destruction of their villages
and stores of provisions. This was a most doubtful
triumph, since it left the Senecas themselves un-
hurt. How ineffectual it was even to awe the Iro-
quois, was evident from the massacre of La Chine,
near Montreal, in the August of 1689, when a large
band fell upon the village during a stormy night,
burned the houses, butchered two hundred men,
women and children, and probably carried off at
least one hundred and twenty prisoners before they
left the island of Montreal, where the authorities
and people seemed paralysed for the moment. The
whole history of Canada has no more mournful story
to tell than this massacre of this unhappy settlement
by the side of the beautiful lake of St. Louis. The
Iroquois had never forgiven the treachery of the
governor during the winter of 1687, at Fort Fron-
tenac, where he had seized a large number of
friendly Indians of the Five Nations who had settled
in the neutral villages of Kenté (now Quinté) and
Ganneious (now Gananoque), not many miles from
the fort. Some of the men were distributed among
the missions of Quebec, and others actually sent to
labour in the royal galleys of France, where they
remained until the survivors were brought back by
Frontenac, when he and other Frenchmen recog-
nised the enormity of the crime that had been com-
mitted by Denonville, who is immediately responsible
for the massacre of La Chine. The Iroquois never
forgot or forgave.
The French authorities. Soon recognised the fact
CAA'.4/JA AAV/O ACA /)/A. 197
that Denonville was entirely unequal to the critical
condition of things in Canada, and decided in 1689
to send Frontenac back. During his second term,
which lasted for nearly ten years, there was now
and then some friction between himself and the
intendant, on matters of internal government, and
between himself and the bishop and the Jesuits with
respect to amusements which the clergy always dis-
countenanced; but he displayed on the whole more
tact and judgment in his administration of public
affairs. Undoubtedly the responsibilities now rest-
ing upon him tasked the energies of a man of
seventy-two years of age to the utmost. In Acadia,
whose interests were now immediately connected
with those of Canada, he had to guard against the
aggressive movements of New England. The En-
glish of New York and the adjacent colonies were
intriguing with the Iroquois and the Foxes, always
jealous of French encroachments in the northwest,
and encouraging them to harass the French settlers.
The efforts of the English to establish themselves in
Hudson's Bay and Newfoundland, had to be met
by vigorous action on the part of Canadians. In
fact, we see on all sides the increasing difficulties of
France in America, on account of the rapid growth
of the English colonies.
When Frontenac arrived in Canada, war had been
declared between France and England. James II.
had been deposed and William of Orange was on
the English throne. Before the governor left
France a plan had been devised at the suggestion of
Callières, the governor of Montreal, for the conquest
198 7 HE Szoky of CANADA.
of New York. An expedition of regular troops and
Canadian volunteers were to descend from Canada
and assault New York by land, simultaneously with
an attack by a French Squadron from the sea. Un-
foreseen delays prevented the enterprise from being
carried out, when success was possible. Had New
York and Albany been captured, Callières was to
have been the new governor. Catholics alone
would be allowed to remain in the province, and all
the other inhabitants would be exiled—an atrocious
design which was to be successfully executed sixty
years later, by the English authorities, in the Aca-
dian settlements of Nova Scotia.
Count de Frontenac organised three expeditions
in 1690 against the English colonies, with the view
of raising the depressed spirits of the Canadians and
showing their Indian allies how far Onontio’s arm
would reach,. The first party, led by Mantet and
Sainte-Hélène, and comprising among the volunteers
Iberville, marched in the depth of winter on Corlaer
(Schenectady), surprised the sleeping and negligent
inhabitants, killed a considerable number, took
many prisoners, and then burned nearly all the
houses. The second party, under the command of
François Hertel, destroyed the small settlement of
Salmon Falls on the Piscataqua, and later formed a
junction with the third party, led by Portneuf of
Quebec, and with a number of Abenakis under
Baron de Saint-Castin. The settlement at Casco
Bay, defended by Fort Loyal (Portland) surrendered
after a short struggle to these combined forces, and
the garrison was treated with great inhumanity. The
ČANAPA Awa ACAD/A. 199
cruelties practised by the Indian allies invested these
raids with additional terrors. -
While Frontenac was congratulating himself on
the success of this ruthless border warfare, and on
the arrival at Montreal of a richly laden fleet of
canoes from the west, the English colonies concerted
measures of retaliation in a congress held at New
York. The blow first fell on Acadia, which had
been in the possession of France since the treaty of
Breda. Port Royal was taken without difficulty in
1690 by Sir William Phips, and the shore settle-
ments at La Hève and Cape Sable ravaged by his
orders.
Another expedition organised in New York and
Connecticut to attack Montreal, was a failure, al-
though a raid was made by Captain John Schuyler
into the country, south of Montreal, and a number
of persons killed at La Prairie. A more important
expedition was now given to the command of Phips,
a sturdy figure in colonial annals, who had sprung
from humble parentage in Maine, and won both
money and distinction by the recovery of the riches
of a Spanish galleon which had been wrecked on
the Spanish Main half a century before. His fleet,
consisting of thirty-two vessels—including several
men-of-war, and carrying 23OO troops, exclusively
provincials, fishermen, farmers, and sailors—ap-
peared in the middle of October, 1690, off Quebec,
whose defences had been strengthened by Fronte-
nac, and where a large force had assembled from the
French towns and settlements. As soon as the fleet
came to an anchorage, just below the town, Phips
2OO 7"HE STORY OF CANADA.
sent a messenger to present a letter to Frontenac,
asking him to surrender the fort. This envoy was
led blindfolded up the heights and brought into the
presence of the governor, who was awaiting him in
the fort, surrounded by a number of officers dressed
in the brilliant uniform of the French army. As
soon as he had recovered from the surprise which for
the moment he felt, when the bandage was taken off
his eyes, and he saw so brilliant an array of soldierly
men, he read the letter, which, “by the orders of
the King and Queen of England and of the govern-
ment of the colony of New England,’’ demanded
“ the surrender of the forts and castles undemol-
ished, and of all munitions untouched, as also an
immediate surrender of your persons and property
at my discretion.” The envoy, when the whole
letter was read, took out his watch, and remarking
that it was ten o’clock, asked that he be sent back
by eleven. Count de Frontenac's answer was defi-
ant. He refused to recognise William of Orange as
the lawful sovereign of England, and declared him
an “usurper.” The haughty governor continued
in the same strain for a few moments longer, and
when he had closed, Phips's messenger asked that
the answer be given in writing. “No,” he replied,
“I have none to give but by the mouth of my can-
non; and let your general learn that this is no way
to send a summons to a man like me. Let him do
the best on his side, as I am resolved to do on
mine.’’ -
Phips and his officers determined to attack Que-
bec in the rear by the way of Beauport, simultane-
CAAADA Awp ACAD/4. 2OI
ously with a fierce cannonading by the fleet. A
considerable force, under the command of Major
Walley, landed, and after some days of unhappy
experiences, during which Phips showed his inca-
pacity to manage the siege, the former was obliged
to find refuge in the ships, without having succeeded
in crossing the St. Charles. By this time Frontenac
had at least three thousand men, many of them vet-
erans, in Quebec, and Phips considered it his only
prudent course to return to Boston, where he arrived
with the loss of many vessels and men, chiefly from
disasters at sea. The French had lost very few men
by the cannonading and in the skirmishing on the
St. Charles—probably not more than sixty killed
and wounded—and celebrated their victory with
great enthusiasm. Religious processions marched
through the streets to the cathedral and churches,
Te Deums were chanted, the colonial admiral's flag,
which had been cut down by a lucky shot from the
fort, was borne aloft in triumph, a new church was
consecrated to AVotre Dame de la Victoire, and a
medal was struck in Paris in commemoration of the
event. In Boston, the people received with dismay
the news of the failure of an expedition which had
ended so ignobly and involved them so heavily in
debt. - -
The Iroquois, in league with the English of New
York, where the able governor Dongan and his
successor Andros, carefully watched over the inter-
ests of their colony, continued to be a constant
menace to the French on the St. Lawrence, and to
their allies in the West. In order to strengthen
2O2 7HA. Szoſ y OF CANADA.
themselves with the Five Nations, the New York
authorities sent Major Peter Schuyler, with a force
of Mohawks, Dutch, and English, to harass the
settlements near Montreal. An obstinate fight
occurred at La Prairie between him and a consider-
able force of troops, Canadians, Hurons, and Iroquois
of the Canadian mission under Varennes, an able
officer, but Schuyler succeeded in breaking through
the ranks of his enemies and reaching the Richelieu,
whence he returned to Albany without further losses.
In Acadia, however, the French gained an advantage
by the recovery of Port Royal by Villebon.
At this time occurred an interesting episode. A
young girl of only fourteen years, Madelaine, daugh-
ter of the seigneur of Verchères, on the south side
of the St. Lawrence, ten miles from Montreal, suc-
cessfully held her father's fort and block-house
against a band of Iroquois, with the aid of only six
persons, two of whom were boys, and one an old
man. Day and night, for a week, she was on the
watch against surprise by the Indians, who were
entirely deceived by her actions, and supposed the
fort was held by a garrison. At last a reinforcement
came to the succour of the brave girl, and the Indians
retreated. The courage displayed by this Canadian
heroine is an evidence of the courage shown by the
people of Canada generally, under the trying cir-
cumstances that so constantly surrounded them
throughout the whole of the French régime.
In 1693 the Mohawks were punished by an ex-
pedition composed of regulars, militia, and bush-
rangers, with a large Indian contingent, chiefly
CANADA AND ACAD/A. 203
drawn from the Iroquois mission near Montreal, the
modern settlement of Caughnawaga. This force
was led by Mantet, Courtemanche, and La Noue,
who succeeded in destroying the Mohawk villages
after a fierce fight, in killing a large number, and in
capturing several hundreds. The English, who had
early information of the invasion, sent Major Peter
Schuyler to pursue the retreating force, but it was
too late. The immediate result of this success was
a revival of trade. A large fleet of canoes came
down from the upper lakes with a rich store of furs,
that had been accumulating at Mackinac and other
posts for nearly three years, on account of the Iro-
quois. Frontenac's triumph was complete, and he
was called far and wide “the father of the people,
the preserver of the country.”
Returning for the moment to the Atlantic shores
of Acadia, we find that the French arms triumphed
in 1696 at Pemaquid, always an important point in
those days of border warfare.
The fort, which was of some pretensions, was cap-
tured by the French under Iberville and the Aben-
akis under Saint-Castin, and after its destruction
Iberville went on to Newfoundland, where the
French ruined the English settlements at St. John
and other places. Then the fleet proceeded to
Hudson's Bay, where the French recaptured the
trading posts which had been retaken a short time
previously by the English.
In the meantime Frontenac had decided on an
expedition against the Onondagas. Early in July,
1696, despite his age, he led the expedition to Fort
2O4. 7'HA. STOA Y OF CAAWADA.
Frontenac, which he had restored, and after a delay
of a few days he went on to the Onondaga town,
which he destroyed with all its stores of provisions,
and its standing fields of maize. The Oneida vil-
lage was also destroyed, and a number of men taken
prisoners as hostages for their good behaviour. The
Onondagas had fled, and the only one captured was
an aged chief, who was wantonly tortured to death.
It was now clear to the Iroquois that the English of
New York could not defend them from the constant
raids of the French, and they now made offers of
peace, provided it did not include the western allies
of France. Frontenac, however, was resolved to
make no peace, except on terms which would ensure
the security of the French for many years. He
died in the November of 1698 amid the regrets of
the people of all classes who admired his great qual-
ities as a leader of men.
Callières, of Montreal, an able and brave soldier,
who succeeded him, soon brought the Iroquois diffi-
culty to an issue. The calumet was smoked and
peace duly signed, in a great council held in the
August of 17O I, at Montreal, where assembled rep-
resentatives of the Indian nations of the West, of
the Abenakis, and of the Iroquois. From that time
forward, Canada had no reason to fear the Iroquois,
who saw that the French were their masters. The
trade with the West was now free from the interrup-
tions which had so long crippled it.
The Treaty of Ryswick, which was ratified in
I697, lasted for only five years. Then broke out
the great conflict known in Europe as the War of
CAPTURE OF FORT NELSON, IN HUDSON's BAY, BY THE FRENCH FROM LA POTHERIE.
205 A. French boats. B. Camp. C. Mortar. D. Skirmishers. E. Fort Nelson.

2O6 7A/E S TOA” Y OF CAAVA DA.
the Spanish Succession. The reckless ambition of
Louis XIV., then in the plenitude of his power, had
coveted the throne of Spain for his own family, and
brought him into conflict with England when he
recognised the Pretender as the rightful heir to the
English Crown. Queen Anne, the daughter of
James II. and sister of Mary, queen of William III.,
had succeeded to the throne, and the war which
was declared on the I5th May, 17O2, was thereafter
known in America by her name. The Abenakis,
who had promised peace, broke their pledges, and
joined the French Canadian bands in attacking
Wells, Saco, and Haverhill, and the annals of New
England tell many a sad story of burning homes, of
murdered men and women. The people of New
England retaliated on Acadia, and several ineffective
attempts were made to take Port Royal by Colonels
Church and Wainwright, who proved their inca-
pacity. A movement was then made for the con-
quest of Canada by the English colonists, but it
failed in consequence of an European emergency
having diverted the British squadron intended for
America to the shores of Portugal. An expedition
was next Organised in 17 Io, under the command of
Colonel Nicholson, a man of much sagacity and
audacity, though of little or no military experience,
for the capture of Port Royal, which was surrendered
by the governor, Subercase, and from that day this
historic place has been known as Annapolis Royal,
in honour of the reigning sovereign. It was not
until the following year that the British Government
yielded to the urgent representations of the colonies,
CA AVA DA AAV/) A CA O/A. 2O7
and sent to America a powerful armament to
attempt the conquest of Canada. The fleet was
under the orders of Sir Hovenden Walker, whose
incapacity was only equalled by that of the com-
mander of the troops, Colonel Hill. After the loss
of eight transports and nearly nine hundred men in
a storm near the Isle aux CEufs, at the entrance of
the St. Lawrence, the incapable admiral decided to
give up the project of besieging Quebec, and with-
out even venturing to attack the little French post
of Plaisance, he returned to England, where he was
received with marks of disfavour on all sides, and
forced soon afterwards to retire to South Carolina.
While New England was sadly disappointed by this
second failure to take Quebec, the French of Canada
considered it a providential interposition in their
behalf, and the church, which had been first named
after the defeat of Phips, was now dedicated to
AVožre Dazze des lºczoires.
All this while the French dominion was slowly
and surely extending into the great valleys of the
West and South. A fort had been built opposite
to the Jesuit mission of St. Ignace, on the other
side of the Strait of Michillimackinac, and it was now
also proposed to make the French headquarters at
Detroit, which had been founded by Antoine de la
Mothe-Cadillac, despite the opposition of the Jesu-
its, who wished to have the mission field of the West
in their own hands, and resented the intention to
establish Recollets and other priests at the new post.
As soon as the French established themselves per-
manently at this key to the Lakes and West, the
2O8 TAZAZ S 7'OA” Y OF CAAVA DA.
English practically gave up for fifty years the hope
of acquiring the Northwest, and controlling the
Indian trade. French pioneers were pushing their
way into the valleys of the Illinois and the Wabash.
Perrot and Le Sueur had taken possession of the
region watered by the upper Mississippi and its
affluents. Iberville and Bienville had made small
settlements at Biloxi, Mobile, and on the banks of
the Mississippi, and with them was associated one
of the most admirable figures of Canadian history,
Henry de Tonty, who had left his fort on the Illi-
nois. In 17 I I Louisiana was made a separate gov-
ernment, with Mobile as the capital, and included
the whole region from the Lakes to the Gulf, and
from the Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains. By
the time of the Treaty of Utrecht the Indian tribes
of the West were, for the most part, in the interest
of the French, with the exception of the Sioux,
Sauks, and Foxes, whose hostility was for a long
time an impediment to their progress on the upper
reaches of the Mississippi.
Louis XIV. was humbled by Marlborough on the
battlefields of Blenheim, Ramillies, and Oudenarde,
and obliged to agree to the Treaty of Utrecht,
which was a triumph for England, since it gave her
possession of Acadia, Hudson's Bay, Newfoundland
(subject to the rights of France in the fisheries), and
made the important concession that France should
never molest the Five Nations under the dominion
of Great Britain. Such questions as the limits of
Acadia, and the bounds of the territory of the Iro-
quois, were to be among the subjects of fruitful
controversy for half a century.
IBERVILLE,
1.
CHEWALIER D

209
XV.
ACADIA AND iDE ROYALE, FROM THE TREATY OF
UTRECHT TO THE TREATY OF
AIX-LA-CHAPELLE.
(1713–1748.)
THE attention of Louis XIV. and his ministers
was now naturally directed to Cape Breton, which,
like the greater island of Newfoundland, guards the
eastern approaches to the valley of the St. Lawrence.
Cape Breton had been neglected since the days of
Denys, though its harbours had been for over two
centuries frequented by sailors of all nationalities.
Plaisance, the Placentia of the Portuguese, had been
for years the headquarters of the French fisheries in
the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but when Newfoundland
was ceded to the English, all the French officials
and fishermen removed to English Harbour, on the
eastern coast of Cape Breton, ever since known as
Louisbourg. The island itself was called Île Roy-
ale, and its first governor was M. de Costabelle, who
had held a similar position at Plaisance. It was not,
however, until 1720, that France commenced the

2IO
Princess Bastion.
Queen's Bastion.
Recollets' Parish Church.
|
LOUISBOURG IN 1731.-FROM A SKETCH IN THE PARIS ARCHIVES:
9. Billiard Rooms. Battery on Islet at Entrance.
5. The King's Bastion and Barracks.
6. Royal Storehouses.
7. Governor's House.
8. Bakehouses.
Io. Dauphin Bastion and Battery.
11. Dauphin Gate.
12. Suburb near Dauphin Gate.
Rochefort Point.


A CA D/A A M D // E A*O VALE. 2 II
construction of the fortifications of Louisbourg,
which eventually cost her over ten million dollars of
modern money, and even then, they were never
completed in accordance with the original design, on
account of the enormous expense which far exceeded
the original estimates. The fortifications were built
on an oblong neck of land on the southern shore of
the port, which lies only two leagues from that fa-
mous cape from which the island takes its name. The
fortress occupied an area of over one hundred acres,
and was planned on the best system of Vauban and
other great masters of engineering skill, who in-
tended it should be, as indeed it was, despite some
faulty details of construction, the most complete
example of a strongly fortified city in America. The
harbour was also defended by batteries on an island
at the entrance, and at other important points, while
there were fortified works and small garrisons at
Port Toulouse (St. Peter's) and Port Dauphin (St.
Anne's). The government of the island was modelled
on that of Canada, to which it was subordinate, and
the governor was generally a military man. During
the years the fortress was in possession of the
French, there were probably, on an average, nearly
two thousand people living in the town and vicinity,
but this number was increased in the time of war by
the inhabitants of the adjacent ports and bays.
During the thirty years that elapsed between the
Treaty of Utrecht and the breaking out of war be-
tween France and Great Britain, the people of New
England found that the merely nominal possession
of Acadia by the English was of little Security to
2 I 2 TAZAZ S 7'OA' Y OF CA ATA DA.
them, while the French still held the island of Cape
Breton and had the fealty of the Indians and Aca-
dians, who were looking forward to the restoration
of the country to its former owners. England sys-
tematically neglected Nova Scotia, where, until the
foundation of Halifax, her only sign of Sovereignty
was the dilapidated fort at Annapolis, with an insig-
nificant garrison, utterly unable to awe the Acadian
French, and bring them completely under the au-
thority of the British Crown. French emissaries,
chiefly priests, –notably the treacherous Le Loutre
—were constantly at work among the Acadians,
Micmacs, and Abenakis, telling them that France
would soon regain her dominion in Acadia. For
years the Abenakis tomahawked the helpless English
colonists that had made their homes in the present
State of Maine, in the vicinity of the Kennebec and
the Penobscot. The insidious policy of Vaudreuil
and other governors of Canada, acting 'er instruc-
tions from France, was to keep alive the hostility of
the Abenakis so as to prevent the settlement of that
region known as Northern New England, one of
whose rivers, the Kennebec, gave easy access to the
St. Lawrence near Quebec. From Annapolis to
Canseau the Micmacs destroyed life and property,
and kept the English posts in constant fear.
New England took a signal revenge at last on the
cruel and treacherous Abenakis, and inflicted on
them a blow from which they never recovered. At
Norridgewock perished the famous missionary, Se-
bastian Rale, beneath whose black robe beat the
heart of a dauntless soldier, whose highest aspira-
A CA D/A A MA) /Z E ROYALE. 2f 3
tions were to establish his creed and promote the
ambitious designs of France in Acadia. A peace
was made in 1726 between the colonists and the
Abenakis, but New England felt she had no efficient
security for its continuance while Acadian and
Indian could see in the great fortress of Cape Breton
powerful evidence that France was not yet willing
to give up the contest for dominion in Acadia.
Northern New England became now of relatively
little importance in view of the obvious designs of
France to regain Nova Scotia.
We have now come to an important period in the
history of America as well as of Europe. In 1739
Walpole was forced to go to war with Spain, at the
dictation of the commercial classes, who wished to
obtain control of the Spanish Main. Then followed
the War of the Austrian Succession, in which France
broke her solemn pledge to Charles VI., Emperor of
Germany, that she would support his daughter,
Maria Theresa, in her rights to reign over his hered-
itary dominions. But when the Emperor was dead,
France and other Powers proceeded to promote
their own ambitious and selfish designs. France
wished to possess the rich Netherlands, and Spain,
Milan; Frederick of Prussia had no higher desire
than to seize Silesia, and to drive Austria from Ger-
many. Bavaria claimed the Austrian duchy of
Bohemia. Maria Theresa was to have only Hun-
gary and the duchy of Austria. The King of Eng-
land was jealous of Prussia, and thought more of his
Hanoverian throne than of his English crown. It
became the interest of England to assist Austria and
2I4 7A/A2 S 7'OAe V OA’ CAAVA DA.
prevent the success of France, now the ally of Spain,
forced to defend her colonial possessions in America.
The complications in Europe at last compelled France
and England to fight at Dettingen in 1743, and
George II. won a doubtful victory, but war was not
actually declared between these two nations until
some months later. England had no reason to con-
gratulate herself on the results, either in Europe or
America. Her fleet met only with disaster, and her
commerce was destroyed on the Spanish Main.
Four years later she won a victory over the Spanish
fleet in the Mediterranean, but hardly had her peo-
ple ceased celebrating the event, than they heard
that the combined forces of Hanover, Holland, and
England, under the Duke of Cumberland, had been
badly beaten by Marshal Saxe at Fontenoy.
It was at this time, when the prospects of Eng-
land were so gloomy on the continent of Europe,
that Englishmen heard, with surprise and gratifica-
tion, that the strong fortress of Louisbourg in
French America had surrendered to the audacious
attack of four thousand colonists of New England.
A combination of events had aided the success of
the brave enterprise. The news of the declaration
of war reached Louisbourg at least two months
before it was known in Boston, and the French Gov-
ernor, M. Duquesnel, immediately sent out expedi-
tions to capture the English posts in Nova Scotia.
Canseau, at the entrance of the strait of that name,
was easily taken, and the garrison carried to Louis-
bourg, but Annapolis Royal was successfully de-
fended by Colonel Mascarene, then governor of
A CA OZA AAVZ) ZZAZ ROYAZA. 2 I 5
Nova Scotia. All these events had their direct
influence on the expedition which New England
sent in the spring of 1745 against Louisbourg. The
prisoners who had been captured at Canseau had
remained until the autumn in Louisbourg, and the
accounts they brought back of its condition gave
Shirley and others reason to believe that if an expe-
dition was, without loss of time, sent against it,
there would be a fair chance of success. Not only
did they learn that the garrison was small, but that
it was discontented, and a mutiny had actually
broken out on account of the soldiers not having
received the usual additions to their regular pay for
work on the fortifications. The ramparts were
stated to be defective in more than one place, while
gales and other causes had delayed the arrival of the
ships which arrived every year with provisions and
reinforcements. These facts gave additional confi-
dence to Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, William
Vaughan of New Hampshire, and many influential
men who had already conceived the idea of striking
a blow at the French which would give the English
control of the whole coast from Cape Sable to the
entrance of the St. Lawrence.
The expedition against Louisbourg consisted of
over four thousand men, of whom Massachusetts,
which then included the present State of Maine,
contributed nearly one-third. Colonel Pepperrell
of Kittery on the Piscataqua, who had command,
with the title of lieutenant-general, was a man of
wealth and influence, though without any military
experience. His excellent judgment and undaunted
2 16 TA/AE STOA Y OF CAAVAZ)A.
courage, however, contributed largely to the success
of this bold venture. Captain Edward Tyng, a
capable colonial sailor, was the commodore of the
little fleet of thirteen vessels, carrying in all about
two hundred guns. The Puritan spirit of New Eng-
land had much influence in organising an expedi-
tion, and whose flag had a motto suggested by the
Methodist revivalist, Whitfield: “AWi/ desperandum
Christo duce.” The story of the success of the
New England troops, in conjunction with the small
English fleet, under the command of Commodore
Warren, has been often told, and we need not dwell
on its details. M. Duchambon was at the time gov-
ernor of Louisbourg, and maintained the defence for
nearly forty days. The capitulation of the fortress
was hastened by the fact that the English fleet cap-
tured the French frigate Vigilante, on whose arrival
the garrison had been depending for weeks. On
the afternoon of June 17th, General Pepperrell
marched at the head of his army through the West
or Dauphin gate into the town, and received the
keys from the commandant, who, with his garrison
drawn up in line, received him in the King's bastion.
One hundred and fifty years later a granite column
was raised on the same historic ground in honour of
this famous victory, which caused such rejoicings
throughout England and America.
By the articles of capitulation, the garrison and
residents of Louisbourg, probably two thousand per-
sons in all, were transported to France. The set-
tlement of Port Toulouse and Port Dauphin had
been captured, the first before, and the other during
A CA D/A AAVZ) /ZAE ROYALA. 217
the siege. The leader of the New England expedi-
tion was rewarded with a baronetcy, the first dis-
tinction of the kind ever given to a colonist, while,
Warren was promoted to the rank of rear-admiral of
the blue. -
If the English Government had fully understood
the necessities of their American colonies, they
would have immediately followed the advice of
Governor Shirley, who was a man of statesmanlike
views and bold conception, though he possessed no
capacity as a leader of military Operations, as his
later career in America proved. He suggested that
an expedition should attack Montreal by the usual
route of Lake Champlain, while an English fleet
ascended the St. Lawrence and besieged Quebec.
All the colonies set to work with considerable energy
to carry out this scheme, but it came to nought, in
consequence of the failure of the Duke of New-
castle, the most incapable statesman ever at the
head of imperial affairs, to redeem his promise. It
was then proposed to attack Fort Frederick at
Crown Point, on the western side of Lake Cham-
plain, where it contracts to a narrow river, but its
progress was arrested by the startling news that the
French were sending out a fleet to take Cape Breton
and Acadia, and attack Boston and other places on
the Atlantic sea-board.
France had heard with dismay of the loss of Cape
Breton, which she recognised as a key to the St.
Lawrence, and made two efforts to recover it before
the war closed in 1748. One of the noblest fleets
that ever sailed from the shores of France left RO-
218 THE STORY OF CANADA.
chelle in 1746 for Cape Breton, under the command
of M. de la Rochefoucauld, the Duke d'Anville, an
able, sensitive man, who, however, had had no
naval experience. Storm and pestilence attacked
the fleet, which found a refuge in the harbour of
Chebouctou, afterwards Halifax, where the unfor-
tunate Admiral died from an apopleptic seizure. His
successor, M. d’Estournelle, committed suicide in
a fit of despondency caused by the responsibility
thrown upon him, when men were dying by hun-
dreds every day on those lonely Acadian shores.
The French lost between two and three thousand
men by disease or casualties, and the remnant of
the great fleet, which was to have restored the for-
tunes of France in America, returned home under
the command of M. de la Jonquière without having
even attempted to capture the half-ruined fort at
Annapolis. Another fleet in 1747, under M. de St.
George and the Marquis de la Jonquière, the latter
of whom became subsequently Governor of Canada,
never reached its destination, but was defeated off
Cape Finisterre by a more powerful fleet under Ad-
mirals Anson and Warren.
The Canadian Government, of which the Marquis
de Beauharnois was then the head, had confidently
expected to regain Acadia, when they heard of the
arrival of the Duke d'Anville's fleet, and immedi-
ately sent M. de Ramesay to excite the Acadians,
now very numerous—probably ten thousand alto-
gether—to rise in arms against the few Englishmen
at Port Royal. He had with him a considerable
force of Indians and Canadians, among the latter
A CAD/A AM/X /ZA' A'O YA/A. 2 IQ
such distinguished men as Beaujeu, Saint-Ours,
Boishébert, Lanaudière, but the news of the disas-
ters that had crippled the fleet, forced him to give
up his plan of attacking Annapolis, and to withdraw
to the isthmus of Chignecto, where he built a small
fort at Baie Verte. In the following year, I 747, he
succeeded in surprising and capturing Colonel Arthur
Noble and a considerable force of New England
troops who had taken possession of the houses of
the Acadian French at Grand Pré, one of the most
fertile and beautiful districts of the province, after-
wards still more famous in poetry and history. This
exploit, however, did not materially change the
aspect of things in Acadia, where the French
Acadians had entirely disappointed the hopes of
Ramesay and his government. Had they been as
active or enterprising as their compatriots on the
banks of the St. Lawrence, they might easily, at
that time, have won back Acadia for France. As it
was, however, Ramesay was not able to gain a firm
foothold beyond the isthmus. Even the success he
won was neutralised by the activity of Governor
Shirley, who was ever alive to the importance of
Nova Scotia, and immediately sent another force to
occupy the meadows of Grand Pré.
In 1748 English diplomacy, careless of colonial
interests, restored the island of Cape Breton to
France by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in return
for the commercial post of Madras, which had been
taken by the French in the East Indies where Eng-
land and France were now rivals for the supremacy.
It was the persistency of the French to regain pos-
22O THE STOA Y OF CA MA /).A.
session of so valuable a bulwark to their great
dominion of Canada, that forced the English cabi-
net to restore it at a time when the nation was
threatened by a Catholic pretender, and disheart-
ened at the results of the war on the continent.
Weary of the struggle and anxious for a breathing
space, England deserted Maria Theresa and made
peace with France.

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MAP OF FRENCH FORTS IN AMERICA, 1750–0.O.












XVI.
THE STRUGGLE FOR DOMINION IN THE GREAT
VALLEYS OF NORTH AMERICA—PRELUDE.
(1748–1756.)
THE map that is placed at the beginning of this
chapter outlines the ambitious designs conceived by
French statesmen soon after the Treaty of Aix-la-
Chapelle. We see the names of many posts and
forts intended to keep up communications between
Canada and Louisiana, and overawe the English
colonies then confined to a relatively narrow strip of
territory on the Atlantic coast. Conscious of the
mistake that they had made in giving up Acadia,
the French now claimed that its ‘‘ ancient limits ''
did not extend beyond the isthmus of Chignecto—
in other words, included only Nova Scotia. Ac-
cordingly they proceeded to construct the forts of
Gaspereau and Beauséjour on that neck of land, and
also one on the St. John River, so that they might
control the land and sea approaches to Cape Breton
from the St. Lawrence where Quebec, enthroned on
her picturesque heights, and Montreal at the conflu-
& 4

22 I
222 TAZAZ S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA DA.
ence of the Ottawa and the St. Lawrence, held the
keys to Canada. The approaches by the way of
Lake Champlain and the Richelieu were defended
by the fort of St. John near the northern extremity
of the lake, and by the more formidable works
known as Fort Frederick or Crown Point—to give
the better known English name—on a peninsula at
the narrows towards the south. The latter was the
most advanced post of the French until they built
Fort Ticonderoga or Carillon on a high, rocky prom-
ontory at the head of Lake Sacrement, afterwards
called Lake George by General Johnson—a sheet of
water always famed for its picturesque charms. At
the foot of this lake, associated with so many mem-
orable episodes in American history, General John-
son, a clever, ambitious Irishman, a nephew of Sir
Peter Warren, in 1755, erected Fort William Henry,
about fourteen miles from Fort Edward or Lyman,
at the great carrying place on the upper waters of
the Hudson. Returning to the St. Lawrence and
the lakes, we find Fort Frontenac or Cataraqui at
the eastern end of Lake Ontario, where the old city
of Kingston now stands. Within the limits of the
present city of Toronto, La Galissonnière built Fort
Rouillé as an attempt to control the trade of the
Indians of the North, who were finding their way to
the English fort at Choueguen (Oswego), which had
been commenced with the consent of the Iroquois
by Governor Burnet of New York and was now a
menace to the French dominion of Lake Ontario.
At the other extremity of this lake was Fort Niagara,
the key to the West.
7"HAE S Z'R UGG/LAE FOA' DOM/AV/OAV. 223
At Detroit, Mackinac, and Sault Ste. Marie the
French continued to hold possession of the Great
Lakes and the country to the west and south. Their
communications, then, between the West and Que-
bec were established, but between the great valleys
of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, over which
they claimed exclusive rights, there was another
valley which became of importance in the execution
of their scheme of continental dominion. In the
years succeeding the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle the
English colonists awakened to the importance of the
valley of the Ohio, and adventurous frontiersmen
of Virginia and Pennsylvania were already forcing
their way into its wilderness, when France's ambi-
tion barred the way to their further progress. That
astute Canadian, Governor La Galissonnière, in 1749,
recognised the importance of the Ohio in relation to
the Illinois and Mississippi, and sent Céloron, a cap-
tain in the French service, to claim possession of the
valley of the former river and its tributaries. This
Officer made a long and enterprising journey, in the
course of which he affixed at different points the
arms of France to trees, and buried leaden plates
bearing the inscription, that they were memorials of
the “renewal of the possession of the Ohio and all
its affluents '' originally established by arms and
treaties, particularly those of Ryswick, Utrecht, and
Aix-la-Chapelle. Under the instructions of Gover-
nor Duquesne, who possessed all the sagacity of La
Galissonnière, forts were established at Presqu'ile
(Erie) and on French Creek, a tributary of the Alle-
ghany. Virginians saw with dismay the entrance
224 Z/// S ZOA' Y OF CAAA O.A.
of the French into a region on which they were now
casting a longing eye. Their government had se-
cured from the Iroquois a doubtful deed which gave
them, as they urged, a title to the Great West, and
a company was even formed to Occupy the Ohio.
In 1754 the English commenced the construction
of a fort at the forks of the Ohio, but it was easily
captured by Contrecocur, who completed and re-
named it in honour of the Governor of Canada,
Duquesne. Washington, who now first appears in
American history, was defeated by Chevalier de Vil-
liers at Fort Necessity, a mere intrenchment at Great
Meadows, and the French held entire possession of
the Ohio valley, where no English trader or pioneer
dared show himself. By 1755 the French dominion
was complete from the Ohio to the Illinois, and from
the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, so far as a
slender line of communication by means of widely
separated posts and settlements could make it so.
On the St. Joseph, the Maumee, the Wabash, and
the Illinois, there were small forts. Fort Chartres
in the Illinois country was the only post of any
thorough construction. At Cahokia, Opposite the
modern city of St. Louis, and at Kaskaskia, at the
junction of the river of that name with the Missis-
sippi, there were small and relatively prosperous
French villages. In Louisiana the French had the
towns of Mobile, Biloxi, New Orleans, and a few
other settlements, where the African blacks far out-
numbered the whites. That colony had had many
difficulties to surmount.before it could be considered
established. Wars with the Natchez and Chicka-
7'HE STR O'GG/AE FOA’ DO//ZAV/OAV. 225
Saws had been constant. Crozat's experiment had
been followed by the establishment of the Missis-
sippi or Western Company, which was to develop
gold mines, that never existed except in the imagi-
nations of its reckless promoter, John Law, a Scotch-
man. When the Mississippi bubble burst, and so
many thousands were ruined in France, Louisiana
still continued under the control of the company,
which was eventually obliged to give up its charter
after heavy expenditures which had produced very
small results, and the colony became a royal prov-
ince. With its chequered future must be always
associated the name of the Canadian Bienville, who
was for some years its governor and justly earned
the title of “Father of Louisiana.” Insignificant
as was its progress, France prized its possession,
and had she been alive to her opportunities she
might have colonised it with Huguenots and made
it a power in the conflict between herself and Eng-
land in America.
France, busy with her ambitious designs in Eu-
rope, gave but a meagre and too often half-hearted
support to the men who had dreams of founding a
mighty empire in America. When France and Eng-
land met for the great struggle on that continent,
the thirteen colonies had reached a population of
nearly a million and a quarter of souls, exclusive of
the negroes in the South, while the total number of
the people in Canada and Louisiana did not exceed
eighty thousand. In wealth and comfort there was
the same disproportion between the French and
English colonies. In fact at the time of the last
I5
226 ZTA/A2 S 7'O/ø V OA’ CA AVA /DA.
war, Canadian commerce was entirely paralysed,
farms neglected, and the towns barely able to live.
In 1757 food was so scarce in Quebec and Montreal
that the soldiers and people had to use horse flesh.
The combined forces of Canadian militia and regular
troops were always much inferior in number to the
British and colonial armies when united for the
invasion of Canada, with the support of a powerful
fleet; but the great strength of the French colony
lay in the natural barriers between the English col-
onies and the keys to New France, Quebec, and
Montreal, and in the skill with which the approaches
by way of Lake Champlain had been defended by
forts at every important point. If the French force
was insignificant in number, it was, as a rule, skil-
fully managed, and in the early part of the struggle
the English had no commander to compare with
Montcalm for military genius. In some respects
the French Canadians were more manageable in war
than the English colonists. No legislative bodies
existed in Canada to interfere with and thwart the
plans and orders of military commanders, but the
whole Canadian people acted as a unit to be moved
and directed at the will of the King's officers.
The Indian tribes from Acadia to the Mississippi,
the Ohio, and the Illinois, were, with the exception
of the Five Nations, always friendly to the French
since the days of Champlain—the warm allies of a
people who fraternised naturally with them; and it
would have been an unhappy day for the English
colonists had eighty or a hundred thousand Cana-
dians been able to arm and, under the skilful gen-
TA/A2 S 7'A' UGG/AE FOA’ DOM/AV/OM. 227
eralship of Montcalm, Swoop down with their savage
allies on the English colonial settlements. But the
French of Canada were never able, as a rule, to do
more than harass by sudden raids and skirmishes—
by a system of petite guerre, or petty warfare—the
English of America, and at no time in colonial his-
tory was the capture of Boston or of New York
actually attempted by a land force from Canada,
though it was suggested more than once. At the
outbreak of the war the Mohawks were the only
Indian tribe on whom the English could place much
dependence, and that was largely owing to the energy
and discretion of Sir William Johnson, who had long
lived in their country and gained not only their con-
fidence but even their affection. The tribes in the
Ohio valley had been won by the success of the
French in driving out the Virginians, while in the
further west the Foxes and other communities who
had been unfriendly to the French had been beaten
into submission—the Foxes in fact almost destroyed
—by the raids of the French and their Indian allies.
The great current of active thought and enterprise
which develops a nation was always with the English
colonies, and though large Schemes of ambition stim-
ulated the energies of the bold and adventurous
men to whom the destinies of France were entrusted
from the days of La Salle to those of Montcalm,
their ability to found a new empire in America
under the lilies of France was ever hindered by the
slow development of the French settlements, by the
incapacity of the King and his ministers in France to
grasp the importance of the situation on this conti-
228 7A/A. STOA' V OA’ CAAVA/OA.
nent, and by their refusal to carry out the projects
of men like La Galissonnière, who at Once recognised
the consequences of such neglect and indifference,
but found no one ready to favour his scheme of es-
tablishing large settlements of French peasantry in
Canada and Louisiana. France, we see now, had
her great opportunity in America, and lost it forever
at Quebec in I759.
Before we proceed to the record of the events
which led to the conquest of Canada, it is necessary
that we should briefly review the history of the
period which elapsed between the Treaty of Aix-la-
Chapelle and the commencement of the Seven Years'
War. When English statesmen were informed of
the mistake they had made in restoring Cape Breton
to France with such reckless haste, they began to
reflect on the best means of retrieving it as far as
possible; and at the suggestion of Shirley and other
colonists they set to work to bring an English pop-
ulation into Nova Scotia, and to make it a source of
strength instead of weakness to the New England
communities. In 1749, the year of the formal sur-
render of Louisbourg, the city of Halifax was
founded on the west side of the admirable harbour,
long known in Acadian history as Chebouctou.
Here, under the direction of Governor Cornwallis, a
man of great ability, a town slowly grew up at the
foot and on the slopes of the hill which was in later
times crowned by a noble citadel, above which has
always floated the flag of Great Britain. Then fol-
lowed the erection of a fort at Chignecto, known as
Fort Lawrence in honour of the English officer who
7TA/A2 S 7/8 OGG/CAE AWOA” ZXO////V/OAV. 229
built it—afterwards governor of Nova Scotia—and
intended to be a protection to the province, con-
stantly threatened by the French and Indians, who
were always numerous at the French posts and set-
tlements on the isthmus. The French constructed
on the northern bank of the Missiduash a fort of five
bastions known as Beauséjour, and a smaller one at
Bay Verte, with the object, as previously stated, of
keeping up communication with Louisbourg, which
they were strengthening in some measure. At Fort
Beauséjour the treacherous priest Le Loutre contin-
ued to pursue his insidious designs of creating dissat-
isfaction among the French Acadians and pressing
on them the necessity of driving the English from
the former possessions of France. -
Though war was not formally proclaimed between
France and England until many months later, the
year 1755 was distinguished in America by conflicts
between the English and French—a prelude to the
great struggle that was only to end in the fall of
New France. The French frigates A/cide and Zys
were captured on the coast of Newfoundland by ves-
sels of a fleet under Admiral Boscawen, who had
been sent by the English Government to intercept a
French fleet which had left France under Admiral
de la Mothe, having on board troops under Baron
Dieskau and the Marquis de Vaudreuil, the succes-
sor of Duquesne in the government of Canada.
In Acadia, in the valley of the Ohio, and at Lake
George, the opposing forces of England and France
also met in conflict. In the spring an English force
of regular and colonial troops, chiefly the latter,
23O 7A/A2 S 7'OA' Y OF CAAVA DA,
under the command of Colonel Monckton, who has
given his name to a prosperous city on the isthmus
of Chignecto, and of Colonels Winslow and Scott,
captured the two French forts and took a good
many prisoners, among whom were a considerable
number of French Acadians, forced by the French
to assist in the defence of Beauséjour. Le Loutre
succeeded during the confusion on the surrender of
the fort, in evading capture, but only to find himself
eventually taken prisoner by an English ship while
on his way to France, and sent to the island of
Jersey, where he was kept in confinement until the
end of the war, and from that time disappears from
American history.
In the same year General Braddock, an arrogant
though experienced soldier, was sent in command of
a large force of regular and colonial troops into the
valley of the Ohio to attack Fort Duquesne and
drive the French from that region, but chiefly
through his want of caution and his ignorance of
Indian methods of warfare in the American wilder-
ness, he was surprised on the Monongahela by a small
force of Indians and French under the Canadian
Beaujeu, who were concealed in ravines, from which
they were able in perfect security to prevent the
advance of the English, and literally riddle them
with bullets until they fled in dismay and confusion,
leaving behind them a great store of munitions and
provisions besides a large sum of money in specie.
Braddock died from the wounds he received, and
the remnant of his beaten regiments retired precipi-
tately beyond the Alleghanies. This unhappy dis-
7///E S7% UGG/AE FOA' Z)OAZZAV/OM. 23 f
aster was followed by a succession of Indian raids
along hundreds of miles of frontier, and the petite
guerre of the Abenakis and French in Acadia and
New England, with all its horrors, was repeated by
the Indians of the West. The southern colonies
were paralysed for the moment, and the authorities
of Pennsylvania gave evidences of indifference, if
not of cowardice, that are discreditable features of
its early history.
General Johnson, of the Mohawk country, at the
head of a large colonial force, defeated Baron Dies-
kau at the foot of Lake George, which then received
its present name in honour of the King of England,
and the French general himself was taken prisoner.
It was for his services on this occasion that Johnson
was made a baronet, though he had not succeeded
in the original object of his expedition, the capture
of Crown Point. General Shirley, however, was not
so fortunate as Johnson, for he abandoned the
project of attacking Fort Niagara when he heard
that it had received reinforcements.
The most memorable event of this time, which
has been the subject of warm controversy between
French and English historians and the theme of a
most affecting poem, was the expulsion of the Aca-
dian French from Nova Scotia. When Halifax was
founded it was decided, as a matter of necessity, to
bring the Acadians more entirely under the control
of the English authorities. They had probably in-
creased since the Treaty of Utrecht to at least twelve
thousand souls, living for the most part in the An-
napolis valley, by the Gaspereaux and Avon rivers,
232 7A/E STORY OF CAAWA DA,
at Grand Pré, at Mines, and at Chignecto. When
they were asked to take the oath of allegiance by
Governor Lawrence, they refused to do so unless it
was qualified by the condition that they should not
be obliged at any time to take up arms. Many
years before a considerable number, if not the ma-
jority, of the same people had taken this qualified
oath, although it is also claimed that no one had
legal authority to make such a condition with them.
Under the treaty of 1713 the Acadian French had a
year to choose between leaving the country or giving
their submission to the British Government and be-
coming its subjects. It was natural that they should
have hesitated to leave the humble though comfort-
able homes which their own industry had made on
the most fertile lands of Nova Scotia, but it is also
quite certain that every obstacle was thrown in the
way of their removal by the English governors.
Had the British authorities adopted from the very
commencement a firm and decided policy towards
them, they might have given an unreserved alle-
giance to the British Crown and eventually be-
come peaceable and contented inhabitants. As it
was, the British Government systematically neg-
lected the country, and left the little garrison at
Annapolis for many years practically at the mercy
of the Acadians, who could have often half starved
them, and even captured the only English post of
the least importance in the province, had they been
led at any time by a man of courage and determina-
tion. It was only the watchfulness of the govern-
ment of Massachusetts, who fully recognised the
7"HE STR UGG/AE FOA' DOM/AW/OAV. 233
importance of Nova Scotia in relation to New Eng-
land, that retained the province in English hands
during the time when English statesmen like New-
castle were even ignorant of the existence or situa-
tion of Annapolis. If French emissaries were often
able to make these credulous and ignorant people
believe that France would soon regain her dominion
in Acadia, it was largely owing to the fact that the
English showed such weakness in all their relations
with the Acadians, and made no earnest or sus-
tained effort to assert their sovereignty. At last
when England decided to settle and strengthen
Nova Scotia, a feeling of uneasiness was naturally
created by the presence of a large and increasing
population who were naturally in sympathy with
the French, and had assumed an attitude quite
irreconcilable with the security of English interests
on the Atlantic coast of eastern America. It must
be admitted that the position of the Acadians was
one deserving of sympathy, tossed about as they
were for many years between French and English.
They were considered by the French of Canada and
Cape Breton as mere tools to carry out the designs
of French ambition. England, however, had at
some time or other to assert her sovereignty in
Nova Scotia, and to assure its security, seemingly
threatened by the presence of people who would
not formally declare themselves British subjects.
The position of Nova Scotia between Cape Breton
and Canada gave reason for constant alarm, and
when Halifax was founded some decisive step was
felt to be necessary by Cornwallis and his successors,
234 TÉ E S 7'OA' V OF CAAWA DA,
No doubt the feeling that had been created against
the Acadians, by their refusal to take an uncondi-
tional oath of allegiance to Great Britain—the only
oath that could be possibly offered to them by a
self-respecting and strong government—was intensi-
fied by the notorious fact that a number of them
had been actually captured at Fort Beauséjour with
arms in their hands, though in this case they ap-
pear to have been really the mere tools of Le
Loutre and French emissaries who grossly misled
them. The people of New England were much
prejudiced against them and asserted that they
could never enjoy any security while the Acadians
continued to maintain their attitude of neutral-
ity. They had always supplied Louisbourg with
provisions and helped to build the French forts
on the isthmus, and it was difficult for Lawrence
and his officers to obtain any assistance from them
in the same way. When the Indians harassed the
English settlers in Nova Scotia, the government of
that province recalled the raids of the Abenakis and
French Canadians, and believed with some reason
there was to be the same condition of things in the
peninsula. The war between the French and Eng-
lish had never really ceased in America, and it was
well known that the hollow truce in Europe would
be broken at any moment; and in the presence of
the great danger that threatened the English colo-
nies, they had some ground for fearing the presence
of a large body of people who claimed to be neu-
trals in a country which was England’s by conquest
and treaty, and where they could and did enjoy an
7A/A2 S 7% (7GG/AE FOA' Z)OM/AVZOAV. 235
amount of political and religious liberty which no
Protestant enjoyed in Catholic Europe. Then came
the defeat of Braddock in the Ohio country, and the
knowledge that France was preparing for a deter-
mined effort to strengthen and even increase her
dominions in America.
It was under these circumstances that Governor
Lawrence of Nova Scotia—a determined and harsh
military man—no doubt at the instigation of Shirley
and the authorities of New England, determined to
secure the peace and safety of the province by the
most cruel of all possible measures, the expulsion of
the whole body of French Acadians. It must be
admitted, however, that all the circumstances, when
reviewed in these later times, do not seem sufficient
to justify the stern action of the men who took the
leading part in this sad tragedy. The responsibility
must mainly rest on Governor Lawrence, and not
on the imperial government, who never formally
authorised the expatriation. Be that as it may,
the Acadians were driven from their settlements,
and the noble qualities of Lawrence, Monckton,
and Winslow, who carried out the measures of
expulsion, will be always obscured in the minds
of that great majority of people who think only
of the deed and its consequences, and are influ-
enced by the dictates of the heart. It is a matter
for deep regret that the men who represented Eng-
land in those days had not run a risk on the side
of humanity, rather than have driven thousands
of men, women, and children from their pleasant
homes by the sides of the beautiful bays and rivers
236 THAE STOA’ Y OF CAAWA DA.
of Nova Scotia, and scattered them far and wide
among the English colonies, where their treatment
was rarely generous. Even those who reached
Quebec were coldly received and were grudgingly
supplied with miserable food. Poetry and senti-
ment have not exaggerated the sorrow and misery
of these hapless exiles, so ill-fitted to go out into
the bitter world of hardship and destitution.

XVII.
THE STRU GGLE FOR DOMINION IN THE GREAT
VALLEYS OF NORTH AMERICA : ENGLISH RE-
VERSES AND FRENCH VICTORIES-FALL OF
LOUISBOURG AND FORT DUQUESNE.
(1756–1758.)
IN 1756 England was fully engaged in that famous
war with France which was to end in driving her
hereditary rival from the eastern and western hemi-
spheres, and in the establishment of the German
Empire by the military genius of Frederick the Great.
For a while, however, the conflict in America was
chiefly remarkable for the incapacity of English
commanders on land and sea. Earl Loudoun, the
sluggish commander-in-chief, of whom it was said,
‘‘ he is like St. George on the signs; always on
horseback, but never rides On,” arranged a campaign
against the French on Lake Champlain and against
Louisbourg which ended only in disaster and hu-
miliation for England. The forts at Oswego, always
regarded as a menace by the French who occupied
*},

238 7A/A2 S 7'OA' V O/7 CAAWA DA.
Fort Frontenac on the opposite side of Lake Onta-
rio, were successfully attacked and destroyed by
Montcalm,” who was sent to Canada in 1756 to
make a supreme effort for France. The energetic
French general then proceeded a year later to storm
Fort William Henry, and largely owing to the in-
capacity or timidity of General Webb, who could
have marched to the assistance of the besieged from
Fort Edward, the brave Scotch officer, Lieutenant-
Colonel Monro, then in command of this important
defence of the northeastern frontier, was obliged to
surrender. After the capitulation of this fort a large
number of helpless men, women, and children were
barbarously murdered by the body of Indians that
accompanied the French—one of the saddest epi-
Sodes in American history, which must always dim
the lustre of Montcalm’s victory, though it is now
generally admitted that the French general himself
was not responsible for the treachery of his Indian
allies, but used his most earnest efforts—even at the
risk of his own life—to save the English when the
Savages were mad with lust for the blood of their
enemies.
At sea the results were equally discouraging for
the English. Fifteen ships-of-the-line and three
frigates, under the orders of Admiral Holbourne, and
twelve thousand troops under the command of Earl
Loudoun himself, assembled in the harbour of Hali-
fax in the July of I757; but, owing to the absence
* His full name was Louis-Joseph, Marquis de Montcalm-Gozon de
Saint-Véran, whose family seat was Candiac, near Nismes, in the
South of France,
, 29
AET

24O 7 'A'A2 ,S 7'OA’ Y OF CA AVA /O 4.
of energy and celerity of movement from the very
day the project was decided upon in England until
after the arrival of the fleet in America, the French
were able to get reinforcements of ships and men
into Louisbourg, and the English admiral and
general came to the resolve—so strange for English-
men in time of war—to run no risk in attacking the
fortress. Loudoun returned to New York, but too
late to retrieve the injury he had done to the north-
ern colonies by withdrawing so large a force from
the frontier at a critical period, when Montcalm was
marching on Fort William Henry with such unfor-
tunate results for English interests. Holbourne sailed
with his fleet for Louisbourg, and after a half-hearted
attempt to draw the French fleet, then safely moored
under the guns of the town, into an engagement,
even the elements combined against him, and when
he had lost a number of his vessels on the rocky
Cape Breton coast, he returned to England to tell
the story of his failure.
It was at this critical period, when England so
sadly needed a bold and wise statesman at the head
of her government in the place of weak and incom-
petent men like Newcastle, that the great Pitt, bet-
ter known as Chatham at a later day, was called to
office by the unanimous opinion of the English
people outside, perhaps, of a small selfish clique of
the aristocracy. It was his good fortune to be suc-
cessful far beyond the hopes of the majority of
statesmen suddenly called upon to retrieve national
disaster. It was mainly through his inspiration—
through the confidence with which he inspired all
TA/A2 S 7/8 UGG/LA. AſO/º APO////V/OAV. 24 I
those who served the country at this momentous
epoch—that England became the centre of a vast
colonial empire such as the world never saw, even in
the days when Rome was mistress. -
When Pitt was recalled to office in July, 1757, it
was too late to prevent the humiliation of England
through the incompetency of Holbourne, Loudoun,
and Webb, and the year 1757 closed with Montcalm
triumphant in America. But while France neglected
to give adequate support to her brave sons in Can-
ada, England rallied to the support of Pitt, and the
whole nation felt a confidence in the future which
it had never had during the administration of his
predecessors. On the continent of Europe, Pitt
contented himself with giving the largest possible
Subsidies of money to his great ally Frederick, and
by entrusting the command of the English and Han-
overian forces to the best of his generals, Ferdinand,
Prince of Brunswick, in place of the incompetent
Duke of Cumberland. The victories of Rossbach,
Leuthen, and Minden were the answers that Fred-
erick gave to the English minister for the confidence
he reposed in his ability to cope with the four great
Powers then combined with Saxony to destroy
Prussia and bring England to the feet of France, by
invading her territory and marching into her very
capital. Hanover was saved by the memorable vic-
tory on the Weser, and England was spared the
humiliation and perils of an invasion by the destruc-
tion of a French fleet by Admiral Hawke in Qui-
beron Bay. -
While the military genius of Frederick and the
- I6 -
242 THE STOA: Y OF CANADA.
inspiring statesmanship of Pitt were successfully
thwarting the ambitious plans of France and her
allies in Europe, the English minister had decided
on a vigorous campaign in America. With that
intuitive sagacity which he possessed above most
men for recognising ability in others for the purpose
in view, he chose General Amherst, Admiral Bosca-
wen, and Brigadier-General Wolfe, not because of
their aristocratic or political influence, but because
of their military capacity, the want of which in Lou-
doun and Holbourne had brought disaster upon the
English arms. Unhappily he was forced, for the
time being, by strong influences around him to
retain General Abercromby at the head of one of
the expeditions in America, but he hoped that the
co-operation of Lord Howe would keep up the cour-
age of the army, and prevent any blunders on the
part of the slow and obtuse soldier in command.
The plan of the campaign which opened in 1758 was
to send three expeditions simultaneously against the
three all-important French positions held by the
French in the Ohio valley, on Lake Champlain, and
at the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Gen-
eral Forbes, a resolute Scotch veteran, was to march
on Fort Duquesne, General Abercromby was to lay
siege to Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and General
Amherst, with Admiral Boscawen, was to attack the
fortress of Louisbourg, which was acknowledged as
the key of the St. Lawrence. -
The English fleet anchored in Gabarus Bay, t
the southward of Louisbourg, on the 2nd of June,
1758. It was composed of over fifty ships, twenty-
TA/A. STA’ UGG/AE FOA' DOM/AV/OAZ. 243
&
two of which were “liners,” and carried eighteen
hundred guns altogether. The army comprised
between eleven and twelve thousand men, including
a small force of provincial rangers. The fortress,
which had been considerably strengthened since
1745, was defended by Over three thousand regular
troops, and a small number of Indians and inhabit-
ants. A fleet of fourteen men-of-war, with a crew
of nearly three thousand men, and five hundred and
Sixty-two guns, were in the harbour. Chevalier Dru-
cour was governor of the island, and conducted the
defences with skill and resolution, and had Admiral
Desgouttes been as brave and capable as the former,
Louisbourg would hardly have fallen so easily. On
the morning of the 27th July, the English took pos-
session of the West gate, and the cross of St. George
was hoisted on the citadel of a fortress which was
destined from that time to disappear from the pages
of the world’s history. In 1763 the fortress was
levelled to the ground, and now a few mounds of
turf alone represent the ambitions of France a cen-
tury and a half ago. Nature has resumed dominion
over the site of the once famous fortress, and the
restless ocean, which stretches away beyond to the
eastward without a break to Europe, brings no mes-
sage of the fleets that came once, richly freighted, to
this historic fort. Louisbourg is now only a place
of memories—of associations which connect Cape
Breton with most glorious episodes of England's
history, with times when the genius of Pitt tri-
umphed over France.
After the taking of Louisbourg, the English occu-
244. 7A7A. S. 7'OA’ V OA’ CA AVA /) A.
pied the island of St. John, now Prince Edward,
where there were several prosperous settlements at
Port La Joye (Charlottetown), St. Pierre, and other
places on the bays of the low-lying coast. The
population was composed chiefly of Acadians, who
had commenced to cross from Nova Scotia after the
Treaty of Utrecht, and probably numbered in 1758
four thousand souls, engaged in fishing and farming.
These people were able to supply Louisbourg with
provisions, as no agricultural Operations of import-
ance were carried on in Cape Breton.
LOUISBOURG MEDALS OF I.758.
Wolfe destroyed the French settlements around
the bays of Gaspé, Miramichi, and Chaleurs, while
Colonel Monckton performed the same painful duty
in the valley of the St. John River. Acadia, accord-
ing to its ‘‘ ancient limits,” was at last completely
in the possession of England.
The news of the capture of Louisbourg was re-
ceived in America and Europe with many rejoicings,
and the eleven stands of colours won at this gateway
of Canada were deposited in St. Paul’s Cathedral

7A/A2 S 7/2 UGG/AE FOR AE).O/W/AWZOAV. 245
amid the roar of cannon. This victory came at an
opportune moment, since Abercromby had suffered
a humiliating repulse on the banks of Lake Cham-
plain. With a splendid force of regular and pro-
Vincial troops, from fourteen to fifteen thousand
altogether, but entirely destitute of artillery, an
evidence of extraordinary incapacity, or of culpable
negligence,—he had thrown himself upon most for-
midable entrenchments of fallen trees, with their
sharp ends pointing outwards, that the French had
ingeniously constructed in front of Carillon, which
was still incomplete, and defended by less than three
thousand men under Montcalm and Lévis. The
most unhappy incident of this disaster was the death
of Lord Howe, described by Wolfe, who knew him
well, “as the noblest Englishman that has appeared
in my time, and the best soldier in the British
army.” Abercromby hurriedly retired to the head
of Lake George, and was soon afterwards Superseded
by the cautious Amherst. Montcalm was greatly
encouraged by the spirit of his soldiers throughout
the attack, and erected a cross on the battle ground
with the following inscriptions of his own—the latter
his paraphrase of the first :
Quid dux 2 Quid miles 2 Quid strata ingentia ligna 2
En signum ! en victor Deus hic, Deus ipse triumphat.
“Chrétien ce ne fut point Montcalm et la prudence,
Cesarbres renversés, ces heros, ces exploits,
Qui des Anglais confus ont brisé l'espérance,
C'est le bras de ton Dieu, vainqueur sur cette croix.’”
* Parkman gives the following paraphrase of the Latin inscription:
“Soldier and chief and ramparts' strength are nought ;
Behold the conquering cross 'T is God the triumph wrought.”
246 7A/A2 S 7"O/º V OA’ CAAVA /)A.
An important event of the year was the taking of
Fort Frontenac by Colonel Bradstreet, who had as-
sisted in the first siege of Louisbourg. The capture
of this fort was regarded with every reason by the
French as ‘‘ of greater injury to the colony than the
1oss of a battle.” Fort Duquesne, which was the
key to the Ohio country, was abandoned by Lig-
neris on the approach of Brigadier Forbes, a very
capable Scotch officer, but not until the French had
beaten with considerable loss an advance of the main
forces commanded by Major Grant. Ligneris with-
drew his troops to Fort Machault (Venango), where
he remained until the following year. Fort Du-
quesne was renamed in honour of Pitt, and a great
manufacturing city has grown up on its site in the
beautiful valley which, in 1758, passed away forever
from the French who had only held possession of it
for six short years.

XVIII.
THE STRUGGLE FOR DOMINION IN THE WALLEY OF
THE ST. LAWRENCE—CANADA IS WON BY
WOLFE ON THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM.
(1759–1763.)
WHEN the campaign opened in 1759 the French
had probably under arms in Canada not far from
twenty thousand men, regulars, militia, and Indians
—one-fifth only being French regiments. At De-
troit there was a very insignificant garrison, as it was
of minor importance compared with Niagara, which
was the key to the Lakes and West. Here Pouchot,
an able officer, who has given us an interesting
memoir of the war, was stationed, with authority to
call to his assistance the French forces at Presqu’ile,
Le Boeuf, and Venango—some three thousand men
altogether, made up mostly of colonial forces and
Indian auxiliaries. At Fort Rouillé (Toronto) there
was no force worth mentioning, as it was a mere de-
pendency of Niagara. Fort Frontenac had been
destroyed by the English, and the French had no
posts from that point as far as Montreal except at

247
248 THE STORY OF CANADA.
Point-au-Baril (near Ogdensburgh), and fle Galops,
by the side of the well-known rapids of that name.
The security of Montreal depended mainly on the
French continuing to hold control of Lake Cham-
plain, and fle-aux-Noix which they now set to work
to fortify. Bourlamaque, an able officer, was in
command at the French forts of the lake with a force
of Over two thousand men, of whom one-half were
Canadian, and had orders to abandon Carillon and
Crown Point, if necessary, and advance to Île-aux-
Noix. At Quebec, probably fourteen thousand
men, of whom four thousand were the pick of the
French regiments in Canada, were under command
of Montcalm, Lévis, and Vaudreuil, and were en-
trenched on a height of land stretching for nearly
six miles from the St. Charles River, to the south-
east of the fortress, as far as Montmorency River,
where its current rushes wildly forward for its tre-
mendous leap of over two hundred and fifty feet into
a deep and rocky abyss, and forms that glistening.
sheet of billowy foam which, seen from a distance,
resembles a snowdrift suspended in air. The forti-
fications of Quebec had been strengthened for some
years back, and its defences were entrusted to Rame-
say, who had led a force to Nova Scotia in the
year of the Duke d’Anville’s disastrous expedition.
The city was ill-provided with provisions for any
sustained siege, despite the opportune arrival of
some relief from France in the spring. The whole
country had been impoverished by the continuous
drain on the agricultural and labouring population
during the war, and the Canadians themselves began
7///E STA (WGG/AE /*OA' /)O///AV/OAV. 249
to lose courage, and assembled at the call of the
authorities with less spirit than they had hitherto
shown. Canada was literally on the brink of ruin,
after so many years of war and privation. Cor-
ruption had eaten into the very body of Canadian
º:
º
MAJOR-GENERAL JAMES WOLFE.
life and government. The Intendant Bigot had
been for years amassing riches at the expense of
the country, and had, in imitation of his lord and
master at Versailles, his fair Canadian Pompadour
to bedeck with jewels and favours from the proceeds

25O THE STOA Y OF CAAVA DA.
of his ill-gotten gains. The names of Péan, Varin,
Cadet, Estèbe, and Clavery are the most conspicu-
Ous amongst those officials who became rich on
Canadian misery and misfortune, and are dishonour-
ably associated with the darkest hours of Canadian
history. “What a country,” said Montcalm,
“where all the knaves grow rich, and honest men
are ruined.” Not the least discouraging feature of
matters in Canada at this critical time, when unity
and harmony were so necessary, was the jealousy
that Governor de Vaudreuil, a weak, vain man, but
honest and attached to his native province, enter-
tained of Montcalm, who was himself imbued by
the loftiest spirit that could animate a brave soldier
and loyal Frenchman.
It was decided that the army under General Wolfe,
less than nine thousand men, and the fleet under
Admiral Saunders, should attack Quebec; that the
Commander-in-Chief, Amherst, should advance
against Montreal by way of Lake Champlain, and
that Brigadier Prideaux and Sir William Johnson
should lead a considerable force against Niagara.
The English fleet arrived before Quebec on the 20th
June, and no time was lost in commencing opera-
tions against the fortress. Wolfe was well supported
by such able soldiers as Monckton, Murray, and
Carleton, the latter of whom became famous in later
Canadian history as Lord Dorchester. Brigadier
Townsend, however capable, was irritable and ego-
tistic. The soldiers admired Wolfe for his soldierly
qualities, and loved him for his thoughtfulness for
everyone above or below him. Admiral Saunders
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252 7'HE STORY OF CA MADA.
was well aided by Holmes and Durell, and gave a
loyal and ready response to the plans of Wolfe.
The regiments had seen service at Louisbourg, and
were fully animated by the courage and spirit of
their general. The siege lasted for eleven weeks,
and was then only ended by an act of boldness on
the part of Wolfe, which took the French entirely
by surprise.
The principal events between the 26th June and
the 12th September, when the last act in this great
international drama was played, can be described in
a few pages. One of the most important incidents
was the occupation by the English of the heights of
Lévis, whence the fortress was bombarded with an
effectiveness that surprised the French, who, under
the advice of Vaudreuil, and in opposition to that
of Montcalm, had not taken adequate measures for
the protection of so valuable a position. So destruc-
tive was the bombardment that, when the English
took possession of Quebec, they found all the
churches and buildings of importance in ruins, and
the Ursuline Convent alone was saved from complete
destruction.
The English sustained a severe repulse near the
Montmorency end of the French lines. They had
made an attack on an outwork at that point, and
the grenadiers had been carried away by excitement
and dashed up the slope of the heights, where from
twelve to fourteen thousand French soldiers were
strongly intrenched. A furious storm of bullets
assailed the reckless and brave grenadiers, who could
not even gain a firm footing on the slippery slope,
7"HAE STR UGGLE FOR DOM/AW/OAV. 253
while the rain came down in torrents, and their
blood reddened the rivulets of water. This was,
however, the only serious disaster that the English
suffered throughout the siege. The fire ships of the
French had been ill-managed, and failed to do any
damage as they were sent down against the fleet.
Montcalm, Sure of his impregnable position, refused
to be drawn from his intrenchments and to offer
battle to Wolfe. He knew that delay was every-
thing to him, for the autumn was drawing near.
In a few weeks storm and frost would drive the
Englishmen from the river. Wherever Montcalm
looked, his position seemed unassailable. The high
cliffs that stretched for miles above Quebec offered -
a guaranty of security in that direction, and to pre-
vent any doubt, Bougainville, a capable officer—in
later years famous as a navigator—was on the alert
with a force of upwards of two thousand soldiers.
He had double work to do, to guard these appar-
ently impregnable cliffs, and to assure the arrival of
provisions from the country by river and land. It
was the expected arrival of a convoy of provisions
that proved an important factor in the successful
accomplishment of a plan that Wolfe had devised
for the capture of the city.
While the siege was in progress, the news from
the west and from Lake Champlain was discourag-
ing for the French. Niagara had been surrendered
by Pouchot to Sir William Johnson, who had taken
command on the death of Prideaux—killed at the
beginning of operations—and a large force that was
brought up by Ligneris from the Ohio valley to
254 ZTA/A2 ,S 7'OA’ Y OF CA/VAZ)A.
succour the post had been severely defeated. Crown
Point and Ticonderoga had been abandoned by
Bourlamaque, and there was for a time some ex-
pectation of the advance of Amherst to the St. Law-
rence. Montcalm was obliged to weaken his army
by sending his ablest general, Lévis, with a force
of fifteen hundred men, to look after the defences
of Montreal, but the sluggish English general wasted
his time on the banks of Lake Champlain.
It was quite clear to Wolfe and Saunders that
Amherst was not to give them any assistance in the
difficult work before them. It was on the night of
the 12th of September that Wolfe carried out the
project which had been for some time forming in his
mind. He had managed to concentrate a force of
four thousand men above the fortress without awak-
ening the suspicions of the French, who were confi-
dent that Bougainville was fully able to prevent any
force from attempting so impossible and foolhardy
an exploit as the ascent of the high cliffs. The vis-
itor to the historic places around Quebec will be
deeply interested in a cove, just above Sillery, now
known as Wolfe's Cove, but in old times as the
Anse-au-Foulon. A zig-zag and difficult path led
from this cove to the top of the height, and Wolfe
conceived the hope that it was possible to gain ac-
cess in this way to the table-land where he could
best give battle to Montcalm. He saw that the cliff
at this point was defended by only a small guard,
under the command, as it afterwards appeared, of
Vergor, who had been tried and acquitted for his
questionable surrender of Beauséjour. When the
Z'É/AE S 7'A' OGG/AE AWOAZ /)O///AV/OAV. 255
English boats dropped down the river with the tide
at midnight, on the 12th of September, there was
no moon, and the stars alone gave a faint light.
Montcalm had no conception of the importance of
the movement of troops which, it had been reported
to him, was going on for Some days above Quebec,
and his attention was diverted by the constant bom-
bardment on the town from Lévis, and a fierce can-
nonading that was kept up against Beauport by
Saunders. Wolfe's thoughts on that memorable
night as his boat passed under the shadow of the
dark cliff, we can imagine from an incident that is
related by one who was present. Hardly a dip of
an oar was heard from the flotilla as it was borne
down the river, but from Beauport and Lévis came
the constant roar of cannon. Every moment was
carrying him to fame and death, and perhaps it was
some foreboding of his fate that led him to repeat
the words of Gray’s Elegy, which from that hour
has become more famous in English literature :
“The boast of heraldy, the pomp of power,
And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave,
Await alike th' inevitable hour ;
The paths of glory lead but to the grave.”
As the boats came close to a point on the bank a
sentinel challenged, “Qui vive 2 º’ “La France / '’ re-
plied an officer of Fraser's Highlanders who spoke
French well. “A quel régiment?” again challenged
the suspicious soldier. “Be la Reine,” answered the
same officer, who happily remembered that some
companies of this regiment were with Bougainville,
256 7A/A2 S TOA’ V OF CAAVA/OA.
Fate that eventful night was on the side of the bold
Englishman. The French were expecting a convoy
of provisions, and the sentinel called out, ‘‘ Passe / ''
Another sentry, more suspicious, ran down to the
water's edge, and asked, “Pourquoi est-ce que vous me
parſeg plus haut 2 '' The captain replied with won-
derful coolness, “ Tais-toi, mous serons entendus / ''-
an answer which satisfied the guard. In this way the
English boats were able to steal into the cove with-
out being stopped. A few minutes later the heights
were gained, the guard was overpowered, and the
British regiments were climbing to the level land
without hindrance. By six o'clock Wolfe was able
to form his army of nearly four thousand men in line
of battle on the Plains of Abraham.” “ This is a
serious business,’’ exclaimed Montcalm, as he saw
the red line of the English regiments on the table-
land behind Quebec. He appears to have almost
immediately come to the conclusion that it was nec-
essary to fight the English before they received any
accessions of strength, and not to wait for Bougain-
ville, who would probably come up in time with his
force of two thousand men. By ten o'clock the two
armies—that of Montcalm outnumbering the Eng-
lish probably by fifteen hundred—were advancing
on each other. The French as they drew near
poured a volley into the ranks of the British regi-
ments, but the latter reserved their fire until they
were within forty yards of their enemy, when they
discharged their guns with most deadly effect. The
* Named after Abraham Martin, a royal pilot, who, in early times,
owned this now historic tract,
7A/AE S 7'R UGG/AE FOA' DOM/AV/OAV. 257
French fell in heaps, and as the bullets crashed
amongst their faltering ranks, they broke and re-
treated. The battle was literally won in a few min-
utes. Wolfe, who had been wounded in the wrist
at the beginning of the fight, was leading a charge
of the grenadiers, who had shown such fateful pre-
cipitancy at Montmorency, when he was fatally
wounded. He was removed to a redoubt in the
rear and laid on the ground, where he remained
for a few minutes in a swoon or stupour. “They
run See how they run ’’. exclaimed one of the
men watching their wounded chief. “Who run ?”
he called, as he attempted to rise for an instant.
“The enemy, sir; 'egad, they give place every-
where ! ” “ Go, one of you, my lads,” ordered
the dying General, whose brain was still clear and
active, ‘‘ with all speed to Colonel Burton, and tell
him to march Webb's regiment down to the St.
Charles River, and cut off the fugitives to the
bridge.” He turned on his side and said: “God be
praised, I now die in peace.” Then, in a moment
later, he passed into the great silent land. Mont-
calm also received his death blow while he was
endeavouring to give some order to his beaten army.
He was borne along by the crowd of retreating sol-
diers through the St. Louis gate into the town. A
few hours later, on the 14th September, he breathed
his last. His last words were in commendation of
Chevalier de Lévis—a soldier in no way inferior to
himself in military genius. w
Monckton, who was next to Wolfe in rank, had
been also severely wounded in the battle, and con-
17 - -
258 TAZAZ S 7'ORY OF CAAVA DA.
sequently by a strange irony of fate, Townshend,
who had been unfriendly to Wolfe, and had doubted
his military capacity, was called upon to take Com-
mand. Lévis was absent at Montreal, unfortunately
for French interests at this very critical juncture,
and Vaudreuil’s opinion prevailed for a retreat to
Jacques Cartier. When Lévis arrived and Vaudreuil
consented to march to the support of Quebec it was
too late. Ramesay had decided to capitulate, in
view of the ruined condition of the city and walls,
the scarcity of rations, and the unwillingness of the
Canadian troops and citizens to continue the defence,
when they found that the English were about to re-
sume the attack. When the French army was mov-
ing towards Quebec, the English were in possession,
and the fleur-de-lis had given place to the red cross
of England on the old fort of St. Louis. By the
terms of capitulation the troops were to be allowed
to margh out with the honours of war, and to be
landed in France; the inhabitants were not to be
disturbed ; the free exercise of the Roman Catholic
religion was allowed, and safeguards granted to
houses of clergy and communities. All conditions
were provisional until a treaty was arranged between
the Powers.
The body of Montcalm was buried beneath the
floor of the Ursuline Convent, in a grave which had
been already partly hollowed out by a bursting shell.
Many years later an English governor-general, Lord
Aylmer, placed in the chapel of the convent a plain
marble slab, with the following graceful tribute to
the memory of a great soldier of whom English and
French Canadians are equally proud,
THE STA. UGGLE FOR DOM/A/OA. 259
HONNEUR
A
MONTCALM
LE DESTIN EN LUI DEROBANT
LA VICTOIRE
L'A RECOMPENSE PAR
UNE MORT GLORIEUSE
Wolfe’s remains were taken to England, where
they were received with every demonstration of
respect that a grateful nation could give. In Eu-
rope and America the news of this victory had made
the people wild with joy. “With a handful of
men,” said Pitt, in the House of Commons, “ he
has added an empire to English rule.” A monu-
ment in that Walhalla of great Englishmen, West-
minster Abbey, records that he ‘‘ was slain in a
moment of victory.” On the heights of Quebec, in
the rear of its noble terrace, still stands the stately
obelisk which was erected in 1828 under the inspira-
tion of the Earl of Dalhousie in honour of Montcalm
and Wolfe, and above all others attracts the interest
of the historical student since it pays a just tribute
to the virtue and valour of the two great com-
manders in the following simple but well conceived
language:
MORTEM. VIRTUS. COMMUNEM.
FAMAM. HISTORIA.
MONUMENTUM. POSTERITAS.
DEDIT,
26O TA/A2 S 7'O/e Y OF CAAVA/DA.
Wolfe was only in his thirty-third year when
he died on the field of Abraham. Montcalm was
still in the prime of life, having just passed forty-
seven years. Both were equally animated by the
purest dictates of honour and truth, by a love for
the noble profession of arms, and by an ardent desire
to add to the glory of their respective countries.
Montcalm was a member of the French nobility,
and a man of high culture. His love for his mother,
wife, and children is shown in his published letters,
written while in Canada, and he was ever looking
forward to the time when he could rejoin them in
his beloved château of Candiac, and resume the
studies he liked so well. Some Canadian writers
have endeavoured to belittle Montcalm, that they
may more easily explain away the failings of Vau-
dreuil, a native Canadian, who thwarted constantly
the plans of a greater man; but an impartial his-
torian can never place these two men on the same
high level. Wolfe's family was of respectable ori-
gin, and he inherited his military tastes from his
father, who became a general in the English army.
He had few advantages of education in his youth,
though in later life he became studious, and had
much love for mathematics. A soldier's life was
his ambition, and fame was his dominating impulse.
His indomitable spirit governed his physical weak-
ness. The natural kindness of his nature rose su-
perior to the irritability sometimes caused by his
ill-health, and made him always sympathise with
the joys, Sorrows, and feelings of all classes among
whom he lived. He had that magnetic power of
MONTCALM AND WOLFE MONUMENT AT QUEBEC.

26 I
262 7A/AE S 7'OA' V OA’ CA MA DA.
inspiring his soldiers and companions with his own
confidence and courage which must sooner or later
give them victory. He was a good son and made a
confidant of his mother. He was fond of female
companionship, and was looking forward hopefully
to a woman's love, and to a home of his own, when
Fate ruthlessly struck him down before the walls of
Quebec at the moment of victory.
It is impossible within the limited space of this
story to dwell at any length on the events that fol-
lowed from the taking of the Canadian capital until
the cession of Canada three years later. General
Murray, who was afterwards the first governor-
general of Canada, had charge of the fortress during
the winter of 1759–60, when the garrison and people
suffered much from cold and disease—firewood be-
ing scarce, and the greater number of the buildings
in ruins.
Lévis had decided to attack the town in the
spring, as soon as the French ships were able to come
down from near Sorel, where they had been laid up
all the winter. Towards the last of April, Murray
marched out of the fortress and gave battle at St.
Foy to the French army, which largely outnum-
bered his force. His object was to attack the
French before they were able to place themselves
thoroughly in position before Quebec, but he suf-
fered a considerable loss, and was obliged to retire
hurriedly within the walls of the town, which was
then regularly invested by Lévis and the French
ships. The opportune arrival of the English fleet
dashed the rising hopes of the French to the ground,
*09）. I
NI OZIĶIĢInò , IO AAȚIA

264 7A7A2 S 7'OA” P OF CAAVA DA.
and Lévis was obliged to retreat to Montreal. In
the month of September of the same year General
Amherst descended the St. Lawrence, after having
captured the fort at Île Galops—afterwards Fort
William Augustus. Brigadier Haviland left Lake
Champlain, captured fle-aux-Noix, and then marched
on Montreal; Brigadier Murray came up from Que-
bec. All these forces concentrated on the same day
on the island of Montreal, and Vaudreuil had no
alternative except to capitulate. By the terms of
capitulation, which were drawn up, like those of
Quebec, in French, Great Britain bound herself to
allow the French Canadians the free exercise of
their religion, and certain specified fraternities, and
all communities of religieuses were guaranteed the
possession of their goods, constitutions, and privi-
leges, but a similar favour was denied to the Jesuits,
the Franciscans, or Recollets, and the Sulpicians,
until the King should be consulted on the subject.
The same reservation was made with respect to the
parochial clergy's tithes. On the IOth of February,
1763, by the Treaty of Paris, France ceded to Great
Britain Canada, with all its dependencies, the island
of Cape Breton, and the Laurentian Isles. By this
treaty the King pledged himself “ to give the most
effectual orders, that his new Roman Catholic sub-
jects may profess the worship of their religion, ac-
cording to the rites of the Roman Catholic Church,
as far as the laws of Great Britain permit.” All the
pretensions of France to Acadia were at last formally
renounced. England also received all the country
east of the River Mississippi, except the city of New
*09）. I NI “Ivº H.I.NOW IO AAAIASgz

266 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ Y OF CA MADA.
Orleans and the neighbouring district, as well as
Florida from Spain in return for Havana. Subse-
quently France gave up New Orleans to Spain, as
well as the great region of Louisiana westward
of the Mississippi. France was allowed to retain
the barren islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, and
certain fishing rights on the coasts of Newfound-
land, which she had previously given by the Treaty
of Utrecht. George II. had died during 1760, and
George III. was now King of England. Pitt was
forced to resign, and the King's favourite, the
incapable Bute, who became premier, made peace
without delay. Pitt opposed the fishery conces-
sions to France, but Bute attached relatively little
importance to them, and they have ever since re-
mained to torment the people of Newfoundland,
and create complications in case that island consents
to enter the Canadian Dominion. Still, despite
these concessions, England gained great advantages
from the peace, and became the greatest colonial
and maritime power of the world.
Freedom won on the Plains of Abraham, and a
great Frenchman and a great Englishman conse-
crated by their deaths on the same battlefield the
future political union of two races on the northern
half of the continent, now known as the Dominion
of Canada.
XIX.
A PERIOD OF TRANSITION.—PONTIAC's WAR–
THE QUEBEC ACT.
(1760–1774.)
THE Canadian people, long harassed and impov-
erished by war, had at last a period of rest. They
were allowed the ministrations of their religion with-
out hindrance, and all that was required of the paro-
chial clergy was that they should not take part in
civil affairs, but should attend exclusively to their
clerical duties. The seigniors and priests, no doubt,
did not give up for some time the hope that Canada
would be restored to France, but they, too, soon
bowed to the necessity of things, and saw that their
material and spiritual interests were quite secure
under the new government. None of the habitants
ever left Canada after the war. A few members of
the seigniorial nobility, the officials and some mer-
chants—perhaps three hundred in all—may have
gone back to France. Men like Bigot and Varin
on their return were severely punished, and forced
to give up as much as possible of their ill-gotten
º,
/ /

268 7A/AE S7'OA' V OF CAAVAZ)4.
gains. Governor de Vaudreuil himself was cast into
the Bastile, but it was ascertained after investigation
that he had no connection with the crimes of the
worthless parasites that had so long fattened on the
necessities of the unhappy province. He died soon
after his imprisonment; the iron of humiliation had
probably eaten into the heart of a man who, what-
ever his faults, had many estimable qualities, and
loved his native country.
For several years Canada was under what has been
generally called the military régime; that is to say,
the province was divided into the three districts of
Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal, of which the
government was administered by military chiefs; in
the first place by General Murray, Colonel Burton,
and General Gage respectively. These military au-
thorities—notably General Murray—endeavoured to
win the confidence of the people by an impartial and
considerate conduct of affairs. Civil matters in the
parishes were left practically under the control of the
captains of militia, who had to receive new commis-
sions from the British Crown. Appeal could be always
made to the military chief at the headquarters of the
district, but, as a matter of fact, the people generally
managed their affairs among themselves, in accord-
ance with their old usages and laws. Military coun-
cils tried criminal cases according to English law.
While the French Canadians were in the enjoy-
ment of rest on the banks of the St. Lawrence and
its tributary rivers, the Western Indians, who had
been the allies of France during the war, suddenly
arose and seized nearly all the forts and posts which
A PAEA’/OD OF 7 RAAVS/7”/OAV. 269
had been formerly built by the French on the Great
Lakes, in the valley of the Ohio, and in the Illinois
country. After the taking of Montreal, Captain
Robert Rogers, the famous commander of the
Colonial Rangers, whose name occurs frequently in
the records of the war, was sent by General Amherst
to take possession of the forts at Presqu'ile, De-
troit, Michillimackinac, Green Bay, and other places
in the West. In the course of a few months there
were in all these western posts small garrisons of
English soldiers. In the neighbourhood of Detroit
and Michillimackinac there were French Canadian
villages, conspicuous for their white cottages with
overhanging bark roofs and little gardens, orchards,
and meadows. Forts Chartres and Vincennes were
still in the possession of the French, and there was
a population of nearly two thousand French Cana-
dians or Louisiana French living in the Illinois
country, chiefly at Cahokia and Kaskaskia on the
Mississippi. The Indian tribes that took part in the
rising of 1763 were the Ottawas, Pottawattomies,
Ojibways (Chippeways), Wyandots (Hurons), and
Kickapoos, who lived in the vicinity of the upper
lakes; the Delawares (Loups or Lenapes) and the
Shawanoes, who had their villages on the Ohio and
its tributary rivers, especially on the Muskingkum
and the Scioto; the Sauks or Saks, who encamped
on the Wisconsin; the Senecas, who lived not far
from the Niagara. All these Indians, except the
Wyandots and Senecas, were members of the Algon-
quin family. The Senecas were the only tribe of
the Six Nations that took part in the alliance against
27o 7TA/A2 S 7'OA” Y OF CA AVA /OA.
England; the other tribes were, happily for English
interests, under the influence of Sir William John-
SOI).
French emissaries from the settlements on the
Mississippi made the Indians believe that they
would be soon driven by the English from their
forest homes and hunting grounds, and that their
Only hope was in assisting France to restore her
power in America. Many of these Indian tribes, as
well as French settlers, believed until the proclama-
tion of the treaty of Paris that Canada would be
restored to the French. Indian sympathy for
France was intensified by the contumely and neglect
with which they were treated by the English traders
and authorities. The French, who thoroughly
understood the Indian character, had never failed to
administer to their vanity and pride—to treat them
as allies and friends and not as a conquered and sub-
ject race. By the judicious distribution of those
gifts, on which the tribes had begun to depend and
receive as a matter of right, the French cemented
the attachment of the Indians. The English, on
the other hand, soon ceased to make these presents,
and neglected the Indians in other ways, which
excited their indignation and wounded their pride.
Among the Western chiefs was Pontiac, whose
name is as prominent in the history of the past as
the names of the Onondaga Garangula, the Huron
Kondiaronk (Rat), the Mohawk Thayendenagea
(Brant), and the Shawanoese Tecumseh. He was the
son of an Ottawa chief and an Ojibway mother, and
had a high reputation and large influence among the
A PAEA'/OD OF 7"RAAWS/7”/OAV. 271
tribes of the upper lakes. He showed in his career
all the strength and weaknesses of the Indian char-
acter—great courage, treachery, vanity, and generos-
ity, according to the impulses of the moment. The
war in which he took so prominent a part is gener-
ally called by his name; his is the central figure in
the striking drama which was enacted in the West-
ern and Ohio country for two years and a half before
peace generally reigned and Canada could be consid-
ered secure from Indian attacks.
At Detroit, where Major Gladwin was in com-
mand, Pontiac hoped to seize the fort by a stratagem.
The Ottawas and other Indians under that chief were
to meet the English officers in council within the
fort at an appointed time. They had filed off the
tops of the barrels of their muskets so as to conceal
them easily under their garments. While in council
Pontiac was to give a signal which would tell the
assembled warriors that the time had come for fall-
ing on the garrison and taking possession of the
fort.* Some writers give credence to the story that
an Indian maiden, the mistress of Gladwin, warned
him of the scheme of the Indian chief, who came to
the council, in accordance with his intention, and
found the garrison in arms and ready for any treach-
erous movement on his part. He left the fort in
anger, and soon afterwards attacked it with all his
force, though to no purpose, as Gladwin was able to
hold it for many months, until aid reached him from
* The siege of Detroit by Pontiac inspired one of the best historic
novels ever written by a Canadian— Wacousta, or the Prophecy,
by Major Richardson, who was the author of several other books.
272 TAZAZ S 7"O/8 V OA’ CAAVA DA.
the east. As one Indian woman's devotion saved
Detroit, so the treachery of a Delaware girl gave
Fort Miami and its little garrison to the Indians
encamped on the Maumee. Holmes, the com-
mandant, was her lover, and believed her when she
told him that a squaw, who was seriously ill in one
of the wigwams, wished to see him. He proceeded
on his charitable mission, and was shot dead while
about entering the place of his destination. At
Michillimackinac Captain Etherington was surprised
by a clever piece of strategy on the part of a body
of Sacs and Ojibways, who invited him to witness a
contest between them at their favourite sport of La-
crosse, which in these modern times has been made
the national game of Canadians. While the game
was going on, the gate was left open while the Offi-
cers and soldiers stood in groups outside, close to
the palisades, watching the Indians as they tossed
the ball to and fro between the goals on the level
ground opposite the fort. The Squaws, wrapped in
their blankets, passed in and out the fort, without
attracting any attention from the interested specta-
tors. Suddenly, when the game was most hotly
contested, the ball was violently driven in the direc-
tion of the pickets of the fort. A crowd of the sav-
age players tumultuously followed the ball, and in a
moment were inside the fort where they snatched
weapons from the squaws. One officer and several
soldiers were instantly killed, but Etherington and
the remainder of the garrison were taken prisoners.
Etherington and a well-known trader of the West,
Alexander Henry, eventually escaped, after having
A PA: /ø/O/O OF 7'AºA AVSA 7TWOAV. 273
been on several occasions on the point of death.
In six weeks' time from the first attack on Detroit,
on the 9th of May, 1763, all the forts in the West-
ern and Ohio country had been seized and destroyed
by the Indians, except Fort Pitt at the forks of the
Ohio, the one at Green Bay which was abandoned,
and another at Ligonier. The garrisons were mas-
sacred or made prisoners, and in many cases tortured
and even eaten. The frontiers of Virginia and
Pennsylvania were laid waste by hordes of savages,
who burned the homes of the settlers, murdered a
large number, and carried off many prisoners, men,
women, and children, to their savage fastnesses in
the western wilderness. The war never ended until
Virginia and Pennsylvania—where the Quaker ele-
ment still prevailed—were aroused from their apathy
and gave the requisite aid to an expedition under
the command of an able officer, Colonel Bouquet,
who had been one of Brigadier Forbes's officers dur-
ing the campaign of I759 in the Ohio valley. He
rescued Fort Pitt, after administering to the Indians
a severe defeat at Bushy Run. A year later he suc-
ceeded in taking a large force into the very heart of
a country where the Indians thought themselves
safe from any attack of their white enemy. His
unexpected appearance on the banks of the Mus-
kingkum awed the Delawares, Shawanoes, and Min-
goes, who gladly agreed to terms of peace, especially
as they knew that Colonel Bradstreet was in their
rear on the banks of Lake Erie. The prisoners,
whom the Indians had taken during their raids on
the frontier settlements of Virginia and Pennsyl-
gº
18
274 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA/OA.
vania, were restored to their friends and relatives
who had, in the majority of cases, never hoped to
see them again. The annals of those days tell us
strange stories of the infatuation which Some young
women felt for the savage warriors whom they had
wedded in Indian fashion. Some children had for-
gotten their mothers, and Parkman relates in his
graphic narrative of those memorable times that one
girl only recalled her childhood when she heard her
distracted mother sing a song with which she had
often lulled her daughter to sleep in happier days.
Peace again reigned in the West. Detroit, after
repulsing Pontiac so successfully, was at last relieved,
and the red cross of England floated above the forts
of Chartres and Vincennes, which were given up by
the French. -
By the end of the autumn of 1765 France pos-
sessed only a few acres of rock, constantly enveloped
in fog, on the southern coast of Newfoundland, of
all the great dominion she once claimed in North
America. Pontiac now disappears from history,
and is believed to have been killed by an Indian
warrior of the Illinois nation, after a drunken bout
at the village of Cahokia—an ignominious ending to
the career of a great chief whose name was for so
many months a menace to English authority in that
wilderness region, which was declared in later years
by an imperial statute, the Quebec Act, to be a part
of Canada's illimitable domain.
While this Indian war was going on, George III.,
in the autumn of 1763, issued a proclamation estab-
lishing four new governments in North America:
A PAEA?/OD OF TRA A/S/7”/OAV. 275
Quebec, East Florida, West Florida, and Grenada.
The governors were empowered to summon general
assemblies, and to make laws and ordinances for
good government with the consent of the councils
and the representatives of the people, and to estab-
lish courts of justice. Members elected to the pro-
posed assemblies had to take the oaths of allegiance
and Supremacy, and the declaration against transub-
stantiation. No assembly, however, ever met, as the
French Canadian population were unwilling to take
the test oath, and the government of the province
was carried on solely by the Governor-General—Gen-
eral Murray—with the assistance of an executive
council, composed of certain officials and leading
residents in the colony. From 1763 to 1774 the
province remained in a very unsettled state, chiefly
On account of the uncertainty that prevailed as to
the laws actually in force. The “new subjects,” or
French Canadians, contended that justice, so far as
they were concerned, should be administered in
accordance with their ancient customs and usages.
On the other hand, “ the old,” or English subjects,
argued from the proclamation of 1763, that it was
His Majesty's intention at once to abolish the old
jurisprudence of the country, and to establish
English law in its place.
Not the least important part of the proclamation
of 1763 was that relating to the Indians, who were
not to be disturbed in the possession of their hunt-
ing grounds. Lands could be alienated by the
Indians only at some public meeting or assembly
called for that special purpose by the Governor or
276 TA/A. S. 7'O/ø Y OF CA AVA DA.
commander-in-chief where such lands were situated.
This was the commencement of that just and honest
policy towards the Indians which has ever since been
followed by the government of Canada. One hun-
dred and ten years later, an interesting spectacle
was witnessed in the great Northwest Territory of
Canada. The lieutenant-governor of the new pro-
vince of Manitoba, constituted in 1870 out of the
prairie lands of that rich region, met in council the
representatives of the Indian tribes, and Solemnly
entered into treaties with them for the transfer to
Canada of immense tracts of prairie lands where we
now see wide stretches of fields of nodding grain.
Governor Murray conducted his government on
principles of justice and forbearance towards the
French Canadians, and refused to listen to the
unwise and arbitrary counsel of the four or five
hundred “old subjects,” who wished to rule the
province. He succeeded in inspiring the old in-
habitants of the province, or “new subjects,” with
confidence in his intentions. The majority of the
‘‘ old subjects,” who were desirous of ruling Canada,
are described by the Governor in a letter to Lord
Shelburne, as ‘‘ men of mean education, traders,
mechanics, publicans, followers of the army,”—a
Somewhat prejudiced statement. As a rule, how-
ever, the judges, magistrates, and officials at that
time were men of little or no knowledge.
In 1774, Parliament intervened for the first time
in Canadian affairs, and passed the Quebec Act,
which greatly extended the boundaries of the pro-
Vince of Quebec, as defined by the proclamation of
A PAEA?/O/D OF 7"RA A/S/7”/OAV. 277
I763. On one side, the province now extended to
the frontiers of New England, Pennsylvania, New
York province, the Ohio, and the left bank of the
Mississippi; on the other, to the Hudson's Bay
Territory. Labrador, Anticosti, and the Magdalen
islands, annexed to Newfoundland by the proclama-
tion of 1763, were made part of the province of
Quebec.
The Quebec Act created much debate in the
House of Commons. The Earl of Chatham, in the
House of Lords, described it as ‘‘ a most cruel,
and odious measure.” The opposition in the pro-
vince was among the British inhabitants, who sent
over a petition for its repeal or amendment. Their
principal grievance was that it substituted the
laws and usages of Canada for English law. The
Act of 1774 was exceedingly unpopular in the Eng-
lish-speaking colonies, then at the commencement
of the revolution on account of the extension of the
limits of the province so as to include the country
long known as the old Northwest in American his-
tory, and the consequent confinement of the Thir-
teen Colonies between the Atlantic coast and the
Alleghany Mountains, beyond which the hardy and
bold frontiersmen of Virginia and Pennsylvania were
already passing into the great valley of the Ohio.
Parliament, however, appears to have been influ-
enced by a desire to adjust the government of the
province so as to conciliate the majority of the
Canadian people at this critical time.
The advice of Sir Guy Carleton, afterwards Lord
Dorchester, who succeeded General Murray as Gov-
278 7A/A2 S 7'O/8 V OA’ CAAVAZ)A.
ernor-General, had much to do with the liberality
of the Quebec Act towards the French Canadians.
After a careful study of the country he came to the
conclusion that the French civil law ought to be
retained, although he was met by the earnest advice
to the contrary of two able lawyers, Chief-Justice
Hay and Attorney-General Masères, who believed
a code adopted from English and French principles
was preferable. Maseres, who was of Huguenot
descent and much prejudiced against Roman Cath-
olics, was also an advocate of a legislative assembly
to be exclusively Protestant—in other words, of
giving all power practically into the hands of a small
British minority. When the subject of a new Cana-
dian constitution came to be discussed in England,
Carleton crossed the Atlantic in 1769 and remained
absent from Canada for four years. He returned to
carry out the Quebec Act, which was the founda-
tion of the large political and religious liberties which
French Canada has ever since enjoyed.
The new constitution came into force in October,
1774. It provided that Roman Catholics should be
no longer obliged to take the test oath, but only the
Oath of allegiance. The government of the pro-
vince was entrusted to a governor and a legislative
council, appointed by the Crown, inasmuch as it was
‘‘inexpedient to call an assembly.” This council
had the power, with the consent of the Governor, to
make ordinances for the good government of the
province. In all matters of controversy, relative to
property and civil rights, recourse should be had to
the French civil procedure, whilst the law of Eng-
A PAE /ē/O/) OF 7'AºA AVS/7”/OM. 279
land should obtain in criminal cases. Roman Cath-
olics were permitted to observe their religion with
perfect freedom, and their clergy were to enjoy
their “ accustomed dues and rights,” with respect
to such persons as professed that Creed.
Sir Guy Carleton nominated a legislative council
of twenty-three members, of whom eight were Ro-
man Catholics. This body sat, as a rule, with closed
doors; both languages were employed in the debates,
and the ordinances agreed to were drawn up in
English and French. In 1776 the Governor-Gen-
eral called to his assistance an advisory privy Coun-
cil of five members.
When Canada came under the operation of the
Quebec Act, the Thirteen Colonies were on the eve
of that revolution which ended in the establishment
of a federal republic, and had also most important
influence on the fortunes of the country through
which the St. Lawrence flows.

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XX.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.—INVASION OF CAN-
ADA— DEATH OF MONTCOMERY--PEACE.
(1774–1783.)
THE Canadian people had now entered on one of
the most important periods of their history. Their
country was invaded, and for a time seemed on the
point of passing under the control of the congress of
the old Thirteen Colonies, now in rebellion against
England. The genius of an able English governor-
general, however, saved the valley of the St. Law-
rence for the English Crown, and the close of the
war for American independence led to radical
changes in the governments of British North Amer-
ica. A large population, imbued with the loftiest
principles of patriotism and self-sacrifice, came in
and founded new provinces, and laid the basis of the
present Dominion of Canada.
During the revolution emphatic appeals were
made to the Canadian French to join the English
colonies in their rebellion against England. With
a curious ignorance of the conditions of a people,

28O
7A/A AA/EAE/CAA RE voz & 7/ow. 28 I
who could not read and rarely saw a printed book,
and never owned a printing-press * during the
French régime, references were made by the con-
gress that assembled at Philadelphia in September
in 1774, to the writings of Beccaria and the spirit
of the “immortal Montesquieu.’’ The delegates
attacked the Quebec Act as an exhibition of Roman
Catholic tyranny at the very time they were asking
the aid and sympathy of French Canadians in the
struggle for independence. A few weeks later the
same congress ignored the ill-advised address and
appealed to the Canadians to join them on the broad
grounds of continental freedom. The time, how-
ever, was too short to convince the clergy and lead-
ing men of the province that there was a change in
the feeling of the majority in the congress with
respect to the Roman Catholic religion. The mass
of the French Canadians, especially in the rural dis-
tricts, no doubt looked with great indifference on
the progress of the conflict between the King of Eng-
land and his former subjects, but in Quebec and
Montreal, principally in the latter town, there were
found English, as well as French-speaking persons
quite ready to welcome and assist the forces of con-
gress when they invaded Canada. On the other
hand, the influences of the Quebec Act and of the
judicious administrations of Murray and Carleton
were obvious from the outset, and the bishop, Mon-
seigneur Briand—who had been chosen with the
silent acquiescence of the English Government—the
* The first paper printed in French Canada was the Quebec Gazette
which appeared in I764.
282 THE STORY OF CA MA DA.
clergy of the Roman Catholic Church, and the lead-
ing seigniors combined to maintain Canada under
the dominion of a generous Power which had already
given such undoubted guaranties for the preserva-
tion of the civil and religious rights of the “new
subjects.” In fact, the enemies of England were to
be found chiefly among the “old subjects,” who had
attempted to obtain an assembly in which the French
Canadians would be ignored, and had been, and were
still bitterly antagonistic to the Quebec Act, with its
concessions to the French Canadian majority. Many
of these disaffected persons were mere adventurers
who were carrying on a secret correspondence with
the leaders of the American Revolution, and even
went so far as to attempt to create discontent among
the French Canadians by making them believe that
their liberties were in jeopardy, and that they would
have to submit to forced military service, and all
those exactions which had so grievously burdened
them in the days of the French dominion. The
habitants, ignorant and credulous, however, remained
generally inert during the events which threatened
the security of Canada. It was left to a few enlight-
ened men, chiefly priests and officers of the old
French service, to understand the exact nature of
the emergency, and to show their appreciation of
what England had done for them since the cession.
When the first Continental Congress met at Phila-
delphia, on September 5, 1774, the colonies were on
the eve of independence as a result of the coercive
measures forced on Parliament by the King's pliable
ministers, led by Lord North. The “declaration,”
7A/A2 A MAZA’/CAAV RAE VOL U 77/OM. 283
however, was not finally proclaimed until nearly two
years later—on July 4, 1776,-when the Thirteen
Colonies declared themselves “free and independent
States,’’ absolved of their allegiance to the British
Crown. But many months before this great epoch-
making event, war had actually commenced on Lake
Champlain. On an April day, in the now memor-
able year, 1775, the ‘‘ embattled farmers ” had fired
at Concord and Lexington, the shots “ heard round
the world,’’ and a few weeks later the forts of Crown
Point and Ticonderoga, then defended by very fee-
ble garrisons, were in the possession of Colonial
troops led by Ethan Allen and Seth Warner, two of
the “Green Mountain Boys,” who organised this
expedition. Canada was at this time in a very de-
fenceless condition. Only eight hundred regular
troops altogether were in the colony, very many of
the English residents of Montreal and Quebec were
of doubtful loyalty, the majority of the French
Canadians were indifferent, and could not be in-
duced to rally in any numbers to the defence of the
province. Happily for the best interests of Canada
at this crisis there was at the head of the administra-
tion one of the ablest men who have ever been sent
to Canada—a governor-general who may well be
compared with Frontenac as a soldier and Lord
Elgin as a statesman—and that was Sir Guy Carle-
ton, the friend of Wolfe, with whom he had served
at Quebec. His conciliatory attitude towards the
French Canadian population, and his influence in
moulding the Quebec Act, gave him great weight
with the bishop and clergy of the Roman Catholic
284 THE STOA” P OF CAAVA /) A.
faith and leading men of the majority. The British
Government, with culpable neglect of his warnings
and appeals, left him unsupported until the very
last moment, when the fate of Canada was literally
trembling in the balance. In the autumn of 1775
General Montgomery, at the head of a considerable
force of congress troops, captured the forts of
Chambly and St. Johns on the Richelieu, and a
few days later occupied Montreal, which had been
hastily evacuated by Carleton, who at Once recog-
nised the impracticability of defending it with any
chance of success, since he had an insufficient force,
and could not even depend on the fealty of the
inhabitants. Quebec, at this juncture, was the key
to Canada, and there he determined to make his
fight. He passed in the night-time the batteries
which the congress troops had built at Sorel and the
adjacent islands. The oars of his boat were muffled,
and when in close proximity to the enemy the men
used the palms of their hands. He reached Quebec
safely, and at once inspired the garrison and loyal
residents with his courageous spirit. He arrived
not a moment too soon. General Benedict Arnold
—a name discredited in history—had succeeded in
reaching Quebec by the route of the Kennebec and
Chaudière rivers—a route which in early times had
been followed by the Abenakis, those firm allies of
the Canadians. Arnold was not able to commence
any active operations against Quebec until the arrival
of Montgomery from Montreal, with a force of fif-
teen hundred men, of whom a very small number
were French Canadians. At this time there were in
THAE AM E/ē/CAAV Aº AE WO/, U T/OA/. 285
Quebec only some eighteen hundred regular and
militia troops, of whom over five hundred were
French Canadians, under Colonel Voyer. No doubt
the American commanders confidently expected to
find in Quebec many active sympathisers who
would sooner or later contrive to give the town into
their hands, when these learned that all Canada ex-
cept the capital was in the possession of the invad-
ing forces.
Many of their men were sick, and the artillery was
insufficient for the siege of the fortress. It was
decided then to attempt to seize the town by a piece
of strategy, which was very simple though it had
some chance of success. Arnold was well acquainted
with the locality and entered heartily into the plan
which was devised by Montgomery for a combined
attack on Lower Town. Late at night on the 31st
December, during a heavy snowstorm, Montgomery
marched from Anse-au-Foulon along a rough and
narrow road between the foot of Cape Diamond and
the St. Lawrence, as far as Près-de-ville, or what is
now Little Champlain Street. Arnold at the same
time advanced from the direction of the St. Charles.
It was arranged that the two parties should meet at
the lower end of Mountain Street and force Prescott
Gate, then only a rough structure of pickets. While
the two bodies were carrying out this plan, attacks
were made on the western side of the fortress to
distract the attention of the defenders. Carleton,
however, was not taken by surprise as he had had
an intimation of what was likely to happen. Con-
sequently the garrison was on the alert and Mont-
286 7"HAZ S 7'O.K.’ Y OA' CAAVA DA.
gomery's force was swept by a sudden discharge of
cannon and musketry as they came to Près-de-ville
—a defile with a precipice towards the river on One
side, and the scarped rock above him on the other
—where all further approach to the lower town was
intercepted by a battery. Montgomery, his two
aides, and a considerable number of his soldiers were
instantly killed. In the meantime Arnold had led
his party from the St. Charles to the Sault-au-Mate-
lot, where he captured the first barrier defended by
two guns. Arnold was wounded in the knee, and
his force was obliged to proceed without him under
the command of Captain Morgan, to the attack of
the second battery near the eastern end of the nar-
row street, known as Sault-au-Matelot from the
most early times. They succeeded in obtaining
possession of some houses in the street, but it was
not long before they were surrounded by Carleton’s
men and forced to surrender to the number of
several hundreds. Arnold remained, during the
winter, in command of the congress troops, who
suffered severely from small-pox, the cold, and even
want of sufficient provisions. In the spring he was
superseded by General Wooster who brought with
him a reinforcement, but the arrival of English frig-
ates with troops and supplies, forced him to raise
the siege and retire hastily to Montreal. A few
weeks later General Burgoyne, with seven regi-
ments, including a large German contingent under
General Frederick Riedesel, arrived at Quebec, and
arrangements were made for an active campaign
against the rebellious colonists. Arnold found it
l
THE AMER/CAAV /CA. WOZ U 7/OAV. 287
prudent immediately to leave Montreal which was
again Occupied by English troops. The forts on the
Richelieu were regained by the English, Carleton
destroyed the congress fleet under the command of
Arnold on Lake Champlain, and Crown Point was
partly destroyed and abandoned by the retreating
Americans. Soon after these occurrences in 1775,
Carleton found to his chagrin that the command of
the forces was given to Burgoyne, a much inferior
man, who had influence with Lord Germain, better
known in English history as that Lord George Sack-
ville who had disgraced himself on the battlefield of
Minden, but had subsequently found favour with
the King, who made him one of his ministers, and
gave him virtually the direction of the campaign in
America. Carleton, however, remained Governor-
General until 1778, when he was replaced at his own
request by General Haldimand, a very energetic
and capable man, to whom a Canadian historians
have, as a rule, never rendered adequate justice.
During these years Carleton had his difficulties aris–
ing out of the unsettled condition of things in the
province, the prospects of invasion, and the antag-
onism of Chief-Justice Livius, who replaced a far
better man, Hey, and was himself superseded by
the Governor-General on account of his efforts to
weaken the authority of the government at a time
when faction and rivalry should have ceased among
those who wished to strengthen British interests in
America. Livius appealed to the home authorities,
and through the influence of Lord George Germain
was reinstated, though he did not find even in this
288 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA DA.
quarter an approval in words of his own conduct,
and never returned to fill his former position in
Canada.
It is not necessary to dwell here on the events of
a war whose history is so familiar to every One.
Burgoyne was defeated at Saratoga, and his army,
from which so much was expected, made prisoners
of war. This great misfortune of the British cause
was followed by the alliance of France with the
States. French money, men, and ships eventually
assured the independence of the republic whose for-
tunes were very low at times, despite the victory at
Saratoga. England was not well served in this
American war. She had no Washington to direct
her campaign. Gage, Burgoyne, and Cornwallis
were not equal to the responsibilities thrown upon
them. Cornwallis's defeat at Yorktown on the 19th
October, 1781, was the death-blow to the hopes of
England in North America. This disaster led to
the resignation of Lord North, whose heart was
never in the war, and to the acknowledgment by
England, a few months later, of the independence of
her old colonies. Before this decisive victory in the
south, the Ohio valley and the Illinois country were
in the possession of the troops of congress. George
Rogers Clark, the bold backwoodsman of Kentucky,
captured Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Vincennes, and
gave the new States that valid claim to the west
which was fully recognised in the treaty of peace.
The definitive treaty of peace, which was signed
in 1783, acknowledged the independence of the old
English colonies, and fixed the boundaries of the
ZTAZ AMAEAE/CAAV RAE VOL. Ü 77OAV. 289
new republic and of Canada, and laid the founda-
tion of fruitful controversies in later times.
The United States now controlled the territory
extending in the east from Nova Scotia (which then
included New Brunswick) to the head of the Lake
of the Woods and to the Mississippi River in the
west, and in the north from Canada to the Floridas
in the south, the latter having again become Spanish
possessions. The boundary between Nova Scotia
and the Republic was so ill-defined that it took half
a century to fix the St. Croix and the Highlands
which were by the treaty to divide the two coun-
tries. In the far west the line of division was to be
drawn through the Lake of the Woods “ to the
most northwestern point thereof, and from thence
on a due west course to the River Mississippi ’’—a
physical impossibility, since the head of the Missis-
sippi, as was afterwards found, was a hundred miles
or so to the south. In later times this geographical
error was corrected, and the curious distortion of the
boundary line that now appears on the maps was
necessary at the Lake of the Woods in order to strike
the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, which was
subsequently arranged as the boundary line as far as
the Rocky Mountains. Of the difficulties that arose
from the eastern boundary line I shall speak later.
From 1778 until 1783 the government of Canada
was under the direction of General Haldimand, who
possessed that decision of character absolutely essen-
tial at so critical a period of Canadian history. The
Congress of the States had never despaired of obtain-
ing the assistance of the French Canadians, and of
I9
29O THE STOA Y OF CA NADA.
bringing the country into the new republic. Haldi.
mand had to arrest Du Calvet, Mesplet, and Jotard,
as leaders in a seditious movement against England.
Fleury Mesplet put up in Montreal the first printing-
press, which gave him and his friends Superior facil-
ities for circulating dangerous appeals to the restless
element of the population. Du Calvet was a French
Protestant, in active sympathy with Congress, and
had a violent controversy with Haldimand, who was,
at last, forced to take severe measures against him.
While on his way to England he was drowned, and
the country spared more of his dangerous influence.
Jotard, a French attorney, was a contributor to a
paper owned by Mesplet, and a warm sympathiser
with the efforts of Admiral D'Estaing and General
Lafayette to win back the allegiance of the French
Canadians. The appeals of these two distinguished
men to the memories of the old subjects of France
had no immediate effect except upon a very small
class, although it might have been different had
French troops made their appearance on the St.
Lawrence. One Canadian priest, La Valinière, who
was connected with the seminary of St. Sulpice in
Montreal, was sent to England with the approval of
the bishop, for his openly expressed sympathy with
France. Happily Monseigneur Briand and the great
majority of the clergy stood always firm on the side
of England.

XXI.
COMING OF THE LOYALISTS.
(1783–1791.)
IT was during Governor Haldimand's administra-
tion that one of the most important events in the
history of Canada occurred as a result of the Ameri-
can war for independence. This event was the com-
ing to the provinces of many thousand people, known
as United Empire Loyalists, who, during the pro-
gress of the war, but chiefly at its close, left their
old homes in the thirteen colonies. When the
Treaty of 1783 was under consideration, the British
representatives made an effort to obtain some prac-
tical consideration from the new nation for the claims
of this unfortunate people who had been subject to
so much loss and obloquy during the war. All that
the English envoys could obtain was the insertion
of a clause in the treaty to the effect that Congress
would recommend to the legislatures of the several
States measures of restitution—a provision which
turned out, as Franklin intimated at the time, a per-
fect nullity. The English Government subsequently

29I
292 THAE S TO Me Y OF CAAVA DA.
indemnified these people in a measure for their self-
Sacrifice, and among other things gave a large num-
ber of them valuable tracts of land in the provinces
of British North America. Many of them settled in
Nova Scotia, others founded New Brunswick and
Upper Canada, now Ontario. Their influence on
the political fortunes of Canada has been necessarily
very considerable. For years they and their children
were animated by a feeling of bitter animosity against
the United States, the effects of which could be
traced in later times when questions of difference
arose between England and her former colonies.
They have proved with the French Canadians a bar-
rier to the growth of any annexation party, and as
powerful an influence in national and social life
as the Puritan element itself in the Eastern and
Western States.
Among the sad stories of the past the one which
tells of the exile of the Loyalists from their homes,
of their trials and struggles in the valley of the
St. Lawrence, then a wilderness, demands our
deepest sympathy. In the history of this conti-
nent it can be only compared with the melancholy
chapter which relates the removal of the French
population from their beloved Acadia. During the
Revolution they comprised a very large, intelligent,
and important body of people, in all the old colo-
nies, especially in New York and at the South,
where they were in the majority until the peace.
They were generally known as Tories, whilst their
opponents, who supported independence, were
called Whigs. Neighbour was arrayed against
COM/AVG OF THE ZO VA L/S 7°S. 293
neighbour, families were divided, the greatest cruel-
ties were inflicted as the war went on upon men and
women who believed it was their duty to be faithful
to king and country. As soon as the contest was
ended, their property was confiscated in several
States. Many persons were banished and prohibited
from returning to their homes. An American writer,
Sabine, tells us that previous to the evacuation of
New York, in the month of September, 1783, “up-
wards of twelve thousand men, women, and children
embarked at the city, at Long and Staten Islands,
for Nova Scotia and the Bahamas.” Very wrong
impressions were held in those days of the climate
and resources of the provinces to which these peo-
ple fled. Time was to prove that the lot of many
of the loyalists had actually fallen in pleasant places,
in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Upper Can-
ada; that the country, where most of them settled,
was superior in many respects to the New England
States, and equal to the State of New York from
which so many of them came.
It is estimated that between forty and fifty thou-
sand people reached British North America by 1786.
They commenced to leave their old homes soon
after the breaking out of the war, but the great
migration took place in 1783–84. Many sought the
shores of Nova Scotia, and founded the town of
Shelburne, which at one time held a population of
ten or twelve thousand souls, the majority of whom
were entirely unsuited to the conditions of the rough
country around them, and soon sought homes else-
where. Not a few settled in more favourable parts
294 7A/A2 S 7'OA' V OA’ CAAVA /) A.
of Nova Scotia, and even in Cape Breton. Consid-
erable numbers found rest in the beautiful valley of
the St. John River, and founded the province of
New Brunswick. As many more laid the beginnings
of Upper Canada, in the present county of Glen-
garry, in the neighbourhood of Kingston and the
Bay of Quinté, on the Niagara River, and near the
French settlements on the Detroit. A few also set-
tled in the country now known as the Eastern Town-
ships of French Canada. A great proportion of the
men were officers and soldiers of the regiments which
were formed in several colonies out of the large loyal
population. Among them were also men who had
occupied positions of influence and responsibility in
their respective communities, divines, judges, offi-
cials, and landed proprietors, whose names were
among the best in the old colonies, as they are cer-
tainly in Canada. Many among them gave up valu-
able estates which had been acquired by the energy
of their ancestors. Unlike the Puritans who founded
New England, they did not take away with them
their valuable property in the shape of money and
securities, or household goods. A rude log hut by
the side of a river or lake, where poverty and
wretchedness were their lot for months, and even
years in some cases, was the refuge of thousands,
all of whom had enjoyed every comfort in well-built
houses, and not a few even luxury in Stately man- "
sions, some of which have withstood the ravages of
time and can still be pointed out in New England.
Many of the loyalists were quite unfitted for the
rude experiences of a pioneer life, and years passed
COM/AVG OF THE ZO WA /./S 7'.S. 295
before they and their children conquered the wilder-
ness and made a livelihood. The British Govern-
ment was extremely liberal in its grants of lands to
this class of persons in all the provinces,
The government supplied these pioneers in the
majority of cases with food, clothing, and necessary
farming implements. For some years they suffered
many privations; one was called “ the year of fam-
ine,’’ when hundreds in Upper Canada had to live
on roots, and even the buds of trees, or anything
that might sustain life. Fortunately some lived in
favoured localities, where pigeons and other birds,
and fish of all kinds, were plentiful. In the sum-
mer and fall there were quantities of wild fruit and
nuts. Maple sugar was a great luxury, when the
people once learned to make it from the noble tree,
whose symmetrical leaf may well be made the Cana-
dian national emblem. It took the people a long
while to accustom themselves to the conditions of
their primitive pioneer life, but now the results of
the labours of these early settlers and their descend-
ants can be seen far and wide in smiling fields, richly
laden orchards, and gardens of old-fashioned flowers
throughout the country which they first made to
blossom like the rose. The rivers and lakes were the
only means of communication in those early times,
roads were unknown, and the wayfarer could find his
way through the illimitable forests only by the help
of the ‘‘ blazed '' trees and the course of streams.
Social intercourse was infrequent except in autumn
and winter, when the young managed to assemble
as they always will. Love and courtship went on
296 7A7A2 S 7'OA' V OA’ CAAWA DA.
even in this wilderness, though marriage was uncer-
tain, as the visits of clergymen were very rare in
many places, and magistrates could alone tie the
nuptial knot—a very unsatisfactory performance to
the cooler lovers who loved their church, its cere-
monies and traditions, as dearly as they loved their
sovereign. The story of those days of trial has not
yet been adequately written; perhaps it never will
be, for few of those pioneers have left records be-
hind them. As we wander among the old burying
grounds of those founders of Western Canada and
New Brunswick, and stand by the gray, moss-cov-
ered tablets, with names effaced by the ravages of
years, the thought will come to us, what interesting
stories could be told by those who are laid beneath
the sod, of sorrows and struggles, of hearts sick
with hope deferred, of expectations never realised,
of memories of misfortune and disaster in another
land where they bore so much for a stubborn and
unwise king. Yet these grass-covered mounds are
not simply memorials of suffering and privation;
each could tell a story of fidelity to principle, of
forgetfulness of self-interest, of devotion and self-
sacrifice—the grandest story that human annals can
tell—a story that should be ever held up to the ad-
miration and emulation of the young men and women
of the present times, who enjoy the fruits of the
labours of those loyal pioneers.
Although no noble monument has yet been raised
to the memory of these founders of new provinces—
of English-speaking Canada; although the majority
lie forgotten in old graveyards where the grass has
COMING OF 7A/E ZO VAZZST.S. 297
grown rank, and common flowers alone nod over
their resting-places, yet the names of all are written
in imperishable letters in provincial annals. Those
loyalists, including the children of both sexes, who
joined the cause of Great Britain before the Treaty
of Peace in 1783, were allowed the distinction of
having after their name the letters U. E. to preserve
the memory of their fidelity to a United Empire.
A Canadian of these modern days, who traces his
descent from such a source, is as proud of his line-
age as if he were a Derby or a Talbot of Malahide,
or inheritor of other noble names famous in the
annals of the English peerage.
The records of all the provinces show the great
influence exercised on their material, political, and
intellectual development by this devoted body of
immigrants. For more than a century they and
their descendants have been distinguished for the
useful and important part they have taken in every
matter deeply associated with the best interests of
the country. In New Brunswick we find among
those who did good service in their day and genera-
tion the names of Wilmot, Allen, Robinson, Jarvis,
Hazen, Burpee, Chandler, Tilley, Fisher, Bliss,
Odell, Botsford; in Nova Scotia, Inglis (the first
Anglican bishop in the colonies), Wentworth, Bren-
ton, Blowers (Chief Justice), Cunard, Cutler, Howe,
Creighton, Chipman, Marshall, Halliburton, Wil-
kins, Huntingdon, Jones; in Ontario, Cartwright,
Robinson, Hagerman, Stuart (the first Anglican
clergyman), Gamble, Van Alstine, Fisher, Grass,
Butler, Macaulay, Wallbridge, Chrysler, Bethune,
298 Ž'A' F STOA' V OAP CAAVA/)4.
Merritt, McNab, Crawford, Kirby, Tisdale, and
Ryerson. Among these names stand out promi-
nently those of Wilmot, Howe, and Huntingdon,
who were among the fathers of responsible govern-
ment; those of Tilley, Tupper, Chandler, and Fisher,
who were among the fathers of confederation; of
Ryerson, who exercised a most important influence
On the system of free education which Ontario now
enjoys. Among the eminent living descendants of
U. E. Loyalists are Sir Charles Tupper, long a
prominent figure in politics; Christopher Robin-
son, a distinguished lawyer, who was counsel for
Canada at the Bering Sea arbitration; Sir Richard
Cartwright, a liberal leader remarkable for his keen,
incisive style of debate, and his knowledge of finan-
cial questions ; Honourable George E. Foster, a
former finance minister of Canada. We might ex-
tend the list indefinitely did space permit. In all
walks of life we see the descendants of the loyalists,
exercising a decided influence over the fortunes of
the Dominion.
Conspicuous among the people who remained
faithful to England during the American revolution,
we see the famous Iroquois chief, Joseph Brant,
best known by his Mohawk name of Thayendane-
gea, who took part in the war, and was for many
years wrongly accused of having participated in the
massacre and destruction of Wyoming, that beaute-
ous vale of the Susquehanna. It was he whom the
poet Campbell would have consigned to eternal
infamy in the verse:
º
º:
…






299
3OO 7"HAE STOA Y OA’ CA AVA DA.
“The mammoth comes—the foe, the monster, Brandt—
With all his howling, desolating band;
These eyes have seen their blade and burning pine
Awake at once, and silence half your land.
Red is the cup they drink, but not with wine—
Awake and watch to-night, or see no morning shine.”
Posterity has, however, recognised the fact that
Joseph Brant was not present at this sad episode of
the American war, and the poet in a note to a later
edition admitted that the Indian chief in his poem
was “a pure and declared character of fiction.’’
He was a sincere friend of English interests, a man
of large and statesmanlike views, who might have
taken an important part in colonial affairs had he
been educated in these later times. When the war
was ended, he and his tribe moved into the valley of
the St. Lawrence, and received from the government
fine reserves of land on the Bay of Quinté, and on
the Grand River in the western part of the province
of Upper Canada, where the prosperous city and
county of Brantford, and the township of Tyendi-
naga—a corruption of Thayendanegea—illustrate
the fame he has won in Canadian annals. The de-
scendants of his nation live in comfortable homes,
till fine farms in a beautiful section of Western Can-
ada, and enjoy all the franchises of white men. It
is an interesting fact that the first church built in
Ontario was that of the Mohawks, who still preserve
the communion service presented to the tribe in
17 Io by Queen Anne of England.
General Haldimand's administration will always
be noted in Canadian history for the coming of the
CO////VG OF THE ZO VA L/S 7"S. 3OI
loyalists, and for the sympathetic interest he took
in settling these people on the lands of Canada, and
in alleviating their difficulties by all the means in
the power of his government. In these and other
matters of Canadian interest he proved conclusively
that he was not the mere military martinet that
some Canadian writers with inadequate information
would make him. When he left Canada he was
succeeded by Sir Guy Carleton, then elevated to the
peerage as Lord Dorchester, who was called upon to
take part in great changes in the constitution of
Canada which must be left for review in the follow-
ing chapter.

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XXII.
FOUNDATION OF NEW PROVINCES-ESTABLISH-
MENT OF REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
(1792–1812.)
THE history of the Dominion of Canada as a self-
governing community Commences with the conces-
sion of representative institutions to the old provinces
now comprised within its limits. By 1792 there were
provincial governments established in Upper and
Lower Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and
Prince Edward Island. From 1713 to 1758 the gov-
ernment of Nova Scotia consisted of a governor, or
lieutenant-governor, a Council possessing legislative,
executive, and even judicial powers. In October,
1758, an assembly met for the first time in the town
of Halifax, which had been the capital since I 749.
New Brunswick had been separated from Nova
Scotia in 1784, but a representative assembly did
not assemble until 1786, when its form of govern-
ment was identical with that of the older province.
Prince Edward Island was a part of Nova Scotia
until 1769 when it was created a distinct province,

3O2
AſO UAV/DA 7TWO.W OA' MA. W. A.A.'O VAVCE.S. 3O3
with a lieutenant-governor, a combined executive
and legislative council, and also an assembly in 1773.
The island of Cape Breton had a lieutenant-governor
and executive council, and remained apart from
Nova Scotia until 182O when it was included in its
government. In 1791 the province of Upper Can-
ada was formally separated from the province of
Quebec by an act of the imperial parliament, and
was called Upper Canada, while the French section
received the name of Lower Canada. At that time
the total population of British North America did
not exceed a quarter of a million of souls, of whom
at least a hundred and forty thousand lived on the
banks of the St. Lawrence and its tributary streams,
and almost entirely represented the language, insti-
tutions, and history of the French régime. In the
French province there was also a small British pop-
ulation, consisting of officials, commercial men, and
loyalists who settled for the most part in the East-
ern Townships. The population of Upper Canada,
about twenty-five thousand, was almost exclusively
of loyalist stock—a considerable number having
migrated thither from the maritime provinces.
Beyond the Detroit River, the limit of English set-
tlement, extended a vast region of wilderness which
was trodden only by trappers and Indians.
The Constitutional Act of 1791, which created the
two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, caused
much discussion in the British Parliament and in
Canada, where the principal opposition came from
the English inhabitants of the French province.
These opponents of the act even sent Mr. Adam
3O4. 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ Y OF CAAWA/OA.
Lymburner, a Quebec merchant of high standing,
to express their opinions at the bar of the English
House of Commons. The advocates of the new
scheme of government, however, believed that the
division of Canada into two provinces would have
the effect of creating harmony, since the French
would be left in the majority in one section, and the
British in the other. The Quebec Act, it was gen-
erally admitted, had not promoted the prosperity or
happiness of the people at large. Great uncertainty
still existed as to the laws actually in force under
the act. In not a few cases the judges were con-
fessedly ignorant–Chief Justice Livius, for instance
—of French Canadian jurisprudence. The increase
of the English population was a strong argument
for a grant of representative institutions. Accord-
ingly the constitutional act provided for an assem-
bly, elected by the peoplc on a limited franchise, in
each province, and for a legislative council, ap-
pointed by the Crown. The sovereign might annex
hereditary letters of honour to the right of summons
to the legislative council, but no attempt was ever
made to create a Canadian aristocracy, or distinct
class, under the authority of this section of the act.
The British Government reserved the right of impos-
ing, levying, and collecting duties of customs, and
of appointing or directing their payment, though it
left the exclusive apportionment of all moneys levied
in this way to legislature. The free exercise of the
Roman Catholic religion was permanently guaran-
teed. A seventh part of all uncleared Crown lands
was reserved for the use of the Protestant clergy—a
A'O UAV/OA 7'/OAV OA' AVA, VV AA’O W/AVCAE.S. 305
provision that caused much trouble in the future.
The civil law of French Canada was to regulate prop-
erty and civil rights in that province. English crim-
inal law was to prevail in both the Canadas. The
Governor-General of Quebec and Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor of Upper Canada were each assisted by an
executive council chosen by those functionaries, and
having a right to sit also in the legislative council.
Lord Dorchester was the first governor-general, not
only of Canada, but likewise of the other provinces
by virtue of separate commissions to that effect.
The heads of the executive in all the provinces
except Quebec were called lieutenant-governors, but
they became only directly subordinate to the gov-
ernor-general when he was present in a province in
his official capacity.
The city where the first assembly of Lower Can-
ada met in 1792 was one of great historic interest.
The very buildings in which the government trans-
acted its business had echoed to the tread of states-
men, warriors, and priests of the old régime. The
civil and military branches of the government then
occupied apartments in the old Château St. Louis,
elevated on the brink of an inaccessible precipice.
On a rocky eminence, in the vicinity of a battery
close to Prescott Gate, erected in 1797, was an old
stone building, generally known as the Bishop's
Palace. Like all the ancient structures of Quebec,
this building had no claims to elegance of form, al-
though much labour and expense had been bestowed
on its construction. The chapel of this building,
situated near the communication with the lower
2O . -
306 Z'ſſ E S TOA' V OA’ CAAVA/OA.
town, was converted into a chamber, in which were
held the first meetings of the representatives of
Lower Canada.
On the 17th of December, the two houses assem-
bled in their respective chambers in the old palace,
in Obedience to the proclamation of Major-General
Alured Clarke, who acted as lieutenant-governor in
the absence of the governor-general, Lord Dorches-
ter. Among the Officers who surrounded the throne
On that Occasion, was probably his Royal Highness
the Duke of Kent, who was in command of the 7th
Royal Fusiliers, then stationed in the old capital.
On SO momentous an occasion, the assemblage was
large, and comprised all the notabilities of English
and French society. In the legislature were not a
few men whose families had long been associated
with the fortunes of the colony. Chaussegros de
Léry, St. Ours, Longueuil, Lanaudière, Rouville,
Boucherville, Salaberry, and Lotbinière, were among
the names that told of the old régime, and gave a
guaranty to the French Canadians that their race
and institutions were at last protected in the legisla-
tive halls of their country. M. Panet, a distin-
guished French Canadian, was unanimously elected
the speaker of the first assembly of French Canada.
Now let us leave the Bishop's Palace, among the
rocks of old Quebec, and visit the humble village of
Newark, where Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe opened
his first legislature under the new constitution in the
autumn of 1792. Across the rapid river was the
territory of the Republic, which was engaged in a
grand experiment of government, The roar of the
#

3.
308 7A7A. S. 7'OA” V OA’ C4 AVA A) A.
mighty cataract of Niagara could be heard in calm
summer days. On the banks of this picturesque
river was the residence of the lieutenant-governor,
known as Navy Hall, where the legislators of Upper
Canada probably met. This was but a mean par-
liament house, compared with the massive pile
which was chosen for a similar purpose in Quebec;
and yet each was appropriate in its way. The
Bishop's Palace illustrated an old community, which
had aimed at the conquest of the larger part of
America, and had actually laid the foundations of
an empire; the legislative cabin of Newark was a fit
type of the ruggedness and newness of western
colonial life. The axe was whirring amid the for-
ests, and only here and there, through a vast wil-
derness, could be seen the humble clearings of the
pioneers.
The session was opened with the usual speech,
which was duly reported to the house of assembly
by the speaker, Mr. McDonnell of Glengarry, and
immediately taken into consideration by the repre-
sentatives of the yeomanry of the western province.
It is said that on more than one occasion, the repre-
sentatives were forced to leave their confined cham-
ber and finish their work under the trees before the
door. If the attendance was small on this occasion,
it must be remembered that there were many diffi-
culties to overcome before the two Houses could
assemble in obedience to the governor's proclama-
tion. The seven legislative councillors and sixteen
members who represented a population of only
25,000 souls, were scattered at very remote points,
AºA: /*A*A SAAV 724 7/1/A2 /AVS 7/7' U 7/OAVS. 309
and could only find their way at times in canoes and
slow sailing craft. Nor must it be forgotten that in
those early days of colonisation men had the stern
necessities of existence to consider before all things
else. However urgent the call to public duty, the
harvest must be gathered in before laws could be
made.
Such were the circumstances under which the
legislatures were opened in the two provinces, repre-
Senting the two distinct races of the population.
Humble as were the beginnings in the little parlia-
ment house of Newark, yet we can see from their
proceedings that the men, then called to do the
public business, were of practical habits and fully
alive to the value of time in a new country, as they
sat for only five weeks and passed the same number
of bills that it took seven months at Quebec to
pass.
The history of Canada, during the twenty years
that elapsed between the inauguration of the consti-
tution of 1792 and the war of 1812, does not require
any extended space in this work. Lieutenant-
Governor Simcoe, who had distinguished himself
during the war for independence as a commander of
the Queen's Rangers, was a skilful and able admin-
istrator, who did his best to develop the country.
It was during his régime that Toronto, under the
name of York, was chosen, by the influence of Lord
Dorchester, as the capital in place of Newark, which
was too close to the American frontier, although
the Lieutenant-Governor would have preferred the
site of the present city of London, on the River
3 IO 7'HAZ S 7'OR Y OF CA MA DA.
Thames, then known as La Tranche. Mainly
through his efforts a considerable immigration was
attracted from the United States. Many of the
new settlers were loyal and favourable to British
institutions, but in the course of time there came
into the country not a few discontented, restless
persons, having radical and republican tendencies.
Among the important measures of his administra-
tion was an act preventing the future introduction
of slaves, and providing for the freedom of children
of slaves then in the province. Governor Simcoe
devoted his energy not only to the peopling of the
province, but to the opening up of arteries of com-
munication, of which Yonge and Dundas Streets—
still well-known names—were the most noted. The
founder of an important settlement in the west,
an eccentric Irishman of noble ancestry, Colonel
Thomas Talbot, was a member of the Lieutenant-
Governor's staff, and eventually made his home in
the western part of the province, where he became
a useful and influential pioneer. Among the most
desirable immigrants were the Scotch Highlanders,
who settled and named the county of Glengarry,
and came to the country by the advice of the ener-
getic and able priest, Macdonell, afterwards the first
Roman Catholic bishop of Upper Canada. In Nova
Scotia a number of Scotch settled in Pictou county
as early as 1773, and were followed in later years by
many others who found homes in the same district,
in Antigonishe and Cape Breton, where their de-
scendants are still greatly in the majority. In Prince
Edward Island, Lord Selkirk, the founder of the
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1.
Azazz Szy 7.4 7/12/, /A/S 7/7'07/0AVS. 31 I
Red River settlement, to whose history I shall refer
in a later chapter, established a colony of thrifty
Scotch in one of the deserted settlements of the
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIMCOE.
French. Charlottetown was founded in those days
on the bay first known as Port La Joye, and is now
a pleasing example of the placid dignity and rural
tranquillity that a capital may attain even in these
restless modern times. In this island, the seeds of

312 7A/AE STOA Y OF CA AWA PA.
discontent were planted at a very early time by the
transfer of nearly all its lands in one day by ballot
to a few English landlords, whose absenteeism long
retarded its advancement, and whose claims of
proprietorship were not settled until after the con-
federation of the provinces.
The political condition of the provinces from the
beginning of the nineteenth century began to assume
considerable importance according as the assemblies
became discontented with their relatively small share
in the government of the country. In all the prov-
inces there was a persistent contest between the
popular assemblies and prerogative, as represented
by the governors, and upper houses appointed by
the same authority. Charles the First, with all his
arrogance, never treated his parliament with greater
superciliousness than did Sir James Craig, when
governor-general, on more than one occasion when
the assembly had crossed his wishes. In the absence
of a ministry responsible to the assembly, a conflict
was always going on between that body and the
representative of the Crown. The assembly began
now to claim full control over the taxes and reve-
nues which belonged to the people of the provinces.
The presence of judges in the legislature was a just
cause for public discontent for years, and although
these high functionaries were eventually removed
from the assembly they continued to sit in the
upper house until 1840. The constant interference
of the Imperial Government in matters of purely
local concern also led to many unfortunate misun-
derstandings.
RAE PA A SAE AW 7-4 7/? E /AWS 7/7"U TVOAV.S. 313
In Lower Canada, where the population was the
largest, and the racial distinctions strongly accentu-
ated, the political conflict was, from the outset,
more bitter than in other sections. The Official
class, a little oligarchy composed exclusively of per-
sons brought from the British Isles, treated the
French Canadians with a studied superciliousness,
and arrogated to themselves all the important func-
tions of government. This element dominated the
executive and legislative councils, and practically
the governors, who, generally speaking, had extreme
views of their prerogative, and were cognisant of the
fact that the colonial office in England had no desire
to entrust the Canadian Government with much
larger powers than those possessed by a municipal
organisation. In the assembly the French Canadi-
ans were largely in the majority—the English ele-
ment had frequently not more than one-fifth of the
total representation of fifty members. The assem-
bly too often exhibited a very domineering spirit,
and attempted to punish all those who ventured
to criticise, however moderately, their proceedings.
The editor of the Quebec Mercury, an organ of the
British minority, was arrested on this ground. Le
Canadien was established as an organ of the French
Canadian majority with the motto, Wos institutions,
motre langue, et mos Zois. By its constant attacks on
the government and the English governing class it
did much harm by creating and perpetuating racial
antagonisms and by eventually precipitating civil
strife. As a result of its attacks on the government,
the paper was seized, and the printer, as well as M.
3I4 7A/A2 S7'OA' Y OF CAAWA DA.
Bedard and several other members of the assembly
who were understood to be contributors to its pages,
or to control its opinions, were summarily arrested
by the orders of Sir James Craig. Though some of
these persons obtained their release by an expression
of regret for their conduct, M. Bedard would not
yield, and was not released until the Governor-
General himself gave up the fight and retired to
England where he died soon afterwards, with the
consciousness that his conduct with respect to
Bedard, and other members of the assembly, had
not met with the approval of the Imperial authori-
ties, although he had placed the whole case before
them by the able agency of Mr. Ryland, who had
been secretary for years to successive governors-
general, and represented the opinions of the ruling
official class.
In Upper Canada there were no national or racial
antipathies and rivalries to stimulate political differ-
ences. In the course of time, however, antagonisms
grew up between the Tories, chiefly old U. E. Loy-
alists, the Official class, and the restless, radical
element, which had more recently come into the
country, and now desired to exercise political influ-
ence. Lieutenant-governors, like Sir Francis Gore,
sympathised with the official class, and often with
reason, as the so-called radical leaders were not
always deserving of the sympathy of reasonable
men. One of these leaders was Joseph Willcocks,
for some time sheriff of the Home district—one of
the four judicial divisions of the province—and also
the proprietor and editor of the Upper Canada Guar-
A Z/5/8A2 SAEAV 7.4 7/j2 Æ ZAVS 7/7' U 77OAV.S. 3 I5
dian, the second paper printed in Upper Canada—
the first having been the Upper Canada Gazette, or
the American Oracle, which appeared at Newark on
the 18th April, I 793. He was a dangerous agitator,
not worthy of public confidence, but he was able to
evoke some sympathy, and pose as a political mar-
tyr, on account of the ill-advised conduct of the
majority of the assembly ordering his arrest for
expressing some unfavourable opinion of their pro-
ceedings in his paper.
In the maritime provinces the conflict between the
executive and the assemblies was less aggravated
than in the St. Lawrence country, although Sir
John Wentworth, the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova
Scotia, who had been a governor of New Hampshire
before the revolution, had a very exalted idea of the
prerogative, and succeeded in having an acrimonious
controversy with Mr. Cottnam Tonge, the leader of
the popular party, and the predecessor of a far
greater man, Joseph Howe, the father of responsible
Igovernment.
Such, briefly, was the political condition of the sev-
eral provinces of British North America when events
occurred to stifle discontent and develop a broader
patriotism on all sides. The War of 1812 was to
prove the fidelity of the Canadian people to the
British Crown and stimulate a new spirit of self-
reliance among French as well as English Canadians,
who were to win victories which are among the most
brilliant episodes of Canadian history.
XXIII.
THE WAR OF 1812–1815–PATRIOTISM OF THE
CANADIANS.
AT the outbreak of the unfortunate War of 1812
the United States embraced an immense territory
extending from the St. Lawrence valley to Mexico,
excepting Florida—which remained in the possession
of Spain until 1819–and from the Atlantic indefi-
nitely westward to the Spanish possessions on the
Pacific coast, afterwards acquired by the United
States. The total population of the Union was up-
wards of eight million souls, of whom a million and
a half were negro slaves in the south. Large wastes
of wild land lay between the Canadian settlements
and the thickly populated sections of New England,
New York, and Ohio. It was only with great diffi-
culty and expense that men, munitions of war, and
provisions could be brought to the frontier during
the contest. -
The principal causes of the war are quite intelli-
gible to the historical student. Great Britain was
engaged in a great conflict not only for her own
national security but also for the integrity of Eu-

316
THE WAR OF 1812–1815. 3 I 7
rope, then dominated by the insatiable ambition of
Bonaparte. It was on the sea that her strength
mainly lay. To ensure her maritime Supremacy, she
found it necessary, in the course of events, to seize
and condemn neutral American vessels whenever
there was conclusive evidence that their cargoes
were not the produce of the United States, but had
been actually bought in an enemy's colony and were
on their way to the mother country. But such an
interruption of a commerce, which had been carried
on for years at a great profit by American mer-
chants, was by no means SO serious an affair as the
stoppage of American vessels on the high seas, and
the forcible abduction and impressment, by British
naval officers, of Sailors who were claimed as British
subjects, even when they had been naturalised in
the United States. To such an extent did Great
Britain assert her pretensions, that one of her frig-
ates, the Zeopard, actually fired into the American
cruiser Chesapeake, off the coast of the bay of the
same name, and made prisoners of several men who
were claimed as deserters from an English man-of-
war—a national Outrage for which Great Britain
Subsequently made an apology and gave a measure
of reparation. Then came the British orders in
council which forbade American trade with any
country from which the British flag was excluded,
allowed direct trade from the United States to Swe-
den only in American products, and permitted
American trade with other parts of Europe only on
condition of touching at English ports and paying
duties. Napoleon retaliated with decrees which
318 7A/AE STOA Y OF CAAVA Z2A.
were practically futile while England was victorious
on the Ocean, but which nevertheless threw addi-
tional difficulties in the way of the commerce of a
country like the United States, which possessed
such exceptional facilities for its development from
its position as a neutral nation, and its great mari-
time and mercantile enterprise. The British meas-
ures meant the ruin of an American commerce which
had become very profitable, and the Washington
government attempted to retaliate by declaring an
embargo in their own ports, which had only the
result of still further embarrassing American trade.
In place of this injudicious measure a system of
non-intercourse with both England and France was
substituted as long as either should continue its
restrictive measures against the United States.
The Democratic governing party practically fell
under the influence of France, and believed, or at
least professed to believe, that Napoleon had aban-
doned his repressive system, when, as a matter of
fact, as the English ministry declared, it still existed
to all intents and purposes. The Democratic lead-
ers, anxious to keep in power, fanned the flame
against England, whose naval superiority enabled her
to inflict an injury on American commercial inter-
ests, which France was entirely powerless to do.
The Democrats looked to the South and West for
their principal support in holding power. In these
sections the interests were exclusively agricultural,
while in New England, where the Federalists—the
peace party—were in the majority—and the war was
very unpopular—the commercial and maritime ele-
7A/E WAR OF 1872–1815. 3 IQ
ment largely prevailed. In the West there had
been for years an intense feeling against England
on account of the fact that after the definitive treaty
of peace in 1783, the English Government continued
to occupy the Western posts and dependent terri-
tory for thirteen years, nominally on the ground of
the harsh treatment meted out to the loyalists in
violation of its terms, and of the non-payment of
debts due to English creditors, but probably also
with the view of keeping control of the fur trade.
The feeling prevailed among the western frontiers-
men that the English secretly instigated Indian
attacks on the new settlements, a belief proved by
recent investigations to be groundless. Even after
the victories of Mayne in 1794, and of Harrison in
181 I, when the Indian power was effectively broken,
this bitter sentiment still existed in the West against
English and Canadians, and had much influence
with the politicians who favoured the war.
The Southern leaders, Clay of Kentucky and Cal-
houn of South Carolina, were most inimical to Eng-
land, and succeeded in forcing Madison to agree to
a declaration of war, as a condition to his re-election
to the presidency. The consequence of this suc-
cessful bargain was the passage of a war measure by
Congress as soon as Madison issued his message,
and the formal declaration of hostilities on the I 8th
of June, 1812. On the previous day, England had
actually repealed the obnoxious orders in council,
but it was too late to induce the war party in the
United States to recede and stop the progress of
the forces, which were already near the western
32O 7A/A2 STOA’ V OA’ CA AVA DA.
Canadian frontier when the governor-general of
Canada, Sir George Prevost, a military man, heard
the news of the actual declaration of hostilities.
With the causes of the War of 1812 the Canadian
people had nothing whatever to do; it was quite
sufficient for them to know that it was their duty
to assist England with all their might and submit
to any sacrifices which the fortunes of war might
necessarily bring to a country which became the
principal scene of conflict. Ontario, then Upper
Canada, with a population of about eighty thousand
Souls, was the only province that really suffered from
the war. From the beginning to the end its soil
was the scene of the principal battles, and a great
amount of valuable property destroyed by the in-
vading forces. “On to Canada '’ had been the cry
of the war party in the United States for years; and
there was a general feeling that the upper province
could be easily taken and held until the close of the
struggle, when it could be used as a lever to bring
England to satisfactory terms or else be united to
the Federal Union. The result of the war showed,
however, that the people of the United States had
entirely mistaken the spirit of Canadians, and that
the small population scattered over a large region—
not more than four hundred thousand souls from
Sydney to Sandwich—was animated by a stern de-
termination to remain faithful to England.
No doubt the American Government had been led
to believe from the utterances of Willcocks in the
Guardian, as the representative of the discontented
element in Upper Canada, that they would find not
THE WAR OF 1812–1815. 32I
only sympathy but probably some active co-opera-
tion in the western country as soon as the armies of
the Republic appeared on Canadian Soil and won, as
they confidently expected, an easy victory over the
small force which could be brought to check inva-
sion and defend the province. General Hull's proc-
lamation, when he crossed the Detroit River at the
commencement of hostilities, was so much evidence
of the belief that was entertained in the United
States with regard to the fealty of the Canadians.
Willcocks proved himself a disloyal man, for he
eventually joined the American forces and fell fight-
ing against the country which he and a very small
disaffected class would willingly have handed to
a foreign invader. The forces at the disposal of
the Canadian authorities certainly appeared to be
inadequate for the defence of a country with so long
and exposed a frontier. In the provinces of Canada
there were, in 1812, only four thousand five hundred
regular troops, and of these hardly one-third were
stationed above Montreal. The Canadian militia,
however, rallied with extraordinary readiness to the
call of the authorities. The majority of the loyal
population that had come into the country had been
engaged in military services, and even the Old Set-
tlers, who were exempted from active duty, volun- "
tarily came forward, and exercised, as General
Sheaffe, said, “a happy influence on the youth of
the militia ranks.” The legislative bodies of all the
provinces responded liberally to the call of the exec-
utive and placed at the disposal of the government
all their resources, Army bills were issued to a
2I
322 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ Y OA’ CA AVA DA.
large amount, and found a most valuable currency
throughout the war.
During the first year of the war, there was a con-
tinuous record of success for Canada. The key to
the upper lakes, Michillimackinac, was captured and
held by a small force of English regulars and Cana-
dian voyageurs. The immediate consequence of
this victory was to win the confidence and alliance
of the western Indians, then led by Tecumseh, the
famous Shawanoese chief, who had been driven from
Tippecanoe by General Harrison. Then followed
the capitulation of General Hull and his army, who
had invaded Canada and were afterwards forced to
retreat to Detroit, where they surrendered to Gen-
eral Brock with a much inferior force. By this
capitulation, which led to the disgrace and nearly to
the execution of Hull on his return to his own coun-
try, the whole territory of Michigan, over two thou-
sand five hundred troops, and a large quantity of
munitions of war and provisions fell into the posses-
sion of the British. The next important event of
this memorable year was the defeat of the attempt
of Van Rensselaer to occupy Queenston Heights,
with the object of establishing there a base of future
operations against Upper Canada. The Americans
were routed with great loss and many of the men
threw themselves down the precipice and were
drowned in the deep and rapid river. At the begin-
ning of the battle, General Brock was unhappily
slain while leading his men up the heights, and the
same fate befell his chivalrous aide-de-camp, Colonel
McDonell, the attorney-general of the province. It
GENERAL BROCK.
MAJOR

323
324 7A/A2 S 7'OA” Y OF CA AVA DA.
was left for General Sheaffe to complete the victory,
which gave many prisoners to the English force, and
drove the remainder of the beaten American army
across the beautiful river. General Smyth, a most
incompetent man, who succeeded to the command
of the American army on the resignation of Van
Rensselaer, subsequently attempted to storm and
carry Fort Erie, but Colonel Bisshopp successfully
held this important post, which controlled the outlet
of Lake Erie into the Niagara River. When the
campaign closed, in 1812, Canada was free from the
invader, chiefly through the energy and sagacity
with which the gallant General Brock had made his
preparations to repel invasion.
In 1813 the campaign commenced with a signal
victory by General Procter, who was in command at
Detroit, over a considerable American force at
Frenchtown, on the Raisin River, under the com-
mand of Brigadier Winchester. Then came a suc-
cessful attack by Colonel McDonnell on Ogdensburgh
(La Présentation of the French régime), in retalia-
tion for raids on Gananoque and Elizabethtown, sub-
sequently named Brockville—now a beautiful city
near the Thousand Isles—in honour of the gallant
soldier who perished on the heights of Queenston.
Commodore Chauncey, in command of a small
American fleet organised at Sackett's Harbour, an
important base of naval and military Operations for
the Americans, attacked the little capital of York,
now Toronto, which was evacuated by General
Sheaffe, then administrator of the government,
who retired to Kingston, the strongest position
THE WAR OF 1812–1815. 325
to the west of Montreal. The invaders burnt the
legislative and other public buildings. The small
library and public records were not even spared by
the pillaging troops. No precautions had been
taken by Sheaffe to improve defences which at
the best were of little strength. During the sum-
mer, the American army was so much superior to
the English forces that they were able to occupy
the whole Niagara frontier from Fort Erie to Fort
George, both of which were captured by General
Dearborn. Major-General Vincent, the English
commander, was compelled to retire to Burling-
ton Heights, overlooking the present city of Hamil-
ton. Sir George Prevost, who proved himself a
most irresolute and incapable commander-in-chief,
retreated ignominiously from Sackett's Harbour,
although Commodore Chauncey and his fleet were
absent and the post was defended by only a small
garrison. This discreditable failure, which cannot
be in any way excused, was soon forgotten when the
news came of the success of Colonel Harvey, after-
wards a lieutenant-governor of the maritime prov-
inces, at Stoney Creek, quite close to Burlington
Bay. With an insignificant detachment from Vin-
cent's main body, Harvey succeeded in surprising
at night a large American force, commanded by
Brigadiers Chandler and Winder, both of whom, as
well as one hundred officers and men, were taken
prisoners. This serious disaster and the approach
of Admiral Yeo's fleet from the eastward forced the
invading army to retire to Fort George, where they
concentrated their strength, after abandoning Fort
326 TA/A; S 7"O/e V OA’ CAAVA DA.
Erie and other posts on the frontier. It was during
the campaign of this year that Laura Secord, the
courageous daughter of a sturdy loyalist stock which
has given the name of Ingersoll to a Canadian town,
afforded a memorable example of the devotion which
animated Canadian women in these years of trial.
General Dearborn had ordered Colonel Boerstler to
surprise and attack the Canadian outposts at Twelve
Mile Creek, now St. Catharine's, and at De Ceu's farm,
close to the present town of Thorold. Lieutenant
Fitzgibbon, with a picket of thirty men, was stationed
at De Ceu's. A Canadian militiaman, James Secord,
who lived at Queenston, heard of the proposed
attack, but as he had been severely wounded in the
attack on Queenston Heights in the previous Oc-
tober, he was unable to warn Fitzgibbon. His wife,
a woman of nearly forty years, volunteered for the
hazardous duty, and started at dawn for a journey
of twenty miles, through dense woods, where the
paths were few and had to be avoided for fear of
meeting American marauders or suspicious Indians
who might take her for a spy. It took her all day
to reach her destination, where she first disturbed
an encampment of Indians who received her with
yells, which dismayed her for the moment. How-
ever, she was taken to the commanding officer, who
made his arrangements immediately to surprise
Boerstler, who soon made his appearance with five
hundred men at least. The Americans were forced
to surrender to what they believed was a vastly
superior force, so cleverly had Fitzgibbon succeeded
in deceiving them. In fact, he had only at first
THE WAR OF 1812–1815. - 327
thirty soldiers, and two hundred and forty Indians,
and when a captain and twenty troopers of the
Chippewa cavalry came up Boerstler was quite ready
to surrender.
All the successes in the west, however, were now
rendered worthless by the unfortunate defeat at
Put-in-Bay on Lake Erie of the English flotilla
under Captain Barclay, by Commodore Perry, who
had command of a large number of vessels, with a
Superior armament and equipment. The result of
this victory was to give the control of Lake Erie and
of the State of Michigan to the Americans. Proc-
ter retreated from Detroit, and was defeated near
Moraviantown, an Indian village, about sixty miles
from Sandwich, by General Harrison, who had
defeated Tecumseh in the northwest, and now added
to his growing fame by his victory over the English
army, who were badly generalled on this occasion.
Tecumseh, the faithful ally of the Canadians, fell in
the battle, and his body was treated with every
indignity, his skin, according to report, having been
carried off to Kentucky as a trophy. Procter fell
into disgrace, and was subsequently replaced by
Colonel de Rottenburg. On his return to England,
Procter was tried by court-martial, suspended from
his rank for six months, and censured by the com-
mander-in-chief. -
Passing by such relatively unimportant affairs as
a successful attack on Black Rock, near Buffalo, by
Colonel Bisshopp, and a second attack on York by
Chauncey, who took some prisoners and a quantity
of stores, we have now to state other facts in the
328 7A/AE STOR y OF CANADA.
history of the campaign of 1813 which compensated
Canada for Procter's disasters in the west. The
Americans had decided to make an attack on Mon-
treal by two forces—one coming by the St. Law-
rence and the other by Lake Champlain—which
were to form a junction at Chateauguay on Lake
St. Louis. General Wilkinson, with eight thousand
men, descended the river from Sackett's Harbour,
landed below Prescott, and then proceeded towards
Cornwall. Some two thousand five hundred men,
under Colonel Boyd, protected the rear of the main
body, and was compelled to fight a much inferior
force, under Colonel Morrison, on Chrystler's farm,
near what is now known as Cook's Point on the
north bank of the St. Lawrence. The Americans
gave way in all directions, and sustained a heavy
loss. Boyd rejoined Wilkinson at the foot of the
Long Sault rapids, in the neighbourhood of the
present town of Cornwall, and here the news arrived
that General Hampton had received a serious
repulse. Hampton, leading an army of probably
seven thousand men, had been routed near the
junction of the Chateauguay and Outarde rivers by
an insignificant force of Canadian Fencibles and
Voltigeurs under Colonel de Salaberry, a French
Canadian in the English military service, with the
aid of Colonel McDonnell, in command of seven com-
panies of Lower Canadian militia. These combined
forces did not exceed nine hundred men, all French
Canadians, with the exception of Colonel McDonnell
and several other officers. Three hundred French
Canadian Voltigeurs and Fencibles formed the front
Z///; WAR OF 1812–1815. 329
of the line, and when the former gave way to the
onslaught of the four thousand men who advanced
against them Salaberry held his ground with a
COLONEL DE SALABERRY.
bugler, a mere lad, and made him sound lustily.
Colonel McDonnell, with a remarkably keen under-
standing of the situation, immediately ordered his
buglers to play, and to continue doing so while
they scattered in the woods. As the woods echoed

33O THE STORY OF CAAVA /) A.
to the call of the bugles, to the shouts of the sol-
diers, and to the yells of the Indians, the American
force halted as if they were paralysed. Then, believ-
ing from the noises that filled the forest in every
direction that they were to be attacked in front
and rear by an overwhelming force, they broke and
fled tumultuously. Salaberry and the Canadians had
won a victory that has only a few parallels in warlike
annals. Hampton retreated as rapidly as possible
to Plattsburg, while Wilkinson found his way to
Salmon River. These two victories of Chrystler's
farm and Chateauguay were won almost entirely by
Canadian prowess and skill, and must be always
mentioned among the glorious episodes of Canadian
history. -
Before the end of the year, General McClure, in
command of the American troops on the Niagara
frontier, evacuated Fort George, when he heard of
the advance of the English forces under General
Murray. McClure committed the cowardly outrage
of destroying the town of Newark. All the houses
except one were burned, and no pity was shown
even to the weak and helpless women, all of whom
were driven from their comfortable houses and
forced to stand on the snow-clad earth, while they
saw the flames ascend from their homes and house-
hold treasures. As an act of retribution the British
troops destroyed all the posts and settlements from
Fort Niagara to Buffalo. When the campaign of
1813 closed, Lake Erie was still in the possession of
the Americans, but the Niagara district on both
sides of the river had been freed from the American
7A/AE WAR OF 1812–1815. 33
forces, and not an inch of Canadian territory, except
Amherstburg was in possession of the enemy.
In the following year the campaign commenced
by the advance of a large force of American troops
under General Wilkinson into Lower Canada, but
they did not get beyond Lacolle Mill, not far from
Isle aux Noix on the Richelieu, where they met
with a most determined resistance from the little
garrison under Colonel Handcock. Wilkinson re-
treated to Plattsburg, and did not again venture
upon Canadian territory. Sir Gordon Drummond
took Oswego, and succeeded in destroying a large
amount of public property, including the barracks.
The greatest success of the year was won in the
Niagara country, where the English troops under
Drummond and Riall had been concentrated with
the view of opposing the advance of an American
army into Upper Canada. The Americans occupied
Fort Erie, and Riall sustained a repulse at Street’s
Creek—now known as Usher's—near Chippewa,
although General Brown, who was in command of a
much superior force, did not attempt to follow up
his advantage, but allowed the English to retreat to
Fort George. Then followed, on the 25th of July,
the famous battle of Lundy’s Lane, where the Eng-
lish regulars and Canadian militia, led by General
Drummond, fought from six in the evening until
midnight, a formidable force of American troops,
commanded by General Brown and Brigadiers Rip-
ley, Porter, and Scott—the latter the future hero of
the Mexican war. The darkness through this hotly
contested engagement was intense, and the English
332 7A/AE STORY OF CAAWA Z)A.
more than once seemed on the point of yielding to
sheer exhaustion as they contested every foot of
ground against overpowering numbers of well han-
dled troops. The undaunted Courage and persist-
ence of the British and Canadian soldiery won the
battle, as the Americans retired from the field,
though with a remarkable perversion of the facts
this memorable event is even claimed by some
American writers as a success on their side. This
was the last great fight of the war, and will be
always cited by Canadians as illustrating the mettle
of their own militia in old times.
Drummond did not win other successes, and even
failed to capture Fort Erie. The American army,
however, did not make another advance into the
country while he kept it so well guarded. Erie was
eventually evacuated, while the Americans concen-
trated their strength at Buffalo. Prairie du Chien
on the Mississippi was captured in this same summer
by the English, and the Americans were repulsed in
an attempt to seize the fort at Michillimackinac. In
eastern Canada there was no such record of victory
to show as Drummond and his officers had made in
the west. Prevost again gave a signal proof of his
incapacity. His fleet sustained a complete defeat on
Lake Champlain, and so great was his dismay that
he ordered the retreat to Montreal of a splendid
force of over ten thousand troops, largely composed
of peninsula veterans, though Plattsburg and its
garrison must have fallen easily into his hands had
he been possessed of the most ordinary resolution.
This retreat was confessedly a disgrace to the Eng-
Monument. At LUNDy’s LANE.

333
334 THA. S. 7'OA’ V OA’ CAAVA DA.
lish army, which Canadian and English writers
must always record with a feeling of contempt for
Prevost.
It is not necessary to dwell at any length on other
features of this war. The American navy, small
though it was, won several successes mainly through
the superiority of their vessels in tonnage, crew, and
armament. The memorable fight between the Brit-
ish frigate Shamſton, under Captain Broke, and the
United States frigate Chesapeake, under Captain
Lawrence, off Massachusetts Bay, illustrates equally
the courage of British and American sailors—of men
belonging to the same great stock which has won so
many victories on the sea. The two ships were
equally matched, and after a sharp contest of a
quarter of an hour the Chesapeake was beaten, but
not until Captain Lawrence was fatally wounded
and his victorious adversary also severely injured.
During the war Nova Scotia and the other maritime
provinces were somewhat harassed at times by
American privateers, but the presence of a large
fleet constantly on their coasts—Halifax being the
rendezvous of the British navy in American waters
—and the hostility of New England to the war saved
these sections of British America from invasion.
On the other hand, all the important positions on
the coast of Maine from the Penobscot to the St.
Croix, were attacked and occupied by the English.
The whole American coast during the last year of
the war was blockaded by the English fleet with the
exception of New England ports, which were open
to neutral vessels. The public buildings of Wash-
7A/AE WAR OF 1812–1815. 335
ington, the federal capital, were destroyed by an
English army, in retaliation for the burning of York,
Newark, and Moraviantown. The attempt to take
Baltimore failed, and a bold man from Tennessee,
Andrew Jackson—in later years President--drove
Pakenham from New Orleans. The taking of Mo-
bile by British ships was the closing incident of the
war on the Atlantic coast. In fact peace was hap-
pily declared by the Treaty of Ghent on the 24th
December, 1814, or a fortnight before the defeat of
the English at New Orleans. The two nations
gladly came to terms. It is questionable if the heart
of either was ever deeply enlisted in this unhappy
war which should never have been fought between
peoples so closely connected by language and race.
It was mainly a war of Western and Southern poli-
ticians, and when it ended New England, whose
interests had been so seriously affected, was showing
signs of serious restlessness which had broken out
in the Hartford convention, and might have even
threatened the integrity of the Union.
Although the war ended without any definite
decision on the questions at issue between the
United States and Great Britain, the privileges of
neutrals were practically admitted, and the extreme
pretensions of Great Britain as to the right of search
can never again be asserted. One important result
of the war, as respects the interests of Canada, was
the re-opening of the question of the British Ameri-
can fisheries. Certain privileges extended by the
Treaty of 1783 to American fishermen on the coasts
of British North America were not again conceded,
336 7"HAE S7'OR Y OF CA A/A DA.
and the convention of 1818, which followed the
peace of 1815, is the basis of the rights which Cana-
dians have always maintained in disputes between
themselves and the United States as to the fisheries
on their coasts. Looking, however, to its general
results, the war gave no special advantages to the
Canadian people. When peace was proclaimed not
an inch of Canadian territory, except the village of
Amherstburg, was held by the American forces.
On the other hand, Great Britain occupied the
greater part of the Sea-board of Maine, and her flag
flew over Michillimackinac, the key to the North-
west. Had British statesmen seized this oppor-
tunity of settling finally the western boundary of
New Brunswick, Canada would have obtained a ter-
ritory most useful to the commercial development
of the present Dominion. England, however, was
very desirous of ending the war—perhaps the humil-
iating affair at Plattsburg had some effect on the
peace—and it was fortunate for the provinces that
they were allowed in the end to control their most
valuable fisheries.
The people of Canada will always hold in grateful
recollection the names of those men who did such
good service for their country during these momen-
tous years from 1812 to 1815. Brock, Tecumseh,
Morrison, Salaberry, McDonnell, Fitzgibbon, and
Drummond are among the most honourable names
in Canadian history. Englishmen, Scotchmen,
Irishmen, Canadians, Indians, were equally conspic-
uous in brilliant achievement. A stately monument
overlooks the noble river of the Niagara, and recalls
THE WAR OF 1812–1815. 337
the services of the gallant soldiers, Brock and Mc-
Donell, whose remains rest beneath. A beautiful
village, beyond which stretches historic Lundy's
Lane, recalls the name and deeds of Drummond.
As the steamers pass up and down the St. Lawrence
they see on the northern bank the obelisk which the
Canadian Government has raised on the site of the
battlefield where Morrison defeated Boyd. On the
meadows of Chateauguay, another monument has
been erected by the same national spirit in honour
of the victory won by a famous representative of the
French Canadian race, who proved how courage-
ously French Canadians could fight for the new
régime under which they were then, as now, so
happy and prosperous.
22

XXIV.
POLITICAL STRIFE AND REBELLION.
(1815–1840.)
THE history of the twenty-five years between the
peace of 1815 and the union of the Canadas in 1840,
illustrates the folly and misery of faction, when in-
tensified by racial antagonisms. In Lower Canada
the difficulties arising from a constant contest for
the supremacy between the executive and legislative
authorities were aggravated by the fact that the
French Canadian majority dominated the popular
house, and the English-speaking minority controlled
the government. “I found,’’ wrote Lord Durham,
in 1839, '' two nations warring in the bosom of a
single state; I found a struggle not of principles but
of races.” It is true that some Englishmen were
found fighting for popular liberties on the side of the
French Canadian majority. Mr. John Neilson, who
was for years editor of the Quebec Gazette, was a
friend of the French Canadians, and in close sym-
pathy with the movement for the extension of pub-
lic rights, but he was never prepared to go beyond

338
A'O//7'/CA / S 7"A’/AA AAV/) A' A BAE //, /OAV. 339
the legitimate limits of constitutional agitation and
threaten British connexion. On the other hand,
Dr. Wolfred Nelson, descended from a loyalist
stock, was one of the leaders of the majority that
controlled the assembly of Lower Canada, and did
not hesitate to join in the rebellion to which his rash
and impetuous chief, Louis Joseph Papineau, led
him at last. But while undoubtedly there were
many persons among the British people, who were
disgusted with the arrogance of some of the govern-
ing class, and discontented with the methods of
government, they were gradually alienated by the
demagogism of the French Canadian majority, who
did not hesitate to profess their desire to make
French Canada exclusively a French dominion.
The tyranny of the majority was exhibited in the
assembly by the attempt to impeach Chief Justices
Sewell and Monk, on charges which had no justifi-
cation in law or justice. Mr. Robert Christie, the
member for Gaspé, who subsequently wrote a useful
history of Lower Canada, was expelled several times
because he was believed to have procured the dis-
missal from the magistracy of some members of the
assembly who were inimical to the executive gov-
ernment. On the other hand, Lord Dalhousie, the
governor-general, in 1827, refused to approve of the
election of Mr. Papineau as speaker of the assem-
bly, because he had reflected in strong terms in a
manifesto on the public conduct of the former. Mr.
Louis J. Papineau, the future leader of the rebellion
in 1837, was a man of fine presence, gifted with
remarkable powers of rhetoric and persuasion, but
34O 7A/A2 S 7'O/º V OF CA MA DA.
he was entirely wanting in discretion, and in the
qualities which make a great statesman. When the
assembly refused to reconsider its action and elect
another speaker, Lord Dalhousie prorogued the leg-
islature, which did not again meet until he was
recalled and sent to India as commander-in-chief.
Like other governors, Lord Dalhousie attempted to
govern to the best of his ability, and what mistakes
he committed arose from the contradictory and per-
plexing instructions he received from the officials in
Downing Street, who were quite incapable at times
of understanding the real condition of affairs in the
province. - -
The disputes at last between the contending par-
ties in Lower Canada prevented the working of the
constitution. The assembly fought for years for
the independence of Parliament and the exclusive
control of the civil list and supply. When at last
the assembly refused to vote a civil list and other
necessary expenditures, the government were obliged
to use the casual and territorial revenues—such as
the proceeds of the sales and leases of Crown lands
—and these funds were inadequate for the purpose.
So carelessly were these funds managed that one
receiver-general, engaged in business, became a
heavy defaulter. The governors dissolved the leg-
islatures with a frequency unparalleled in political
history, and were personally drawn into the conflict.
Public officials, including the judges, were harassed
by impeachments. Bills were constantly rejected
by the legislative council on various pretexts—some
of them constitutionally correct—and the disputes
POZ/T/CAZ S7R/FE AND REBELL/OV, 341
between the two branches of the legislature eventu-"
ally made it impossible to pass even absolutely nec-
essary measures. Appeals to the home government
were very common, and concessions were made time
LOUIS J. PAPINEAU, AET. 70.
and again to the assembly. In fact, the contest as
to the revenues and expenditures ought to have
closed, in a great measure, with the abandonment,
in 1832, by the government of every portion of the

342 7A/A. S. Z'OA’ Y OF CA AVA DA.
previously reserved revenue, but, as Lord Durham
pointed out, the assembly, “even when it obtained
entire control over the public revenues,” refused the
civil list because it was determined “ not to give up
its only means of subjecting the functionaries of
government to any responsibility.” The conflict
was carried on to the bitter end. It does not ap-
pear, however, that the majority in the assembly at
all understood the crucial difficulty. They devoted
their whole strength to attacks on the legislative
council, and to demands for an elective body. The
famous ninety-two resolutions of 1834, in which
Papineau's party set forth their real or fancied griev-
ances, did not contain a single paragraph laying
down the principles of parliamentary or responsible
government as worked out in England, and ably
supported by the moderate Upper Canadian Re-
formers like Robert Baldwin. The home govern-
ment ought to have appreciated the gravity of the
situation, but they were not yet prepared to intro-
duce into these colonies the principles of parlia-
mentary government. In 1835 they appointed a
commission to inquire into the nature of the griev-
ances and the best method of remedying them.
The governor-general, Lord Gosford, was the head
of this commission, but it failed because Papineau
and his party were not now prepared to listen to
moderate and conciliatory counsels. When in 1837
the assembly continued to refuse supply for the
payment of public officials, and of the arrears, which
up to that time amounted to nearly one hundred
and fifty thousand pounds sterling, Lord John Rus-
POZ/7ZCA / S7R/FE AND REBEZZZOAV. 343
sell carried in the English House of Commons a
series of resolutions, rejecting the demand for an
elective legislative council and other changes in the
constitution, and empowering the executive govern-
ment to defray the expenses of the public service
out of the territorial and casual revenues. This
action of the imperial government increased the
public discontent, and gave an Opportunity to Papi-
neau and his followers to declare that no redress of
grievances could be obtained except by a resort to
arms. In this year the rebellion broke out, but
before I refer to it, it is necessary to review briefly
the condition of things in the other provinces.
In Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, the disputes
between the executive and legislative authorities
were characterised by much acrimony, but eventu-
ally the public revenues were conceded to the as-
semblies. In Prince Edward Island the political
difficulties arose from the land monopoly, and the
efforts of the lieutenant-governors to govern as
much as possible without assemblies. In these
provinces, as in Canada, we find—to cite Lord Dur-
ham—“ representative government coupled with an
irresponsible executive, the same abuse of the
powers of the representative bodies, and the same
constant interference of the imperial administration
in matters which should be left wholly to the pro-
vincial governments.” In the maritime provinces,
however, no disturbance occurred, and the leaders
of the popular party were among the first to assist
the authorities in their efforts to preserve the public
tranquillity, and to express themselves emphatically
in favour of the British connection. -
344 THE STOR Y OF CAMA DA,
In Upper Canada an official class held within its
control practically the government of the province.
This class became known, in the parlance of those
days, as the ‘‘ family compact,” not quite an accu-
rate designation, since its members had hardly any
family connection, but there was just enough ground
for the term to tickle the taste of the people for an
epigrammatic phrase. The bench, the pulpit, the
banks, the public offices were all more or less under
the influence of the “compact.” The public lands
were lavishly parcelled out among themselves and
their followers. Successive governors, notably Sir
Francis Gore, Sir Peregrine Maitland, and Sir Fran-
cis Bond Head, submitted first to its influence and
allowed it to have the real direction of affairs.
Among its most prominent members were John
Beverly Robinson, for some years attorney-general,
and eventually an able chief-justice, and the recipi-
ent of a baronetage; William Dummer Powell, a
chief-justice; John Henry Boulton, once attorney-
general; John Strachan, the first bishop of the Epis-
copal Church in Upper Canada; Jonas Jones, the
Sherwoods, and other well-known names of resi-
dents of York, Niagara, Kingston, and Brockville.
It was not until 182O that a strong opposition was
organised in the assembly against the ruling bureau-
cracy. The cruel treatment of Robert Gourlay, an
erratic Scotch land-agent, by the ruling class who
feared his exposure of public abuses, had much to
do with creating a reform party in the legislature.
Gourlay was a mere adventurer, who found plenty
of material in the political condition of the province
POL/7/CAL STRIFE AND REAELLION. 345
for obtaining the notoriety that he coveted. In the
course of some inquiries he made in connexion with
a statistical work he published in later years, he
touched on some points which exposed the land
monopoly and other abuses. He was immediately
declared by the “compact” to be a dangerous per-
son, who must be curbed by some means or other.
He was tried on two occasions for libelling the gov-
ernment, but acquitted. Then his enemies conspired
to accuse him most unjustly of being a seditious and
dangerous person, who came under the terms of an
alien act passed in 1804. He was arrested and kept
in prison for seven months. When he was at last
tried at Niagara, the home of Toryism, he was a
broken-down man, hardly in full possession of his
senses. A severe judge and prejudiced jury had no
pity, and he was forced to leave the province, to
which he did not return until happier times. The
injustice which was meted out to a man who had
thrown some light on public corruption, stimulated
the opponents of the “family compact '' to united
action against methods so dangerous to individual
liberty and so antagonistic to the redress of public
grievances.
The disputes between the reformers and the
“family compact ’’ were aggravated by the “clergy
reserves" question, which was largely one between
the Episcopalians and the dissenting bodies. This
question grew out of the grant to the Protestant
Church in Canada of large tracts of land by the im-
perial act of 1791, and created much bitterness of
feeling for a quarter of a century and more. The
346 7"HAE S7'OR Y OF CAAVA DA.
reformers found in this question abundant material
for exciting the jealousies of all the Protestant sects
who wished to see the Church of England and the
Church of Scotland deprived of the advantages
which they alone derived from this valuable source
of revenue. The British Government for years were
on the side of the “family compact,” whose lead-
ing adherents belonged to the Church of England,
and who opposed every effort that was made to dis-
pose of these lands for the support of education and
other public purposes. The Methodists, who out-
numbered the Church of England, had for years
an additional grievance in the fact that their minis-
ters were not allowed to solemnise marriages, and it
was not until 1829 that this disability was removed
by the legislature. -
Among the minds that dominated the “family
compact ’’ was the eminent divine, John Strachan,
who was originally a Presbyterian, and came to the
country as a teacher at the request of the Honour-
able Richard Cartwright, a prominent U. E. Loyal-
ist, but eventually joined the Episcopalian Church,
and became its bishop. Like his countryman, John
Knox, he had extraordinary tenacity of purpose and
desire for rule. He considered the interests of the
Church as paramount to all other considerations.
He became both an executive and a legislative
councillor, and largely moulded the opinions and
acts of the governing classes. It was chiefly through
his influence that Sir John Colborne established a
number of rectories out of the clergy reserves, and
thereby gave additional offence to those religious
POZ/7ZCA / SZA/FE AAWD A.A. BAE ZZZOA. 347
bodies who had no share in these lands. He hoped
to create a state church, and the establishment of
King's College, afterwards secularised, was a part of
his ecclesiastical system. Eventually when King's
BISHOP STRACHAN.
College became a provincial institution, open to all
denominations—the foundation of Toronto Univer-
sity—he devoted all his energies to the estab-
lishment of Trinity College, which is the noblest
monument of the zealous prelate.
*

348 7A/A2 S 7'OR V OA’ CAAWA/) A.
Another Scotchman, who came to the country
some years later than the bishop, was William Lyon
Mackenzie, who was always remarkable for his im-
pulsiveness and rashness, which led him at last into
difficulties and wrecked his whole career. He had a
deep sense of public wrongs, and placed himself im-
mediately in the front rank of those who were fight-
ing for a redress of undoubted grievances. He was
thoroughly imbued with the ideas of English radi-
calism, and had an intense hatred of Toryism in
every form. He possessed little of that strong com-
mon sense and power of acquisitiveness which make
his countrymen, as a rule, so successful in every
walk of life. When he felt he was being crushed
by the intriguing and corrupting influences of the
governing class, aided by the lieutenant-governor,
he forgot all the dictates of reason and prudence,
and was carried away by a current of passion which
ended in rebellion. His journal, The Colonia/ Ad-
vocate, showed in its articles and its very make-up
the erratic character of the man. He was a pungent
writer, who attacked adversaries with great reckless-
ness of epithet and accusation. So obnoxious did
he become to the governing class that a number of
young men, connected with the best families,
wrecked his office, but the damages he recovered in
a court of law enabled him to give it a new lease of
existence. When the ‘‘ family compact ’’ had a
majority in the assembly, elected in 1830, he was
expelled five times for libellous reflections on the
government and house, but he was re-elected by the
people, who resented the wrongs to which he was

349
35O 7A/A2 ,S 7'OA” Y OA’ CAAVA/OA.
subject, and became the first mayor of Toronto, as
York was now called. He carried his grievances to
England, where he received much sympathy, even
in conservative circles. In a new legislature, where
the “ compact ‘’ were in a minority, he obtained a
committee to consider the condition of provincial
affairs. The result was a famous report on grievances
which set forth in a conclusive and able manner the
constitutional difficulties under which the country
laboured, and laid down clearly the necessity for
responsible government. It would have been
fortunate both for Upper Canada and Mackenzie
himself at this juncture, had he and his followers
confined themselves to a constitutional agitation on
the lines set forth in this report. By this time Robert
Baldwin and Egerton Ryerson, discreet and promi-
nent reformers, had much influence, and were quite
unwilling to follow Mackenzie in the extreme course
on which he had clearly entered. He lost ground
rapidly from the time of his indiscreet publication
of a letter from Joseph Hume, the English radical,
who had expressed the opinion that the improper
proceedings of the legislature, especially in expelling
Mackenzie, ‘‘ must hasten the crisis that was fast
approaching in the affairs of Canada, and which
would terminate in independence and freedom from
the baneful domination of the mother-country.”
Probably even Mackenzie and his friends might have
been conciliated and satisfied at the last moment
had the imperial government been served by an able
and discreet lieutenant-governor. But never did
the imperial authorities make a greater mistake than
AOZ/7ZCAZ STRIKE AND REBELLION. 35 I
when they sent out Sir Francis Bond Head, who had
no political experience whatever. .
From the beginning to the end of his administra-
tion he did nothing but blunder. He alienated
even the confidence of the moderate element of the
Reformers, and literally threw himself into the arms
of the “family compact,’’ and assisted them at the
elections of the spring of 1836, which rejected all
the leading men of the extreme wing of the Re-
form party. Mackenzie was deeply mortified at the
result, and determined from that moment to rebel
against the government which, in his opinion, had
no int-ntion of remedying public grievances. At
the same time Papineau, with whom he was in com-
munication, had made up his mind to establish a
republic, une nation Canadienne, on the banks of
the St. Lawrence.
The disloyal intentions of Papineau and his fol-
lowers were made very clear by the various meetings
which were held in the Montreal and Richelieu dis-
tricts, by the riots which followed public assem-
blages in the city of Montreal, by the names of
“Sons of Liberty '' and “Patriots '' they adopted
in all their proceedings, by the planting of “trees,”
and raising of “caps '' of liberty. Happily for the
best interests of Canada the number of French
Canadians ready to revolt were relatively insignifi-
cant, and the British population were almost exclu-
sively on the side of the government. Bishop
Lartigue and the clergy of the Roman Catholic
Church now asserted themselves very determinedly
against the dangerous and seditious utterances of
352 THE STOR Y OF CANADA.
the leaders of the “Patriots.” Fortunately a reso-
lute, able soldier, Sir John Colborne, was called from
Upper Canada to command the troops in the critical
situation of affairs, and crushed the rebellion in its
very inception. A body of insurgents, led by Dr.
Wolfred Nelson, showed some courage at St. Denis,
but Papineau took the earliest opportunity to find
refuge across the frontier. Thomas Storrow Brown,
an American by birth, also made a stand at St.
Charles, but both he and Nelson were easily beaten
by the regulars. A most unfortunate episode was
the murder of Lieutenant Weir, who had been cap-
tured by Nelson while carrying despatches from
General Colborne, and was butchered by some in-
surgent habitants, in whose custody he had been
placed. At St. Eustache the rebels were severely
punished by Colborne himself, and a number burned
to death in the steeple of a church where they had
made a stand. Many prisoners were taken in the
course of the rebellious outbreak. The village of St.
Benoit and isolated houses elsewhere were destroyed
by the angry loyalists, and much misery inflicted on
all actual or supposed sympathisers with Papineau
and Nelson. Lord Gosford now left the country,
and Colborne was appointed administrator. Al-
though the insurrection practically ended at St.
Denis and St. Charles, bodies of rebels and Ameri-
can marauders harassed the frontier settlements for
some time, until at last the authorities of the United
States arrested some of the leaders and forced them
to surrender their arms and munitions of war.
In Upper Canada the folly of Sir Francis Head
POLITICAL STRIFE AND REBELLION. 353
would have led to serious consequences had Mac-
kenzie and Rolph been capable of managing a rebel-
lious movement. The Lieutenant-Governor allowed
all the troops to go to Lower Canada, and the capi-
tal was entirely at the mercy of the rebels, had they
acted with any spirit or energy. Dr. Rolph, a clever
intriguer—who was to be the president of the new
republic—was playing a fast and loose game, and
temporised until the loyal forces from Hamilton
were able to advance to the assistance of Head.
Had the rebels, who were concentrating at Mont-
gomery's tavern on Yonge Street, marched imme-
diately on the capital, it could have been easily
captured, in consequence of the neglect of Head to
take the most ordinary precautions against surprise.
Toronto was mainly saved by the men of the Gore
district, led by Allan MacNab, an ardent loyalist,
afterwards a baronet and premier of Canada. The
insurgents, who at no time exceeded eight hundred
in all, were routed at their headquarters. Rolph
had previously thought it prudent to fly, and Mac-
kenzie soon followed. Several lives were lost during
this emeute, for it was hardly more, and a consider-
able number of prisoners taken. Among the latter
were Samuel Lount, an ardent reformer, the first to
arm for the rebellion, and Colonel Von Egmond,
one of Napoleon’s soldiers, the leader of the “pa-
triot army.” Marshall Spring Bidwell, an able and
moderate leader of the Reformers, for some years
speaker, does not appear to have taken any active
part in the rebellious movement, but he availed him-
self of a warning given him by Head, who wished
23
354 7A7A. STOA’ Y OA’ CA AWA/D4.
to get rid of him as quietly as possible, and hurried
to the United States, where he remained for the
remainder of his life. Mackenzie also fled to the
Republic, and industriously set to work to violate
the neutrality of the Country by inciting bands of
ruffians to invade Canada. -
As in the case of the Fenian invasion many years
later, the authorities of the United States were Open
to some censure for negligence in winking at these
suspicious gatherings avowedly to attack a friendly
country. The raiders seized an island just above
Niagara Falls, on the Canadian side, as a base of
Operations, and a steamer, called the Caroline, was
freely allowed to ply between the island and the
mainland with supplies. It became necessary to
stop this bold attempt to provide the freebooters on
Navy Island with the munitions of war, and a Cana-
dian expedition was accordingly sent, under the
command of Colonel MacNab, to seize the Caro/ime.
As it happened, however, she was found on the
American side; but at such a time of excitement
men were not likely to consider consequences from:
the point of view of international law. She was cut
from her moorings on the American side, her crew
taken prisoners, one man killed, and the vessel set
on fire and sent over the Falls of Niagara.
Until the month of December, 1838, Upper Can-
ada was disturbed from time to time by bands of
marauders, instigated by Mackenzie and others, but
they were easily beaten back by the bravery of loyal
Canadian volunteers commanded by Colonels Prince,
MacNab, Cameron, Fitzgibbon, and other patriotic
AOZA TYCA/, S7A’/FAZ AAWD RAE BAE LA/OAV. 355
defenders of the country. Whatever sympathy may
have been felt for Mackenzie by some persons at the
outset of the insurrection, was alienated from him
by his conduct after he crossed the border. He
suffered much misery himself while he remained in
the United States, and was a prisoner for some
months when the American Government awoke to
the necessity of punishing a man who had so nearly
embroiled them with England by his violation of the
municipal law of a friendly territory, and of the
obligations that rest upon political refugees. When
Sir Francis Bond Head was very properly recalled
from the province whose affairs he had so badly ad-
ministered, he was succeeded by Sir George Arthur,
who had been governor of Van Diemen's Land.
Both Samuel Lount and Peter Matthews suffered
death. Von Shoultz, and a number of Americans
who had invaded the country in 1838, were also ex-
ecuted, and some persons in both provinces were
transported to New Holland or sent to the peniten-
tiary, but in the majority of cases the Crown showed
clemency. The outbreak was an unfortunate epi-
sode, in the history of Canada, but it caused the
'' family compact '' to break up, and brought about ...
a better system of government.
The immediate result of the rebellion in Lower
Canada was the intervention of the imperial author-
ities by the suspension of the constitution of that
province, and the formation of a special council for
purposes of temporary government. Lord Durham,
a nobleman of great ability, who had won distinc-
tion in imperial politics as a Reformer, was sent out
356 ZTAZAZ S 7'OA” Y OA’ CA AWA /O_4.
to Canada as governor-general and high Commis-
sioner to inquire into and adjust provincial difficul-
ties. This distinguished statesman remained at the
head of affairs in the province from the last of May,
1838, until the 3d of November in the same year,
when he returned to England, where his ordinance
of the 28th of June, sentencing certain British sub-
jects in custody to transportation without a form of
trial, and subjecting them and others not in prison
to death in case of their return to the country,
without permission of the authorities, had been
most severely censured in England as quite unwar-
ranted by law. By this ordinance Wolfred Nelson,
Bouchette, Viger, and five others, then in prison,
were banished to Bermuda, while Papineau, Cartier,
O’Callaghan, Robert Nelson, and others beyond
Canadian jurisdiction, were threatened with death if
they returned to the province. Lord Durham’s
action was certainly in conflict with the principles of
English law, but it was an error of judgment on the
side of clemency. He was unwilling to resort to a
court-martial—the only tribunal open to the au-
thorities. A trial in the courts of justice was im-
practicable under existing conditions, as it was
shown later. Lord Durham left Canada in deep
indignation at the manner in which his acts had
been criticised in England, largely through the influ-
ence of Lord Brougham, his personal enemy. The
most important result of his mission was a report
which was probably written by Charles Buller, his
secretary, and an exceptionally able man, although
there is no doubt that it embodied Lord Durham’s
own opinions and conclusions,
AOZ/7ZCA Z STRZAFAE AAVZ) RAE BAE ZZZO/V. 357
Soon after the departure of Lord Durham, who
died a few months later, Sir John Colborne became
governor-general. He was called upon to put down
another rebellious movement led by Robert Nelson,
brother of Wolfred Nelson, then in exile. At
Caughnawaga, Montarville Mountain, Beauharnois,
and Odelltown the insurgents made a stand from
time to time, but were soon scattered. Bands of
marauders inflicted some injury upon loyal inhabi-
tants near the frontier, but in a few months these
criminal attempts to disturb the peace of the prov-
ince ceased entirely. The government now decided
to make an example of men who had not appre-
ciated the clemency previously shown their friends.
Twelve men were executed, but it was not possible
to obtain a verdict from a jury against the murderers
of Weir and Chartrand—the latter a French Cana-
dian volunteer murdered under circumstances of
great brutality while a prisoner.
The rebellion opened the eyes of the imperial
government to the gravity of the situation in Can-
ada, and the result of Lord Durham's report was
the passage of an imperial act reuniting the prov-
inces into one, with a legislature of two houses.
The constitutional act of 1791, which had separated
French and English, as far as possible, into two sec-
tions, was clearly a failure. An effort was now to
be made to amalgamate, if possible, the two races.
The two provinces were given an equal representa-
tion in one legislature, and the French language
was placed in a position of inferiority, compared
with English in parliamentary and official proceed-
358 7A/AE S 7'OA' V OA’ CAAVAZ)A.
ings and documents. At the same time the British
Government recognised the necessity of giving a
larger expansion of local self-government.
During the period of which I am writing Canada
had given evidences of material, social, and intellec-
tual progress. With the close of the War of 1812,
and the downfall of Napoleon, large bodies of
immigrants came into the province and settled some
of the finest districts of Upper and Lower Canada.
Scotch from the highlands and islands of Scotland
continued until 182O to flock into Nova Scotia and
Other maritime provinces. Although the immigra-
tion had been naturally stopped by the troubles of
I836 and 1838, the population of Canada had in-
creased to over a million of souls, of whom at least
four hundred and fifty thousand were French Cana-
dians. The Rideau, Lachine, and Welland Canals
date from this period, and were the commencement
of that noble system of artificial waterways that
have, in the course of time, enabled large steamers
to come all the way from Lake Superior to tide-
water.” In 1833 the Royal William, entirely pro-
pelled by steam, crossed the Ocean—the pioneer in
ocean steam navigation. A few years later Samuel
Cunard, a native Nova Scotian, established the line
that has become so famous in the world’s maritime
history. In Lower Canada the higher education
was confined to the Quebec Seminary, and a few
colleges and institutions, under the direction of the
* Governor Haldimand first established several small canals be-
tween Lakes Saint Louis and Saint Francis, which were used for
SOme yearS.
PO//7/CA / S 7/8/AA. AAVZ) A&AEAEA. ZZZOAV.
359
Among
Roman Catholic clergy and communities.
the habitants generally there were no schools, and
the great majority could neither read no
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Upper Canada high schools for the education of the
> y
‘‘ SAM SIICK
JUDGE HALIBURTON (
upper classes were established at a very early day,
and the Cornwall Grammar School, under the super-
intendence of Dr. John Strahan, for some years was






































360 7:H7, S70A y of CANADA.
the resort of the provincial aristocracy. Upper
Canada College dates from these early times. Bu
in 1838 there were only twenty-four thousand *
dren at school out of a total population of four hun
dred thousand. In the maritime provinces things
were not much better, but in Nova Scotia the foun-
dation of King's, the oldest university in Canada—
Dalhousie, and Acadia Colleges, as well as Pictou
Academy, shows the deep interest that was taken in
higher education. In all the provinces there was an
active and even able newspaper press, although its
columns were too much disfigured by invective and
personalities. In 1836 there were at least forty
papers printed in Upper Canada alone. The names
of Cary, Neilson, Mackenzie, Parent, Howe, and
Young are among the names of eminent journalists.
It was only in the press, in the pulpit, at the bar,
and in the legislature that we can look for evidences
of intellectual development. The only original
literary works of importance were those of Judge
Haliburton, who had already given us the clever,
humorous creation of “Sam Slick,” and also writ-
ten an excellent history of Nova Scotia. In the
happy and more prosperous times that followed the
union of 1840, and the establishment of political
liberty, intellectual development kept pace with the
progress of the country in wealth and population.

XXV.
RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT AND ITS RESULTs—
FEDERAL UNION.—RELATIONS BETWEEN
CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES.
(1839–1867.)
THE passage of the Union Act of 1840 was the
commencement of a new era in the constitutional
history of Canada as well as of the other provinces.
The most valuable result was the admission of the
all-important principle that the ministry advising the
governor should possess the confidence of the rep-
resentatives of the people assembled in parliament.
Lord Durham, in his report, had pointed out most
forcibly the injurious consequences of the very oppo-
site system which had so long prevailed in the prov-
inces. His views had such influence on the minds
of the statesmen then at the head of imperial affairs,
that Mr. Poulett Thomson, when appointed gover-
nor-general, received her Majesty's commands to
administer the government of the united provinces
“in accordance with the well-understood wishes and
interests of the people,” and to employ in the pub-

36I
362 7 HE STORY OF CAMA /).A.
lic service only ‘‘ those persons who, by their posi-
tion and character, have obtained the general
confidence and esteem of the inhabitants of the
province.” During the first session of the Canadian
legislature the assembly passed certain resolutions
which authoritatively expressed the views of the
supporters of responsible government.
Nevertheless, during the six years that elapsed
after the passage of this formal expression of the
views of the large majority of the legislature, ‘‘ Re-
sponsible Government ’’ did not always obtain in
the fullest sense of the phrase, and not a few mis-
understandings arose between the governors and the
supporters of the principle as to the manner in which
it should be worked out. In Canada Lord Metcalfe,
who succeeded Baron Sydenham—the title of Mr.
Poulett Thomson—on his sudden death at Kingston
in 1841, brought about a political crisis in conse-
quence of his contention for the privilege—utterly
inconsistent with the principles of responsible gov-
ernment—of making appointments to office without
the advice of his council. In Nova Scotia Sir Colin
Campbell, who was more suited to the military
camp than to the political arena, endeavoured to
throw obstacles in the way of the new system, but
he was soon recalled. His successor, Lord Falk-
land, a vain nobleman, was an unhappy choice of
the colonial office. He became the mere creature
of the Tory party, led by James W. Johnston, a
very able lawyer and eloquent speaker, and the
open enemy of the liberals led by Joseph Howe,
William Young, James Boyle Uniacke, and Herbert
AºA:SPOMS/A/A GO PAA'AWA/AAV7. 363
Huntington. The imperial government recognised
their mistake, and replaced Lord Falkland by Sir
John Harvey, the hero of Stoney Creek in 1813,
who had done much to establish parliamentary
Joseph Howe IN 1865.
government in New Brunswick. In 1847 Lord
Elgin—the son-in-law of Lord Durham—was ap-
pointed governor-general, and received positive
instructions “to act generally upon the advice of

364 7'HE STORY OF CAAVA DA.
his executive council, and to receive as members of
that body those persons who might be pointed out
to him as entitled to do so by their possessing the
confidence of the assembly.” No act of parliament
was necessary to effect this important change; the
insertion and alteration of a few paragraphs in the
Governor's instructions were sufficient. By 1848 the
provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Bruns-
wick, and by 1851 Prince Edward Island, were in
the full enjoyment of a system of self-government,
which had been so long advocated by their ablest
public men; and the results have proved, on the
whole, despite the excesses and mistakes of party,
eminently favourable to political as well as material
development. -
In the historic annals of the great contest that
was fought for responsible government, Some names
stand out most prominently. Foremost is that of
Joseph Howe, the eminent Liberal, whose eloquence
charmed the people of Nova Scotia for many years.
In his early life he was a printer and an editor, but
he became a leader of his party soon after he entered
the legislature, and died a lieutenant-governor of
his native province. In New Brunswick, Lemuel
A. Wilmot, afterwards a judge and lieutenant-
governor, was a man of much energy, persuasive
eloquence, and varied learning. Robert Baldwin, of
Upper Canada, was a statesman of great discretion,
who showed the people how their liberties could be
best promoted by wise and constitutional agitation.
Louis Hyppolite Lafontaine was one of the most dis-
tinguished and capable men that French Canada has
A&AESPOMS/ELAE GO VAAAWA/AAV7. 365
ever given to the legislature and the bench. By
his political alliance with Mr. Baldwin, the principles
of responsible government were placed on a durable
basis. In the parent state the names of Lord John
º
ROBERT BALDWIN.
Russell, Mr. Gladstone, and Earl Grey—colonial
secretaries from 1839 to 1852—are especially asso-
ciated with the concession of those great principles
which have enlarged the sphere of self-government
in the colonies of the English Crown,

366 7A/A2 S 7'OA” V OA’ CA AVA /DA.
During the quarter of a century that elapsed from
I842 to 1867—the crucial period of national develop-
ment—an industrious population flowed steadily into
the country, the original population became more
self-reliant and pursued their vocations with renewed
energy, and confidence increased on all sides in the
ability of the provinces to hold their own against the
competition of a wonderfully enterprising neighbour.
Cities, towns, and villages were built up with a
rapidity not exceeded even on the other side of the
border. In those days Ontario became the noble
province that she now is by virtue of the capacity
of her people for self-government, the energy of her
industrial classes, the fertility of her soil, and
the superiority of her climate. The maritime indus-
try of the lower provinces was developed most en-
couragingly, and Nova Scotia built up a commercial
marine not equalled by that of any New England
State. The total population of the provinces of
British North America, now comprised within the
confederation of 1867, had increased from a million
and a half in 1840 to three millions and a quarter in
1861—the ratio of increase in those years having
been greater than at any previous or later period of
Canadian history. It was during this period that
the Grand Trunk Railway, which has done so much
to assist the material progress of the old province of
Canada, was constructed. In 1850 there were only
fifty miles of railway in Operation throughout Can-
ada, but by 1867 there were nearly three thousand
miles, and that magnificent example of engineering
skill, the Victoria Bridge, carried passengers across
A’A.S.A’OAVS/AP/A2 GOP AEA’AVA/A2/V 7. 367
the St. Lawrence at Montreal, and connected Can-
ada with the great railway system of the United
States. With railway development must always be
associated the name of Sir Francis Hincks, an able
statesman of the Liberal party, who recognised the
necessities of a new country. -
So far from the act of 1840, which united the
Canadas, acting unfavourably to the French Cana-
dian people it gave them eventually a predominance
in the councils of the country. French soon again
became the Official language by an amendment to
the union act, and the claims providing for equality
of representation proved a security when the upper
province increased more largely in population than
the French Canadian section. The particular meas-
ure which the French Canadians had pressed for so
many years on the British Government, an elective
legislative council, was conceded. When a few
years had passed the Canadian legislature was given
full control of taxation, supply, and expenditure, in
accordance with English constitutional principles.
The clergy reserves difficulty was settled and the
land sold for public or municipal purposes, the in-
terest of existing rectors and incumbents being
guarded. The great land question of Canada, the
seigniorial tenure of Lower Canada, was disposed of
by buying off the claims of the seigniors, and the
people of Lower Canada were freed from exactions
which had become not so much onerous as vexatious.
Municipal institutions of a liberal nature were estab-
lished, and the people of the two Canadian provinces
exercised that control of their local affairs in the
368 TA/A2 S 7'O/8 Y OA’ CAAVA/OA.
counties, townships, cities, and parishes which is
necessary to carry out public works indispensable to
the comfort, health, and convenience of the commu-
nity, and to supplement the efforts made by the
legislature, from time to time, to provide for the
general education of the country. With the mag-
nificent system of public Schools now possessed by
Ontario must always be associated the name of Dr.
Egerton Ryerson, a famous Methodist, the oppo-
nent of Mackenzie's seditious action, and for many
years the superintendent of education. In Nova
Scotia it was chiefly through the foresight of Sir
Charles Tupper, when premier, that the foundations
were laid of the present admirable system. During
the same period the schools of New Brunswick and
Prince Edward Island were also placed on an excel-
lent basis. In the maritime provinces no express
legal provision was made for separate or denomina-
tional schools, as in Upper and Lower Canada—
schools now protected by the terms of the federal
union of 1867. The civil service, which necessarily
plays so important a part in the administration of
government, was placed on a permanent basis.
The anxiety of the British Government to bury
in oblivion the unfortunate events of 1837–38 was
proved by an amnesty that was granted soon after
the union of 1841, to the banished offenders against
the public peace and the Crown. William Lyon Mac-
kenzie, Louis Joseph Papineau, and Wolfred Nelson
came back and were elected to Parliament, though
the two first never exercised any influence in the
future, -
AºA.S.POAVS/A2/A2 GO VAZA’AVMAZAV 7.
369
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37O ZTAZAZ S 7"O/8 Y OF CA AVA ZOA.
destroyed during the outbreak. The claim was then
raised on behalf of persons similarly situated in
Lower Canada. The Conservative Draper govern-
ment of 1845 agreed to pay a small amount of
rebellion losses as a sequence of a report made by
commissioners appointed to inquire into the subject.
At a later time, when Lord Elgin was governor-
general, the Baldwin-Lafontaine ministry brought
down a measure to indemnify all those persons who
had not taken part in the rebellion, but were justly
entitled to compensation for actual losses. The
Tory opposition raised the cry,” No pay to rebels,”
and some of them in their anger even issued a man-
ifesto in favour of annexation. The parliament
house at Montreal was burned down, a great num-
ber of books and records destroyed, and Lord Elgin
grossly insulted for having assented to the bill.
This very discreditable episode in the political his-
tory of Canada proved the extremes to which even
men, professing extreme loyalty, can be carried at
times of political passion and racial difficulty.
The union of 184I did its work, and the political
conditions of Canada again demanded another rad-
ical change commensurate with the material and
political development of the country, and capable
of removing the difficulties that had arisen in the
operation of the act of 1840. The claims of Upper
Canada to larger representation, equal to its in-
creased population since 1840, owing to the great
immigration which had naturally sought a rich and
fertile province, were steadily resisted by the French
Canadians as an unwarrantable interference with the
RAF.S.A’OAVS/AP/A2 GO WAZA'AVMA, W 7. 37 I
security guaranteed to them under the act. This
resistance gave rise to great irritation in Upper Can-
L. A. WILMOT.
ada, where a powerful party made representation by
population their platform, and government at last
became practically impossible on account of the

372 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ \' OA’ CAAVAZOA.
close political divisions for years in the assembly.
At the head of the party demanding increased rep-
resentation was Mr. George Brown, an able man of
Scotch birth, who became the conductor of a most
influential organ of public opinion, The Toronto
G/obe, and the leader of the ‘‘ Grits,’’ or extreme
wing of the Reformers or Liberals. In opposition
to him were allied Mr. George Etienne Cartier, once
a follower of Papineau, but now a loyal leader of his
race, and Mr. John Alexander Macdonald, who had
occupied a prominent position for years as a Con-
servative leader.
The time had come for the accomplishment of a
great change foreshadowed by Lord Durham, Chief-
Justice Sewell, Mr. Howe, Sir Alexander Galt, and
other public men of Canada: the union of the prov-
inces of British North America. The leaders of the
different governments in Canada, and the maritime
provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and
Prince Edward Island combined with the leaders of
the opposition with the object of carrying out this
great measure. A convention of thirty-three repre-
sentative men º was held in the autumn of I864 in
* The delegates to the Quebec conference, held the following posi-
tions in their respective provinces:
Canada. Hon. Sir Etienne P. Taché, M.L.C., premier ; Hon.
John A. Macdonald, M.P.P., attorney-general of Upper Canada;
Hon. George Etienne Cartier, M.P.P., attorney-general of Lower
Canada; Hon. George Brown, M.P.P., president of the executive
council ; Hon. Alexander T. Galt, M.P.P., finance minister ; Hon.
Alexander Campbell, M.L.C., commissioner of crown lands ;
Hon. Jean C. Chapais, M.L.C., commissioner of public works;
Hon. Thomas D'Arcy McGee, M.P.P., minister of agriculture;
Hon. Hector L. Langevin, M.P.P., solicitor-general for Lower
AºA: DAZACA / UAV/OAV. 373
the historic city of Quebec, and after a deliberation
of several weeks the result was the unanimous adop-
tion of a set of seventy-two resolutions embodying
the terms and conditions on which the provinces
through their delegates agreed to a federal union.
These resolutions had to be laid before the various
legislatures and adopted in the shape of addresses to
the Queen, whose sanction was necessary to embody
the wishes of the provinces in an imperial statute.
The consent of the legislature was considered
sufficient by the governments of all the provinces
except one, though the question had never been dis-
cussed at the polls. In New Brunswick alone was
the legislature dissolved on the issue, and it was
only after a second general election that the legisla-
Canada; Hon. William McDougall, M.P.P., provincial secretary;
Hon. James Cockburn, M.P.P., solicitor-general for Upper Canada;
Hon. Oliver Mowat, M.P.P., postmaster-general.
AVoza Scotia : Hon. Charles Tupper, M.P.P., provincial secretary
and premier ; Hon. William A. Henry, M.P.P., attorney-general ;
Hon. Robert B. Dickey, M.L.C.; Hon. Adams G. Archibald,
M.P.P. ; Hon. Jonathan McCully, M.L.C.
AVew Brunswick : IHon. Samuel L. Tilley, M.P.P., provincial
secretary and premier ; Hon. Peter Mitchell, M.L.C.; Hon. Charles
Fisher, M.P.P. ; Hon. William H. Steeves, M.L.C, ; Hon. John
Hamilton Gray, M.P.P. ; Hon. Edward B. Chandler, M.L.C.; Hon.
John M. Johnson, M.P.P., attorney-general.
Prince Edward Island. Hon. John Hamilton Gray, M.P.P.,
premier ; Hon. George Coles, M.P. P. ; Hon. Thomas Heath Havi-
land, M.P.P. ; Hon. Edward Palmer, M.P.P., attorney-general;
Hon. Andrew Archibald Macdonald, M.L.C. ; Hon. Edward
Whelan, M.L.C. ; Hon. William H. Pope, M.P.P., provincial
secretary.
AWewfoundland. Hon. Frederick B. T. Carter, M.P.P., speaker
of the House of Assembly; Hon. Ambrose Shea, M.P.P.
374 TAZA) S 7'OAº V OA’ CAAVA/OA.
ture agreed to the union. In Nova Scotia, after
much discussion and feeling, the legislature passed
a resolution in favour of the measure, though a pop-
ular sentiment continued to exist against the union
for several years. In the December of 1866 a sec-
ond conference of delegates from the governments
of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, was
held at the Westminster Palace Hotel in London,
and some modifications were made in the Quebec
resolutions, chiefly with a view of meeting objec-
tions from the maritime provinces. In the early
part of 1867 the imperial parliament, without a
division, passed the statute known as the “ British
North America Act, 1867,” which united in the first
instance the province of Canada, now divided into
Ontario and Quebec, with Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick, and made provisions for the coming in
of the other provinces of Prince Edward Island,
Newfoundland, British Columbia, and the admission
of Rupert's Land and the great Northwest.
From 1840 to 1867 the relations of Canada and
the United States became much closer, and more
than once assumed a dangerous phase. In 184O
the authorities of New York arrested one Mac-
leod on the charge of having murdered a man em-
ployed in the Caroline, when she was seized by the
loyalists during the outbreak of 1837. The matter
gave rise to much correspondence between the gov-
ernments of Great Britain and the United States,
and to a great deal of irritation in Canada, but hap-
pily for the peace of the two countries the courts
acquitted Macleod, as the evidence was clear he had
AºA2ZA TZOAVS WITH UAV/ 7'EZ) STA TÉ.S. 375
nothing to do with the seizure of the vessel. In
1842 the question of the boundary between Maine
and New Brunswick was settled by what is generally
known in Canada as "the Ashburton Capitulation.”
As a result of the settlement made by Mr. Daniel
Webster on the part of the United States, and of
Mr. Alexander Baring, afterwards Lord Ashburton,
on behalf of Great Britain, the State of Maine now
presses like a huge wedge into the provinces of New
Brunswick and Quebec, and a Canadian railway is
obliged to pass over American territory, which many
Canadians still believe ought to be a part of the
Canadian Dominion. In 1846 Great Britain yielded
to the persistency of American statesmen, and
agreed to accept the line 49° to the Pacific coast,
and the whole of Vancouver Island, which, for a
while, seemed on the point of following the fate of
Oregon, and becoming exclusively American terri-
tory. But the question of boundary was not even
then settled, as the Island of San Juan, which lies
in the channel between Vancouver and the main-
land, and is mainly valuable as a base of offensive
and defensive operations in times of war, was, in
later years, handed over to the Republic as a result
of its successful diplomacy.
During this period the fishery question again
assumed considerable importance. American ves-
sels were shut out from the waters of certain colonial
bays, in accordance with the convention of 1818,
and a number of them captured from time to time
for the infringement of the law. The United States
Government attempted to raise issues which would
376 7A/E STORY OF CAAVA /) A.
rº
limit Canadian rights, but all these questions were
placed in abeyance for twelve years by the Reci-
procity Treaty of 1854, which opened up the pro-
vincial fisheries to the people of the United States,
on condition of free trade between the provinces
and that country in certain natural products of the
mines, fisheries, and farms of the two peoples. This
measure was in itself an acknowledgment of the
growing importance of the provinces, and of the
larger measure of self-government now accorded
them. The treaty only became law with the con-
sent of the provincial legislatures; and, although
the Canadian governments were not directly repre-
sented by any of their members, the governor-
general, Lord Elgin, who personally conducted the
negotiations on the part of England at Washington,
in this, as in all other matters touching colonial
interests, was assisted by the advice of his respon-
sible ministers. The treaty lasted until 1866, when
it was repealed by the action of the United States
in accordance with the provision bringing it to a
conclusion after one year's notice from one of the
parties interested.
The commercial classes in the Eastern and West-
ern States were, on the whole, favourable to an
enlargement of the treaty, so as to bring in British
Columbia and Vancouver Island, now colonies of
the Crown, and to include certain other articles the
produce of both countries, but the real cause of its
repeal was the prejudice in the North against the
provinces for their supposed sympathy for the Con-
federate States during the War of the Rebellion. A
AºA. Z.A 7/OAVS WA 7// (WAV/7ZZ) S7A 7'ſ. S. 377
large body of men in the North had brought them-
Selves foolishly to believe that the repeal of the
treaty would, sooner or later, force the provinces
into annexation. A raid made by a few rash Con-
federates who had found refuge in Canada, on the
St. Albans Bank, in the State of Vermont, deeply
incensed the people of the North, though at no
time could it be proved that the Canadian author-
ities had the least suspicion of the proposed expedi-
tion. On the contrary, they brought the culprits
to trial, placed companies of volunteers along the
frontier, and even paid a large sum of money in
acknowledgment of an alleged responsibility when
Some of the stolen money was returned to the rob-
bers on their release by a Montreal magistrate.
When we review the history of those times and
consider the difficult position in which Canada was
necessarily placed, it is remarkable how honourably
her government discharged its duties of a neutral
between the belligerents.
No doubt the position of Canada was made more
difficult at that critical time by the fact that she was
a colony of Great Britain, against whom both North
and South entertained bitter feelings by the close of
the war; the former mainly on account of the
escape of Confederate cruisers from English ports,
and the latter because she did not receive active
support from England. The North had also been
much excited by the promptness with which Lord
Palmerston had sent troops to Canada when Mason
and Slidell were seized on an English packet on the
high seas, and the bold tone held by some Canadian
378 7A/A2 S 7'OR Y OF CAAVAZ)A.
papers when it was doubtful if the prisoners would
be released.
Contemporaneously with the repeal of the Reci-
procity Treaty came the raids of the Fenians—
bands of men who did dishonour to the cause of
Ireland, under the pretence of striking a blow at
England through Canada, where their countrymen
have always found happy homes, free government,
and honourable positions. For months before the
invasion American newspapers were full of accounts
of the assembling and arming of these bands on the
frontiers of Canada. They invaded the Dominion
in 1866, property was destroyed, and a number of
Canadian youth lost their lives near Ridgeway, in
the Niagara district, but one O’Neil and his collec-
tion of disbanded soldiers and fugitives from justice
were forced back by the Canadian forces to the
country whose neutrality they had outraged. The
United States authorities had calmly looked on
while all the preparations for these raids were in
progress. Proclamations were at last issued by the
government when the damage had been done, and a
few raiders were arrested; but the House of Repre-
sentatives immediately sent a resolution to the Presi-
dent, requesting him “to cause the prosecutions,
instituted in the United States courts against the
Fenians, to be discontinued if compatible with the
public interest '’—a request which was complied
with. In 1870 another raid + was attempted on the
* In the autumn of 1871, a body of Fenians were prevented from
raiding the new province of Manitoba by the prompt action of the
troops of the United States stationed on the frontier.
AºA. Z.A 7/OA/S W/ 7A/ UAVZ 7A, D S 7.4 7/2.S. 379
Lower Canadian frontier, but it was easily repulsed,
and the authorities of the United States did their
duty with promptitude. For all the losses, how-
ever, that Canada Sustained through these invasions
of her territory, she has never received any compen-
sation whatever.
Out of the very circumstances which were appar-
ently calculated to do much injury to Canada, her
people learned lessons of wisdom and self-reliance,
and were stimulated to go vigorously to work to
carry out that scheme of national development
which had its commencement in the Quebec confer-
ence of 1864, and was constitutionally inaugurated
in 1867 when the provinces entered on the new era
of federal union.

g -
º gº º
º 2 º º § % º
É:########
XXVI.
END OF THE RULE OF FUR-TRADERS–ACQUISI-
TION OF THE NORTHWEST-FORMATION OF
MANITOBA—RIEL'S REBELLIONS-
THE INDIANS.
(1670–1885.)
IN 1867 the Dominion of Canada comprised only
the four provinces, formerly contained in the ancient
historical divisions of Acadia and Canada, and it
became the immediate duty of its public men to
complete the union by the admission of Prince Ed-
ward Island and British Columbia, and by the
acquisition of the vast region which had been so
long under the rule of a company of fur-traders.
In the language of the eloquent Irishman, Lord
Dufferin, when governor-general, “the historical
territories of the Canadas—the eastern sea-boards
of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Labrador—
the Laurentian lakes and valleys, corn lands and
pastures, though themselves more extensive than
half a dozen European kingdoms, were but the ves-
tibules and antechambers to that, till then, undreamt

380
FAWD OF THE RULE OF THE FUR-TRADER.S. 381
of dominion whose illimitable dimensions alike con-
found the arithmetic of the surveyor and the verifi-
cation of the explorer.’’
The history of this northwest, whose rolling prai-
ries now constitute so large a proportion of the
wealth of Canada was, until 1867, entirely the his-
tory of the fur trade. Two centuries and a half ago
a company of traders, known as the “honourable
company of adventurers from England trading into
Hudson’s Bay,’’ received from Charles II. a royal
licence in what was long known as Rupert's Land,
and first raised its forts on the inhospitable shores
of the great bay, only accessible to European vessels
during the summer months. Among the prominent
members of this company was the cousin of the
King, Prince Rupert, that gallant cavalier. The
French in the valley of the St. Lawrence looked
with jealousy on these efforts of the English to
establish themselves at the north, and Le Moyne
d'Iberville, that daring Canadian, had destroyed
their trading-posts. Still the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany persevered in their enterprise, and rebuilt their
forts where they carried on a very lucrative trade
with the Indians who came from all parts of that
northern region to barter their rich furs for the ex-
cellent goods which the company always supplied
to the natives. In the meantime, while the English
were established at the north, French adventurers,
the Sieur de La Vérendrye, a native of Three Rivers,
and his two sons, reached the interior of the north-
west by the way of Lake Superior and that chain of
lakes and rivers which extends from Thunder Bay
382 ZTA/A2 S 7'OA” V OA’ CAAVA/OA.
to Lake Winnipeg. These adventurous Frenchmen
raised rude posts by the lakes and rivers of this
region, and Vérendrye's sons are said to have ex-
tended their explorations in January, I 743, to what
was probably the Bighorn Range, an Outlying but-
tress of the Rocky Mountains, running athwart the
sources of the Yellowstone. The wars between
France and England, however, stopped French trade
in that northwestern region, and the Hudson's Bay
Company's posts at the north were the only signs of
European occupation when Wolfe and Montcalm
fell on the Plains of Abraham, and the fleur-de-lis
was struck on the old fort of the Canadian capital.
Towards the latter part of the eighteenth century,
the merchants of Canada, who were individually
dealing in furs, formed an association which, under
the title of the Northwest Company, was long the
rival of the Hudson's Bay adventurers. Both these
companies were composed of Englishmen and
Scotchmen, but they were nevertheless bitter ene-
mies, engaged as they were in the same business in
the wilderness. The employés of the Hudson's Bay
Company were chiefly Scotch, while the Canadian
Company found in the French Canadian population
that class of men whom it believed to be most suit-
able to a forest life. The differences in the nation-
ality and religion of the servants of the companies
only tended to intensify the bitterness of the com-
petition, and at last led to Scenes of tumult and
bloodshed. The Northwest Company found their
way to the interior of Rupert's Land by the Ottawa
River and the Great Lakes. Their posts were seen
EAVD OF THE RULE OF THE FUR-TRADAEAS. 383
by the Assiniboine and Red rivers, even in the
Saskatchewan and Athabascan districts, and in the
valley of the Columbia among the mountains of the
great province which bears the name of that noble
stream. The Mackenzie River was discovered and
followed to the Arctic Sea by one of the members
of the Northwest Company, whose name it has
always borne. At a later time a trader, Simon
Fraser, first ventured on the river whose name now
recalls his famous journey, and David Thompson, a
surveyor of the Northwest Company, discovered the
river of the same name. Previous, however, to these
perilous voyages, the Hudson's Bay Company had
been forced by the enterprise of its rival to reach
the interior and compete for the fur traffic which
was being so largely controlled by the Canadian
Company. In 1771, Samuel Hearne, one of the
Hudson's Bay Company's employés, discovered the
Coppermine River, and three years later established
a fort on the Saskatchewan, still known as Cumber-
land House. In later years, Sir John Franklin,
George Back, and Thomas Simpson added largely
to the geographical knowledge of the northern parts
of the great region watered by the Coppermine, the
Great Fish—also called the Back,-and other streams
which fall into the Arctic Seas. As we glance at
the map of this vast region, we still see the names
of the numerous posts where the servants of the fur
companies passed their solitary lives, only relieved
by the periodical visits of Indian trappers, and the
arrival of the “trains '' of dogs with supplies from
Hudson's Bay. Forts Enterprise, Providence, Good
384 TH/AE STOR Y OF CAAVA DA.
Hope, and Resolution are among the names of posts
which tell in eloquent terms the story of the cour-
age, endurance, and hope that first planted them
throughout that solitary land.
It was on the banks of Red River, where it forms
a junction with the Assiniboine, that civilisation
made the first effort to establish itself in the illimit-
able domain of fur-traders, always jealous of settle-
ment which might interfere with their lucrative
gains. The first person to erect a post on the Red
River was the elder Vérendrye, who built Fort
Rouge about 1735 on the site of the present city of
Winnipeg. The same adventurer also built Fort La
Reine at Portage La Prairie. In 18 II an enterpris-
ing Scotch nobleman, the Earl of Selkirk, who had
previously made a settlement in Prince Edward
Island, became a large proprietor of Hudson's Bay
stock, and purchased from the company over a hun-
dred thousand square miles of territory, which he
named Assiniboia. In 1812 he made on the banks
of the Red River a settlement of Highland Scotch
and a few Irishmen. The Northwest Company
looked with suspicion on this movement of Lord
Selkirk, especially as he had such large influence in
the rival company. In 1816, the employés of the
former, chiefly half-breeds, destroyed Fort Douglas
and murdered Governor Semple, who was in charge
of the new Scotch settlement. As soon as the news
of this outrage reached Lord Selkirk, he hastened
to the succour of his settlement, and by the aid of
some disbanded soldiers, whom he hired in Canada,
he restored order. Subsequently he succeeded in
EWD OF 7://E RULE OF THE FUR-7RADER.S. 385
bringing to a trial at York several partners and per-
sons in the service of the Northwest Company on
the charges of ‘‘ high treason, murder, robbery, and
conspiracy,” but in all cases the accused were ac-
quitted. The Northwest Company had great influ-
ence at this time throughout Canada, and by their
instigation actions were brought against Lord Sel-
kirk for false imprisonment, and for conspiring to
ruin the trade of the company, and he was mulcted
in heavy damages. Two years later Lord Selkirk
died in France, and then the two companies, which
had received great injury through their rivalry, were
amalgamated, and the old Hudson's Bay Company
reigned supreme in this region until 1870. The Red
River settlement became the headquarters of the
company, who established in 1835 a system of local
government—a president and council and a court of
law—and built Fort Garry on the site of a fort also
bearing the same name—that of a director of the
company. The new fort was a stone structure, hav-
ing walls from ten to twelve feet high, and flanked
by bastions defended by cannon and musketry. In
1867 the houses of the settlers occupied the banks
of the Red River at short intervals for twenty-four
miles. Many evidences of prosperity and thrift.
were seen throughout the settlement; the churches
and school-houses proved that religion and educa-
tion were highly valued by the people. The most
conspicuous structure was the Roman Catholic
Church of St. Boniface, whose bells at matins and
vespers were so often a welcome sound to the wan-
derers on the plains. -
386 TAZAZ STOA V OF CA MAJOA.
“Is it the clang of wild-geese,
Is it the Indians' yell
That lends to the voice of the North wind
The tone of a far-off bell ?
“The voyageur smiles as he listens
To the sound that grows apace :
Well he knows the vesper ringing
Of the bells of Saint Boniface.
“ The bells of the Roman mission
That call from their turrets twain,
To the boatmen on the river,
To the hunters on the plain.”
On all sides there were evidences of comfort in
this little oasis of civilisation amid the prairies.
The descendants of the two nationalities dwelt apart
in French and British parishes, each of which had
their separate Schools and churches. The houses
and plantations of the British settlers, and of a few
French Canadians, indicated thrift, but the majority
of the French half-breeds, or Métis, the descendants
of French Canadian fathers and Indian mothers,
continued to live almost entirely on the fur trade,
as voyageurs, trappers, and hunters. They exhib-
ited all the characteristics of those hardy and ad-
venturous men who were the pioneers of the west.
Skilful hunters but poor cultivators of the soil, fond
of amusement, rash and passionate, spending their
gains as Soon as made, too often in dissipation,
many of them were true representatives of the cou-
reurs de bois of the days of Frontenac. This class
was numerous in 1869 when the government of Can-
ada first presented itself to claim the territory of the
A COU/S/7/OAW OF THA MOA 7"H WES 7. 387
Northwest as a part of the Dominion. After years
of negotiation the Hudson's Bay Company had rec-
ognised the necessity of allowing the army of civili-
sation to advance into the region which it had so
long kept as a fur preserve. The British Govern-
ment obtained favourable terms for the Dominion,
and the whole country from line 49° to the Arctic
region, and from Lake Superior to the Rocky Moun-
tains became a portion of the Canadian domain, with
the exception of small tracts of land in the vicinity
of the company's posts, which they still continue to
maintain wherever the fur trade can be profitably
carried on. In 1869 the Canadian ministry, of
which Sir John Macdonald was premier, took meas-
ures to assume possession of the country, where
they proposed to establish a provisional govern-
ment. Mr. William McDougall, a prominent Cana-
dian Liberal, one of the founders of confederation,
always an earnest advocate of the acquisition of the
Northwest, was appointed to act as lieutenant-
governor as soon as the formal transfer was made.
This transfer, however, was not completed until a
few months later than it was at first expected, and
the government of Canada appears to have acted
with some precipitancy in sending surveyors into
the country, and in allowing Mr. McDougall to pro-
ceed at once to the scene of his proposed govern-
ment. It would have been wise had the Canadian
authorities taken measures to ascertain the wishes of
the small but independent population with respect
to the future government of their own country.
The British as well as French settlers resented the
388 7A/A2 S 7'OA” Y O Aſ CAAVA A) A.
hasty action of the Canadian authorities. The half-
breeds, little acquainted with questions of govern-
ment, saw in the appearance of Surveying parties an
insidious attempt to dispossess them eventually of
their lands, to which many of them had not a Sound
title. The British settlers, the best educated and
most intelligent portion of the population, believed
that a popular form of government should have
been immediately established in the old limits of
Assiniboia, as soon as it became a part of Canada.
Some of the Hudson's Bay Company’s employés
were not in their hearts pleased at the transfer, and
the probable change in their position in a country
where they had been so long masters. Although
these men stood aloof from the insurrection, yet
their influence was not exercised at the commence-
ment of the troubles, in favour of peace and order,
or in exposing the plans of the insurgents, of which
some of them must have had an idea. The appear-
ance of Mr. McDougall on the frontier of the settle-
ment, was the signal for an outbreak which has been
dignified by the name of rebellion. The insurgents
seized Fort Garry, and established a provisional
government with Mr. John Bruce, a Scotch settler,
as nominal president, and Mr. Louis Riel, the ac-
tual leader, as secretary of state. The latter was a
French half-breed, who had been superficially edu-
cated in French Canada. His temperament was
that of a race not inclined to steady occupation,
loving the life of the river and plain, ready to put
law at defiance when their rights and privileges were
in danger. This restless man and his half-breed
rolę I NI Lvog ſvºls HGIAI I CIA， V CIN v Kºſºvo Lºio，63€.

390 7A/AE S 7'OA: Y OF CA AVA DA.
associates soon found themselves at the head and
front of the whole rebellious movement, as the Brit-
ish settlers, while disapproving of the action of the
Canadian Government, were not prepared to support
the seditious designs of the French Canadian Métis.
Riel became president, and made prisoners of Dr.
Schultz, in later times a lieutenant-governor of the
new province, and of a number of other British set-
tlers who were now anxious to restore order and
come to terms with the Canadian Government, who
were showing every disposition to arrange the diffi-
culty. In the meantime Mr. McDougall issued a
proclamation which was a mere brutum ſu/men, and
then went back to Ottawa, where he detailed his
grievances and soon afterwards disappeared from
public life. The Canadian authorities by this time
recognised their mistake and entered into negotia-
tions with Red River delegates, representing both
the loyal and rebellious elements, and the result
was most favourable for the immediate settlement
of the difficulties. At this critical juncture the
Canadian Government had the advantage of the
sage counsels of Sir Donald Smith, then a promi-
nent official of the Hudson’s Bay Company, who at
a later time became a prominent figure in Canadian
public life. Chiefly through the instrumentality of
Archbishop Taché, whose services to the land and
race he loved can never be forgotten by its people,
an amnesty was promised to those who had taken
part in the insurrection, and the troubles, would
have come to an end had not Riel, in a moment of
recklessness, characteristic of his real nature, tried
A*/A, L'S REAE AEL//OAVS. 39 I
one Thomas Scott by the veriest mockery of a
court-martial on account of some severe words he
had uttered against the rebels' government, and
had him mercilessly shot outside the fort. As Scott
was a native of Ontario, and an Orangeman, his
murder aroused a widespread feeling of indignation
throughout his native province. The amnesty
which was promised to Archbishop Taché, it is now
quite clear, never contemplated the pardon of a
crime like this, which was committed subsequently.
The Canadian Government were then fully alive to
the sense of their responsibilities, and at once de-
cided to act with resolution. In the spring of 1870
an expedition was organised, and sent to the North-
west under the command of Colonel Garnet Wol-
seley, now a peer, and commander-in-chief of the
British army. This expedition consisted of five
hundred regulars and seven hundred Canadian
volunteers, who reached Winnipeg after a most
wearisome journey of nearly three months, by the
old fur-traders' route from Thunder Bay, through
an entirely unsettled and rough country, where the
portages were very numerous and laborious. Tow-
ards the end of August the expedition reached
their destination, but found that Riel had fled to
the United States, and that they had won a blood-
less victory. Law and order henceforth prevailed in
the new territory, whose formal transfer to the
Canadian Government had been completed some
months before, and it was now formed into a new
province, called Manitoba, with a complete system
of local government, and including guaranties with
392 7A/A2 S 7'OA” V OA’ CA/VA /XA.
respect to education, as in the case of the old prov-
inces. The first lieutenant-governor was Mr. Adams
Archibald, a Nova Scotian lawyer, who was one of
the members of the Quebec conference, and a states-
man of much discretion. Representation was also
given immediately in the two houses of the Domin-
ion parliament. Subsequently the vast territory
outside of the new prairie province was divided into
six districts for purposes of government: Alberta,
Assiniboia, Athabasca, Keewatin, and Saskatche-
wan. Keewatin is under the jurisdiction of the
lieutenant-governor of Manitoba, but the other dis-
tricts have an assembly and a lieutenant-governor
whose seat of government is Regina, though the
people do not yet enjoy responsible government.
In 1896 four new provisional districts were marked
out in the great northern unsettled district under
the names of Franklin, Mackenzie, Yukon, and
Ungava.
In the course of a few years a handsome, well-
built city arose on the site of old Fort Garry, and
with the construction of the Canadian Pacific Rail-
way—a national highway built with a rapidity
remarkable even in these days of extraordinary
commercial enterprise—and the connection of the
Atlantic sea-board with the Pacific shores, villages
and towns have extended at distant intervals across
the continent, from Port Arthur to Vancouver, the
latter place an instance of western phenomenal
growth. Stone and brick buildings of fine architec-
tural proportions, streets paved and lit by electricity,
huge elevators, busy mills, are the characteristics of
AE/AE L'S REAEA2ZZZOAVS. 393
some towns where only yesterday brooded silence,
and the great flowery stretches of prairie were only
crushed by the feet of wandering Indians and
voyageurs.
Fourteen years after the formation of the prov-
ince of Manitoba, whilst the Canadian Pacific Rail-
way was in the course of construction, the peace of
the territories was again disturbed by risings of half-
breeds in the South Saskatchewan district, chiefly
at Duck Lake, St. Laurent, and Batoche. Many
of these men had migrated from Manitoba to a
country where they could follow their occupation
of hunting and fishing, and till little patches of
ground in that shiftless manner characteristic of
the Métis. The total number of half-breeds in the
Saskatchewan country were probably four thousand,
of whom the majority lived in the settlements just
named. These people had certain land grievances,
the exact nature of which it is not easy even now to
ascertain; but there is no doubt that they laboured
under the delusion that, because there was much
red-tapeism and some indifference at Ottawa in
dealing with their respective claims, there was a
desire or intention to treat them with injustice.
Conscious that they might be crowded out by the
greater energy and enterprise of white settlers—that
they could no longer depend on their means of live-
lihood in the past, when the buffalo and other game
were plentiful, these restless, impulsive, illiterate
people were easily led to believe that their only
chance of redressing their real or fancied wrongs was
such a rising as had taken place on the Red River in
394 7//E S 7'OA' Y OF CA MA DA.
1869. It is believed that English settlers in the
Prince Albert district secretly fomented the rising
with the hope that it might also result in the estab-
lishment of a province on the banks of the Saskatch-
ewan, despite its small population. The agitators
among the half-breeds succeeded in bringing Riel
into the country to lead the insurrection. He had
been an exile ever since 1870, and was at the time
teaching school in Montana. After the rebellion he
had been induced to remain out of the Northwest
by the receipt of a considerable sum of money from
the secret service fund of the Dominion Govern-
ment, then led by Sir John Macdonald. In 1874 he
had been elected to the House of Commons by the
new constituency of Provencher in Manitoba; but
as he had been proclaimed an Outlaw, when a true
bill for murder was found against him in the Mani-
toba Court of Queen’s Bench, and when he had
failed to appear for trial, he was expelled from the
house on the motion of Mr. Mackenzie Bowell, a
prominent Orangeman, and, later, premier of the
Canadian Government. Lepine, a member also of
the so-called provisional government of Red River,
had been tried and convicted for his share in the
murder of Scott, but Lord Dufferin, when governor-
general, exercised the prerogative of royal clemency,
as an imperial officer, and commuted the punish-
ment to two years' imprisonment. In this way
the Mackenzie government was relieved—but only
temporarily—of a serious responsibility which they
were anxious to avoid, at a time when they were
between the two fires: of the people of Ontario,
RZAEZ'S REBEZZZOAVS. 395
anxious to punish the murderers with every severity,
and of the French Canadians, the great majority
of whom showed a lively sympathy for all those
who had taken part in the rebellion of 1869. The
influence of French Canada was also seen in the
later action of the Mackenzie government in ob-
taining a full amnesty for all concerned in the re-
bellion except Riel, Lepine, and O’Donohue, who
were banished for five years. The popularity en-
joyed by Riel and his associates in French Canada,
as well as the clemency shown to them, were
doubtless facts considered by the leaders in the
second rising on the Saskatchewan as showing that
they had little to fear from the consequences of their
acts. Riel and Dumont—the latter a half-breed
trader near Batoche—were the leaders of the revolt
which broke out at Duck Lake in the March of 1885
with a successful attack on the Mounted Police and
the Prince Albert Volunteers, who were defeated
with a small loss of life. This success had much
effect on the Indian tribes in the Saskatchewan dis-
trict, among whom Riel and his associates had been
intriguing for Some time, and Pound maker, Big
Bear, and other chiefs of the Cree communities liv-
ing on the Indian reserves, went on the warpath.
Subsequently Battleford, then the capital of the
Territories, was threatened by Indians and Métis,
and a force under Big Bear massacred at Frog Lake
two Oblat missionaries, and some other persons,
besides taking several prisoners, among whom were
Mrs. Delaney and Mrs. Gowanlock, widows of two
of the murdered men, who were released at the close
396 THE STOR Y OF CANADA.
of the rising. Fort Pitt, on the North Saskatchewan,
thirty miles from Frog Lake, was abandoned by
Inspector Dickens—a son of the novelist—and his
detachment of the Mounted Police, on the approach
of a large body of Indians under Big Bear. When
the news of these outrages reached Ottawa, the gov-
ernment acted with great promptitude. A French
Canadian, now Sir Adolphe Caron, was then minis-
ter of militia in Sir John Macdonald’s ministry, and
showed himself fully able to cope with this, happily,
unusual, experience in Canadian Government. From
all parts of the Dominion—from French as well as
English Canada—the volunteers patriotically rallied
to the call of duty, and Major-General Middleton, a
regular officer in command of the Canadian militia,
led a fine force of over four thousand men into the
Northwest. The Canadian Pacific Railway was now
built, with the exception of a few breaks of about
seventy-two miles in all, as far as Qu’Appelle, which
is sixteen hundred and twenty miles from Ottawa
and about two hundred and thirty-five miles to the
south of Batoche. The Canadian troops, including
a fine body of men from Winnipeg, reached Fish
Creek, fifteen miles from Batoche, on the 24th of
April, or less than a month after the orders were
given at Ottawa to march from the east. Here the
insurgents, led by Dumont, were concealed in rifle-
pits, ingeniously constructed and placed in a deep
ravine. They checked Middleton, who does not
appear to have taken sufficient precautions to ascer-
tain the position of the enemy—thoroughly trained
marksmen who were able to shoot down a consider-
R/EZ'S REPELLIONS. 397
able number of the volunteers. Later, at Batoche,
the Canadian troops, led with great bravery by Col-
onels Straubenzie, Williams, Mackeand, and Gras-
sett, scattered the insurgents, who never made an
attempt to rally. The gallantry of Colonel Williams
of the Midlanders—an Ontario battalion—was espe-
cially conspicuous, but he never returned from the
Northwest to receive the plaudits of his countrymen,
as he died of fever soon after the victory he did so
much to win at Batoche. Colonel Otter, a distin-
guished officer of Toronto, had an encounter with
Pound maker at Cut Knife Creek on Battle River,
one of the tributaries of the North Saskatchewan,
and prevented him from making any hostile demon-
strations against Battleford and other places. Riel's
defeat at Batoche cowed these Indians, who gave up
their arms and prisoners to Otter. Elsewhere in the
Territories all trouble was prevented by the prompt
transport of troops under Colonel Strange to Fort
Edmonton, Calgary, and other points of importance.
The Blackfeet, the most formidable body of natives
in the Territories, never broke the peace, although
they were more than once very restless. Their
good behaviour was chiefly owing to the influence
of Chief Crowfoot, always a friend of the Canadians.
When the insurrection was over, an example was
made of the leaders. Dumont succeeded in making
his escape, but Riel, who had been captured after
the fight at Batoche, was executed at Regina after
a most impartial trial, in which he had the assistance
of very able counsel brought from French Canada.
Insanity was pleaded even, in his defence, not only
398 7A/A2 ,S 7'OA’ Y OA’ CAAVA DA.
in the court but subsequently in the Commons at
Ottawa, when it was attempted to censure the Can-
adian Government for their stern resolution to
vindicate the cause of order in the Territories.
Poundmaker and Big Bear were sent for three years
to the penitentiary, and several other Indians suf-
fered the extreme penalty of the law for the mur-
ders at Frog Lake. Sir John Macdonald was at the
head of the Canadian Government, and every possi-
ble effort was made to force him to obtain the par-
don of Riel, but he felt that he could not afford to
weaken the authority of law in the west, and his
French Canadian colleagues, Sir Hector Langevin,
then minister of public works, Sir Adolphe Chap-
leau, then secretary of state,_now lieutenant-gov-
ernor of Quebec—Sir Adolphe Caron, then minister
of militia, exhibited commendable courage in resist-
ing the passionate and even menacing appeals of
their countrymen, who were carried away at this
crisis by a false sentiment, rather than by a true
sense of justice. Happily, in the course of no long
time, the racial antagonisms raised by this unhappy
episode in the early history of confederation disap-
peared under the influence of wiser counsels, and
the peace of this immense region has never since
been threatened by Indians or half-breeds, who have
now few, if any, grievances on which to brood. The
patriotism shown by the Canadian people in this
memorable contest of 1885 illustrated the desire of
all classes to consolidate the union, and make it
secure from external and internal dangers, and had
also an admirable influence in foreign countries
- - -
COLONEL WILLIAMS.

399
4OO TA/A. S. 7'OA’ Y OF CAAVA DA.
which could now appreciate the growing national
strength of the Dominion. In the cities of Ottawa,
Toronto, and Winnipeg, monuments have been
raised to recall the services of the volunteers who
fought and died at Fish Creek and Batoche. On
the banks of the Saskatchewan a high cairn and
cross point to the burial place of the men who fell
before the deadly shot of the half-breed sharpshoot-
ers at Fish Creek:
“Not in the quiet churchyard, near those who loved them best;
But by the wild Saskatchewan, they laid them to their rest.
A simple soldier's funeral in that lonely spot was theirs,
Made consecrate and holy by a nation's tears and prayers.
Their requiem—the music of the river's surging tide;
Their funeral wreaths, the wild flowers that grow on every side;
Their monument—undying praise from each Canadian heart,
That hears how, for their country's sake, they nobly bore their
part.”
One of the finest bodies of troops in the world,
the Mounted Police of Canada, nearly one thousand
strong, now maintains law and order throughout a
district upwards of three hundred thousand square
miles in area, and annually cover a million and a half
miles in the discharge of their onerous duties. The
half-breeds now form but a very small minority of
the population, and are likely to disappear as a dis-
tinct class under the influence of civilisation. The
Indians, who number about thirty thousand in
Manitoba and the Northwest, find their interests
carefully guarded by treaties and statutes of Canada,
which recognise their rights as wards of the Canadian
Government. They are placed on large reserves,
"yIHIN/m^IOO HSILIHA NI SJLSO I CIZIA HVO NVICINIIotº

4O2 7A7A2 S 7'OA’ V OF CAAVA/OA.
where they can carry on farming and Other indus-
trial occupations for which the Canadian Govern-
ment, with commendable liberality, provide means
of instruction. Many of the Indians have shown an
aptitude for agricultural pursuits which has surprised
those who have supposed they could not be induced
to make much progress in the arts of civilised life.
The average attendance of Indian children at the
industrial and other Schools is remarkably large Com-
pared even with that of white children in the old
provinces. The Indian population of Canada, even
in the Northwest territory, appear to have reached
the stationary stage, and hereafter a small increase
is confidently expected by those who closely watch
the improvement in their methods of life. The high
standard which has been reached by the Iroquois
population on the Grand River of Ontario, is an
indication of what we may even expect in the course
of many years on the banks of the many rivers of
the Northwest. The majority of the tribes in Mani-
toba and the Northwest—the Crees and Blackfeet—
belong to the Algonquin race, and the Assiniboines
or Stonies, to the Dacotahs or Sioux, now only
found on the other side of the frontier. The Tinneh
or Athabaskan family occupy the Yukon and Mac-
kenzie valleys, while in the Arctic region are the
Eskimo or Innuits. In British Columbia * there are
at least eight distinct stocks; in the interior, Tin-
neh, Salish or Shuswap; on the coast, Haida, Ishim-
sian, Kwakiool (including Hailtzuk), Bilhoola, Aht,
* Dr. Geo. M. Dawson, F.R.S., has given me this division of
Indian tribes,
7A/A2 ZAV/O/A AV.S. 4O3
or Nootka, and Kawitshin, the latter including sev-
eral names, probably of Salish affinity, living around
the Gulf of Georgia. The several races that inhabit
Canada, the Algonquins, the Huron-Iroquois, the
Dacotah, the Tinneh, and the several stocks of Brit-
ish Columbia, have for some time formed an inter-
esting study for scholars, who find in their languages
and customs much valuable archaeological and ethno-
logical lore. The total number of Indians that now
inhabit the whole Dominion is estimated at over one
hundred thousand souls, of whom one-third live in
the old provinces.

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XXVII.
COMPLETION OF THE FEDERAL UNION.—MAKERS
OF THE DOMINION.
(1871–1891.)
WITHIN three years after the formation of the
new province of Manitoba in the Northwest, Prince
Edward Island and British Columbia came into the
confederation, and gave completeness to the federal
structure. Cook and Vancouver were among the
adventurous sailors who carried the British flag to
the Pacific province, whose lofty, snow-clad moun-
tains, deep bays, and many islands give beauty,
grandeur, and variety to the most glorious scenery
of the continent. Daring fur-traders passed down
its swift and deep rivers and gave them the names
they bear. The Hudson's Bay Company held sway
for many years within the limits of an empire. The
British Government, as late as 1849, formed a Crown
colony out of Vancouver, and in 1858, out of the
mainland, previously known as New Caledonia. In
1866 the two provinces were united with a simple
form of government, consisting of a lieutenant-gov-













404


405
4O6 7A/A2 S 7'OA' V OAP CAAVA/OA.
ernor, and a legislative council, partly appointed by
the Crown and partly elected by the people; but in
I871, when it entered into the Canadian union, a
complete system of responsible government was
established as in the other provinces. Prince
Edward Island was represented at the Quebec con-
ference, but it remained out of confederation until
1873, when it came in as a distinct province; one of
the conditions of admission was the advance of
funds by the Dominion government for the purchase
of the claims of the persons who had held the lands
of the island for a century. The land question was
always the disturbing element in the politics of the
island, whose history otherwise is singularly uninter-
esting to those who have not had the good fortune
to be among its residents and to take a natural
interest in local politics. The ablest advocate of
confederation was Mr. Edward Whelan, a journalist
and politician who took part in the Quebec confer-
ence, but did not live to see it carried out by Mr. J.
C. Pope, Mr. Laird, and others.
With the successful establishment of a federal
union which stretches from the Gulf of St. Law-
rence to the Pacific Ocean,—whose two extremes of
east and west are linked together by the Inter-
colonial and Pacific Railways—the historical portion
of this book properly closes. It is not proposed to
enter into the conflicts of political parties, which
have been too often carried to extremes in the DO-
minion, or to review those dominion and provincial
questions which make up the politics of Canada.
The history of Canadian politics since 1867 has
COMPZE 7/OM OF 7A/A FEDAAAAE UAV/OM. 407
been mainly a record of conflict between Conserva-
tives and Liberals for the supremacy; of differences
of opinion with respect to the advantages of the
system of protection, established by the Conserva-
l
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MANITOBA. BRITISH COLUMBIA. PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND.
ARMS OF THE PROVINCES.
tive government in 1879, compared with a mere
revenue tariff; of questions arising out of the inter-
pretation of the federal constitution; of issues deeply
affecting the provincial, racial, or religious interests
of the various communities that compose the Do-







































408 7A/AE S7'OA: Y OF CAAVAZ)A.
minion. Such issues cannot form any part of a
story which has only to deal with those epoch-
making events which, for nearly three centuries,
have had most influence on the development of the
Canadian people as a nation. - -
Many names occur to the student as he reviews
the past history of confederation, but there are a
few who, beyond all others, deserve the meed of
praise for their readiness to rise above the narrow
claims of provincialism and recognise the necessity
of a broad and generous patriotism. As I have
already shown, when confederation was forced on
the attention of Canadian statesmen from Halifax
to Toronto, the situation had become most critical
from the point of view of provincial government, as
well as from the point of view of national security.
The destinies of old Canada were virtually in the
hands of three men—the Honourable George Brown,
Sir George Cartier, and Sir John Macdonald, to give
the two latter the titles they received at a later time.
Mr. Brown was mainly responsible for the difficulties
that had made the conduct of government practi-
cally impossible, through his persistent and even
rude assertion of the claims of Upper Canada to
larger representation and more consideration in the
public administration. No one will deny his con-
summate ability, his inflexibility of purpose, his
impetuous oratory, and his financial knowledge, but
his earnestness carried him frequently beyond the
limits of political prudence, and it was with reason
that he was called “a governmental impossibility,”
as long as French and English Canada continued
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4
09
4 IO THE STOA Y OF CA AWA DA.
pitted against each other, previous to the union of
I867. The journal which he conducted with so
much force, attacked French Canada and its insti-
tutions with great violence, and the result was the
increase of racial antagonisms. Opposed to him
was Sir George Etienne Cartier, who had found in
the Liberal-Conservative party, and in the principles
of responsible government, the means of strength-
ening the French Canadian race and making it a
real power in the affairs of the country. Running
throughout his character there was a current of
sound sense and excellent judgment which came to
the surface at national crises. A solution of diffi-
culties, he learned, was to be found not in the
violent assertion of national claims, but in the prin-
ciples of compromise and conciliation. With him
was associated Sir John Macdonald, the most suc-
cessful statesman that Canada has yet produced, on
account of his long tenure of office and of the im-
portance of the measures that he was able to carry
in his remarkable career. He was premier of the
Dominion from 1867 until his death in 1891, with
the exception of the four years of the administration
of the Liberals (1873–1878), led by the late Mr.
Alexander Mackenzie, who had raised himself from
the humble position of stonemason to the highest
place in the councils of the country, by dint of his
Scotch shrewdness, his tenacity of purpose, his pub-
lic honesty, and his thorough comprehension of
Canadian questions, though he was wanting in
breadth of statesmanship. Many generations must
pass away before the personal and political merits of
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4II
412 THE STOA: Y OF CAMA PA.
Sir John Macdonald can be advantageously and im-
partially reviewed. A lawyer by profession, but a
politician by choice, not remarkable for originality
of conception, but possessing an unusual capacity
for estimating the exact conditions of public senti-
ment, and for moulding his policy so as to satisfy
that opinion, having a perfect understanding of the
ambitions and weaknesses of human nature, believ-
ing that party success was often as desirable as the
triumph of any great principle, ready to forget his
friends and purchase his opponents when political
danger was imminent, possessing a fascinating man-
ner, which he found very useful at times when he
had to pacify his friends and disarm his opponents,
fully comprehending the use of compromise in a
country of diverse nationalities, having a firm con-
viction that in the principles of the British constitu-
tion there was the best guaranty for sound political
progress, having a patriotic confidence in the ability
of Canada to hold her own on this continent, and
become, to use his own words, a ‘‘ nation within a
nation,’’—that is to say, within the British Empire
—Sir John Macdonald offers to the political student
an example of a remarkable combination of strength
and weakness, of qualities which make up a great
statesman and a mere party politician, according to
the governing circumstances. Happily for the best
interests of Canada, in the case of confederation the
statesman prevailed. But his ambition at this crisis
would have been futile had not Mr. Brown con-
sented to unite with him and Cartier. This triple
alliance made a confederation possible on terms
A/AA AA’S OF 7"H.A. DO/M/AV/OAV. 4 I 3
acceptable to both English and French Canadians.
These three men were the representatives of the
antagonistic elements that had to be reconciled and
cemented. The readiness with which Sir Charles
Tupper and Sir Leonard Tilley, the premiers of
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, co-operated
with the statesmen of the upper provinces, was a
most opportune feature of the movement, which
ended in the successful formation of a confeder-
ation in 1867. Although the Liberal leaders in
Nova Scotia, Mr., afterwards Sir, Adams Archi-
bald, and Mr. Jonathan McCully, like Brown,
Howland, Mowat, and McDougall in old Canada,
supported the movement with great loyalty, the
people of the province were aroused to a passionate
Opposition mainly through the vigorous action of
the popular leader, Mr. Joseph Howe, who had
been an eloquent advocate of colonial union before
it assumed a practical shape, but now took the
strong ground that the question should not be
forced on the country by a legislature which had no
mandate whatever to deal with it, that it should be
determined only by the people at the polls, and
that the terms arranged at Quebec were unfair to
the maritime provinces. Mr. Howe subsequently
obtained “better terms ” for Nova Scotia by every
available means of constitutional agitation—beyond
which he was never willing to go, however great
might be public grievances—and then he yielded to
the inevitable logic of circumstances, and entered
the Dominion government, where he remained until
he became lieutenant-governor of his native prov-
4I4 7THAE S 7'OA’ V OA. C.4/VA/O,4.
ince. The feelings, however, he aroused against
confederation lasted with some intensity for years,
although the cry for repeal died away, according as
a new generation grew up in place of the one which
remembered with bitterness the struggles of 1867.
Mr. George Brown died from the wound he
received at the hands of a reckless printer, who had
been in his employ, and Canadians have erected to
his memory a noble monument in the beautiful
Queen's Park of the city where he laboured so long
and earnestly as a statesman and a journalist. Sir
George Cartier died in 1873, but Sir John Macdon-
ald survived his firm friend for eighteen years, and
both received State funerals. Statues of Sir John
Macdonald have been erected in the cities of Mon-
treal, Toronto, Hamilton, and Kingston. In Ottawa
on one side of the Parliament building we see also a
statue of the same distinguished statesman, and
on the other that of his great colleague, Sir George
Cartier. It was but fitting that the statues of these
most famous representatives of the two distinct ele-
ments of the Canadian people should have been
placed alongside of the national legislature. They
are national sentinels to warn Canadian people of
the dangers of racial or religious conflict, and to
illustrate the advantages of those principles of com-
promise and justice on which both Cartier and Mac-
donald, as far as they could, raised the edifice of
confederation.
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XXVIII.
CANADA AS A NATION : MATERIAL AND INTEL-
LECTUAL DEVELOPMENT—POLITICAL RIGHTS.
THE population of the whole Dominion—still
chiefly confined to the St. Lawrence valley and the
Atlantic provinces—does not yet exceed 5,000, OOO
Souls, though it has increased nearly five times since
I837. Of this population, I, 3OO,OOO are French
Canadians; the majority are English, Scotch, and
Irish. At least 2,OOO,OOO profess the Roman Cath-
olic religion. The immigration of late years has
been very insignificant, and has been practically
nullified by the constant movement of Canadians
into the United States—a movement which has been
somewhat decreasing since the opening up of the
Northwest and the greater facilities offered by the
Dominion to energy and enterprise. Under these
conditions the natural-born population amounts to
about 85 per cent. of the whole. The people of
Canada have already won for themselves a large
amount of wealth from the riches of the land, forest,
and Seas, and an aggregate of the imports and ex-

4 I5
416 7A/A2 S 7'OA’ V OA’ CAAVA/OA.
ports now reaches $255,OOO,OOO a year, or an increase
of $145,000,000 within half a century. The North-
west already raises upward of 36,000,000 bushels of
wheat, or an increase of I8,OOO,OOO in five years.
Nearly $360,000, OOO are invested in manufactures,
chiefly of cotton and woollen goods. Some fourteen
lines of Ocean steamers call at the port of Montreal,
which has now a population of Over 25O,OOO souls.
Toronto comes next in population, about 190,000,
whilst the other cities, like Quebec, Halifax, St.
John, Ottawa, Hamilton, and London, range from
70,000 to 30,000. The total revenue of the Domin-
ion, apart from the local and provincial revenues, is
about $36, OOO,OOO a year—against only $300,000 in
I837—raised mainly from customs and excise duties,
which are high, Owing to the ‘‘ national '' or protec-
tive policy, although lower than those on similar
goods in the United States. The expenditures of
Canada, very heavy of late years for a small popula-
tion, have been mainly caused by the development
of the Dominion, and by the necessity of providing
rapid means of intercommunication for trade and
population in a country extending between two
oceans. Canals, lighthouses, the acquisition and
opening of the Northwest railways, government
buildings, have absorbed at least $24O,OOO,OOO since
1867, and it is not remarkable, under these circum-
stances, that a gross debt has been accumulated
within half a century of about $315,000,000, against
which must be set valuable assets in the shape of
buildings and public works necessary to the progress
of a new country. The public buildings, churches,
CAAVA DA A S A MA 7'/OAV. 4I 7
and universities display within a quarter of a century
a great improvement in architectural beauty, whilst
the homes of the people show, both in the interior
and exterior, decided evidences of comfort, con-
venience, and culture. Instead of the fourteen
miles of railway which existed in 1837, there are
about 15,OOO miles in actual Operation, affording
facilities for trade and commerce not exceeded by
any country in the world.
The mental outfit of the Dominion compares
favourably even with that of older countries. The
Universities of Canada—McGill in Montreal, Laval
in Quebec, Queen's in Kingston, Dalhousie in Hal-
ifax, and Trinity and Toronto Universities in
Toronto—stand deservedly high in the opinion of
men of learning in the Old World and the United
States, whilst the grammar and common school sys-
tem, especially of Ontario, is creditable to the keen
sagacity and public spirit of the people. We have
already seen the low condition of education of fifty
years ago, only one in fifteen at School; but now
there are I, OOO,OOO pupils in the educational institu-
tions of the country, or one in five, at a cost to the
people of upwards of $12,OOO,OOO, contributed for
the most part by the taxpayers of the different mu-
nicipalities in connection with which the educational
system is worked out. In Ontario the class of
School-houses is exceptionally good, and the appa-
ratus excellent, though there is an injurious ten-
dency to burden pupils with too many subjects,
and in that way encourage Superficiality. In
French Canada, to whose progress I devote a special
4.18 TA/A. STOR Y OF CA AVA DA.
chapter in view of its exceptional character and
influence in the confederation, there is an essentially
literary activity. The intellectual work of the
English-speaking people has been chiefly in the di-
rection of scientific, constitutional, and historical
literature, in which departments they have shown
an amount of knowledge and research which has
won for many of them laurels outside of their own
Country.
The working Out of a system of government
adapted to the necessities of countries with distinct
interests and nationalities, has developed in Canada
a class of statesmen and writers with broad national
views and a large breadth of knowledge. On all
occasions when men have risen beyond the passion
and narrowness of party, the debates of the legisla-
ture have been distinguished by a keenness of argu-
ment and by a grace of Oratory—especially in the
case of Some French Canadians—which would be
creditable to the Senate of the United States in its
palmy days. Any one who reviews the twelve vol-
umes already published by the Royal Society of
Canada, founded by the Marquis of Lorne, when
governor-general, will see how much scholarship
and ability the writers of Canada bring to the study
of Scientific, antiquarian, and historical subjects.
The names of Todd, Kingsford, Scadding, Read,
Pope, Stewart, Patterson, and Withrow will be
recognised by Canadians as those of conscientious
workers in history and constitutional learning. In
science the names of Sir William Dawson, Dr.
George M. Dawson, and of other native Canadians
CAAVA/OA A S A AVA 7/OA/. 419
on the list of the English and Canadian Royal
Societies are well known in the parent state and
wherever science has its votaries and followers.
The poets, William Kirby, Archbishop O’Brien, John
Reade, Charles Roberts, Bliss Carman, Frederick J.
Scott, Pauline Johnson, Ethelwyn Wetherald, Archi-
bald Lampman, Duncan Campbell Scott, James
David Edgar, and Wilfred Campbell have won recog-
nition even in a country like Canada, where still
is wanting the inspiration of a wide field of culture,
and of that generous encouragement which can
hardly be expected in a country of prosaic needs.
Miss Pauline Johnson is the child of an English
mother and a head-chief of the Mohawks at Brant-
ford. The historical novels of Major Richardson,
William Kirby, and Gilbert Parker, show the rich
materials our past annals offer for romance. Mr.
Parker's enthusiasm for his theme is sustained by his
bright, attractive style. Sam S/ick's Sayings and
Doings is still the only noteworthy evidence we have
of the existence of humour among a practical people,
and his “wise saws '' and “sayings ’’ were uttered
more than half a century ago. Yet, on the whole, if
great works are wanting nowadays, the intellectual
movement is in the right direction, and according as
the intellectual soil of Canada becomes enriched with
the progress of culture, we may eventually look for
a more generous fruition.
Canadian art has hitherto been imitative, rather
than creative, though of late years, as the Chicago
Exposition proved, Canadian artists have produced
several pictures which show an individuality of
42O 7A/A. S. 7'O/ē Y OF CA AVA DA.
expression, colour, feeling, and a knowledge of tech-
nique which illustrate the influence of study and
experience in the best European schools, especially
of Paris. The names of L. R. O'Brien, George
Reid, Bell-Smith, Robert Harris, J. W. L. Forster,
W. Brymner, and Miss Bell are among the most
notable names of English Canadian artists. The
Marquis of Lorne and the Princess Louise, during
their residence in Canada, did much to stimulate
a wider taste for art by the establishment of a
Canadian academy, and the holding of annual
exhibitions.
Self-government exists in the full sense of the
term. At the base of the political structure lie
those municipal institutions which, for complete-
ness, are not excelled in any other country. It is in
the enterprising province of Ontario that the system
has attained its greatest development. The machin-
ery of these municipalities is used in Ontario to raise
the taxes necessary for the support of public Schools.
Free libraries can be provided in every municipality
whenever the majority of the taxpayers choose.
Then we go up higher to the provincial Organisa-
tions governed by a lieutenant-governor, nominated
and removable by the government of the Dominion,
and advised by a council responsible to the people's
representatives, with a legislature composed, in only
two of the provinces, of two houses—a council ap-
pointed by the Crown, and an elective assembly; in
all the other provinces, there is simply an assembly
chosen by the people on a very liberal franchise,
manhood suffrage in the majority of cases. The
"VAAVALLO „LV O NICITI(18I LNH WIWITINHVEHIz†

422 7A/A2 S7'OA: Y OF CAAVA /94.
fundamental law, or the British North America Act
of 1867, gives jurisdiction to the provincial govern-
ments over administration of justice (except in crim-
inal matters), municipal, and all purely local affairs.
In the Territories, not yet constituted into provinces,
there is a small elective body or house who select a
financial committee to assist the lieutenant-governor.
These Territories are also represented in the two
houses of the Dominion Parliament. The central or
general government of the Dominion is adminis-
tered by a governor-general, with the assistance of a
ministry responsible to a Parliament, composed of a
Senate appointed by the Crown, and a House of
Commons elected under an electoral franchise, prac-
tically on the very threshold of universal suffrage.
This government has jurisdiction over trade and
commerce, post-Office, militia and defence, naviga-
tion and shipping, fisheries, railways and public works
of a Dominion character, and all other matters of a
general or national import. Education is under the
control of the provincial governments, but the rights
and privileges of a religious minority with respect to
separate or denominational schools are protected by
the constitution. The common law of England
prevails in all the provinces except in French Can-
ada, where the civil law still exists. The criminal
law of England obtains throughout the Dominion.
The central government appoints all the judges, who
are irremovable except for cause. Although the
constitution places in the central government the
residue of all powers, not expressly given to the
provincial authorities, conflicts of jurisdiction are
ČA WA DA AS A MA 7/OAW. 423
constantly arising between the general and local
governments. Such questions, however, are being
gradually settled by the decisions of the courts—the
chief security of a written constitution—although at
times the rivalry of parties and the antagonisms of
distinct nationalities and creeds tend to give special
importance to certain educational and other matters
which arise in the operation of the constitution.
All these are perils inseparable from a federal con-
stitution governing two distinct races.
The appointment of the governor-general by the
Crown, the power of disallowing bills which may
interfere with imperial obligations, and the right
which Canadians still enjoy of appealing to the
judicial committee of the Queen's Privy Council
from the subordinate courts of the provinces, in-
cluding the Supreme Court of Canada; the obliga-
tion which rests upon England to assist the colony
in the time of danger by all the power of her army and
fleet, together with the fact that all treaties with
foreign powers must be necessarily negotiated
through the imperial authorities, will be considered
as the most patent evidences of Canada being still a
dependency of the Empire. Even the restraint im-
posed upon Canada with respect to any matters
involving negotiations with foreign powers has been -
modified to a great degree, by the fact that England
has acknowledged for over thirty years that Canada
should be not only consulted in every particular, but
actually represented in all negotiations that may be
carried on with foreign powers affecting her com-
mercial or territorial interests. A notable example
424 TAZAF STORY OF CAMA DA.
of this new imperial policy was the Washington
Convention of 1871, which settled the Alabama and
other questions of difference between the United
States and Canada. England recognised the direct
interest of the Dominion in the subjects under dis-
cussion, by the selection of the able premier of the
Liberal-Conservative government, Sir John Mac-
donald, as one of the commissioners. The most
satisfactory result of this conference was the ap-
pointment of a commission which, after full delibera-
tion, gave Canada and Newfoundland a compensation
of five millions and a half of dollars for certain con-
cessions that were made to the United States on the
valuable fishing grounds of British North America.
In the diplomatic discussions between England and
the United States as a sequence of the seizure of
Canadian vessels engaged in catching seals in the
open waters of Bering Sea, the English Government
was largely influenced by the opinions of the Can-
adian ministry in relation to a matter affecting
Dominion interests.
One of the members of the court of arbitration,
which assembled at Paris in 1892, and decided the
question at issue in accordance with the principles
of international law, fought for by the British and
Canadian governments, was Sir John Thompson, an
able lawyer of Nova Scotia, who became premier of
the Dominion soon after the death of Sir John Mac-
donald, and was himself struck down only a few
months after the settlement of the Bering Sea ques-
tion, when summoned to Windsor Castle to take
before the Queen the oath of a privy councillor of
CAAVA ZOA AS A AWA 7TWOM’. 425
England—a dramatic close to a short though excep-
tionally successful career. &
It was an imperial man-of-war that brought the
remains of Sir John Thompson to the city of Hali-
fax, where representatives of all parts of Canada
buried them with honours which few statesmen have
ever received. This tribute of respect was due to a
Canadian statesman whose appointment on the Paris
arbitration was a direct acknowledgment of the im-
portance of Canada in imperial councils. With the
national development of Canada the conditions of
the relations between England and Canada are such
as to ensure unity of policy so long as each govern-
ment considers the interests of England and of the
dependency as identical, and keeps ever in view the
obligations, welfare, and unity of the Empire at
large.

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XXIX.
ERENCH CANADA.
As this story commenced with a survey from the
heights of Quebec of the Dominion of Canada from
ocean to ocean, so now may it fitly close with a
review of the condition of the French Canadian
people who still inhabit the valley of the St. Law-
rence, and whose history is contemporaneous with
that of the ancient city whose picturesque walls and
buildings recall the designs of French ambition on
this continent. -
Though the fortifications of Louisbourg and Ti-
conderoga, of Niagara, Frontenac, and other historic
places of the French régime in America have been
razed to the ground, and the French flag is never
seen in the valley of the St. Lawrence, except on
some holiday in company with other national col-
ours, nevertheless on the continent where she once
thought to reign supreme, France has been able to
leave a permanent impress. But this impress is not
in the valley of the Mississippi. It is true that a
number of French still live on the banks of the great
river, that many a little village where a French

426
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428 7A/A2 S 7'OA' V OA’ CAAVA /5A.
patois is spoken lies hidden in the sequestered
bayous of the South, and that no part of the old
city of New Orleans possesses so much interest for
the European stranger as the French or Creole quar-
ter, with its quaint balconied houses and luxuriant
gardens; but despite all this, it is generally admitted
that the time is not far distant when the French
language will disappear from Louisiana, and few
evidences will be found of the days of the French
occupancy of that beautiful State of the Union.
On the banks of the St. Lawrence, however, France
has left behind her what seem likely to be more per-
manent memorials of her occupation. The pictu-
resque banks of the St. Lawrence, from the Atlantic
to the great lakes of the West, are the home of a
large and rapidly increasing population whose lan-
guage and customs are so many memorials of the
old régime whose history has taken up so many
pages of this story. -
The tourist who travels through the province of
Quebec sees on all sides the evidence that he is
passing through a country of French origin. Here
and there in Quebec and Montreal, or in some quiet
village sequestered in a valley or elevated on the
Laurentian Hills, he sees houses and churches which
remind him of many a hamlet or town he has visited
in Brittany or Normandy. The language is French
from the Saguenay to the Ottawa, and in some
- remote communities even now English is never
spoken, and is understood only by the curé or .
notary. Nor is the language so impure or degener-
ated as many persons may naturally suppose.) On
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43O TA/A. S. Z'OA’ Y OA’ CA AVA /) A.
the contrary, it is spoken by the educated classes
with a purity not excelled in France itself. The
better class of French Canadians take pride in study-
ing the language of the country of their ancestors,
and are rarely guilty of Anglicisms, though these
have necessarily crept into the common parlance of
mixed communities, where people are forced to
speak both French and English. In some rural dis-
tricts, isolated from large towns, the people retain
the language as it was spoken two centuries ago—
though without the accent of the old provinces of
their origin—and consequently many words and
phrases which are rarely now heard in France, still
exist among the peasantry of French Canada, just
as we find in New England many expressions which
are not pure Americanisms but really memorials of
old English times. In French Canada the Angli-
cisms are such as occur under the natural condition
of things. The native of old France has no words
for “clearing '' the forest, making maple sugar,
‘‘ blazing '' a way through the woods or over the ice
and snow of the rivers and lakes, and consequently
the vocabulary of the French Canadian has been
considerably enlarged by local circumstances. In
the summer resorts of the lower St. Lawrence the
influence of the English visitors, now very numerous,
is becoming more evident every year, and French
habits are becoming modified and the young folks
commence to speak English fairly well. Away from
the St. Lawrence, however, and the path of the
tourists, the French Canadians remain, relatively
speaking, untouched by English Customs,
AºA'AºAVC// CAAWA ZDA. 43 I
Mos institutions, notre langue, et nos lois has been
the key-note of French Canadian politics for over a
century. At the present time the records and stat-
utes of the Dominion are always given in the two
languages, and the same is true of all motions put
by the Speaker. Though the reports of the debates
appear daily in French, English prevails in the
House of Commons and in the Senate. The French
Canadians are forced to speak the language of the
majority, and it is some evidence of the culture of
their leading public men, that many among them—
notably Mr. Laurier, the eloquent leader of the
Liberals, and first French Canadian premier since
1867—are able to express themselves in English
with a freedom and elegance which no English-
speaking member can pretend to equal in French.
In the legislature of the province of Quebec, French
has almost excluded English, though the records
are given in the two languages. In the Supreme
court of the Dominion the arguments may be in
French, and the two Quebec judges give their deci-
sions in their own tongue.
The people of French Canada are very devout
Roman Catholics. The numerous churches, col-
leges, and convents of the country attest the power
and wealth of the Church, and the desire of the
French Canadians to glorify and perpetuate it by
every means in their power. The whole land is
practically parcelled out among the saints, as far as
the nomenclature of the settlements and villages is
concerned. The favourite saint appears to be Ste.
Anne, whose name appears constantly on the banks
432 ZTA/A. S. 7'OA” Y OF CAAVA DA.
of the St. Lawrence. We have Ste. Anne de la
Pérade, Ste. Anne de la Pocatière, and many others.
We all remember the verse of Moore's boat song :
“Faintly as tolls the evening chime,
Our voices keep tune and our oars keep time,
Soon as the woods on shore look dim,
We’ll sing at St. Anne's our parting hymn.”
This village, situated at the confluence of the St.
Lawrence and Ottawa rivers, is generally known as
Ste. Anne de Bellevue, and still retains some of
the characteristics of a French Canadian village,
notwithstanding its close neighbourhood to the Eng-
lish-speaking settlements of Ontario. Jesuits, Sulpi-
cians, and Recollets have done much to mould the
thought and control the political destiny of the
people under their spiritual care. The universities,
colleges, and schools are mainly directed by the
religious orders. The priests, as this story has
shown, have been very active and conscientious
workers from the earliest days of Canadian history.
Canada, too, has her Notre Dame de Lourdes, to
whose shrine the faithful flock by thousands. Some
twenty miles east of Quebec, on the banks of the
St. Lawrence, is the church of Ste. Anne de Beau-
pré, or, as the Saint is more particularly known, La
bonne Ste. Anne, who has won fame in Canada for
miraculous cures for two centuries at least.
This historic place rests under the shelter of a
lofty mountain of the Laurentides, on a little pla-
teau which has given it the name of the ‘‘ beautiful
meadow.” The village itself consists of a strag-
433 oln CHURCH AT BONNE STE. ANNE, where MIRACLES WERE PERFORMED.

434 7A/Z S 7'O/º V OA’ CAAVA DA.
gling street of wooden houses, with steep roofs and
projecting eaves, nearly all devoted to the entertain-
ment of the large assemblage that annually resorts
to this Canadian Mecca, probably some sixty thou-
sand in the course of the summer. Here you will
see on the fête of Ste. Anne, and at other fixed
times, a mass of people in every variety of cos-
tume, Micmacs, Hurons, and Iroquois—representa-
tives of the old Indian tribes of Canada—French
Canadians, men, women, and children, from the val-
leys of the Ottawa, and the St. Maurice, and all
parts of Quebec, as well as tourists from the United
States. The handsome grey stone church—now
dignified as a ‘‘ basilica ’’—which has been built of
late years, attests the faith of many thousands who
have offered their supplications at the shrine of La
bonne Ste. Anne for centuries.” Piles of crutches
of every description, of oak, of ash, of pine, are de-
posited in every available corner as so many votive
offerings from the countless cripples that claim to
have been cured or relieved. The relic through
which all the wonderful cures are said to be effected,
consists of a part of the finger bone of Ste. Anne,
which was sent in 1668 by the Chapter of Carcas-
sonne to Monseigneur de Laval. The church also
possesses several pictures of merit, one of them by
Le Brun, presented by the Viceroy Tracy in 1666.
The situation of many of the French Canadian
* The illustration represents the ancient church which was built in
1658, but was taken down a few years ago on account of its danger-
ous condition, and rebuilt on the old site near the basilica, in exactly
the original form with the same materials,
AA’AºAVCA/ CA AVA ZOA. 435
villages is exceedingly picturesque, when they nestle
in Some quiet nook by the side of a river or bay, or
Overlook from some prominent hill a noble panorama
of land and water. The spire of the stone church
rises generally from the midst of the houses, and the
priest's residence or presbytere is always the most.
comfortable in size and appearance. The houses are
for the most part built of wood. The roofs are fre-
quently curved, with projecting eaves, which afford
a sort of verandah under which the family sit in sum-
mer evenings. Some of the most pretentious struc-
tures, especially the inns, have balconies running
directly across the upper story. Many of the barns
and Outhouses have thatched roofs, which are never
seen in any other part of Canada. The interiors are
very plainly furnished, in many cases with chairs
and tables of native manufacture. A high iron
stove is the most important feature of every dwell-
ing in a country where the cold of winter is so ex-
treme. Whitewash is freely used inside and outside,
and there is on the whole an air of cleanliness and
comfort in the humblest cottage.
The loom is still kept busy in some villages, and a
coarse, warm homespun is even yet made for every-
day use. The habitant also wears in winter moccas-
ins and a tuque bleue, or woollen cap, in which he is
always depicted by the painter of Canadian scenes.
But with the growth of towns and the development
of the railway system a steady change is occurring
year by year in the dress of the inhabitants, and it
is only in the very remote settlements that we can
find the homely stuffs of former times. Old dresses
436 7A/A2 ,S 7'OA” Y OA’ CA AVA A) A.
and old customs are gradually disappearing with the
old-fashioned calèche, in which tourists Once strug-
gled to admire French Canadian scenes. As a rule,
however, the people live very economically, and
extravagance in dress is rather the exception. On
gala days the young wear many ribbons and colours,
though arranged with little of the taste characteris-
tic of the French people. Both old and young are
very sociable in their habits, and love music and
dancing. The violin is constantly played in the
smallest village, and the young people dance Old-
fashioned cotillons or damses rondes. The priests,
however, do not encourage reckless gaieties or extrav-
agance in dress. Now and then the bishop issues a
Pastoral in which the waltz and other fast dances,
and certain fashionable modes of dress, are expressly
forbidden, and though his mandates are no doubt
soon forgotten in the cities and towns, they are, on
the whole, religiously observed in the rural commu-
nities. The feasts of the Church are kept with great
zeal,—especially the fêtes d'obligation—and conse-
quently the French Canadian has holidays without
number.
No class of the population of Canada is more
orderly or less disposed to crime than the French
Canadians. The standard of the morality of the
people is high. Early marriages have been always
encouraged by the priests, and large families—fifteen
children being very common—are the rule in the
villages. The habitant is naturally litigious, and the
amount in dispute is, in his opinion, trifling com-
pared with the honour of having a case in court,
º
º

438 7A7A. S. 7'OA” Y OA’ CAAVA /) A
which demands the attendance of the whole village.
The temperate habits of the French Canadian make
them necessarily valuable employés in mills and
manufactories of all kinds. Indeed, they prefer this
life to that of the farm, and until very recently there
was a steady exodus of this class to the manufactur-
ing towns of Lowell, Holyoke, and other places in
New England. A large proportion of the men em-
ployed in the lumbering industry of Canada is drawn
from the province of Quebec. As their forefathers
were coureurs de &ois in the days of the French
régime, and hunted the beaver in the wilderness,
even venturing into the illimitable Northwest region,
so in these modern times the French Canadians seek
the vast pine woods which, despite axe and fire, still
stretch over a large area watered by the Ottawa and
other rivers.
In commercial and financial enterprise, the French
Canadians cannot compete with their fellow-citizens
of British origin, who practically control the great
commercial undertakings and banking institutions
of Lower Canada, especially in Montreal. Gener-
ally speaking, the French Canadians cannot com-
pare with the English population as agriculturists.
Their province is less favoured than Ontario with
respect to climate and soil. The French system of
sub-dividing farms among the members of a family
has tended to cut up the land unprofitably, and it is
a curious sight to see the number of extremely nar-
row lots throughout the French settlements. It
must be admitted, too, that the French population
has less enterprise, and less disposition to adopt new
FRAEAVCA CAAWA/XA. 439
machines and improved agricultural implements,
than the people of the other provinces.
As a rule, the habitant lives contentedly on very
little. Give him a pipe of native tobacco, a chance
of discussing politics, a gossip with his fellows at the
church door after service, a visit now and then to
the county town, and he will be happy. It does not
take much to amuse him, while he is quite satisfied
that his spiritual safety is secured as long as he is
within sound of the church bells, goes regularly to
confession, and observes all the fêtes d'obligation.
If he or one of his family can only get a little office
in the municipality, or in the “government,’’ then
his happiness is nearly perfect. Indeed, if he were
not a bureaucrat, he would very much belie his
French origin. Take him all in all, however, Jean-
Baptiste, as he is familiarly known, from the patron
saint of French Canada, has many excellent quali-
ties. He is naturally polite, steady in his habits,
and conservative in his instincts. He is excitable
and troublesome only when his political passions
are thoroughly aroused, or his religious principles
are at stake; and then it is impossible to say to what
extreme he will go. Like the people from whom he
is descended—many of whose characteristics he has
never lost since his residence of centuries on the
American continent—he is greatly influenced by
matters of feeling and sentiment, and the skilful
master of rhetoric has it constantly in his power to
sway him to an extent which is not possible in the
case of the stronger, less impulsive Saxon race, with
whom reason and argument prevail to a large degree.
44O 7A/AE S 7'OA: Y OA’ CAAVA ZXA.
In the present, as in the past, the Church makes
every effort to supervise with a zealous care the
mental food that is offered for the nourishment of
the people in the rural districts, where it exercises
the greatest influence. Agnosticism is a word prac-
tically unknown in the vocabulary of the French
Canadian /habitanț, who is quite ready to adhere
without wavering to the old belief which his fore-
fathers professed. Whilst the French Canadians
doubtless lose little by refusing to listen to the
teachings which would destroy all old-established
and venerable institutions, and lead them into an
unknown country of useless speculation, they do
not, as a rule, allow their minds sufficient scope and
expansion. It is true that a new generation is grow-
ing up with a larger desire for philosophic inquiry
and speculation. But whilst the priests continue to
control the public school system of the province,
they have a powerful means of maintaining the cur-
rent of popular thought in that conservative and too
often narrow groove, in which they have always
laboured to keep it since the days of Laval.
It is obvious, however, to a careful observer of the
recent history of the country that there is more
independence of thought and action showing itself
in the large centres of population—even in the rural
communities—and that the people are beginning to
understand that they should be left free to exercise
their political rights without direct or undue inter-
ference on the part of their spiritual advisers. Eng-
lish ideas in this respect seem certainly to be gaining
ground.
Louis FRECHETTE.

441
442 7A/E STOR Y OF CA MAZ) A.
In the days of the French régime there was nec-
essarily no native literature, and little general cul-
ture except in small select circles at Quebec and
Montreal. But during the past half century, with
the increase of wealth, the dissemination of liberal
education, and the development of self-government,
the French Canadians have created for themselves
a literature which shows that they inherit much
of the spirituality and brilliancy of their race. Their
histories and poems have attracted much attention
in literary circles in France, and one poet, Mr. Louis
Fréchette, has won the highest prize of the French
Institute for the best poem of the year. In history
we have the names of Garneau, Ferland, Sulte,
Tassé, Casgrain; in poetry, Crémazie, Chauveau,
Fréchette, Poisson, Lemay; in science, Hamel, La-
flamme, De Foville; besides many others famed as
savants and littérateurs. In art some progress has
been made, and several young men go to the Paris
schools from time to time. The only sculptor of
original merit that Canada has yet produced is
Hebert, a French Canadian, whose monuments of
eminent Canadians stand in several public places.
Science has not made so much progress as belles-
lettres and history, though Laval University—the
principal educational institution of the highest class
—has among its professors men who show some cred-
itable work in mathematics, geology, and physics.
In romance, however, very little has been done.
The French Canadians have a natural love for
poetry and music. Indeed it is a French Canadian
by birth and early education—Madame Albani—who
FA’AºAVCA CA AVA ZOA . 443
has of late years won a high distinction on the op-
eratic stage. No writer of this nationality, however,
has yet produced an Opera or a drama which has won
fame for its author. The priesthood, indeed, has
been a persistent enemy of the theatre, which con-
sequently has never attained a successful foothold in
French Canada. Sacred music, so essential a feature
of a Roman Catholic service, has been always culti-
vated with success.
The chansons populaires, which have been so long
in vogue among the people of all classes in the prov-
ince of Quebec are the same in spirit, and very fre-
quently in words, as those which their ancestors
brought over with them from Brittany, Normandy,
Saintonge, and Franche-Comté. Some have been
adapted to Canadian scenery and associations, but
most of them are essentially European in allusion
and spirit. The Canadian lumberer among the pines
of the Ottawa and its tributaries, the Mežis or half-
breeds of what was once the great Lone Land, still
sing snatches of the songs which the coureurs de bois,
who followed Duluth and other French explorers,
were wont to sing as they paddled over the rivers of
the West or camped beneath the pines and the
maples of the great forests. It is impossible to set
the words of all of them to the music of the drawing-
room, where they seem tame and meaningless; but
when they mingle with “ the solemn sough of the
forest,’’ or with the roar of rushing waters, the air
seems imbued with the spirit of the surroundings.
It has been well observed by M. Gagnon, a French
Canadian, that “ many of them have no beauty
444 7A/AE S 7 OA' W OF CAAVA DA.
except on the lips of the peasantry.”
There is
“ something sad and soft in the voices that imparts
a peculiar charm to these monotonous airs, in which
their whole existence seems to be reflected.’’
I give below the most popular and poetical of all
the Canadian ballads, and at the same time a trans-
lation by a Canadian writer:*
A LA CLAIRE FONTAINE.
A la claire fontaine
M’en allant promener,
J'ai trouvé l'eau si belle
Que je m'y suis baigné.
Iui ya longtemps que je t'aime,
Jamais je ne t'oublierai.
J’ai trouvé l'eau si belle
Que je m'y suis baigné,
Et c'est au pied d'un chêne
Que je m'suis reposé.
Et c'est au pied d'un chène
Que je m'suis reposé ;
Sur la plus haute branche
Le rossignol chantait.
Sur la plus haute branche
Le rossignol chantait ;
Chante, rossignol, chante,
Toi qui as le coeur gai.
Chante, rossignol, chante,
Toi qui as le coeur gai;
Tu as le coeur à rire,
Moi je l’ai-t à pleurer.
* Songs of Old Canada.
TRANSLATION.
Down to the crystal streamlet
I strayed at close of day;
Into its limpid waters
I plunged without delay.
I’ve loved thee long and dearly,
I’ll love thee, sweet, for aye.
Into its limpid waters
I plunged without delay :
Then 'mid the flowers springing
At the oak-tree's foot I lay.
Then 'mid the flowers springing
At the oak-tree's foot I lay ;
Sweet the nightingale was singing
High on the topmost spray.
Sweet the nightingale was singing
High on the topmost spray;
Sweet bird keep ever singing
Thy song with heart so gay.
Sweet bird keep ever singing
Thy song with heart so gay;
Thy heart was made for laughter,
My heart 's in tears to-day.
Translated by W. McLennan,
AºA'AEZVCA / CA AVA /OA. 445
Tu as le cœur à rire, Thy heart was made for laughter,
Moi je l'ai-t à pleurer ; My heart 's in tears to-day ;
J'ai perdu ma maîtresse Tears for a fickle mistress,
Sans pouvoir la trouver. Flown from its love away.
J'ai perdu ma maîtresse Tears for a fickle mistress,
Sans pouvoir la trouver ; Flown from its love away,
Pour un bouquet de roses All for these faded roses
Que je lui refusai ; Which I refused in play.
Pour un bouquet de roses All for these faded roses
Que je lui refusai ; Which I refused in play-
Je voudrais que la rose Would that each rose were
Fût encore au rosier. growing
Still on the rose-tree gay.
Je voudrais que la rose Would that each rose were
Fût encore au rosier, growing
Et que le rosier même Still on the rose-tree gay,
Fût dans la mer jeté. And that the fated rose-tree
Lui ya longtemps que je t'aime, Deep in the ocean lay.
Jamais je ne t'oublierai. | I*ve loved thee long and dearly,
I'll love thee, sweet, for aye.
À la Claire Fontaine has been claimed for Franche-
Comté, Brittany, and Normandy, but the best
authorities have come to the conclusion, from a
comparison of the different versions, that it is Nor-
man. In Malbrottc/é s'cn va-t-en-guerre, we have a
song which was sung in the time of the Grand
Monarque. Of its popularity with the French Ca-
nadians, we have an example in General Strange's
reply to the 65th, a French Canadian regiment,
during the second Northwest rebellion. One morn-
ing, after weeks of tedious and toilsome marching,
just as the men were about to fall in, the General
446 TA/A. S. Z'OA: Y OF CAA/A/D 4.
overhead the remark——“Ah ! when will we get
home 2'' “Ah, mes garçons,” laughed the
General—
‘‘ Malbrouck s'en va-t-en guerre
Mais quand reviendra-t-il 2’’
“ Malbrouck has gone a-fighting,
But when will he return ?”
and with their characteristic light-heartedness the
men caught up the famous old air and the march
was resumed without a murmur.
These chansons populaires of French Canada afford
some evidence of the tenacity with which the people
cling to the customs, traditions, and associations of
the land of their origin. Indeed, a love for Old
France lies still deep in the hearts of the people,
and both young and old study her best literature,
and find their greatest pride in her recognition of
their poets and writers. But while there exists
among the more influential and cultured class a
sentimental attachment to Old France, there is a
still deeper feeling, strengthened by the political
freedom and material progress of the past forty
years, that the connection with the British Empire
gives the best guaranty for the preservation of
their liberties and rights. This feeling has found
frequent expression in the forcible utterances of
Mr. Laurier, the present Premier of the Dominion.
No doubt the influence of the Roman Catholic
priesthood has had much to do with perpetuating
the connexion with England. They feel that it is

447
448 TA/A2 ,S 7'O/8 V OA’ CAAVA A) A.
not by a connexion with France or the United
States that their religious and civil institutions can
be best conserved.
All classes now agree as to the necessity of pre-
serving the federal system in its entirety, since it
ensures better than any other system of government
the rights and interests of the French Canadian
population in all those matters most deeply affecting
a people speaking a language, professing a religion,
and retaining certain institutions different from
those of the majority of the people of the Do-
minion.
No French Canadian writer or politician of weight
in the country now urges so impossible or suicidal
a scheme as the foundation of an independent
French nationality on the banks of the St. Law-
rence. The history of the fifty years that have
elapsed since the dark days of Canada, when Papi-
neau wished to establish a ‘‘ Nation Canadienne,’’
goes to show that the governing classes of the Eng-
lish and French nationalities have ceased to feel
towards each other that intense spirit of jealousy
which was likely at one time to develop itself into a
dangerous hatred. The spirit of conciliation and
justice, which has happily influenced the action of
leading English and French Canadian statesmen in
the administration of public affairs, has been so far
successful in repressing the spirit of passion and
demagogism which has exhibited itself at certain
political crises, and in bringing the two nationalities
into harmony with each other. As long as the same
wise counsels continue to prevail in Canada that
AA’AºAVC// CA AVA /DA. 449
have heretofore governed her, and carried her suc-
cessfully through critical periods, the integrity of
the confederation is assured, and the two races will
ever work harmoniously together, united by the ties
of a common interest,-always the strongest bond
of union--and a common allegiance to the Empire
to whose fostering care they already owe so much.

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INDEX.
A.
Abenakis, II4 ; allies of French,
2I 2
Abercromby, General, defeated
by Montcalm, 245
Acadia, meaning of, 5 ; its mod-
ern divisions, 5 ; Occupied
by De Monts, 50–54; history
of, as French possession, 92–
Io9, 203, 206–208; ceded to
England, 208; French inhab-
itants of, 218 ; their unhappy
fate, 23 I-236
Acadians, expulsion of, 231-236
Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, 219
A la Claire A′ontaine, French
Canadian ballad, 444
Alcide and Zys, French frigates
captured by English, 229
Alexander, Sir W. (Lord Stirling),
receives rights in Acadia, and
names Nova Scotia, 89 -
Alfonce, Captain Jehan, French
pilot, 47
Algonquin Indians, I I4 ; tribal
divisions of, I I4, I I5 ; cus-
toms of, I23–128; illustration
of, III
American Revolution, War of,
attitude of French Canadians
during, 282 ; Canada invaded,
283, 284 : Montreal taken,
283 ; Quebec besieged, 285–
287 ; death of Montgomery,
285 ; American troops retire
|
from Canada, 286, 287 ; de-
feat of Cornwallis, 288 ; peace,
£5.
Amherst, General, 242, 245
Andastes, 82, 83 -
Annapolis (Port Royal), valley
of, 51, 52 ; old capital of Nova
Scotia, 206. See Port Royal
Anse-au-Foulon (Wolfe's Cove),
Wolfe ascends Quebec heights
from, 254–256 ; Montgomery's
march from, 285
Antillia, 2I
Archibald, Adams, first governor
of Manitoba, 392 -
Argall, Samuel, destroys St.
Sauveur and Port Royal in
Acadia, 64, 65
Arms of the Dominion.
cover of this volume
Arms of the Provinces, 407
Arnold, General Benedict, his
expedition against Quebec,
284–286 ; raises siege, 286
Art in Canada, 4 IQ
Arthur, Sir George,
governor, 355
Ashburton Treaty, 375
Assembly, Legislative, first at
Halifax, 302 ; at Quebec, 306 ;
in other provinces, 3O2, 303.
See
Canadian
See Legislatures, House of
Commons
Assiniboia. See Red River
Astrolabe, lost by Champlain, 79
Atlantis, island of, I2

451
452
AV/OAZ X.
B
Baie Verte, Fort at, 229, 230
Baldwin, Robert, Canadian re-
former, 342, 350, 364; portrait
of, 365
Ballads of French Canada, 442–
445
Barre, La, Canadian governor,
I95
Batoche, fight at (in 1885), 397
Beaujeu, Captain de, defeats
Braddock, 230
Beauséjour, Fort, 229 ; captured
by English, 230
Bedard, French Canadian jour-
malist, 313, 314
Bering Sea question, 324
Biard, Father, Jesuit missionary,
6 I, 64
Biencourt, son of Baron de
Poutrincourt, 6O ; his Acadian
career, 60–65, 94 ; death of, 94
Bienville, father of Louisiana,
225
Big Bear, Indian chief, 395, 398
Bigot, Canadian intendant, his
crimes, 249 ; punishment of,
267
Bishop's Palace, 305, 307
Boston, City of, founded, IOO
Bougainville, at siege of Quebec,
253, 254, 256 ; his later career,
253
Boundaries of Canada, under
Quebec Act, 266, 277; treaty
of peace of I783, 289; in 1842
(Ashburton treaty), 375; in
I856 (Oregon), 375 ; after
confederation, in I867, 38o ;
in 1896, 4, 5
Bourgeoys, Margaret, founder of
Congrégation de Notre-Dame
in Canada, I36
Bourgoyne, General, defeated
at Saratoga, 288
Bourlamaque, General, 248,
254
Bowell, Mackenzie, Canadian
premier, 394
Braddock, General, defeated at
Monongahela, 230
Brant, Joseph (“Thayendane-
gea'), Mohawk chief, 298–
3OO ; autograph and portrait
of, 299
Brantford, named after Indian
chief, 3OO. See Brant
Brebeuf, Jean de, Jesuit mission-
ary, 86 ; his heroism and
death, 142 ; relic of, 143
Bressani, Jesuit missionary, 138
Brion, Seigneur de, French Ad-
miral, 32
British Columbia, scenery of, 16,
I7; history of, 404, 405 ; en-
ters Canadian confederation,
406; Indians of, 402
British North America Act of
1867, unites Canadian provin-
CeS, 374, 422
Brock, Major-General, during
war of 1812; defeats Hull,
322 ; dies at battle of Queens-
ton Heights, ió. , portrait of,
323; monument to, 336
Brockville, city of, 324
Brown, George, Canadian jour-
nalist and statesman, 372; po-
litical career, 372, 408-410 ;
his part in confederation, 372,
4I 2, 413 ; autograph and por-
trait of, 409 ; monument to,
4 I4.
Bruce, John, at Red River (1869),
388
Brulé, Etienne, Indian interpre-
ter, 81, 84, 85
Bullion, Madam de, founder of
Montreal Hôtel Dieu, I 34
C
Cabot, John, discovers North
American Continent, 21–23
Calèche in French Canada, 437
Callières, Canadian governor,
2O4; makes peace with Iro-
quois, ió,
JAW/)/2 Y,
453
Campbell, Sir Colin, governor
of Nova Scotia, 362
Campbell, W. Wilfred, Cana-
dian poet, I81
Canada, divisions of, I-18;
name of, 7 ; discovery of, 34,
35; river of, 35 ; Quebec, an-
cient capital of, 70; govern-
ment of, under France, I56–
167; ceded to England, 263;
military régime of, 268; polit-
ical state from 1763–1867,
338–379; confederation of,
370-374,391, 392, 404 ; French
population of, 414 ; popu-
lation of, 415 ; resources of,
416 ; intellectual progress of,
4I7–42O ; government of, 420–
425; relations with England,
422–425; map of (1643), 44;
(1745), 22I ; (1896), opposite
p. 1. See French Canadians
Canadian Pacific Railway, 392,
396 f
Canals of Canada, 358
Cape Breton, Island of ;, discov-
ered, 23–26 ; named Ile Roy-
ale, 2 IO ; ceded to England,
215; restored to France, 219 ;
ceded again to England, 264;
government of, under France,
2 Io, 2II ; part of Nova Scotia,
3O3. See Louisbourg
Card money of French Canada,
I62
Carignan-Salières regiment, I52,
I66
Carleton, General (Sir Guy), at
siege of Quebec, 250 ; Cana-
dian governor, 277 ; saves
Canada, 28O, 283–287 ; be-
comes Lord Dorchester and
again governor, 3OI
Carman, Bliss, Canadian poet,
4 IQ
Caroline, burning of steamer,
354
Caron, Sir Adolphe, 396
Cartier, Sir George, Canadian
statesman, 372 ; his character
and services to Canada, 4 IO-
4I3 ; autograph and portrait
of, 4 II ; monument to, 414
Cartier, Jacques, his voyages,
30–46; autograph and portrait
of, 3 I ; discovers Canada, 34 ;
first map of his discoveries,
44; death of, 46
Cartwright, Sir Richard, Cana-
dian statesman, 298
Cascade Mountains, 17
Cataraqui (Kingston), I84
Cayugas, division of Iroquois
Confederacy, II8. See Iro-
quois
Céloron, in the Ohio Valley, 223
Chaleur, Bay of, discovered, 32
Champlain, Helen, wife of
Samuel Champlain, 77
Champlain, Lake, name of, 73
Champlain, Samuel, 48 ; first
visit to Canada, 49 ; autograph
and portrait of, 69 ; founds
Quebec, 70; battles with the
Iroquois, 72–75, 81–85; first
visit to the Ottawa region, 78–
80 ; his lost astrolabe, 79 ;
discovers Lake Huron (mer
douce), 82; surrenders Quebec
to Kirk, 88 ; returns to Cana-
da, 89 ; death of, 90 ; his
services to Canada, 91
Chansons of French
See Ballads
Charlottetown, city of, founded,
Canada.
3 II
Chartres, Fort, on the Illinois,
224
Château St. Louis, history of,
destroyed by fire, see frontis-
piece
Chateauguay, battle of,
monument of, 337
Chez'ezzac Aºe/ezes, I I6
Chrystler's Farm, Battle of. See
War of I 812
Clergy Reserves, 346; settled,
328 ;
367
Colbert, French Minister of
State, I52–I56
454
ZAVZ)/2 X.
Colborne, Sir John, Comman-
der-in-Chief during Canadian
rebellion of 1838–39, 352–357
Commons. See House of Com-
IIl O]].S
Compagnie des Cents Associe’s,
86 ; charter revoked, I 52
Confederation of Canada, 370–
374, 380, 39 I, 392, 4O4, 406
Constitution of Dominion of
Canada, 42I–425
Constitution of Provinces of
Canada, 42 I, 422
Congrégation de AVotre Dame,
founded, I 36
Constitutional Act of I79 I, 303–
305; operation of, 309-315,
338–358
Convents in Canada, founded,
I3O, ef seg.
Cortereal, Gaspar and Miguel,
Portuguese voyagers, 24
Cosa, Juan de la, Spanish pilot,
his map of I5OO, 23, 25
Costabelle, M. de, first governor
of Cape Breton, 2 IO
Côtes, 166
Coudres, Isle de, named, 35
Courcelles, M. de, Canadian
governor, I 53
Coureurs-de-bois, I70–176
Craig, Sir James, Canadian
governor, 312–314
Crévecoeur, Fort, on the Illinois,
I86
Crowfoot, Indian chief, 397
Cut-Knife Creek, fight at (in
1885), 397
D
Daniel, Father, Jesuit mission-
ary and martyr, I42
D'Anville, Duke, 217, 218
D'Aunay, Chevalier, 98 ; his
feud with Charles de la Tour,
99–IO5 ; death of, IO5 ; mar-
riage of his widow, I O6
Dauphin map (1543) 44
D'Avaugour, Baron, Canadian
governor, I6O
Dawson, Dr. G. M., Canadian
Scientist, 401, 418
Dawson, Sir J. W., Canadian
scientist, 418
Z2&couzerte, Za AVouzelle, by
Father Hennepin, 187
Demons, Isle of, 46
Denonville, Marquis de, Cana-
dian governor, I 95
Denys, Nicholas, in Acadia, 97,
`s IO6
Déserts, Isle of, 54, 64
Detroit, history of, 207, 223,
270–272, 274
Diamond, Cape, 44
Dieskau, Baron, defeated by
Johnson, 231
Dollard, Sieur des Ormeaux, his
heroism, I 5 I
Dominion of Canada. See Canada
Donnacona, Indian King of
Stadacona, 36, 42, 43
Dorchester. See Carleton
Druillétes, Gabriel, Jesuit mis-
Sionary, I 39, 140
Drummond, General, wins battle
of Lundy's Lane, 33 I
Dufferin, Lord, Canadian gov-
ernor, 380, 394
Duhaut, La Salle's murderer,
I90
Duluth, Daniel Greysolon, 176,
187
Dumont, Gabriel, half-breed
leader in second Red River
Rebellion, 395, 397
Duquesne, Canadian governor,
223
Duquesne, Fort, 224, 246
Durham, Lord, Canadian gov-
ernor, 355; his report on Cana-
dian affairs, 342, 356, 361
E
Earthquake of 1663 in Canada,
I5 I
Eboulements, Les, I5I -
Edgar, James David, Canadian
author, 419
MAV/D/E_X.
455
• Education in Canada, 358, 359,
368, 417,422
Edward (Lyman) Fort, 222
Elgin, Lord, Canadian governor,
363
England and Canada, relations
between, 423–425
Eries (“Racoons”), I 17.
Etchemins (Canoemen), II4
F
Falkland, Lord, Nova Scotian
governor, 362
“Family Compact,” 344 ; broken
up, 355
Fenian Raids, 378
Fish Creek, fight at (in 1885),
396 ; monument to dead, 400
Fisheries of Canada, 324, 335,
375
Fitzgibbon. See War of 1812
Five Nations. See Iroquois
Forbes, General, 242 ; in Ohio
Valley, 246
Foster, George E.,
statesman, 298
Fraser River, 16, I?, 383
Fréchette, Louis, French Cana-
dian poet, 181 ; his portrait,
44. I
Frederic (Crown
222
Free libraries, 42O
French Canada. See
Canadians *
French Canadians, language of,
428–430 ; villages of, 43 I-434;
attachment of, to Roman Cath-
olic religion, 43O-432, 439 ;
habits of, 435–438 ; literature
of, 442 ; feelings of, towards
England, and confederation,
446–448
Frog Lake Massacre (in 1885),
395
Frontenac, Count, Canadian
governor, IQ4–2O4; character
of, IQ3; repulses Phips at Que-
bec, 199-20I ; humbles Onon-
Canadian
Point), Fort,
French
dagas, 203 ; death, of, 204;
autograph and statue of, 193
Frontenac, Fort, 184, Ig5, 196,
246 ; destroyed, 247
G
Galissonnière, Canadian gover-
nor, 222, 223
Galt, Sir Alexander,
statesman, 372
Gannentaha, Onondaga French
Mission, I48, I49
Garneau, F. X., French Cana-
dian historian, 442
Garry, Fort, 385,
view of, 389
Gaspé, Cape, 8, 33
George, Lake, I 37 ; battle of,
Canadian
388, 39 I ;
23 I
Germain, Lord George (Sack-
ville), 287
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 43
Gomez, Estevan, 27 º
Gosford, Lord, Canadian gover-
nor, 342, 352
Gourlay, Robert, Canadian re-
former, 344 ; his ill-treatment,
345
Government of Dominion of
Canada, 420–425
Governor-General
422, 423
Grasett, Colonel, in Riel's sec-
ond rebellion (1885), 397
Griffin, Le Salle's vessel, 186
Grosseilliers, Sieur de, 170
Guerchéville, Mme. de, 61
Guyart, Marie (Mère de l’Incar-
nation), Superior of Ursulines,
I32 ; portrait of, 13 I
of Canada,
H
Aſabitants of French Canada,
I63–167, 434–439
Haldimand, General, Canadian
governor, 287, 290, 3OI
Hale, Horatio, on Indian le-
gends, II 3, II9
Haliburton, Judge (“Sam
456
AV/D/EX.
Slick”), 360, 419 ; portrait of,
359
Halifax, City of, founded, 222
Hampton, General, defeated at
Chateauguay, 328
Harvey, Colonel (Sir John), at
Stoney Creek, 325; in Nova
Scotia, 363
Head, Sir Francis Bond, 350–
353, 355
Hébert, French Canadian sculp-
tor, IQ3, 44I
Helluland of the Norsemen, 19
Hincks, Sir Francis, Canadian
statesman, 367
Hennepin, Father, his voyages,
187
Hève, La, in Acadia, 98
Hey, Chief Justice, 278
Historians of Canada, 418. See
also Bibliographical note at
beginning of volume
Hochelaga (Montreal), Indian
village of, 37–41 ; inhabitants
of, I 12
Holbourne, Admiral, 240
Hospitals in Canada, I 30
Hôtel Dieu of Montreal, I 34
Hôtel Dieu of Quebec, 130
House of Commons of Canada,
422
Howe, Joseph, Canadian states-
man and father of responsible
government, 362, 364; portrait
of, 363; action of, with respect
to union, 413, 414
Howe, Lord, death of, 245
Hudson's Bay, English trading
posts at, attacked by French,
195, 203, 205; Company of,
381–388
Huron Indians, II 5, habits of,
II6 ; habitations of, 82, II6 ;
conquered by Iroquois, I41–
I43; dispersion of, I43-I45
I
Iberville, Chevalier d', Ig8, 203,
2O7, 208; portrait of, 209
fle Royale. See Cape Breton
Indians of Canada, tribal divi-
Sions of, II4, II 5; customs
of, II 5–II.7, I23–I28 English
policy towards, 275; present
population and development
of, 402, 403
Iroquois, or Five Nations, III,
II4 ; tribal divisions and habi-
tations of, II8, II9 ; habits
and institutions of, II8–123;
plan of long-houses of, IIQ ;
Canadian raids of, I37, I38,
I46, I5O ; attacks of, on Hu-
rons, I4I-I43; attacks on
Western Indians, 195; French
expeditions against, 74, I53,
I54, IQ6, 203; joined by Tus-
caroras and become Six Na-
tions, I2I
J
Jesuits in Acadia, 61 ; in Can-
ada, 85, 86, 89 ; Adelations,
II 3, I I4, 127 ; first Canadian
martyr, I39 ; their heroism
I39-143
Johnson, E. Pauline, Canadian
poetess, 4 IQ
Jogues, Isaac, first Jesuit martyr,
I39
Johnson, Sir W., 227 ; defeats
French at Lake George, 23
Johnston, J.W., Canadian states-
man, 362
Jolliet, Louis, discovers Missis-
sippi, I79, 18O
Jonquière, Marquis de la, Cana-
dian governor, 218
Judicial Committee of the
Queen's Privy Council, 423
Judiciary of Canada, 422, 423
K.
King's College in Nova Scotia,
360
Kingsford, William, Canadian
author, 418. See also Biblio-
AAV/D/EX.
457
graphical Note at the begin-
of this volume
Kirby, William, Canadian au-
thor, 419
Kirk, Admiral, captures Que-
bec, 88
L
La Chine, origin of name, I84;
massacre at, 196
Iacolle Mill, American defeat
at, 33 I
Lafontaine, Sir L. H., Canadian
statesman, 364; portrait of,
369
La Hontan, IQ5
Lalemant, Charles, Jesuit supe-
rior, 86
Lalemant, Gabriel, Jesuit mis-
sionary, his heroic death, 142
La Mothe-Cadillac, founder of
Detroit, 207
Lampman, Archibald, Canadian
poet, 4 IQ
La Tour, Charles de, in Acadia,
3–IOg
La Tour, Claude de, in Acadia,
93–97
La Tour, Madame de, her hero-
ism, IO2–IO4
Laurentides, 6 ; their antiquity,
ib. See View of Cape Trinity, 9
Laurier, Wilfrid, Canadian
statesman and premier, 431,
446 ; autograph and portrait
of, 447 &
Laval, Mgr., first Canadian
bishop, 157; character of,
I58–I6O ; portrait of, I59
Lawrence, Fort, 228
Lawrence, Governor, his part
in expulsion of Acadians, 235
Law, systems of, in Canada,
422, 423
Le Borgne, in Acadia, IO6
Le Caron, Father, first western
missionary, 82
Legislative Council, made elec-
tive in Canada, 367
Legislatures, Provincial, consti-
tution of ; (in 1774), 278 ;
(I792), 302–3O4; (1840), 357 ;
(1867), 42O
Leif Ericson, Norse voyager in
America, IQ, 20
Le Moyne, Simon, Jesuit mis-
sionary, I-47
Le Loutre, French priest in
Acadia, 229, 230
L'Escarbot, in Acadia, 55, 56
Lévis, Chevalier de, 248 ; Can-
adian town named after, 2 ;
at battle of St. Foy, 262
Liotot, murderer of La Salle,
I 90
Liquors, sale of, I 60
Livius, Chief Justice, 304
Local government in French
Canada, I64; in English
Canada. See Municipal In-
stitutions
Long Sault, heroic incident at,
I 50
A.’Ordre de bom temps, at Port
Royal, 57
Lorette, Hurons of, I44
Lorne, Marquis of, founder of
Royal Society of Canada, 418 ;
his interest in Canadian art,
42O
Loudoun, Earl, 237
Louis XIV., his interest in Can-
ada, I52, I56
I_ouisbourg, 2II ; taken by New
England expedition, 215–217 ;
by Amherst and Boscawen,
242, 243; destroyed, 243;
present aspect of, ib., view
of, in I731, 2IO
Louisiana, 208, 224-426
Ilount, Samuel, Canadian re-
former, 353, 355
Loyalists, United Empire, 297 ;
their trials, 292–294; famous
names among, 295 ; their
influence on Canada, 292,
296
Lundy's Lane, battle of, 331 ;
monument at, 333, 337
458
JAVZ)ZX.
M
Macdonald, Sir John Alexander,
Canadian statesman and pre-
mier, political career of, 372,
394, 398, 4 IO-4I4 ; one of
founders of Confederation,
372 ; autograph and portrait
of, 405; his tenure, as premier,
4IO ; character of, 4 II, 412;
monuments to, 414
Macdonnell, Bishop, 310
Mackenzie, Alexander, Canadian
premier, 4IO
Mackenzie River, 383
Mackenzie, W. Lyon, Can-
adian reformer, 348 ; career
of, 348-351, 353–355, 368;
autograph and portrait of, 349
Mackinac or Michillimackinac,
I74, I75, I87, 203, 207, 223,
272 (Pontiac's War); 322, 332
(War of 1812)
McDonell, Colonel, attorney-
general, killed at Queenston,
322
McDonnell, Colonel, captures
Ogdensburgh, 324; at Chateau-
guay, 328
McDougall, William, Canadian
statesman, 373 ; in the North-
west, 387–390
McLeod affair with the United
States, 374, 375
McNab, Colonel (Sir Allan), 353,
354
Magdalen Islands, 32
Maisonneuve, Sieur de, founder
of Ville - Marie (Montreal),
I33–I36; portrait of, I 35
Mance, Jeanne, I34–136
Manitoba, province of, 391, 392.
See Winnipeg
Manufactures in Canada, 416
Markland, Norse discovery, 20
Marquette, Father, 178; dis-
covers Mississippi, 179, 180 ;
his death, I82, 183
Masères, Attorney-General, 278
Mason and Slidell difficulty, 377
Massé, Father, Jesuit missionary,
in Acadia, 61 ; in Canada, 80
Matagorda Bay, La Salle at, I go
Matthews, Peter, Canadian re-
former, 355
Membertou, Micmac chief, 58,
59, 60, 62
Membré, Father, French mis-
sionary, 187, I88
Metcalfe, Lord, Canadian gov-
ernor, 362
Metis or half-breeds of Canada,
II, 386; rebellions of (1869),
386–39 I ; (1885), 393–4OO. See
Rie
Micmacs (Souriquois), II.4, T 15
Middleton, General, commands
Canadian forces in second Red
River Rebellion (1885), 396
Mississippi, discovery of, 179,
I80, 181, 188 ; France in val-
ley of, 224, 225, 426
Mohawks, division of Iroquois
Confederation, II8 ; settle in
Canada, 300, 402. See Iro-
quois
Monckton, General, 230 ; at
siege of Quebec, 250, 257
Money in French Canada, 161,
I62
Monongahela,
Braddock
Montagnais Indians, I 15
Montcalm, Marquis de, 238; vic-
tories of, 237, 238; defeat of,
by Wolfe, 256 ; death of, 257;
character of, 260 ; monument
to, 259, 26 I
Montgomery, General, in Cana-
da, 284 ; death of, 285
Montgomery's Tavern, near To-
ronto, Canadian rebels de-
feated at (1836), 353
Montmagny, Charles Hault de,
Canadian governor, 129, 133;
called “Onontio,” I 53
Montreal, city of, founded as
Ville-Marie, 134–136; view of,
in 1760, 265; population of,
416
battle of. See
AV/OAX. 459
Monts, Sieur de, in Acadia, 50–
59, 68, 75
Morgan, Lewis H., on the Iro-
quois, II9
Morrison, Colonel, defeats
Americans at Chrystler's Farm,
328
Mounted Police of the North-
west, 40 I
Municipal Institutions in Canada,
367, 368, 42O
Murray, General, at siege of
Quebec, 250 ; defeated by
Lévis, 262 ; Canadian gov-
ernor, 275-277 ; character of,
276
N
Necessity, Fort, 224
Neilson, John, Canadian journal-
ist, 338, 339 -
Nelson, Wolfred, Canadian re-
former, 339, 352, 356, 357,
368
Neutral Nation (Attiwanda-
ronks), II 7
Newark (Niagara), 306 ; burned
by American troops, 330
New Brunswick, province of,
5, 6; separated from Nova
Scotia, 302; enters Confedera-
tion, 373, 374, 413
Niagara, falls of, 186
Niagara, Fort, 23.I, 247, 253,
426
Nicolet, Jean, 168, 169
Nipissing, Lake, 8 I, 82 ; Indians
of, ió., II5
Norse voyages to America, IQ,
2O
Northwest Company, 382–385
Northwest of Canada, Io, II ;
history of, 381–40I ; re-
sources and progress of, I I,
392 ; mounted police of, 401 ;
Indians of, rebellions in, 387–
4O2 ; monuments to victims of,
4OO ; government of, 422
Norum bega, 28, 54 ; memorials
of, tà.
Nova Scotia, 5, 6 ; named, 96;
first assembly of, 302 ; enters
Confederation, 373, 374, 413
O
Ocean steamships, 416. See
Aoyal William
Ohio, valley of the, contest for,
223, 229, 230, 242 ; Indian
raids in (Pontiac's war), 273
Oneidas, division of Iroquois
Confederation, I 18. See Iro-
quois
Onondagas, division of Iroquois
Confederation, I 18. See Iro-
quois
Onontio. See Montmagny
Ontario, province of, Io; name
of, ib., 374 ; first known as
Upper or Western Canada,
3O3 ; enters Confederation,
374 -
Oregon boundary question, 375
Orleans, Island of, 36
Oswego (Choueguén), Fort, 222,
227
Ottawa River, 78
Otter, Colonel, 397
Ouigoudi (St. John's River, N.
B.), 53
P
Papineau, Louis J., Canadian
reformer, 339; career of, 339,
351, 352, 357, 368; portrait
of, 34I
Paris, Treaty of, 264, 265
Parker, Gilbert, Canadian au-
thor, 419
Parliament ; House at Quebec, in
I792, 305 ; at Newark, 306,
307; burned at Montreal in
I849, 37O ; view of, at Ottawa,
421 ; constitution of Cana-
dian, 422 -
Peltrie, Madame de la, 131, 132
Pemaquid, Fort, 213
Pepperrell, General, 215, 216
A60
JAV/)AX.
Perrot, Nicholas, 176, 177
Phips, Admiral, attacks Quebec,
I99–2OI
Pitt (Chatham), 240, 24I
Poets of English Canada, 419 ;
of French Canada, 441
Pontgravé, 43, 49
Pontiac, Ottawa chief, 270, 271;
his war against English, 271-
274 ; death of, 274
Population of Canada; (in 1757),
225; (1792), 303 ; (1812), 32O;
(1838), 358; (1861), 366; (1896),
4I5 ; French population, 358,
4I5
Port Royal, founded, 52, 54 ;
destroyed by Argall, 64; re-
stored,99; taken by Nicholson,
2O6 ; called Annapolis Royal,
76. , its present aspect, 52
Pouchot, 247
Poundmaker, Indian chief, 395,
398
Poutrincourt, Baron de, founds
Port Royal, 54 ; career of, in
America, 53–61 ; death of, 66
Prescott Gate, 305, 307
Presqu’isle (Erie), 223, 247
Prevost, General, Canadian gov-
ernor, military incapacity of,
325, 332
Prince Edward Island (St. Jean),
5, 243, 244 ; separated from
Nova Scotia, 3O2; enters Con-
federation, 403. See Charlotte-
town
Princess Louise, her interest in
Canadian art, 420
Privy Council. See Judicial
Committee
Proclamation of 1763, 274, 275
Procter, General, 324, 237
Protection in Canada, 407
Q
Quebec Act of I774, 276-279
Quebec, city of, I-3; named,
70; founded, 70; taken by
Kirk, 88; besieged by Phips,
I99–201; by Wolfe, 24.8—257;
plan of siege of I759, 25I ;
surrender of, 258; besieged
by Lévis, 262 ; by Arnold and
Montgomery, 284–286 ; view
of, in 1760, 27O ; in 1896, 426.
See Château St. Louis
Quebec Conference of 1864,
Confederation proposed, 372
Quebec, province of, 8, 9; enters
Confederation, 374
Queylus, Abbé, I57, I58
R
Radisson, Sieur, I7
Railways in Canada, 366, 367,
418
Rale, Sebastian, missionary in
Acadia, 212
Ramesay, M. de, in Acadia, 219;
surrenders Quebec, 258
Razilly, Isaac de, in Acadia,
97–99 t
Reade, John, Canadian author,
4I9
Rebellion Losses, Riots of 1849,
369, 37O
Rebellions in Canada ; of 1837–
38, in Lower Canada, 338-343,
351, 353–357; in Upper Can-
ada, 344–35 I, 352–355; in the
Northwest (1869), 387–392 ;
(1885), 393-400
Reciprocity Treaty, 376
Recollets or Franciscans, 80, 81,
89
Red River settlement (Assini-
boia), 384–387 ; insurrection
at (1869–70), 387–392. See
Riel
Responsible Government in Can-
ada, 361-365 ; in Nova Scotia,
362-364; in New Brunswick,
364; in P. F. Island, ib. , in
British Columbia, 405; fa-
mous advocates of, 364, 365
Revolution, American. See
American Revolution
JAVADA. Y.
461
Richardson, Major, Canadian
author, 27 I, 419
Richelieu, Cardinal, 86
Richelieu River, 72, 73
Riel, Louis, rebels against Can-
da in 1869–70, 388 ; in I885,
393-40O ; execution of, 379
Roberts, C. G. D., Canadian
poet, 4 IQ
Roberval, Jean François de la
Roque, 45, 46
Robinson, Chief Justice, 344
Robinson, Christopher, 298
Roche, Marquis de la, 47
Rogers, Major Robert, 269
Rolph, Dr. John, Canadian re-
former, 353
Roman Catholics of Canada, freed
from civil disabilities, 278 ;
number of (1896), 415
Royal Society of Canada, 418
Aoyal William, first steamship
to cross Atlantic, 358
Rupert's Land, 381 ; history of,
under fur traders, 381–386 ;
part of Dominion, 387. See
Northwest of Canada
Ryerson, Egerton, 350, 368
Ryswick, Treaty of, 204
S
St. Alban's Bank, raid on, 377
Saint-Castin, Baron de, in Aca-
dia, I7I, I/2 -
St. Croix, Island of, in Acadia,
53, 54.
St. Croix River, 36
St. Foy, Battle of, 262
St. Ignace, mission of, attacked
by Iroquois, I42
St. John River, 53 ; La Tour's
fort on, 99, IO3
St. Joseph, mission of, attacked
by Iroquois, I42
St. Lawrence River, discovery of
34, 35 ; valley of, 8 ; moun-
tains of, ió.
St. Louis, Château. See Château
St. Louis
Saint-Lusson,
West, 177
St. Pierre and Miquelon, Isles
of, 266
St. Sacrement,
George), I37
Ste. Anne de Beaupré, Canadian
Lourdes, 432, 433 ; view of
church at, 433 .
Ste. Marie, Jesuit mission, 141,
I43, I45
Saguenay River, 35
Salaberry, Colonel de, at Cha-
teauguay, 328; portrait of,
Sieur, in the
Lac du (Lake
329
Salle, Sieur de la, in the West,
183—188 ; on the Mississippi,
I88, I89 ; assassination of,
I90 ; autograph and portrait
of, I85
‘‘Sam Slick.” See Haliburton
San Juan difficulty, 375
Saskatchewan River, Riel's re-
bellion in district of, 393–4oo;
monument On, 40O
Sault-au-Matelot, 286
Sault Ste. Marie, 177, 223
Schools. See Education
Schultz, Dr., at Red River, 390
Science in Canada, eminent
writers, 418, 419
Scott, Duncan Campbell, Cana-
dian poet, 4 IQ
Scott, G. Frederick, Jr., Cana-
dian poet, 419
Scott, Thomas,
Riel, 390, 391
Secord, Laura, her courage, 326
murdered by
Seigniorial Tenure, 87, 165 ;
abolition of, 367
Selkirk, Lord, on the Red
River, 384 ; death of, 385
Selkirk Range, 16, 17
Senate of Canada, 422
Senecas, division of the Iroquois
Confederation, II8. See Iro-
quois
Shirley, General, 231
Sillery, 133
Simcoe, General, lieutenant-
462
MAV/OAX.
governor of Upper Canada,
306, 309-31 I ; portrait of, 31 I
Six Nations. See Iroquois
Smith, Sir Donald, at Red
River, 390
Souriquois. See Micmacs
Stadacona (Quebec), 36
“Starved Rock’ on the Illinois,
189
Stoney Creek, Battle of, 325
Strachan, Bishop, 342, 347; por-
trait of, ió.
Strange, Colonel, 397
Sulpicians in Canada, I33, I36,
I57, I58
Sulte, Benjamin, French Cana-
dian author, 440
Sydenham, Lord.
son, Poulett
See Thom-
T
Taché, Archbishop, 390, 291
Talbot, Thomas, 3 Io
Talon, J. Baptiste, Canadian in-
tendant, I57, 168
Tecumseh, Indian chief, 322,
327
Temple, Sir Thomas, in Acadia,
IO8
Thayendanegea. See
Joseph
Thompson, Sir John, Canadian
premier, 324
Thomson, Poulett (Lord Syden-
ham), Canadian governor, 361,
362
Ticonderoga (Carillon),
222, 248, 426
Tilley, Sir Leonard, Canadian
statesman, a founder of con-
federation, 413
Tobacco Nation (Tionotates),
II 7, I44
Tonty, Henry de (of the copper
hand), 186, 188, 208
Toronto (Fort Rouillé), 222, 247;
first known as York, 309; Uni-
versity of, 347 ; population of,
416
Brant,
Fort,
Tracy, Marquis de, Canadian
viceroy, 152, I55
Trapper, Canadian, I73
Trinity, Cape, 9
Trinity College at
founded, 347
Tupper, Sir Charles, Canadian
statesman, 298, 368 ; a founder
of confederation, 373, 413
Tuscaroras. See Iroquois
U
Union Act of 1840, 361-368
United States, population of, in
I812, 316 ; relations of Canada
with, from 1840 to 1867, 379
Universities of Canada, princi-
pal, 417
University of Toronto, 347
Upper Canada. See Ontario
Upper Canada Gazette, first
Upper Canadian newspaper,
3I5
Ursulines, convent of, I 3 I
Utrecht, Treaty of, 208
Toronto,
V
Varennes, 202
Vaudreuil, Marquis de, Cana-
dian governor, 229 ; at siege
of Quebec, 248, 252, 256; capit-
ulates at Montreal, 264 ; death
of, 268
Verchères, Madelaine de, her
heroism, 202
Vérendryes, the, in the West,
38I ; reach Rockies, 382 ; on
the Red and Assiniboine
Rivers, 384
Verrazano, Giovanni da, 26, 27
Victoria Bridge, 367
Victoires, Notre-Dame des, at
Quebec, 2, 20I, 2O7
Vignau, Nicholas,
Champlain, 77, 78
Ville-Marie. See Montreal
Vinland, Norse discovery, 20
Von Egmond, Colonel, during
rebellion of 1836, 353, 354
deceives
AV/DA, X.
463
W
Walker, Admiral Hovenden, 207
War of 1812–15, causes of, 316,
320 ; patriotism of Canadians
during,320–322; capitulation of
Hull, 322 ; Battle of Queenston
Heights, ió., Procter's victory
over Winchester, 324 ; taking
of York (Toronto), ib., Ameri-
can successes on Niagara fron-
tier in 1813,325; Stoney Creek,
Żó., Mrs. Secord's exploit, 326:
Fitzgibbon's success at De
Ceu's, 326; English defeat on
Lake Erie, 327 ; Procter's de-
feat at Moraviantown, ib.,
Chrystler's farm, 328; Chateau-
guay, 328; American out-
rage at Niagara, 330 ; English
retaliate, 330, 335 ; Riall's
defeat, 331 ; Lundy's Lane,
Žb., Prevost's defeat on Lake
Champlain, and retreat from
Plattsburg, 332 ; naval fights,
334 ; peace, 335 ; effect of, on
Canada, 335, 336 ; conspicu-
ous Canadian actors during,
336, 337 ; monuments of, 333,
336, 337
Washington, George, at
Necessity, 224
Fort
Washington Treaty of 1871, 324
Wetherald, Ethelwyn, Canadian
poetess, 4I9
Whelan, Edward, Canadian
journalist, 406
Willcocks, Joseph, Canadian
agitator, 314, 32O
William Henry, Fort, 222, 238
Williams, Colonel, his gallantry
at Batoche (1885), 397 ; death
of, ib., portrait of, 399
Wilmot, Lemuel A., Canadian
statesman, 364; portrait of,
37 I
Winnipeg, city of, I4, 3I5, 382,
2
Wolfe, General James, 242 ; at
Louisbourg, 242 ; at Quebec,
250–256 ; wins Canada for
England, 256, 257; death of,
257; character of 260 ; monu-
ments to, 259, 261 ; portrait
of, 249
Wolseley, Lord, leads British
forces against Riel in 1870,
39 I
Wyandots (Hurons), 144
Y
York.
See Toronto

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Nelson, and the Naval Supremacy of England. By W. CLARK
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Sir Philip Sidney, and the Chivalry of England. By H. R. Fox-
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John Wyclif, Last of the Schoolmen and First of the English Re-
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Napoleon, Warrior and Ruler, and the Military Supremacy of
Revolutionary France. By W. O'CoxNor MORRIs.
Henry of Navarre, and the Huguenots in France. By P. F. WILLERT,
M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford.
Cicero, and the Fall of the Roman Republic. By J. L. STRACHAN
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Abraham Lincoln, and the Downfall of American Slavery. By
NOAH BROOKS.
Prince Henry (of Portugal) the Navigator, and the Age of Dis-
covery. By C. R. BEAZLEY, Fellow of Merton College, Oxford,
Julian the Philosopher, and the Last Struggle of Paganism against
Christianity. By ALICE GARDNER.
Louis XIV., and the Zenith of the French Monarchy. By ARTHUR
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Charles XII., and the Collapse of the Swedish Empire, 1682–1719.
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Lorenzo de' Medici. By EDWARD ARMSTRONG, M.A.
Jeanne d'Arc. By MRS. OLIPHANT.
Christopher Columbus. By WASHINGTON IRVING.
Robert the Bruce, and the Struggle for Scottish Independence.
By SIR HERBERT MAXWELL, M. P.
Zºo be follozved by :
The Cid Campeador, and the Waning of the Crescent in the West.
By H. BUTLER CLARKE, Windham College, Oxford.
Hannibal, and the Crisis of the Struggle between Carthage and
Rome. By W. O'Connor MoRRIs, author of “Napoleon,” etc.
Moltke, and the Military Supremacy of Germany. By SPENCER
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Cambridge.
Judas Maccabaeus, the Conflict between Hellenism and Hebraism.
By ABRAHAM ISAACs, author of the “Life of the Jews in the Middle
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Hen; V., the English Hero King. By CHARLEs L. KINGSFORD, joint-
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• NEW YORK G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS LONDON
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